Writings of Jerome - Against the Pelagians
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The Principal Works of St. Jerome
Translated by the Hon. W. H. Fremantle, M.A.,
Canon of Canterbury Cathedral and Fellow and Tutor of Balliol College, Oxford,
with the assistance of The Rev. G. Lewis, M.A.,
Of Balliol College, Oxford, Vicar of Dodderhill near Droitwick,
and The Rev. W. G. Martley, M.A.,
Of Balliol College, Oxford.
Under the editorial supervision of Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Church History in the Union Theological Semimary, New York,
and Henry Wace, D.D., Principal of King's College, London
Published in 1892 by Philip Schaff,
New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co.
Against the Pelagians:
Dialogue Between Atticus, a Catholic, and Critobulus, a Heretic.
The anti-Pelagian Dialogue is the last of Jerome's controversial
works, having been written in the year 417, within three years of his
death. It shows no lack of his old vigour, though perhaps something of
the prolixity induced by old age. He looks at the subject more calmly
than those of the previous treatises, mainly because it lay somewhat
outside the track of his own thoughts. He was induced to interest
himself in it by his increasing regard for Augustin, and by the coming
of the young Spaniard, Orosius, in 414, from Augustin to sit at his
feet. Pelagius also had come to Palestine, and, after an investigation
of his tenets, at a small council at Jerusalem, in 415, presided over
by Bishop John, and a second, at Diospolis in 416, had been admitted
to communion. Jerome appears to have taken no part in these
proceedings, and having been at peace with Bishop John for nearly
twenty years, was no doubt unwilling to act against him. But he had
come to look upon Pelagius as infected with the heretical "impiety,"
which he looked upon (i. 28) as far worse than moral evil; and
connected him, as we see from his letter to Ctesiphon (CXXXIII.), with
Origenism and Rufinus; and he brings his great knowledge of Scripture
to bear upon the controversy. He quotes a work of Pelagius, though
giving only the headings, and the numbers of the chapters, up to 100
(i. 26-32); and, though at times his conviction appears weak, and
there are passages (i. 5, ii. 6-30, iii. 1) which give occasion to the
observation that he really, if unconsciously, inclined to the views of
Pelagius, and that he is a "Synergist," not, like Augustin, a thorough
predestinarian, the Dialogue, as a whole, is clear and forms a
substantial contribution to our knowledge. Although its tone is less
violent than that of his ascetic treatises, it appears to have stirred
up the strongest animosity against him. The adherents of Pelagius
attacked and burned the monasteries of Bethlehem, and Jerome himself
only escaped by taking refuge in a tower. His sufferings, and the
interference of Pope Innocentius in his behalf, may be seen by
referring to Letters CXXXV.-CXXXVII., with the introductory notes
prefixed to them.
The following is a summary of the argument: Atticus, the Augustinian,
at once (c. 1) introduces the question: Do you affirm that, as
Pelagius affirms, men can live without sin? Yes, says the Pelagian
Critobulus, but I do not add, as is imputed to us, "without the grace
of God." Indeed, the fact that we have a free will is from grace. Yes,
replies Atticus, but what is this grace? Is it only our original
nature, or is it needed in every act. In every act, is the reply (2);
yet one would hardly say that we cannot mend a pen without grace (3),
for, if so, where is our free will? But, says Atticus (5), the
Scriptures speak of our need of God's aid in everything. In that case,
says Critobulus, the promised reward must be given not to us but to
God, Who works in us. Reverting then to the first point stated,
Atticus asks, does the possibility of sinlessness extend to single
acts, or to the whole life? Certainly to the whole as well as the
part, is the answer. But we wish, or will to be sinless; why then are
we not actually sinless? Because (8) we do not exert our will to the
full. But (9) no one has ever lived without sin. Still, says the
Pelagian, God commands us to be perfect, and he does not command
impossibilities. Job, Zacharias, and Elizabeth are represented as
perfectly righteous. No, it is answered (12), faults are attributed to
each of them. John says, "He that is born of God sinneth not" (13);
yet, "If we say we have no sin we deceive ourselves." The Apostles,
though told to be perfect (14) were not perfect: and St. Paul says
(14a), "I count not myself to have apprehended." Men are called just
and perfect only in comparison of others (16), or because of general
subjection to the will of God (18), or according to their special
characteristics (19), as we may speak of a bishop as excellent in his
office, though he may not fulfil the ideal of the pastoral epistles
(22).
The discussion now turns to the words of Pelagius' book. "All are
ruled by their own will" (27). No; for Christ says, "I came not to do
My own will." "The wicked shall not be spared in the judgment." But we
must distinguish between the impious or heretics who will be destroyed
(28) and Christian sinners who will be forgiven. Some of his sayings
contradict each other or are trifling (29, 30). "The kingdom of heaven
is promised in the Old Testament." Yes, but more fully in the New.
Returning to the first thesis, "That a man can be without sin if he
wills it," the Pelagian says, If things, like desires which arise
spontaneously and have no issue, are reckoned blamable, we charge the
sin on our Maker; to which it is only answered that, though we cannot
understand God's ways, we must not arraign His justice. In the rest of
the book, Atticus alone speaks, going through the Old Testament, and
showing that each of the saints falls into some sin, which, though
done in ignorance or half-consciousness, yet brings condemnation with
it.
Prologue.
1. After writing the [5128] letter to Ctesiphon, in which I replied to
the questions propounded, I received frequent expostulations from the
brethren, who wanted to know why I any longer delayed the promised
work in which I undertook to answer all the subtleties of the
preachers of Impassibility. [5129] For every one knows what was the
contention of the Stoics and Peripatetics, that is, the old Academy,
some of them asserted that the pathe, which we may call emotions, such
as sorrow, joy, hope, fear, can be thoroughly eradicated from the
minds of men; others that their power can be broken, that they can be
governed and restrained, as unmanageable horses are held in check by
peculiar kinds of bits. Their views have been explained by Tully in
the "Tusculan Disputations," and Origen in his "Stromata" endeavours
to blend them with ecclesiastical truth. I pass over Manichæus, [5130]
Priscillianus, [5131] Evagrius of Ibora, Jovinianus, and the heretics
found throughout almost the whole of Syria, who, by a perversion of
the import of their name, are commonly called [5132] Massalians, in
Greek, Euchites, all of whom hold that it is possible for human virtue
and human knowledge to attain perfection, and arrive, I will not say
merely at a likeness to, but an equality with God; and who go the
length of asserting that, when once they have reached the height of
perfection, even sins of thought and ignorance are impossible for
them. And although in my former letter addressed to Ctesiphon and
aimed at their errors, so far as time permitted, I touched upon a few
points in the book which I am now endeavouring to hammer out, I shall
adhere to the method of Socrates. What can be said on both sides shall
be stated; and the truth will thus be clear when both sides express
their opinions. Origen is peculiar in maintaining on the one hand that
it is impossible for human nature to pass through life without sin,
and on the other, that it is possible for a man, when he turns to
better things, to become so strong that he sins no more.
2. I shall add a few words in answer to those who say that I am
writing this work because I am inflamed with envy. I have never spared
heretics, and I have done my best to make the enemies of the Church my
own. [5133] Helvidius wrote against the perpetual virginity of Saint
Mary. Was it envy that led me to answer him, whom I had never seen in
the flesh? [5134] Jovinianus, whose heresy is now being fanned into
flame, and who disturbed the faith of Rome in my absence, was so
devoid of gifts of utterance, and had such a pestilent style that he
was a fitter object for pity than for envy. So far as I could, I
answered him also. [5135] Rufinus did all in his power to circulate
the blasphemies of Origen and the treatise "On First Principles" (Peri
'Archon), not in one city, but throughout the whole world. He even
published the first book of [5136] Eusebius' "Apology for Origen"
under the name of [5137] Pamphilus the martyr, and, as though Origen
had not said enough, [5138] vomited forth a fresh volume on his
behalf. Am I to be accused of envy because I answered him? and was his
eloquence such a rushing torrent as to deter me through fear from
writing or dictating anything in reply? [5139] Palladius, no better
than a villainous slave, tried to impart energy to the same heresy,
and to excite against me fresh prejudice on account of my translation
of the Hebrew. Was I [5140] envious of such distinguished ability and
nobility? Even now the [5141] mystery of iniquity worketh, and every
one chatters about his views: yet I, it seems, am the only one who is
filled with envy at the glory of all the rest; I am so poor a creature
that I envy even those who do not deserve envy. And so, to prove to
all that I do not hate the men but their errors, and that I do not
wish to vilify any one, but rather lament the misfortune of men who
are deceived by knowledge falsely so-called, I have made use of the
names of Atticus and Critobulus in order to express our own views and
those of our opponents. The truth is that all we who hold the Catholic
faith, wish and long that, while the heresy is condemned, the men may
be reformed. At all events, if they will continue in error, the blame
does not attach to us who have written, but to them, since they have
preferred a lie to the truth. And one short answer to our
calumniators, whose curses fall upon their own heads, is this, that
the Manichæan doctrine condemns the nature of man, destroys free will,
and does away with the help of God. And again, that it is manifest
madness for man to speak of himself as being what God alone is. Let us
so walk along the royal road that we turn neither to the right hand
nor to the left; and let us always believe that the eagerness of our
wills is governed by the help of God. Should any one cry out that he
is slandered and boast that he thinks with us; he will then show that
he assents to the true faith, when he openly and sincerely condemns
the opposite views. Otherwise his case will be that described by the
prophet: [5142] "And yet for all this her treacherous sister Judah
hath not returned unto me with her whole heart, but feignedly." It is
a smaller sin to follow evil which you think is good, than not to
venture to defend what you know for certain is good. If we cannot
endure threats, injustice, poverty, how shall we overcome the flames
of Babylon? Let us not lose by hollow peace what we have preserved by
war. I should be sorry to allow my fears to teach me faithlessness,
when Christ has put the true faith in the power of my choice.
Footnotes
[5128] Letter CXXXIII.
[5129] 'Apatheia.
[5130] Priscillian was a Spaniard, who began to propagate his views,
which were a mixture of various heresies, about the year 370. See
Robertson, p. 295 sq., and Note on Jerome, Letter CXXXIII.
[5131] Evagrius Iberita. The name is taken either from a town named
Ibera or Ibora in Pontus, or from the province of Iberia. Jerome, in
the letter to which he refers, styles Evagrius Hyperborita, but this
is thought to be an error for Hyborita. It has been suggested that
Jerome was playing on the word Iberita. He was born in 345. He wrote,
amongst many other works, a treatise Peri apatheias (On
Impassibility), and no doubt Jerome refers to this a few lines above.
He was a zealous champion of Origen. See also Jerome, Letter CXXXIII.
and note.
[5132] The Massalians or Euchites derived their name from their habit
of continual prayer. The words are etymological equivalents
(Massalians, from #L+uZJ to pray). The perversity lay in the
misinterpretation of such texts as Luke xviii. 1, and 1 Thess. v. 17.
[5133] He was a Roman lawyer. His treatise was written about a.d. 383.
See Jerome's treatise against him in this volume.
[5134] See introduction to Jerome's treatise against Jovinianus in
this volume.
[5135] See Rufinus' works, especially the Prolegomena, and Jerome's
controversy with him in vol. iii. of this series.
[5136] That is, Eusebius of Cæsarea (a.d. 267-338), who was called
Pamphilus from his friendship with Pamphilus the martyr.
[5137] Suffered martyrdom a.d. 309. He erected a library at Cæsarea of
30,000 volumes. See Rufinus' Preface to his Apology in this series,
vol. iii., with introductory note.
[5138] See Rufinus on the adulteration of the works of Origen, in this
series, vol. iii. p. 421.
[5139] Palladius, bishop of Hellenopolis, the biographer and trusted
friend of Chrysostom, was born about 367. He visited Bethlehem about
387 and formed a very unfavourable opinion of Jerome. He highly
commended Rufinus. According to Epiphanius, as well as Jerome, he was
tainted with Origenism. Tillemont, however, thinks that another
Palladius may be referred to in these passages. His accounts of Jerome
and Rufinus are given in his "Historia Lausiaca," c. 78 and 118.
[5140] Jerome was accused of envy or ill-will by Palladius. "Tanta
fuit ejus invidia ut ab ea obrueretur virtus doctrinæ. Cum ergo multis
diebus cum eo versatus esset sanctus Posidonius, dicit mihi in aurem,
"Ingenua quidem Paula, quæ ejus curam gerit, præmorietur, liberata ab
ejus invidia. Ut autem arbitror, propter hunc virum non habitabit vir
sanctus in his locis, sed ejus pervadet invidia usque ad proprium
fratrem."--Pallad. Hist. Laus., § 78, cf. § 82.
[5141] 2 Thess. ii. 7.
[5142] Jer. iii. 10.
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