The Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus
Advanced Information
Revised, with Notes, by the Rev. A. C. Zenos, D.D.
Professor of New Testament Exegesis in the Theological
Seminary at Hartford, Conn.
Under the editorial supervision of Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Church History in the Union Theological Semimary, New York,
and Henry Wace, D.D., Principal of King's College, London
Published in 1886 by Philip Schaff,
New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co.
Book IV.
Chapter I.--After Jovian's Death, Valentinian is proclaimed Emperor,
and takes his Brother Valens as Colleague in the Empire; Valentinian
holds the Orthodox Faith, but Valens is an Arian.
The Emperor Jovian having died, as we have said, at Dadastana, in his
own consulate and that of Varronian his son on the 17th of February,
the army leaving Galatia arrived at Nicæa in Bithynia in seven days'
march, and there unanimously proclaimed Valentinian emperor, on the
25th of February, in the same consulate. He was a Pannonian by race, a
native of the city of Cibalis, and being entrusted with a military
command, had displayed great skill in tactics. He was moreover endowed
with such greatness of mind, that he always appeared superior to any
degree of honor he might have attained. As soon as they had created
him emperor, he proceeded forthwith to Constantinople; and thirty days
after his own possession of the imperial dignity, he made his brother
Valens his colleague in the empire. They both professed Christianity,
but did not hold the same Christian creed: for Valentinian respected
the Nicene Creed; but Valens was prepossessed in favor of the Arian
opinions. And this prejudice was caused by his having been baptized by
Eudoxius bishop of Constantinople. Each of them was zealous for the
views of his own party; but when they had attained sovereign power,
they manifested very different dispositions. For previously in the
reign of Julian, when Valentinian was a military tribune, and Valens
held a command in the emperor's guards, they both proved their zeal
for the faith; for being constrained to sacrifice, they chose rather
to give up their military rank than to do so and renounce
Christianity. [569] Julian, however, knowing the necessity of the men
to the state, retained them in their respective places, as did also
Jovian, his successor in the empire. Later on, being invested with
imperial authority, they were in accord in the management of public
affairs, but as regards Christianity, as I have said, they behaved
themselves very differently: for Valentinian while he favored those
who agreed with him in sentiment, offered no violence to the Arians;
but Valens, in his anxiety to promote the Arian cause, grievously
disturbed those who differed from them, as the course of our history
will show. Now at that time Liberius presided over the Roman church;
and at Alexandria Athanasius was bishop of the Homoousians, while
Lucius had been constituted George's successor by the Arians. At
Antioch Euzoïus was at the head of the Arians: but the Homoousians
were divided into two parties, of one of which Paulinus was chief, and
Melitius of the other. Cyril was again constituted over the church at
Jerusalem. The churches at Constantinople were under the government of
Eudoxius, who openly taught the dogmas of Arianism, but the
Homoousians had but one small edifice in the city wherein to hold
their assemblies. Those of the Macedonian heresy who had dissented
from the Acacians at Seleucia, then retained their churches in every
city. Such was the state of ecclesiastical affairs at that time. [570]
Footnotes
[569] Cf. III. 13.
[570] Cf. V. 3.
Chapter II.--Valentinian goes into the West; Valens remains at
Constantinople, and grants the Request of the Macedonians to hold a
Synod, but persecutes the Adherents of the `Homoousion.'
Of the emperors one, i.e. Valentinian, speedily went to the western
parts of the empire; for the exigencies of affairs required his
presence thither: meanwhile Valens, residing at Constantinople, was
addressed by most of the prelates of the Macedonion heresy, requesting
that another Synod might be convened for the correction of the creed.
The emperor supposing they agreed in sentiment with Eudoxius and
Acacius, gave them permission to do so: they therefore made
preparations for assembling in the city of Lampsacus. But Valens
proceeded with the utmost despatch toward Antioch in Syria, fearing
lest the Persians should violate the treaty into which they had
entered for thirty years in the reign of Jovian, and invade the Roman
territories. They however remained quiet; and Valens employed this
season of external tranquillity to prosecute a war of extermination
against all who acknowledged the homoousion. Paulinus their bishop,
because of his eminent piety, he left unmolested. Melitius he punished
with exile: and all the rest, as many as refused to communicate with
Euzoïus, he drove out from the churches in Antioch, and subjected to
various losses and punishments. It is even affirmed that he caused
many to be drowned in the river Orontes, which flows by that city.
Chapter III.--While Valens persecutes the Orthodox Christians in the
East, a Usurper arises at Constantinople named Procopius: and at the
Same Time an Earthquake and Inundation take Place and injure Several
Cities.
While Valens was thus occupied in Syria, there arose a usurper at
Constantinople named Procopius; who having collected a large body of
troops in a very short time, meditated an expedition against the
emperor. This intelligence created extreme solicitude in the emperor's
mind and checked for a while the persecution he had commenced against
all who dared to differ from him in opinion. And while the commotions
of a civil war were painfully anticipated, an earthquake occurred
which did much damage to many cities. The sea also changed its
accustomed boundaries, and overflowed to such an extent in some
places, that vessels might sail where roads had previously existed;
and it retired so much from other places, that the ground became dry.
These events happened in the first consulate of the two emperors.
[571]
Footnotes
[571] 365 a.d.
Chapter IV.--The Macedonians hold a Synod at Lampsacus, during a
Period of Both Secular and Ecclesiastical Agitation; and after
confirming the Antiochian Creed, and anathematizing that promulgated
at Ariminum, they again ratify the Deposition of Acacius and Eudoxius.
While these events were taking place there could be no peace either in
the church or in the state. Now those who had been empowered by the
emperor to hold a council assembled at Lampsacus in the consulate just
mentioned: this was seven years after the council of Seleucia. There,
after confirming the Antiochian Creed, to which they had subscribed at
Seleucia, [572] they anathematized that which had been set forth at
Ariminum [573] by their former associates in opinion. They moreover
again condemned the party of Acacius and Eudoxius, and declared their
deposition to have been just. [574] The civil war which was then
impending prevented Eudoxius bishop of Constantinople from either
gainsaying or revenging these determinations. Wherefore Eleusius
bishop of Cyzicus and his adherents became for a little while the
stronger party; inasmuch as they supported the views of Macedonius,
which although before but obscurely known, acquired great publicity
through the Synod at Lampsacus. This Synod, I think, was the cause of
the increase of the Macedonians in the Hellespont; for Lampsacus is
situated in one of the narrow bays of the Hellespont. Such was the
issue of this council.
Footnotes
[572] Cf. II. 40.
[573] Cf. II. 37. Six years previous to the point of time reached by
the historian thus far; i.e. 359 a.d.
[574] Cf. II. 40, end.
Chapter V.--Engagement between Valens and Procopius near Nacolia in
Phrygia; after which the Usurper is betrayed by his Chief Officers,
and with them put to Death.
Under the consulate [575] of Gratian and Dagalaïfus in the following
year, the war was begun. For as soon as the usurper Procopius, leaving
Constantinople, began his march at the head of his army toward the
emperor, Valens hastened from Antioch, and came to an engagement with
him near a city of Phrygia, called Nacolia. In the first encounter he
was defeated; but soon after he took Procopius alive, through the
treachery of Agilo and Gomarius, two of his generals, whom he
subjected to the most extraordinary punishments. [576] The traitors he
caused to be executed by being sawn asunder, disregarding the oaths he
had sworn to them. Two trees standing near each other being forcibly
bowed down, one of the usurper's legs was fastened to each of them,
after which the trees being suddenly permitted to recover their erect
position, by their rise rent the tyrant into two parts; and thus torn
apart the usurper perished.
Footnotes
[575] 366 a.d.
[576] Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum, XXVI. ix. 8-10, says that
Florentius and Barchalba, after the fight at Nacolia, delivered
Procopius bound to Valens, and that Procopius was immediately
beheaded, and Florentius and Barchalba soon underwent the same
punishment. Philostorgius also (IX.) relates that Procopius was
beheaded, and that Florentius, who delivered him to Valens, was burnt.
Chapter VI.--After the Death of Procopius Valens constrains those who
composed the Synod, and All Christians, to profess Arianism.
The emperor having thus successfully terminated the conflict,
immediately began to move against the Christians, with the design of
converting every sect to Arianism. But he was especially incensed
against those who had composed the Synod at Lampsacus, not only on
account of their deposition of the Arian bishops, but because they had
anathematized the creed published at Ariminum. On arriving therefore
at Nicomedia in Bithynia, he sent for Eleusius bishop of Cyzicus, who,
as I have before said, [577] closely adhered to the opinions of
Macedonius. Therefore the emperor having convened a council of Arian
bishops, commanded Eleusius to give his assent to their faith. At
first he refused to do so, but on being terrified with threats of
banishment and confiscation of property, he was intimidated and
assented to the Arian belief. Immediately afterwards, however, he
repented; and returning to Cyzicus, bitterly complained in presence of
all the people, asserting that his quiescence was due to violence, and
not of his own choice. He then exhorted them to seek another bishop
for themselves, since he had been compelled to renounce his own
opinion. But the inhabitants of Cyzicus loved and venerated him too
much to think of losing him; they therefore refused to be subject to
any other bishop, nor would they permit him to retire from his own
church: and thus continuing under his oversight, they remained
steadfast in their own heresy.
Footnotes
[577] Cf. II. 38.
Chapter VII.--Eunomius supersedes Eleusius the Macedonian in the See
of Cyzicus, His Origin and Imitation of Aëtius, whose Amanuensis he
had been.
The bishop of Constantinople being informed of these circumstances,
constituted Eunomius bishop of Cyzicus, inasmuch as he was a person
able by his eloquence to win over the minds of the multitude to his
own way of thinking. On his arrival at Cyzicus an imperial edict was
published in which it was ordered that Eleusius should be ejected, and
Eunomius installed in his place. This being carried into effect, those
who attached themselves to Eleusius, after erecting a sacred edifice
without the city, assembled there with him. But enough has been said
of Eleusius: let us now give some account of Eunomius. He had been
secretary to Aëtius, surnamed Atheus, of whom we have before spoken,
[578] and had learnt from conversing with him, to imitate his
sophistical mode of reasoning; being little aware that while
exercising himself in framing fallacious arguments, and in the use of
certain insignificant terms, he was really deceiving himself. This
habit however inflated him with pride, and he fell into blasphemous
heresies, and so became an advocate of the dogmas of Arius, and in
various ways an adversary to the doctrines of truth. And as he had but
a very slender knowledge of the letter of Scripture, he was wholly
unable to enter into the spirit of it. Yet he abounded in words, and
was accustomed to repeat the same thoughts in different terms, without
ever arriving at a clear explanation of what he had proposed to
himself. Of this his seven books On the Apostle's Epistle to the
Romans, on which he bestowed a quantity of vain labor, is a remarkable
proof: for although he has employed an immense number of words in the
attempt to expound it, he has by no means succeeded in apprehending
the scope and object of that epistle. All other works of his extant
are of a similar character, in which he that would take the trouble to
examine them, would find a great scarcity of sense, amidst a profusion
of verbiage. This Eunomius Eudoxius promoted to the see of Cyzicus;
[579] who being come thither, astonished his auditors by the
extraordinary display of his `dialectic' art, and thus a great
sensation was produced at Cyzicus. At length the people unable to
endure any longer the empty and assumptions parade of his language,
drove him out of their city. He therefore withdrew to Constantinople,
and taking up his abode with Eudoxius, was regarded as a titular [580]
bishop. But lest we should seem to have said these things for the sake
of detraction, let us hear what Eunomius himself has the hardihood to
utter in his sophistical discourses concerning the Deity himself, for
he uses the following language: `God knows no more of his own
substance than we do; nor is this more known to him, and less to us:
but whatever we know about the Divine substance, that precisely is
known to God; and on the other hand, whatever he knows, the same also
you will find without any difference in us.' This and many other
similar tedious and absurd fallacies Eunomius was accustomed to draw
up in utter insensibility to his own folly. On what account he
afterwards separated from the Arians, we shall state in its proper
place. [581]
Footnotes
[578] II. 35, end.
[579] Sozom. VI. 8, gives the same account; but Philostorgius (V. 3)
and Theodoret (H. E. II. 37 and 39) say that Eunomius was made bishop
of Cyzicus under the Emperor Constantius immediately after the Synod
of Seleucia. He was banished by Valens because he favored the usurper
Procopius.
[580] scholaios, defined by Sophocles (Greek Lexicon of the Rom. and
Byzantine Periods) as suspended. It appears, however, that among the
civil and military officers in the Roman system there were some who
bore the title without being concerned in the management of their
offices, and that these were termed vacantes and therefore that
Socrates is using the Greek equivalent of a Latin term and applying it
in ecclesiastical matters as its original was applied in civil and
military affairs. Cf., on the position of bishops without churches
Bingham, Christ. Antiq. IV. ii. 14. This system of clerics without
charges was abused so much that the Council of Chalcedon (Canon 6)
forbade further ordination sine titulo.
[581] See chap. 3, and on the Eunomians with their subsequent
fortunes, V. 24.
Chapter VIII.--Of the Oracle found inscribed an a Stone, when the
Walls of Chalcedon were demolished by Order of the Emperor Valens.
An order was issued by the emperor that the walls of Chalcedon, a city
opposite to Byzantium, should be demolished: for he had sworn to do
this, after he should have conquered the usurper, because the
Chalcedonians had sided with the usurper, and had used insulting
language toward Valens, [582] and shut their gates against him as he
passed by their city. In consequence of the imperial decree,
therefore, the walls were razed and the stones were conveyed to
Constantinople to serve for the formation of the public baths which
are called Constantianæ. [583] On one of these stones an oracle was
found engraven, which had lain concealed for a long time, in which it
was predicted that when the city should be supplied with abundance of
water, then should the wall serve for a bath; and that innumerable
hordes of barbarous nations having overrun the provinces of the Roman
empire, and done a great deal of mischief, should themselves at length
be destroyed. We shall here insert this oracle for the gratification
of the studious: [584]
`When nymphs their mystic dance with wat'ry feet
Shall tread through proud Byzantium's stately street;
When rage the city wall shall overthrow,
Whose stones to fence a bathing-place shall go:
Then savage lands shall send forth myriad swarms,
Adorned with golden locks aud burnished arms,
That having Ister's silver streams o'erpast,
Shall Scythian fields and Moesia's meadows waste.
But when with conquest flushed they enter Thrace,
Fate shall assign them there a burial-place.'
Such was the prophecy. And indeed it afterwards happened, that when
Valens by building an aqueduct supplied Constantinople with abundance
of water, the barbarous nations made various irruptions, as we shall
hereafter see. But it happened that some explained the prediction
otherwise. For when that aqueduct was completed, Clearchus the prefect
of the city built a stately bath, to which the name of `the Plentiful
Water' [585] was given, in that which is now called the Forum of
Theodosius: on which account the people celebrated a festival with
great rejoicings, whereby there was, say they, an accomplishment of
those words of the oracle,
`their mystic dance with wat'ry feet
Shall tread through proud Byzantium's stately street.'
But the completion of the prophecy took place afterwards. While the
demolition was in progress the Constantinopolitans besought the
emperor to suspend the destruction of the walls; and the inhabitants
of Nicomedia and Nicæa sending from Bithynia to Constantinople, made
the same request. But the emperor being exceedingly exasperated
against the Chalcedonians, was with difficulty prevailed upon to
listen to these petitions in their favor: but that he might perform
his oath, he commanded that the walls should be pulled down, while at
the same time the breaches should be repaired by being filled up with
other small stones. Whence it is that in the present day one may see
in certain parts of the wall very inferior materials laid upon
prodigiously large stones, forming those unsightly patches which were
made on that occasion. So much will be sufficient on the walls of
Chalcedon.
Footnotes
[582] Ammianus Marcellinus (Rerum Gestarum XXVI. viii. 2 seq.) says,
`From the walls of Chalcedon they uttered reproaches to him and
insultingly reviled him as Sabaiarius. For, sabaia is a poor drink
made of wheat or barley in Illyricum (whence Valens came).' On the
Pannonian or Illyrian origin of Valens, see IV. I. It appears also
that the Pannonians were accustomed to live on poor diet in general.
[583] Sozom. VIII. 21, mentions these baths. Am. Marcellinus (Rerum.
Gestarum, XXXI. I. 4) relates that Valens built a bath out of the
stones of the walls of Chalcedon. So also Themist. Orat. Decen. ad
Valentem, and Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. 25; the latter calls it a
`subterraneous and aerial river.' Zonaras and Cedrenus, however,
affirm that the structure built was not a bath, but an aqueduct. Cf.
Cedrenus, I. 543 (p. 310, B).
[584] Cedrenus, I. 543 (p. 310, B).
[585] Dapsiles hudor.
Chapter IX.--Valens persecutes the Novatians, because they accepted
the Orthodox Faith.
The emperor however did not cease his persecution of those who
embraced the doctrine of the homoousion, but drove them away from
Constantinople: and as the Novatians acknowledged the same faith, they
also were subjected to similar treatment. He commanded that their
churches should be shut up, also their bishop they sent into exile.
His name was Agelius, a person that had presided over their churches
from the time of Constantine, and had led an apostolic life: for he
always walked barefoot, and used but one coat, observing the
injunction of the gospel. [586] But the emperor's displeasure against
this sect was moderated by the efforts of a pious and eloquent man
named Marcian, who had formerly been in military service at the
imperial palace, but was at that time a presbyter in the Novatian
church, and taught Anastasia and Carosa, the emperor's daughters,
grammar; from the former of whom the public baths yet standing, which
Valens erected at Constantinople, were named. [587] From respect for
this person therefore the Novatian churches which had been for some
time closed, were again opened. The Arians however would not suffer
this people to remain undisturbed, for they disliked them on account
of the sympathy and love the Novatians manifested toward the
Homoousians, with whom they agreed in sentiment. Such was the state of
affairs at that time. We may here remark that the war against the
usurper Procopius was terminated about the end of May, in the
consulate [588] of Gratian and Dagalaïfus.
Footnotes
[586] Matt. x. 10.
[587] Am. Marcellinus (Rerum Gestarum, XXVI. 4. 14), in speaking of
Procopius, the usurper, says: `Procopius...resorted to the Anastasian
baths, named from the sister of Constantine'; from which it appears
that either (1) there were two baths of the same name, or (2) the
baths here alluded to were named after Constantine's sister and
renamed on the occasion of their being repaired or altered, or (3)
that Socrates is in error. From the improbabilities connected with (1)
and (2) we may infer that (3) is the right view.
[588] 366 a.d.
Chapter X.--Birth of Valentinian the Younger.
Soon after the conclusion of this war, and under the same consulate,
[589] a son was born to Valentinian, the emperor in the Western parts,
to whom the same name as his father's was given. For Gratian had been
born previously to his becoming emperor.
Footnotes
[589] Sozomen (VI. 10) says the same. There were two Valentinians in
the second generation; one a son of Valens, and another the son of
Valentinian the Elder. According to Idatius' Fasti, it was the former
that was born during the consulate of Gratian and Dagalaifus; so that
Socrates was in error here, confusing perhaps the two younger
Valentinians. Valesius adduces other reasons proving the same, which
it is unnecessary to repeat here.
Chapter XI.--Hail of Extraordinary Size; and Earthquakes in Bithynia
and the Hellespont.
On the 2d of June of the following year, in the consulate [590] of
Lupicin and Jovian, there fell at Constantinople hail of such a size
as would fill a man's hand. Many affirmed that this hail had fallen as
a consequence of the Divine displeasure, because of the emperor's
having banished several persons engaged in the sacred ministry, those,
that is to say, who refused to communicate with Eudoxius. [591] During
the same consulate, on the 24th of August, the emperor Valentinian
proclaimed his son Gratian Augustus. In the next year, [592] when
Valentinian and Valens were a second time consuls, there happened on
the 11th of October, an earthquake in Bithynia which destroyed the
city of Nicæa on the eleventh day of October. This was about twelve
years after Nicomedia had been visited by a similar catastrophe. Soon
afterwards the largest portion of Germa in the Hellespont was reduced
to ruins by another earthquake. Nevertheless no impression was made on
the mind of either Eudoxius the Arian bishop, or the emperor Valens,
by these occurrences; for they did not desist from their relentless
persecution of those who dissented from them in matters of faith.
Meanwhile these convulsions of the earth were regarded as typical of
the disturbances which agitated the churches: for many of the clerical
body were sent into exile, as we have stated; Basil and Gregory alone,
by a special dispensation of Divine Providence, being on account of
their eminent piety exempted from this punishment. The former of these
individuals was bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia; while Gregory
presided over Nazianzus, [593] a little city in the vicinity of
Cæsarea. But we shall have occasion to mention both Basil and Gregory
again in the course of our history. [594]
Footnotes
[590] 367 a.d.
[591] See II. 43.
[592] 368 a.d.
[593] If Socrates means to speak with precision here of the offices
occupied by these men during the year which his narrative has reached
he is mistaken, for Basil became bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia the
year following, and Gregory was made bishop, not of Nazianzus at this
time, but of Sisima. He did not, however, enter on the duties of this
bishopric as he says in his letters.
[594] Chap. 26.
Chapter XII.--The Macedonians, pressed by the Emperor's Violence
toward them, send a Deputation to Liberius Bishop of Rome, and
subscribe the Nicene Creed.
When the maintainers of the `homoousian' doctrine had been thus
severely dealt with, and put to flight, the persecutors began afresh
to harass the Macedonians; who impelled by fear rather than violence,
send deputations to one another from city to city, declaring the
necessity of appealing to the emperor's brother, and also to Liberius
bishop of Rome: and that it was far better for them to embrace their
faith, than to communicate with the party of Eudoxius. They sent for
this purpose Eustathius bishop of Sebastia, who had been several times
deposed, Silvanus of Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus of Castabala in
the same province; charging them to dissent in nothing from Liberius
concerning the faith, but to enter into communion with the Roman
church, and confirm the doctrine of the homoousian. These persons
therefore proceeded to Old Rome, carrying with them the letters of
those who had separated themselves from Acacius at Seleucia. To the
emperor they could not have access, he being occupied in the Gauls
with a war against the Sarmatæ; but they presented their letters to
Liberius. He at first refused to admit them; saying they were of the
Arian faction, and could not possibly be received into communion by
the church, inasmuch as they had rejected the Nicene Creed. To this
they replied that by change of sentiment they had acknowledged the
truth, having long since renounced the Anomoean [595] Creed, and
avowed the Son to be in every way `like the Father': moreover that
they considered the terms `like' (homoios) and homoousios to have
precisely the same import. When they had made this statement, Liberius
demanded of them a written confession of their faith; and they
accordingly presented him a document in which the substance of the
Nicene Creed was inserted. I have not introduced here, because of
their length, the letters from Smyrna, Asia, and from Pisidia,
Isauria, Pamphylia, and Lycia, in all which places they had held
Synods. The written profession which the deputies sent with
Eustathius, delivered to Liberius, is as follows:
`To our Lord, Brother, and fellow-Minister Liberius: Eustathius,
Theophilus, and Silvanus, salutations in the Lord.
`On account of the insane opinion of heretics, who cease not to
introduce occasions of offense into the catholic churches, we being
desirous of checking their career, come forward to express our
approbation of the doctrines recognized the Synod of orthodox bishops
which has been convened at Lampsacus, Smyrna, and various other
places: from which Synod we being constituted a deputation, bring a
letter to your benignity and to all the Italian and Western bishops,
by which we declare that we hold and maintain the catholic faith which
was established in the holy council at Nicæa under the reign of
Constantine of blessed memory, by three hundred and eighteen bishops,
and has hitherto continued entire and unshaken; in which creed the
term homoousios is holily and devoutly employed in opposition to the
pernicious doctrine of Arius. We therefore, together with the
aforesaid persons whom we represent, profess under our own hand, that
we have held, do hold, and will maintain the same faith even unto the
end. We condemn Arius, and his impious doctrine, with his disciples,
and those who agree with his sentiments; as also the same heresy of
Sabellius, [596] the Patripassians, [597] the Marcionites, [598] the
Photinians, [599] the Marcellians, [600] that of Paul of Samosata,
[601] and those who countenance such tenets; in short all the heresies
which are opposed to the aforesaid sacred creed, which was piously and
in a catholic spirit set forth by the holy fathers at Nicæa. But we
especially anathematize that form of the creed which was recited at
the Synod of Ariminum, [602] as altogether contrary to the
before-mentioned creed of the holy Synod of Nicæa, to which the
bishops at Constantinople affixed their signatures, being deceived by
artifice and perjury, by reason of its having been brought from Nice,
[603] a town of Thrace. Our own creed, and that of those whose
delegates we are, is this:
`"We believe in one God the Father Almighty, the Maker of all things
visible and invisible: and in one only-begotten God, the Lord Jesus
Christ, the Son of God; begotten of the Father; that is of the
substance of the Father; God of God, Light of Light, very God of very
God; begotten not made, of the same substance with the Father, through
whom all things were made which are in heaven, and which are upon the
earth: who for us men, and for our salvation, descended, became
incarnate, and was made man; suffered, and rose again the third day;
ascended into the heavens, and will come to judge the living and the
dead. [We believe] also in the Holy Spirit. But the Catholic and
Apostolic Church of God anathematizes those who assert that `there was
a time when he was not,' and `that he was not before he was begotten,'
and that `he was made of things which are not'; or those that say `the
Son of God is of another hypostasis' or `substance than the Father,'
or that `he is mutable, or susceptible of change.'
`"I, Eustathius, bishop of the city of Sebastia, with Theophilus and
Silvanus, delegates of the Synod of Lampsacus, Smyrna, and other
places, have voluntarily subscribed this confession of faith with our
own hands. And if, after the publication of this creed, any one shall
presume to calumniate either us, or those who sent us, let him come
with the letters of your holiness before such orthodox bishops as your
sanctity shall approve of, and bring the matter to an issue with us
before them; and if any charge shall be substantiated, let the guilty
be punished."'
Liberius having securely pledged the delegates by this document,
received them into communion, and afterwards dismissed them with this
letter:
The Letter of Liberius Bishop of Rome, to the Bishops of the
Macedonians.
To our beloved brethren and fellow-ministers, Evethius, Cyril,
Hyperechius, Uranius, Heron, Elpidius, Maximus, Eusebius, Eucarpius,
Heortasius, Neon, Eumathius, Faustinus, Proclinus, Pasinicus,
Arsenius, Severus, Didymion, Brittanius, Callicrates, Dalmatius,
Ædesius, Eustochius, Ambrose, Gelonius, Pardalius, Macedonius, Paul,
Marcellus, Heraclius, Alexander, Adolius, Marcian, Sthenelus, John,
Macer, Charisius, Silvanus, Photinus, Anthony, Aythus, Celsus,
Euphranon, Milesius, Patricius, Severian, Eusebius, Eumolpius,
Athanasius, Diophantus, Menodorus, Diocles, Chrysampelus, Neon,
Eugenius, Eustathius, Callicrates, Arsenius, Eugenius, Martyrius,
Hieracius, Leontius, Philagrius, Lucius, and to all the orthodox
bishops in the East, Liberius bishop of Italy, and the bishops
throughout the West, salutations always in the Lord.
Your letters, beloved brethren, resplendent with the light of faith,
delivered to us by our highly esteemed brethren, the bishops
Eustathius, Silvanus, and Theophilus, brought to us the much
longed-for joy of peace and concord: and this chiefly because they
have demonstrated and assured us that your opinion and sentiments are
in perfect harmony with those both of our insignificance, and also
with those of all the bishops in Italy and the Western parts. We
knowledge this to be the Catholic and Apostolic faith, which until the
time of the Synod at Nicæa had continued unadulterated and unshaken.
This creed your legates have professed that they themselves hold, and
to our great joy have obliterated every vestige and impression of an
injurious suspicion, by attesting it not only in word, but also in
writing. We have deemed it proper to subjoin to these letters a copy
of this their declaration, lest we should leave any pretext to the
heretics for entering into a fresh conspiracy, by which they might
stir up the smouldering embers of their own malice, and according to
their custom, rekindle the flames of discord. Moreover our most
esteemed brethren, Eustathius, Silvanus, and Theophilus, have
professed this also, both that they themselves, and also your love,
have always held, and will maintain unto the last, the creed approved
of at Nicæa by 318 Orthodox Bishops; which contains the perfect truth,
and both confutes and overthrows the whole swarm of heretics. For it
was not of their own will, but by Divine appointment that so great a
number of bishops was collected against the madness of Arius, as
equaled that of those by whose assistance blessed Abraham through
faith destroyed so many thousand of his enemies. [604] This faith
being comprehended in the terms hypostasis and homoousios, like a
strong and impregnable fortress checks and repels all the assaults and
vain machinations of Arian perverseness. Wherefore when all the
Western bishops were assembled at Ariminum, whither the craft of the
Arians had drawn them, in order that either by deceptive persuasions,
or to speak more truly, by the coercion of the secular power, they
might erase, or indirectly revoke what had been introduced into the
creed with so much prudence, their subtlety was not of the least
avail. For almost all those who at Ariminum were either allured into
error, or at that time deceived, have since taken a right view of the
matter; and after anathematizing the exposition of faith set forth by
those who were convened at Ariminum, have subscribed the Catholic and
Apostolic Creed which was promulgated at Nicæa. They have entered into
communion with us, and regard the dogma of Arius and his disciples
with increased aversion, and are even indignant against it. Of which
fact when the legates of your love saw the indubitable evidences, they
annexed yourselves to their own subscription; anathematizing Arius,
and what was transacted at Ariminum against the creed ratified at
Nicæa, to which even you yourselves, beguiled by perjury, were induced
to subscribe. Whence it appeared suitable to us to write to your love,
and to accede to your just request, especially since we are assured by
the profession of your legates that the Eastern bishops have recovered
their senses, and now concur in opinion with the orthodox of the West.
We further give you to understand, lest ye should be ignorant of it,
that the blasphemies of the Synod of Ariminum have been anathematized
by those who seem to have been at that time deceived by fraud, and
that all have acknowledged the Nicene Creed. It is fit therefore that
it should be made generally known by you that such as have had their
faith vitiated by violence or guile, may now emerge from heretical
darkness into the Divine light of catholic liberty. Moreover whosoever
of them, after this council, shall not disgorge the poison of corrupt
doctrine, by abjuring all the blasphemies of Arius, and anathematizing
them, let them know that they are themselves, together with Arius and
his disciples and the rest of the serpents, whether Sabellians,
Patripassians, or the followers of any other heresy, dissevered and
excommunicated from the assemblies of the Church, which does not admit
of illegitimate children. May God preserve you steadfast, beloved
brethren.
When the adherents of Eustathius had received this letter, they
proceeded to Sicily, where they caused a Synod of Sicilian bishops to
be convened, and in their presence avowed the homoousian faith, and
professed their adherence to the Nicene Creed: then having received
from them also a letter to the same effect as the preceding, they
returned to those who had sent them. They on their part, on the
receipt of the letters of Liberius, sent delegates from city to city
to the prominent supporters of the doctrine of the homoousion,
exhorting them to assemble simultaneously at Tarsus in Cilicia, in
order to confirm the Nicene Creed, and terminate all the contentions
which had subsequently arisen. And indeed this would probably have
been accomplished had not the Arian bishop, Eudoxius, who at that time
possessed great influence with the emperor, thwarted their purpose;
for on learning of the Synod that had been summoned to meet [at
Tarsus], he became so exasperated that he redoubled his persecution
against them. That the Macedonians by sending legates to Liberius were
admitted to communion with him, and professed the Nicene Creed, is
attested by Sabinus himself, in his Collection of Synodical
Transactions.
Footnotes
[595] See II. 35, and Hefele, Hist. of the Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p.
218 seq.
[596] See I. 5, and note.
[597] The Patripassians were a sect of the early Church (end of second
century), who asserted the identity of the Son with the Father. And,
as on being confronted with the question whether it was the Father
that suffered on the cross they answered in the affirmative, they were
called Patripassians. Their leader was Praxeas. See Tertull. Adv.
Praxeam (the whole treatise is meant to be a refutation of this
heresy).
[598] Followers of the well-known Gnostic leader of the second
century. For his peculiar views, see Tertull. Adv. Marcionem; Epiphan.
Hæres. XLII.; also Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog., under
Marcion, and ecclesiastical histories.
[599] Cf. II. 18 and 29.
[600] Cf. I. 36; II. 20.
[601] See note, I. 36.
[602] See II. 37.
[603] See II. 37. As it appears from V. 4, Liberius was actually
deceived by the artifice.
[604] Gen. xiv. 14.
Chapter XIII.--Eunomius separates from Eudoxius; a Disturbance is
raised at Alexandria by Eudoxius, and Athanasius flees into Voluntary
Exile again, but in Consequence of the Clamors of the People the
Emperor recalls and re-establishes him in his See.
About the same time Eunomius [605] separated himself from Eudoxius,
and held assemblies apart, because after he had repeatedly entreated
that his preceptor Aëtius might be received into communion, Eudoxius
continued to oppose it. Now Eudoxius did this against his preference,
for he did not reject the opinion with Aëtius since it was the same as
his own; [606] but he yielded to the prevailing sentiment of his own
party, who objected to Aëtius as heterodox. This was the cause of the
division between Eunomius and Eudoxius, and such was the state of
things at Constantinople. But the church at Alexandria was disturbed
by an edict of the prætorian prefects, sent hither by means of
Eudoxius. Whereupon Athanasius, dreading the irrational impetuosity of
the multitude, and fearing lest he should be regarded as the author of
the excesses that might be committed, concealed himself for four
entire months in an ancestral tomb. Inasmuch however as the people, on
account of their affection for him, became seditious in impatience of
his absence, the emperor, on ascertaining that on this account
agitation prevailed at Alexandria, ordered by his letters that
Athanasius should be suffered to preside over the churches without
molestation; and this was the reason why the Alexandrian church
enjoyed tranquillity until the death of Athanasius. How the Arian
faction became possessed of the churches after his decease, we shall
unfold in the course of our history. [607]
Footnotes
[605] Eunomius adopted the standpoint and also the views of Aëtius and
gave them his own name. Briefly his fundamental principle was that the
Son is absolutely unlike the Father in substance, and hence a creature
among other creatures, a mere man.
[606] See II. 35.
[607] Cf. chap. 21.
Chapter XIV.--The Arians ordain Demophilus after the Death of Eudoxius
at Constantinople; but the Orthodox Party constitute Evagrius his
Successor.
The Emperor Valens leaving Constantinople again set out towards
Antioch; but on his arrival at Nicomedia, a city of Bithynia, his
progress was arrested by the following circumstances. Eudoxius the
bishop of the Arian church who has been in possession of the seat of
the Constantinopolitan church for nineteen [608] years, died soon
after the emperor's departure from that city, in the third consulate
[609] of Valentinian and Valens. The Arians therefore appointed
Demophilus to succeed him; but the Homoousians considering that an
opportunity was afforded them, elected a certain Evagrius, a person
who maintained their own principles; and Eustathius, who had been
bishop of Antioch, formally ordained him. He had been recalled from
exile by Jovian, and had at this time privately come to
Constantinople, for the purpose of confirming the adherents to the
doctrine of the homoousion.
Footnotes
[608] Epiphanius Scholasticus reads dekaena for dekaennea ; if he be
followed, the incumbency of the bishopric of Constantinople by
Eudoxius lasted seven years.
[609] 370 a.d.
Chapter XV.--The Emperor banishes Evagrius and Eustathius. The Arians
persecute the Orthodox.
When this had been accomplished the Arians renewed their persecution
of the Homoousians: and the emperor was very soon informed of what had
taken place, and apprehending the subversion of the city in
consequence of some popular tumult, immediately sent troops from
Nicomedia to Constantinople; ordering that both he who had been
ordained, and the one who had ordained him, should be apprehended and
sent into exile in different regions. Eustathius therefore was
banished to Bizya a city of Thrace; and Evagrius was conveyed to
another place. After this the Arians, becoming bolder, grievously
harassed the orthodox party, frequently beating them, reviling them,
causing them to be imprisoned, and fined; in short they practiced
distressing and intolerable annoyances against them. The sufferers
were induced to appeal to the emperor for protection against their
adversaries if haply they might obtain some relief from this
oppression. But whatever hope of redress they might have cherished
from this quarter, was altogether frustrated, inasmuch as they thus
merely spread their grievances before him who was the very author of
them.
Chapter XVI.--Certain Presbyters burnt in a Ship by Order of Valens.
Famine in Phrygia.
Certain pious men of the clerical order, eighty in number, among whom
Urbanus, Theodore, and Menedemus were the leaders, proceeded to
Nicomedia, and there presented to the emperor a supplicatory petition,
informing him and complaining of the ill-usage to which they had been
subjected. The emperor was filled with wrath; but dissembled his
displeasure in their presence, and gave Modestus the prefect a secret
order to apprehend these persons, and put them to death. The manner in
which they were destroyed being unusual, deserves to be recorded. The
prefect fearing that he should excite the populace to a seditious
movement against himself, if he attempted the public execution of so
many, pretended to send the men away into exile. Accordingly as they
received the intelligence of their destiny with great firmness of mind
the prefect ordered that they should be embarked as if to be conveyed
to their several places of banishment, having meanwhile enjoined on
the sailors to set the vessel on fire, as soon as they reached the mid
sea, that their victims being so destroyed, might even be deprived of
burial. This injunction was obeyed; for when they arrived at the
middle of the Astacian Gulf, the crew set fire to the ship, and then
took refuge in a small barque which followed them, and so escaped.
Meanwhile it came to pass that a strong easterly wind blew, and the
burning ship was roughly driven but moved faster and was preserved
until it reached a port named Dacidizus, where it was utterly consumed
together with the men who were shut up in it. Many have asserted that
this impious deed was not suffered to go unpunished: for there
immediately after arose so great a famine throughout all Phrygia, that
a large proportion of the inhabitants were obliged to abandon their
country for a time, and betake themselves some to Constantinople and
some to other provinces. For Constantinople, notwithstanding the vast
population it supplies, yet always abounds with the necessaries of
life, all manner of provisions being imported into it by sea from
various regions; and the Euxine which lies near it, furnishes it with
wheat to any extent it may require. [610]
Footnotes
[610] Cf. Herodot. VII. 147.
Chapter XVII.--The Emperor Valens, while at Antioch, again persecutes
the Adherents of the `Homoousion.'
The Emperor Valens, little affected by the calamities resulting from
the famine, went to Antioch in Syria, and during his residence there
cruelly persecuted such as would not embrace Arianism. For not content
with ejecting out of almost all the churches of the East those who
maintained the `homoousian' opinion, he inflicted on them various
punishments besides. He destroyed a greater number even than before,
delivering them up to many different kinds of death, but especially
drowning in the river.
Chapter XVIII.--Events at Edessa: Constancy of the Devout Citizens,
and Courage of a Pious Woman.
But we must here mention certain circumstances that occurred at Edessa
in Mesopotamia. There is in that city a magnificent church [611]
dedicated to St. Thomas the Apostle, wherein, on account of the
sanctity of the place, religious assemblies are incessantly held. The
Emperor Valens wishing to inspect this edifice, and having learnt that
all who usually congregated there were opposed to the heresy which he
favored, he is said to have struck the prefect with his own hand,
because he had neglected to expel them thence also. As the prefect
after submitting to this ignominy, was most unwillingly constrained to
subserve the emperor's indignation against them,--for he did not
desire to effect the slaughter of so great a number of persons,--he
privately suggested that no one should be found there. But no one gave
heed either to his admonitions or to his menaces; for on the following
day they all crowded to the church. [612] And when the prefect was
going towards it with a large military force in order to satisfy the
emperor's rage, a poor woman leading her own little child by the hand
hurried hastily by, on her way to the church, breaking through the
ranks of the prefect's company of soldiers. The prefect irritated at
this, ordered her to be brought to him, and thus addressed her:
`Wretched woman! whither are you running in so disorderly a manner?'
She replied, `To the same place that others are hastening.' `Have you
not heard,' said he, `that the prefect is about to put to death all
that shall be found there?' `Yes,' said the woman, `and therefore I
hasten that I may be found there.' `And whither are you dragging that
little child?' said the prefect: the woman answered, `That he also may
be made worthy of martyrdom.' [613] The prefect on hearing these
things, conjecturing that a similar resolution actuated the others who
were assembled there, immediately went back to the emperor, and
informed him that all were ready to die in behalf of their own faith.
He added that it would be preposterous to destroy so many persons at
one time, and thus persuaded the emperor to control his wrath. In this
way were the Edessenes preserved from being massacred by order of
their sovereign.
Footnotes
[611] The kind of church here meant was a memorial structure to a
martyr, erected where his relics were deposited, and was called
Marturion . See Bingham, Christ. Antiq. VIII. 1.
[612] The same church which above was called a marturion from its
origin, is here called eukterios topos, from its use (`a place of
prayer').
[613] Gibbon, in his Decline and Fall, chap. 16, quotes a number of
extracts from Sulpicius Severus and Ignatius, showing the honor in
which martyrdom was held in the early church, and the eagerness with
which it was sought. To check the excess of zeal which was thus
manifested, the Council of Elvira, in 306 a.d., passed a canon (its
sixtieth) to the following intent: `that if any one should overthrow
idols, and should therefore be put to death, inasmuch as this is not
written in the Gospel nor found done among the apostles at any time,
such a one should not be received among the martyrs.'
Chapter XIX.--Slaughter of Many Persons by Valens an Account of their
Names, in Consequence of a Heathen Prediction. [614]
The cruel disposition of the emperor was at this time abused by an
execrable demon, who induced certain curious persons to institute an
inquiry by means of necromancy as to who should succeed Valens on the
throne. To their magical incantations the demon gave responses not
distinct and unequivocal, but as the general practice is, full of
ambiguity; for displaying the four letters q, e, o, and d, he declared
that the name of the successor of Valens began with these; and that it
was a compound name. When the emperor was apprised of this oracle,
instead of committing to God, who alone can penetrate futurity, the
decision of this matter, in contravention of those Christian
principles to which he pretended the most zealous adherence, he put to
death very many persons of whom he had the suspicion that they aimed
at the sovereign power: thus such as were named `Theodore,'
`Theodotus,' `Theodosius,' `Theodulus,' and the like, were sacrificed
to the emperor's fears; and among the rest was Theodosiolus, a very
brave man, descended from a noble family in Spain. Many persons
therefore, to avoid the danger to which they were exposed, changed
their names, giving up those which they had received from their
parents in infancy as dangerous. This will be enough on that subject.
Footnotes
[614] Amm. Marcellinus, Rerum Gertarum, XXIX. I. 29 seq.
Chapter XX.--Death of Athanasius, and Elevation of Peter to His See.
[615]
It must be said that as long as Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, was
alive, the emperor, restrained by the Providence of God, abstained
from molesting Alexandria and Egypt: indeed he knew very well that the
multitude of those who were attached to Athanasius was very great; and
on that account he was careful lest the public affairs should be
hazarded, by the Alexandrians, who are an irritable race, being
excited to sedition. But Athanasius, after being engaged in so many
and such severe conflicts on behalf of the church, departed this life
in the second consulate [616] of Gratian and Probus, having governed
that church amidst the greatest perils forty-six years. He left as his
successor Peter, a devout and eloquent man.
Footnotes
[615] Sozomen, VI. 19; Theodoret, H. E. IV. 20.
[616] 371 a.d. But Jerome Chronic. II. (ninth year of Valens), makes
the consecration of Athanasius' successor in 373 a.d., and hence also
the death of Athanasius himself in the same year. The later date is
now universally accepted.
Chapter XXI.--The Arians are allowed by the Emperor to imprison Peter
and to set Lucius over the See of Alexandria.
Upon this the Arians, emboldened by their knowledge of the emperor's
religious sentiments, again took courage, and without delay informed
him of the circumstance. He was then residing at Antioch. Then indeed
Euzoïus who presided over the Arians of that city, eagerly embracing
the favorable opportunity thus presented, begged permission to go to
Alexandria, for the purpose of putting Lucius the Arian in possession
of the churches there. The emperor acceded to this request, and as
speedily as possible Euzoïus proceeded forthwith to Alexandria,
attended by the imperial troops. Magnus, also, the emperor's
treasurer, went with him. Moreover an imperial mandate had been issued
to Palladius, the governor of Egypt, enjoining him to aid them with a
military force. Wherefore having apprehended Peter, they cast him into
prison; and after dispersing the rest of the clergy, they placed
Lucius in the episcopal chair.
Chapter XXII.--Silence of Sabinus on the Misdeeds of the Arians;
Flight of Peter to Rome; Massacre of the Solitaries at the Instigation
of the Arians.
Of the outrages perpetrated upon the installation of Lucius, and the
treatment of those who were ejected, both in the courts and outside of
the courts, and how some were subjected to a variety of tortures, and
others sent into exile even after this excruciating process, Sabinus
takes not the slightest notice. In fact, being half disposed to
Arianism himself, he purposely veils the atrocities of his friends.
Peter, however, has exposed them, in the letters he addressed to all
the churches, when he had escaped from prison. For this [bishop]
having managed to escape from prison, fled to Damasus, bishop of Rome.
The Arians though not very numerous, becoming thus possessed of the
Alexandrian churches soon after obtained an imperial edict directing
the governor of Egypt to expel not only from Alexandria but even out
of the country, the favorers of the `homoousian' doctrine, and all
such as were obnoxious to Lucius. After this they assailed and
disturbed and terribly harassed the monastic institutions in the
desert; armed men rushed in the most ferocious manner upon those who
were utterly defenceless, and who would not lift an arm to repel their
violence: so that numbers of unresisting victims were in this manner
slaughtered with a degree of wanton cruelty beyond description.
Chapter XXIII.--The Deeds of Some Holy Persons who devoted themselves
to a Solitary Life. [617]
Since I have referred to the monasteries of Egypt, it may be proper
here to give a brief account of them. They were founded probably at a
very early period, but were greatly enlarged and augmented by a devout
man whose name was Ammoun. In his youth this person had an aversion to
matrimony; but when some of his relatives urged him not to contemn
marriage, but to take a wife to himself, he was prevailed upon and was
married. On leading the bride with the customary ceremonies from the
banquet-room to the nuptial couch, after their mutual friends had
withdrawn, he took a book [618] containing the epistles of the
apostles and read to his wife Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians,
explaining to her the apostle's admonitions to married persons. [619]
Adducing many external considerations besides, he descanted on the
inconveniences and discomforts attending matrimonial intercourse, the
pangs of child-bearing, and the trouble and anxiety connected with
rearing a family. He contrasted with all this the advantages of
chastity; described the liberty, and immaculate purity of a life of
continence; and affirmed that virginity places persons in the nearest
relation to the Deity. By these and other arguments of a similar kind,
he persuaded his virgin bride to renounce with him a secular life,
prior to their having any conjugal knowledge of each other. Having
taken this resolution, they retired together to the mountain of
Nitria, and in a hut there inhabited for a short time one common
ascetic apartment, without regarding their difference of sex, being
according to the apostles, `one in Christ.' [620] But not long after,
the recent and unpolluted bride thus addressed Ammoun: `It is
unsuitable,' said she, `for you who practice chastity, to look upon a
woman in so confined a dwelling; let us therefore, if it is agreeable
to you, perform our exercise apart.' This agreement again was
satisfactory to both, and so they separated, and spent the rest of
their lives in abstinence from wine and oil, eating dry bread alone,
sometimes passing over one day, at others fasting two, and sometimes
more. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, asserts in his Life of
Anthony, [621] that the subject of his memoir who was contemporary
with this Ammoun, saw his soul taken up by angels after his decease.
Accordingly, a great number of persons emulated Ammoun's manner of
life, so that by degrees the mountains of Nitria and Scitis were
filled with monks, an account of whose lives would require an express
work. As, however, there were among them persons of eminent piety,
distinguished for their strict discipline and apostolic lives, who
said and did many things worthy of being recorded, I deem it useful to
interweave with my history a few particulars selected out of the great
number for the information of my readers. It is said that Ammoun never
saw himself naked, being accustomed to say that `it became not a monk
to see even his own person exposed.' And when once he wanted to pass a
river, but was unwilling to undress, he besought God to enable him to
cross without his being obliged to break his resolution; and
immediately an angel transported him to the other side of the river.
Another monk named Didymus [622] lived entirely alone to the day of
his death, although he had reached the age of ninety years. Arsenius,
another of them, would not separate young delinquents from communion,
but only those that were advanced in age: `for,' said he, `when a
young person is excommunicated he becomes hardened; but an elderly one
is soon sensible of the misery of excommunication.' Pior was
accustomed to take his food as he walked along. As a certain one asked
him, `Why do you eat thus?' `That I may not seem,' said he, `to make
eating serious business but rather a thing done by the way.' To
another putting the same question he replied, `Lest even in eating my
mind should be sensible of corporeal enjoyment.' Isidore affirmed that
he had not been conscious of sin even in thought for forty years; and
that he had never consented either to lust or anger. Pambos being an
illiterate man went to some one for the purpose of being taught a
psalm; and having heard the first verse of the thirty-eighth psalm, `I
said I will take heed to my ways, that I offend not with my tongue,'
[623] he departed without staying to hear the second verse, saying,
`this one will suffice, if I can practically acquire it.' And when the
person who had given him the verse reproved him because he had not
seen him for the space of six months, he answered that he had not yet
learnt to practice the verse of the psalm. After a considerable lapse
of time, being asked by one of his friends whether he had made himself
master of the verse, his answer was, `I have scarcely succeeded in
accomplishing it during nineteen years.' A certain individual having
placed gold in his hands for distribution to the poor, requested him
to reckon what he had given him. `There is no need of counting,' said
he, `but of integrity of mind.' This same Pambos, at the desire of
Athanasius the bishop, came out of the desert to Alexandria and on
beholding an actress there, he wept. When those present asked him why
he wept, he replied, `Two causes have affected me: one is the
destruction of this woman; the other is that I exert myself less to
please my God than she does to please obscene characters.' Another
said that `a monk who did not work ought to be regarded as on a level
with the covetous man.' Piterus was well-informed in many branches of
natural philosophy, and was accustomed frequently to enter into
expositions of the principles sometimes of one and sometimes of
another department of science, but he always commenced his expositions
with prayer. There were also among the monks of that period, two of
the same name, of great sanctity, each being called Macarius; one of
whom was from Upper Egypt, the other from the city of Alexandria. Both
were celebrated for their ascetic discipline, the purity of their life
and conversation, and the miracles which were wrought by their hands.
The Egyptian Macarius performed so many cures, and cast out so many
devils, that it would require a distinct treatise to record all that
the grace of God enabled him to do. His manner toward those who
resorted to him was austere, yet at the same time calculated to
inspire veneration. The Alexandrian Macarius, while in all respects
resembling his Egyptian namesake, differed from him in this, that he
was always cheerful to his visitors; and by the affability of his
manners led many young men to asceticism. Evagrius [624] became a
disciple of these men, acquired from them the philosophy of deeds,
whereas he had previously known that which consisted in words only. He
was ordained deacon at Constantinople by Gregory of Nazianzus, and
afterwards went with him into Egypt, where he became acquainted with
these eminent persons, and emulated their course of conduct, and
miracles were done by his hands as numerous and important as those of
his preceptors. Books were also composed by him of very valuable
nature, one of which is entitled The Monk, or, On Active Virtue;
another The Gnostic, [625] or, To him who is deemed worthy of
Knowledge: this book is divided into fifty Chapters. A third is
designated Antirrheticus, and contains selections from the Holy
Scriptures against tempting spirits, distributed into eight parts,
according to the number of the arguments. He wrote moreover Six
Hundred Prognostic Problems, and also two compositions in verse, one
addressed To the Monks living in Communities, and the other To the
Virgin. Whoever shall read these productions will be convinced of
their excellence. It will not be out of place here, I conceive, to
subjoin to what has been before stated, a few things mentioned by him
respecting the monks. These are his words: [626]
It becomes us to enquire into the habits of the pious monks who have
preceded us, in order that we may correct ourselves by their example:
for undoubtedly very many excellent things have been said and done by
them. One of them was accustomed to say, that `a drier and not
irregular diet combined with love, would quickly conduct a monk into
the haven of tranquillity.' The same individual freed one of his
brethren from being troubled by apparitions at night, by enjoining him
to minister while fasting to the sick. And being asked why he
prescribed this: `Such affections,' said he, `are by nothing so
effectually dissipated as by the exercise of compassion.' A certain
philosopher of those times coming to Anthony the Just, said to him,
`How can you endure, father, being deprived of the comfort of books?'
`My book, O philosopher,' replied Anthony, `is the nature of things
that are made, and it is present whenever I wish to read the words of
God.' That `chosen vessel,' [627] the aged Egyptian Macarius, asked
me, why the strength of the faculty of memory is impaired by
cherishing the remembrance of injury received from men; while by
remembering those done us by devils it remains uninjured? And when I
hesitated, scarcely knowing what answer to make, and begged him to
account for it: `Because,' said he, `the former is an affection
contrary to nature, and the latter is conformable to the nature of the
mind.' Going on one occasion to the holy father Macarius about
mid-day, and being overcome with the heat and thirst, I begged for
some water to drink: `Content yourself with the shade,' was his reply,
`for many who are now journeying by land, or sailing on the deep, are
deprived even of this.' Discussing with him afterwards the subject of
abstinence, `Take courage, my son,' said he: `for twenty years I have
neither eaten, drunk, nor slept to satiety; my bread has always been
weighed, my water measured, and what little sleep I have had has been
stolen by reclining myself against a wall.' [628] The death of his
father was announced to one of the monks: `Cease your blasphemy,' said
he to the person that told him; `my father is immortal.' One of the
brethren who possessed nothing but a copy of the Gospels, sold it, and
distributed the price in food to the hungry, uttering this memorable
saying--`I have sold the book which says, "Sell that thou hast and
give to the poor."' [629] There is an island about the northern part
of the city of Alexandria, beyond the lake called Maria, where a monk
from Parembole [630] dwells, in high repute among the Gnostics. This
person was accustomed to say, that all the deeds of the monks were
done for one of these five reasons;--on account of God, nature,
custom, necessity, or manual labor. The same also said that there was
only one virtue in nature, but that it assumes various characteristics
according to the dispositions of the soul: just as the light of the
sun is itself without form, but accommodates itself to the figure of
that which receives it. Another of the monks said, `I withdraw myself
from pleasures, in order to cut off the occasions of anger: for I know
that it always contends for pleasures, disturbing my tranquillity of
mind, and unfitting me for the attainment of knowledge.' One of the
aged monks said that `Love knows not how to keep a deposit either of
provisions or money.' He added, `I never remember to have been twice
deceived by the devil in the same thing.' Thus wrote Evagrius in his
book entitled Practice. [631] And in that which he called The Gnostic
he says, `We have learned from Gregory the Just, that there are four
virtues, having distinct characteristics:--prudence and fortitude,
temperance and justice. That it is the province of prudence to
contemplate the sacred and intelligent powers apart from expression,
because these are unfolded by wisdom: of fortitude to adhere to truth
against all opposition, and never to turn aside to that which is
unreal: of temperance to receive seed from the chief husbandman, [632]
but to repel him who would sow over it seed of another kind: and
finally, of justice to adapt discourse to every one, according to
their condition and capacity; stating some things obscurely, others in
a figurative manner, and explaining others clearly for the instruction
of the less intelligent.' That pillar of truth, Basil of Cappadocia,
used to say that `the knowledge which men teach is perfected by
constant study and exercise; but that which proceeds from the grace of
God, by the practice of justice, patience, and mercy.' That the former
indeed is often developed in persons who are still subject to the
passions; whereas the latter is the portion of those only who are
superior to their influence, and who during the season of devotion,
contemplate that peculiar light of the mind which illumines them. That
luminary of the Egyptians, holy Athanasius, assures us `that Moses was
commanded to place the table on the north [633] side. Let the Gnostics
therefore understand what wind is contrary to them, and so nobly
endure every temptation, and minister nourishment with a willing mind
to those who apply to them.' Serapion, the angel of the church of the
Thmuïtae, declared that `the mind is completely purified by drinking
in spiritual knowledge': that `charity cures the inflammatory
tendencies of the soul'; and that `the depraved lusts which spring up
in it are restrained by abstinence.' `Exercise thyself continually,'
said the great and enlightened teacher Didymus, `in reflecting on
providence and judgment; and endeavor to bear in memory the material
of whatever discourses thou mayst have heard on these topics, for
almost all fail in this respect. Thou wilt find reasonings concerning
judgment in the difference of created forms, and the constitution of
the universe: sermons on providence comprehended in those means by
which we are led from vice and ignorance to virtue and knowledge.'
These few extracts from Evagrius we thought it would be appropriate to
insert here. There was another excellent man among the monks, named
Ammonius, who had so little interest in secular matters, that when he
went to Rome with Athanasius, he chose to investigate none of the
magnificent works of that city, contenting himself with examining the
Cathedral of Peter and Paul only. This same Ammonius on being urged to
enter upon the episcopal office, cut off his own right ear, that by
mutilation of his person he might disqualify himself for ordination.
But when long afterwards Evagrius, whom Theophilus, bishop of
Alexandria, wished to make a bishop, having effected his escape
without maiming himself in any way, afterwards happened to meet
Ammonius, and told him jocosely, that he had done wrong in cutting off
his own ear, as he had by that means rendered himself criminal in the
sight of God. To which Ammonius replied, `And do you think, Evagrius,
that you will not be punished, who from self-love have cut out your
own tongue, to avoid the exercise of that gift of utterance which has
been committed to you?' There were at the same time in the monasteries
very many other admirable and devout characters whom it would be too
tedious to enumerate in this place, and besides if we should attempt
to describe the life of each, and the miracles they did by means of
that sanctity with which they were endowed, we should necessarily
digress too far from the object we have in view. Should any one desire
to become acquainted with their history, in reference both to their
deeds and experiences and discourses for the edification of their
auditors, as well as how wild beasts became subject to their
authority, there is a specific treatise [634] as on the subject,
composed by the monk Palladius, who was a disciple of Evagrius, and
gives all these particulars in minute detail. In that work he also
mentions several women, who practiced the same kind of austerities as
the men that have been referred to. Both Evagrius and Palladius
flourished a short time after the death of Valens. We must now return
to the point whence we diverged.
Footnotes
[617] On the growth of the monastic system, see Bingham, Eccl. Antiq.
VII.; on its philosophy, briefly, Bennett, Christian Archæol. p. 468.
Socrates uses Palladius' Historia Lausiaca copiously in this Chapter.
[618] biblion apostolikon . The books of the New Testament came to be
divided into the two classes of `gospels' and `apostolic epistles,'
the first being called euangelion or euangelia and the second,
apostolos, apostoloi or biblion apostolikon . Cf. Epiph. Hær. XLII.
10. Euthal. Diacon. (Ed. Migné, Vol. LXXXV. col. 720, c.
[619] 1 Cor. vii. 10 seq.
[620] Gal. iii. 28. What Socrates here says of Ammoun is attributed by
Theodoret (H. E. IV. 12) to Pelagius, who afterwards became bishop of
Laodicea.
[621] Athanas. Vit. Anton. 60.
[622] Cf. chap. 25.
[623] According to the LXX.
[624] Cf. Palladius, Hist. Lausiaca, chap. 86. But Palladius says that
Evagrius was ordained by Gregory of Nyssa, not of Nazianzus. Cf.
Sozomen, VI. 30.
[625] Palladius calls this work ;;Iera `Sacred [matter].' Hist.
Lausiaca, 86.
[626] Cf. Coteler. Eccl. Gr. Mon. 3. 59, containing also other
fragments of Evagrius.
[627] Acts ix. 15.
[628] Cf. Ezra iv. 10, 11.
[629] Matt. xix. 21.
[630] Parembole is a village near Alexandria, mentioned by Athanasius
in his second Apol. against the Arians, who names Macarius as its
presbyter.
[631] See above, III. 7.
[632] Matt. xiii. 24.
[633] Ex. xxvi. 35.
[634] Hist. Lausiaca(Vol. XXXIV. in Migné's Patrologia Græca).
Chapter XXIV.--Assault upon the Monks, and Banishment of their
Superiors, who exhibit Miraculous Power.
The emperor Valens having issued an edict commanding that the orthodox
should be persecuted both in Alexandria and in the rest of Egypt,
depopulation and ruin to an immense extent immediately followed: some
were dragged before the tribunals, others cast into prison, and many
tortured in various ways, and in fact all sorts of punishments were
inflicted upon persons who aimed only at peace and quiet. When these
outrages had been perpetrated at Alexandria just as Lucius thought
proper, Euzoïus returned to Antioch, and Lucian the Arian, attended by
the commander-in-chief of the army with a considerable body of troops,
immediately proceeded to the monasteries of Egypt, where the general
in person assailed the assemblage of holy men with greater fury even
than the ruthless soldiery. On reaching these solitudes they found the
monks engaged in their customary exercises, praying, healing diseases,
and casting out devils. Yet they, regardless of these extraordinary
evidences of Divine power, suffered them not to continue their solemn
devotions, but drove them out of the oratories by force. Rufinus
declares that he was not only a witness of these cruelties, but also
one of the sufferers. Thus in them were renewed those things which are
spoken of by the apostle: [635] `for they were mocked, and had trial
of scourgings, were stripped naked, put in bonds, stoned, slain with
the sword, went about in the wilderness clad in sheep-skins and
goat-skins, being destitute, afflicted, tormented, of whom the world
was not worthy, wandering in deserts, in mountains, in dens and caves
of the earth.' In all these things `they obtained a good report' for
their faith and their works, and the cures which the grace of Christ
wrought by their hands. But as it appears Divine Providence permitted
them to endure these evils, `having for them provided something
better,' [636] that through their sufferings others might obtain the
salvation of God, and this subsequent events seem to prove. When
therefore these wonderful men proved superior to all the violence
which was exercised toward them, Lucius in despair advised the
military chief to send the fathers of the monks into exile: these were
the Egyptian Macarius, and his namesake of Alexandria, both of whom
were accordingly banished to an island where there was no Christian
inhabitant, and in this island there was an idolatrous temple, and a
priest whom the inhabitants worshiped as a god. On the arrival of
these holy men at the island, the demons of that place were filled
with fear and trepidation. Now it happened at the same time that the
priest's daughter became suddenly possessed by a demon, and began to
act with great fury, and to overturn everything that came in her way;
nor was any force sufficient to restrain her, but she cried with a
loud voice to these saints of God, saying:--`Why are ye come here to
cast us out from hence also?' [637] Then did the men there also
display the peculiar power which they had received through Divine
grace: for having cast out the demon from the maid, and presented her
cured to her father, they led the priest himself, and also all the
inhabitants of the island to the Christian faith. Whereupon they
immediately brake their images in pieces, and changed the form of
their temple into that of a church; and having been baptized, they
joyfully received instruction in the doctrines of Christianity. Thus
these marvelous individuals, after enduring persecution on account of
the `homoousian' faith, were themselves more approved, became the
means of salvation to others, and confirmed the truth.
Footnotes
[635] Heb. xi. 36-38.
[636] Heb. xi. 40.
[637] Matt. viii. 29.
Chapter XXV.--Of Didymus the Blind Man. [638]
About the same period God brought into observation another faithful
person, deeming it worthy that through him faith might be witnessed
unto: this was Didymus, a most admirable and eloquent man, instructed
in all the learning of the age in which he flourished. At a very early
age, when he had scarcely acquired the first elements of learning, he
was attacked by disease in the eyes which deprived him of sight. But
God compensated to him the loss of corporeal vision, by bestowing
increased intellectual acumen. For what he could not learn by seeing,
he was enabled to acquire through the sense of hearing; so that being
from his childhood endowed with excellent abilities, he soon far
surpassed his youthful companions who possessed the keenest sight. He
made himself master of the principles of grammar and rhetoric with
astonishing facility; and proceeded thence to philosophical studies,
dialectics, arithmetic, music, and the various other departments of
knowledge to which his attention was directed; and he so treasured up
in his mind these branches of science, that he was prepared with the
utmost readiness to enter into a discussion of these subjects with
those who had become conversant therewith by reading books. Not only
this, but he was so well acquainted with the Divine oracles contained
in the Old and New Testament that he composed several treatises in
exposition of them, besides three books on the Trinity. He published
also commentaries [639] on Origen's book Of Principles, in which he
commends these writings, saying that they are excellent, and that
those who calumniate their author, and speak slightingly of his works,
are mere cavilers. `For,' says he, `they are destitute of sufficient
penetration to comprehend the profound wisdom of that extraordinary
man.' Those who may desire to form a just idea of the extensive
erudition of Didymus, and the intense ardor of his mind, must peruse
with attention his diversified and elaborate works. It is said that
after Anthony had conversed for some time with this Didymus, long
before the reign of Valens, when he came from the desert to Alexandria
on account of the Arians, perceiving the learning and intelligence of
the man, he said to him, `Didymus, let not the loss of your bodily
eyes distress you: for you are deprived of such eyes merely as are the
common possession of gnats and flies; rather rejoice that you have
eyes such as angels see with, by which the Deity himself is discerned,
and his light comprehended.' This address of the pious Anthony to
Didymus was made long before the times we are describing: in fact
Didymus was then regarded as the great bulwark of the true faith,
answering the Arians, whose sophistic cavilings he fully exposed,
triumphantly refuting all their vain subtleties and deceptive
reasonings.
Footnotes
[638] Sozom. III. 15; Theodoret, IV. 26; Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. 4;
Jerom. de Script. Eccl. 109.
[639] Mentioned by Jerome, adv. Rufinum, 1.
Chapter XXVI.--Of Basil of Cæsarea, and Gregory of Nazianzus. [640]
Now Providence opposed Didymus to the Arians at Alexandria. But for
the purpose of confuting them in other cities, it raised up Basil of
Cæsarea and Gregory of Nazianzus; concerning these it will be
reasonable to give a brief account in this place. Indeed the
universally prevalent memory of the men would be enough as a token of
their fame; and the extent of their knowledge is sufficiently
perceptible in their writings. Since, however, the exercise of their
talents was of great service to the Church, tending in a high degree
to the maintenance of the catholic faith, the nature of my history
obliges me to take particular notice of these two persons. If any one
should compare Basil and Gregory with one another, and consider the
life, morals, and virtues of each, he would find it difficult to
decide to which of them he ought to assign the pre-eminence: so
equally did they both appear to excel, whether you regard the
rectitude of their conduct, or their deep acquaintance with Greek
literature and the sacred Scriptures. In their youth they were pupils
at Athens of Himerius [641] and Prohæresius, [642] the most celebrated
sophists of that age: subsequently they frequented the school of
Libanius [643] at Antioch in Syria, where they cultivated rhetoric to
the utmost. Having been deemed worthy of the profession of sophistry,
they were urged by many of their friends to enter the profession of
teaching eloquence; others would have persuaded them to practice law:
but despising both these pursuits, they abandoned their former
studies, and embraced the monastic life. Having had some slight taste
of philosophical science from him who then taught it at Antioch, they
procured Origen's works, and drew from them the right interpretation
of the sacred Scriptures; for the fame of Origen was very great and
widespread throughout the whole world at that time; after a careful
perusal of the writings of that great man, they contended against the
Arians with manifest advantage. And when the defenders of Arianism
quoted the same author in confirmation, as they imagined, of their own
views, these two confuted them, and clearly proved that their
opponents did not at all understand the reasoning of Origen. Indeed,
although Eunomius, [644] who was then their champion, and many others
on the side of the Arians were considered men of great eloquence, yet
whenever they attempted to enter into controversy with Gregory and
Basil, they appeared in comparison with them ignorant and illiterate.
Basil being ordained to the office of deacon, was by Meletius, bishop
of Antioch, from that rank elevated to the bishopric of Cæsarea in
Cappadocia, which was his native country. Thither he therefore
hastened, fearing lest these Arian dogmas should have infected the
provinces of Pontus; and in order to counteract them, he founded
several monasteries, diligently instructed the people in his own
doctrines, and confirmed the faith of those whose minds were wavering.
Gregory being constituted bishop of Nazianzus, [645] a small city of
Cappadocia over which his own father had before presided, pursued a
course similar to that which Basil took; for he went through the
various cities, and strengthened the weak in faith. To Constantinople
in particular he made frequent visits, and by his ministrations there,
comforted and assured the orthodox believers, wherefore a short time
after, by the suffrage of many bishops, he was made bishop of the
church at Constantinople. When intelligence of the proceedings of
these two zealous and devoted men reached the ears of the emperor
Valens, he immediately ordered Basil to be brought from Cæsarea to
Antioch; [646] where being arraigned before the tribunal of the
prefect, that functionary asked him `why he would not embrace the
emperor's faith?' Basil with much boldness condemned the errors of
that creed which his sovereign countenanced, and vindicated the
doctrine of the homoousion: and when the prefect threatened him with
death, `Would,' said Basil, `that I might be released from the bonds
of the body for the truth's sake.' The prefect having exhorted him to
reconsider the matter more seriously, Basil is reported to have said,
`I am the same to-day that I shall be to-morrow: but I wish that you
had not changed yourself.' At that time, therefore, Basil remained in
custody throughout the day. It happened, however, not long afterwards
that Galates, the emperor's infant son, was attacked with a dangerous
malady, so that the physicians despaired of his recovery; when the
empress Dominica, his mother, assured the emperor that she had been
greatly disquieted in her dreams by fearful visions, which led her to
believe that the child's illness was a chastisement on account of the
ill treatment of the bishop. The emperor after a little reflection
sent for Basil, and in order to prove his faith said to him, `If the
doctrine you maintain is the truth, pray that my son may not die.' `If
your majesty should believe as I do,' replied Basil, `and the church
should be unified, the child shall live.' To these conditions the
emperor would not agree: `God's will concerning the child will be done
then,' said Basil; as Basil said this the emperor ordered him to be
dismissed; the child, however, died shortly after. Such is an epitome
of the history of these distinguished ecclesiastics, both of whom have
left us many admirable works, some of which Rufinus says he has
translated into Latin. Basil had two brothers, Peter and Gregory; the
former of whom adopted Basil's monastic mode of life; while the latter
emulated his eloquence in teaching, and completed after his death
Basil's treatise on the Six Days' Work, which had been left
unfinished. He also pronounced at Constantinople the funeral oration
of Meletius, bishop of Antioch; and many other orations of his are
still extant.
Footnotes
[640] For full accounts of the lives of these eminent men, see Smith
and Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog., and the sources and literature
therein referred to.
[641] Himerius, a native of Prusias (mod. Broussa) in Bithynia,
flourished about 360 a.d. as a sophist under Julian the Apostate. He
published various discourses, which, according to Photius, contained
insidious attacks on Christianity. Cf. Eunapius, p. 153, under title
Prohæresius; Photius, Bibl. Cod. 165.
[642] Prohæresius was a native of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, and taught in
Athens a short time before Libanius. Cf. Eunapius, Prohæresius, par.
129-162.
[643] This is doubted by Valesius on the ground that Gregory in his
autobiography (in verse) says that he was thirty years of age when he
left Athens, where his friends wished him to stay and teach rhetoric;
but if he stayed at Athens until the thirtieth year of his age, it is
not likely that he could have studied with Libanius after that time.
So also Rufinus, H. E. II. 9.
[644] Cf. chap. 7 of the present book.
[645] Rufinus (H. E. II. 9) says this. But from Gregory's own works
(Orat. VIII.) it appears that he was not made bishop of Nazianzus but
assistant to his father, and on the express condition that he should
not succeed his father. He was first consecrated bishop of Sasimi by
Basil the Great, from thence transferred to Constantinople, but
resigned that bishopric (V. 7) and retired to Nazianzus, where he
remained bishop until he chose his successor there.
[646] Sozomen (VI. 16) says that Valens came from Antioch to Cæsarea
and ordered Basil to be brought before the prefect of the prætorium.
This account agrees better with what both Gregory of Nazianzus and
Gregory of Nyssa say of this experience of Basil.
Chapter XXVII.--Of Gregory Thaumaturgus (the Wonder-Worker).
But since from the likeness of the name, and the title of the books
attributed to Gregory, persons are liable to confound very different
parties, it is important to notice that Gregory of Pontus is a
different person. He was a native of Neocæsarea in Pontus, of greater
antiquity than the one above referred to, inasmuch as he was a
disciple of Origen. [647] This Gregory's fame was celebrated at
Athens, at Berytus, throughout the entire diocese of Pontus, and I
might almost add in the whole world. When he had finished his
education in the schools of Athens, he went to Berytus to study civil
law, where hearing that Origen expounded the Holy Scriptures at
Cæsarea, he quickly proceeded thither; and after his understanding had
been opened to perceive the grandeur of these Divine books, bidding
adieu to all further cultivation of the Roman laws, he became
thenceforth inseparable from Origen, from whom having acquired a
knowledge of the true philosophy, he was recalled soon after by his
parents and returned to his own country; and there, while still a
layman, he performed many miracles, healing the sick, and casting out
devils even by his letters, insomuch that the pagans were no less
attracted to the faith by his acts, than by his discourses. Pamphilus
Martyr mentions this person in the books which he wrote in defence of
Origen; to which there is added a commendatory oration of Gregory's,
composed in praise of Origen, when he was under the necessity of
leaving him. There were then, to be brief, several Gregories: the
first and most ancient was the disciple of Origen; the second was the
bishop of Nazianzus; the third was Basil's brother; and there was
another Gregory [648] whom the Arians constituted bishop during the
exile of Athanasius. But enough has been said respecting them.
Footnotes
[647] On Gregory Thaumaturgus in general, see Euseb. H. E. VI. 30.
[648] Cf. II. 11.
Chapter XXVIII.--Of Novatus and his Followers. The Novatians of
Phrygia alter the Time of keeping Easter, following Jewish Usage.
About this time the Novatians [649] inhabiting Phrygia changed the day
for celebrating the Feast of Easter. How this happened I shall state,
after first explaining the reason of the strict discipline which is
maintained in their church, even to the present day, in the provinces
of Phrygia and Paphlagonia. Novatus, [650] a presbyter of the Roman
Church, separated from it, because Cornelius the bishop received into
communion believers who had sacrificed during the persecution which
the Emperor Decius [651] had raised against the Church. Having seceded
on this account, on being afterwards elevated to the episcopacy by
such bishops as entertained similar sentiments, he wrote to all the
churches [652] that `they should not admit to the sacred mysteries
those who had sacrificed; but exhorting them to repentance, leave the
pardoning of their offense to God, who has the power to forgive all
sin.' Receiving such letters, the parties in the various provinces, to
whom they were addressed, acted according to their several
dispositions and judgments. As he asked that they should not receive
to the sacraments those who after baptism had committed any deadly sin
[653] this appeared to some a cruel and merciless course: but others
received the rule as just and conducive to the maintenance of
discipline, and the promotion of greater devotedness of life. In the
midst of the agitation of this question, letters arrived from
Cornelius the bishop, promising indulgence to delinquents after
baptism. Thus as these two persons wrote contrary to one another, and
each confirmed his own procedure by the testimony of the Divine word,
as it usually happens, every one identified himself with that view
which favored his previous habits and inclinations. Those who had
pleasure in sin, encouraged by the license then granted them, took
occasion from it to revel in every species of criminality. Now the
Phrygians appear to be more temperate than other nations, and are
seldom guilty of swearing. The Scythians, on the other hand, and the
Thracians, are naturally of a very irritable disposition: while the
inhabitants of the East are addicted to sensual pleasures. But the
Paphlagonians and Phrygians are prone to neither of these vices; nor
are the sports of the circus and theatrical exhibitions in much
estimation among them even to the present day. And for this reason, it
seems to me, these people, as well as others of the same character, so
readily assented to the letters then written by Novatus. Fornication
and adultery are regarded among them as the grossest enormities: and
it is well known that there is no race of men on the face of the earth
who more rigidly govern their passions in this respect than the
Phrygians and Paphlagonians. The same reason I think had force with
those who dwelt in the West and followed Novatus. Yet although for the
sake of stricter discipline Novatus became a separatist, he made no
change in the time of keeping Easter, [654] but invariably observed
the practice that obtained in the Western churches. For they celebrate
this feast after the equinox, according to the usage which had of old
been delivered to them when first they embraced Christianity. He
himself indeed afterwards suffered martyrdom in the reign of Valerian,
[655] during the persecution which was then raised against the
Christians. But those in Phrygia [656] who are named after him
Novatians, about this period changed the day of celebrating Easter,
being averse to communion with other Christians even on this occasion.
This was effected by means of a few obscure bishops of that sect
convening a Synod at the village of Pazum, which is situated near the
sources of the river Sangarius; for there they framed a canon
appointing its observance on the same day as that on which the Jews
annually keep the feast of Unleavened Bread. An aged man, who was the
son of a presbyter, and had been present with his father at this
Synod, gave us our information on this matter. But both Agelius,
bishop of the Novatians at Constantinople, and Maximus of Nicæa, as
also the bishops of Nicomedia and Cotyæum, were absent, although the
ecclesiastical affairs of the Novatians were for the most part under
the control of these bishops. How the church of the Novatians soon
after was divided into two parties in consequence of this Synod, shall
be related in its proper course: [657] but we must now notice what
took place about the same time in the Western parts.
Footnotes
[649] On the Novatians and their schism, see Schaff, Hist. of the
Christ. Ch. Vol. I. p. 450, 451; Neander, Hist. of Christ. Ch. Vol. I.
p. 237-248. On Socrates' attitude toward Novatianism, see Introd. p.
ix. Cf. also Euseb. H. E. VI. 43.
[650] His right name was Novatian, although the Greek writers call him
uniformly Navatus, ignoring or confusing him with another person whose
name is strictly Novatus. Cf. Jerome, Scriptor. Eccles. LXX.; also
Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog.
[651] This was the great Seventh Persecution, and the first which
historians agree in calling strictly `general.' It took place in
249-251 a.d., and consisted in a systematic effort to uproot
Christianity throughout the empire. Many eminent Christians were put
to death during its course, and others, among whom was Origen, were
tortured. Cf. Origen, Contra Celsum, III.; Gregory of Nyssa, Vita
Gregori Thaumaturg. III.; Euseb. H. E. VI. 40-42.
[652] Cf. I. 10.
[653] 1 John v. 16, 17.
[654] Cf. I. 8 and note.
[655] The accuracy of this statement is disputed by Valesius, who
asserts that the Novatians wrote a book entitled The Martyrdom of
Novatian, but that this book was full of false statements and fables,
and had been disproved by Eulogius, bishop of Alexandria in the sixth
book of his treatise Against the Novatians. Besides, in this Martyrdom
of Novatian the founder of the sect was not represented as suffering
martyrdom, but simply as being a `confessor.' Cf. I. 8, note 12.
[656] Let it be noted that Novatian was a native of Phrygia and
naturally had many followers in that province.
[657] V. 21.
Chapter XXIX.--Damasus ordained Bishop of Rome. Sedition and Loss of
Life caused by the Rivalry of Ursinus.
While the emperor Valentinian governed in peace, and interfered with
no sect, Damasus after Liberius undertook the administration of the
bishopric at Rome; [658] whereupon a great disturbance was caused on
the following account. [659] A certain Ursinus, a deacon of that
church, had been nominated among others when the election of a bishop
took place; as Damasus [660] was preferred, this Ursinus, unable to
bear the disappointment of his hopes, held schismatic assemblies apart
from the church, and even induced certain bishops of little
distinction to ordain him in secret. This ordination was made, not in
a church, [661] but in a retired place called the Palace of Sicine,
whereupon dissension arose among the people; their disagreement being
not about any article of faith or heresy, but simply as to who should
be bishop. Hence frequent conflicts arose, insomuch that many lives
were sacrificed in this contention; and many of the clergy as well as
laity were punished on that account by Maximin, the prefect of the
city. Thus was Ursinus obliged to desist from his pretensions at that
time, and those who were minded to follow him were reduced to order.
Footnotes
[658] Socrates follows Rufinus here (cf. Rufin. H. E. II. 10; but
Jerome, Chronicon, puts the consecration of Damasus as bishop of Rome
in the third year of Valentinian's reign, i.e. in 367. Cf. also
Clinton, Fasti Rom. Ann. 367.
[659] Am. Marcellinus (Rerum Gestarum, XXVII. 3. 12, 13) says that
during the disturbance one hundred and thirty-seven citizens were
killed in the course of a single day.
[660] Damusus was a Spaniard by race, native of Mantua, patron of
Jerome in his biblical researches. Cf. Jerome, ad Damas. Smith and Wace,
Dict. of Christ. Biog.
[661] On the illegality of ordination without a church, see Bingham,
Christ. Antiq. IV. 6. 8. Cf. Gregory Nazianz. Carm. de Vita.
Chapter XXX.--Dissension about a Successor to Auxentius, Bishop of
Milan. Ambrose, Governor of the Province, going to appease the Tumult,
is by General Consent and with the Approval of the Emperor Valentinian
elected to the Bishopric of that Church.
About the same time it happened that [662] another event took place at
Milan well worthy of being recorded. On the death of Auxentius, who
had been ordained bishop of that church by the Arians, the people
again were disturbed respecting the election of a successor; for as
some proposed one person, and others favored another, the city was
full of contention and uproar. In this state of things the governor of
the province, Ambrose by name, [663] who was also of consular dignity,
dreading some catastrophe from the popular excitement, ran into the
church in order to quell the disturbance. As he arrived there and the
people became quiet, he repressed the irrational fury of the multitude
by a long and appropriate address, by urging such motives as they felt
to be right, and all present suddenly came to an unanimous agreement,
crying out `that Ambrose was worthy of the bishopric,' and demanding
his ordination: `for by that means only,' it was alleged, `would the
peace of the church be secured, and all be reunited in the same faith
and judgment.' And inasmuch as such unanimity among the people
appeared to the bishops then present to proceed from some Divine
appointment, immediately they laid hands on Ambrose; and having
baptized him--for he was then but a catechumen--they were about to
invest him with the episcopal office. But although Ambrose willingly
received baptism, he with great earnestness refused to be ordained:
upon which the bishops referred the matter to the Emperor Valentinian.
This prince regarding the universal consent of the people as the work
of God, sent word to the bishops to do the will of God by ordaining
him; declaring that `his choice was by the voice of God rather than by
the votes of men.' Ambrose was therefore ordained; and thus the
inhabitants of Milan who were divided among themselves, were once more
restored to unity.
Footnotes
[662] Synchronization of the events attending the accession of Damasus
and Ambrose, the former in Rome, the latter at Milan, is dependent on
Rufinus. Cf. H. E. II. 11. The events of this Chapter more properly
fall within the time reached by Socrates, i.e. 374 a.d. (see chap. 29,
note 1). Hence rightly seven years later than the events of the
preceding Chapter.
[663] A Roman by race, born in 333 a.d., turned to ecclesiastical and
literary pursuits in the manner described in this Chapter. Cf. Sozom.
VI. 24; Theodoret, H. E. IV. 6; Rufinus, H. E. II. 11.
Chapter XXXI.--Death of Valentinian.
The Sarmatæ after this having made incursions into the Roman
territories, the emperor marched against them with a numerous army but
when the barbarians understood the formidable nature of this
expedition, they sent an embassy to him to sue for peace on certain
conditions. As the ambassadors were introduced to the emperor's
presence, and appeared to him to be not very dignified fellows, he
enquired whether all the Sarmatæ were such as these? As they replied
that the noblest personages of their whole nation had come to him,
Valentinian became excessively enraged, and exclaimed with great
vehemence, that `the Roman empire was indeed most wretched in
devolving upon him at a time when a nation of such despicable
barbarians, not content with being permitted to exist in safety within
their own limits, dared to take up arms, invade the Roman territories,
and break forth into open war.' The violence of his manner and
utterance of these words was so great, that all his veins were opened
by the effort, and all the arteries ruptured; and from the quantity of
blood which thereupon gushed forth he died. This occurred at Bergition
Castle, after Gratian's third consulate [664] in conjunction with
Equitius, on the seventeenth day of November, Valentinian having lived
fifty-four years and reigned thirteen. Upon the decease of
Valentinian, six days after his death the army in Italy proclaimed his
son Valentinian, then a young child, emperor, at Acincum, a city of
Italy. [665] When this was announced to the other two emperors, they
were displeased, not because the brother of the one and the nephew of
the other had been declared emperor, but because the military presumed
to proclaim him without consulting them, whom they themselves wished
to have proclaimed. They both, however, ratified the transaction, and
thus was Valentinian the younger seated on his father's throne. Now
this Valentinian was born of Justina, whom Valentinian the elder
married while Severa his former wife was alive, under the following
circumstances. Justus the father of Justina, who had been governor of
Picenum under the reign of Constantius, had a dream in which he seemed
to himself to bring forth the imperial purple out of his right side.
When this dream had been told to many persons, it at length came to
the knowledge of Constantius, who conjecturing it to be a presage that
a descendant of Justus would become emperor, caused him to be
assassinated. Justina being thus bereft of her father, still continued
a virgin. Some time after she became known to Severa, wife of the
emperor Valentinian, and had frequent intercourse with the empress,
until their intimacy at length grew to such an extent that they were
accustomed to bathe together. When Severa saw Justina in the bath she
was greatly struck with the beauty of the virgin, and spoke of her to
the emperor; saying that the daughter of Justus was so lovely a
creature, and possessed of such symmetry of form, that she herself,
though a woman, was altogether charmed with her. The emperor,
treasuring this description by his wife in his own mind, considered
with himself how he could espouse Justina, without repudiating Severa,
as she had borne him Gratian, whom he had created Augustus a little
while before. He accordingly framed a law, and caused it to be
published throughout all the cities, by which any man was permitted to
have two lawful wives. [666] The law was promulgated and he married
Justina, by whom he had Valentinian the younger, and three daughters,
Justa, Grata, and Galla; the two former of these remained virgins: but
Calla was afterwards married to the emperor Theodosius the Great, who
had by her a daughter named Placidia. For that prince had Arcadius and
Honorius by Flaccilla his former wife: we shall however enter into
particulars respecting Theodosius and his sons in the proper place.
[667]
Footnotes
[664] 375 a.d.
[665] Rather Pannonia.
[666] Baronius (Am. IV. 272) and Valesius in this passage agree in
looking upon this whole story as a groundless fiction which some
pretended eyewitness palmed off on Socrates. The law mentioned here is
never mentioned by any other historian; no vestige of it is found in
any of the codes; on the contrary, according to Bingham (Christ.
Antiq. XVI. 11), bigamy and polygamy were treated with the utmost
severity in the ancient Church, and the Roman law was very much
against them; furthermore, Am. Marcellinus (XXX.) says that
Valentinian was remarkable for his chastity, both at home and abroad,
and Zosimus (IV. 19) that his second wife had been married to
Magnentius previously [and hence was not a virgin as here stated] and
that he married her after the death of his first wife; all of which
considerations taken together render it historically certain that the
story is not true.
[667] Cf. V. 2; VI. 1.
Chapter XXXII.--The Emperor Valens, appeased by the Oration of
Themistius the Philosopher, abates his Persecution of the Christians.
In the meanwhile Valens, making his residence at Antioch, was wholly
undisturbed by foreign wars; for the barbarians on every side
restrained themselves within their own boundaries. Nevertheless, he
himself waged a most cruel war against those who maintained the
`homoousian' doctrine, inflicting on them more grievous punishments
every day; until the philosopher Themistius by his Appealing Oration
[668] somewhat moderated his severity. In this speech he tells the
emperor, `That he ought not to be surprised at the difference of
judgment on religious questions existing among Christians; inasmuch as
that discrepancy was trifling when compared with the multitude of
conflicting opinions current among the heathen; for these amount to
above three hundred; that dissension indeed was an inevitable
consequence of this disagreement; but that God would be the more
glorified by a diversity of sentiment, and the greatness of his
majesty be more venerated, from the fact of its not being easy to have
a knowledge of Him.' The philosopher having said these and similar
things, the emperor became milder, but did not completely give up his
wrath; for although he ceased to put ecclesiastics to death, he
continued to send them into exile, until this fury of his also was
repressed by the following event.
Footnotes
[668] This oration of Themistius is extant in a Latin translation by
Dudithius appended to G. Remo's Themisttii Phil. orationes sex
augustales, and entitled, ad Valentem, pro Libertate relligionis. The
passage alluded to by Socrates is found in Dudithius as follows:
`Wherefore, in regard God has removed himself at the greatest distance
from our knowledge, and does not humble to the capacity of our
understanding; it is a sufficient argument that he does not require
one and the same law and rule of religion from all persons, but leaves
every man a license and faculty concerning himself, according to his
own, not another man's, liberty and choice. Whence it also happens
that a greater admiration of the Deity, and a more religious
veneration of his eternal majesty, is engendered in the minds of men.
For it usually comes to pass that we loathe and disregard those things
which are readily apparent and prostrated to every understanding.'
Chapter XXXIII.--The Goths, under the Reign of Valens, embrace
Christianity.
The barbarians, dwelling beyond the Danube, called the Goths, [669]
having engaged in a civil war among themselves, were divided into two
parties, one of which was headed by Fritigernes, the other by
Athanaric. When the latter had obtained an evident advantage over his
rival, Fritigernes had recourse to the Romans, and implored their
assistance against his adversary. This was reported to the Emperor
Valens, and he ordered the troops which were garrisoned in Thrace to
assist those barbarians who had appealed to him against their more
powerful countrymen; and by means of this subsidy they won a complete
victory over Athanaric beyond the Danube, totally routing the enemy.
This became the occasion for the conversion of many of the barbarians
to the Christian religion: [670] for Fritigernes, to express his sense
of the obligation the emperor had conferred upon him, embraced the
religion of his benefactor, and urged those who were under his
authority to do the same. Therefore it is that so many of the Goths
are even to the present time infected with the errors of Arianism,
they having on the occasion preferred to become adherents to that
heresy on the emperor's account. Ulfilas, their bishop at that time,
invented the Gothic letters, [671] and translating the Sacred
Scriptures into their own language, undertook to instruct these
barbarians in the Divine oracles. And as Ulfilas did not restrict his
labors to the subjects of Fritigernes, but extended them to those who
acknowledged the sway of Athanaric also, Athanaric regarding this as a
violation of the privileges of the religion of his ancestors,
subjected those who professed Christianity to severe punishments; so
that many of the Arian Goths of that period became martyrs. Arius
indeed, failing in his attempt to refute the opinion of Sabellius the
Libyan, fell from the true faith, and asserted the Son of God to be `a
new God': [672] but the barbarians embracing Christianity with greater
simplicity of mind despised the present life for the faith of Christ.
With these remarks we shall close our notice of the Christianized
Goths.
Footnotes
[669] The fullest and best ancient authors on the origin and history
of the Goths are Procopius of Cæsarea (Historia, IV.-VIII., de Bello
Italico adversus Gothos gesto), Jornandes (de Getarum [Gothorum]
origine et rebus gestis), and Isidore Hispalensis (Historia Gothorum).
On the conversion of the Goths to Christianity, see Neander, Hist. of
the Christ. Ch. Vol. II. p. 125-129, and Schaff, Hist. of the Christ.
Ch. Vol. III. p. 640, 641.
[670] For a slightly differing account of the conversion of the Goths
and the labors of Ulfilas, see Philostorgius, II. 5.
[671] By selecting from the Greek and Latin alphabets such characters
as appeared to him to best suit the sounds of his native language. For
a similar invention of an alphabet as a consequence of the
introduction of Christianity, compare the Slavonic invented by Cyril
and Methodius and a great number of instances in the history of modern
missions.
[672] Cf. Deut. xxxii. 7.
Chapter XXXIV.--Admission of the Fugitive Goths into the Roman
Territories, which caused the Emperor's Overthrow, and eventually the
Ruin of the Roman Empire.
Not long after the barbarians had entered into a friendly alliance
with one another, they were again vanquished by other barbarians,
their neighbors, called the Huns; and being driven out of their own
country, they fled into the territory of the Romans, offering to be
subject to the emperor, and to execute whatever he should command
them. When Valens was made acquainted with this, not having the least
presentiment of the consequences, he ordered that the suppliants
should be received with kindness; in this one instance alone showing
himself compassionate. He therefore assigned them certain parts of
Thrace for their habitation, deeming himself peculiarly fortunate in
this matter: for he calculated that in future he should possess a
ready and well-equipped army against all assailants; and hoped that
the barbarians would be a more formidable guard to the frontiers of
the empire even than the Romans themselves. For this reason he in the
future neglected to recruit his army by Roman levies; and despising
those veterans who had bravely straggled and subdued his enemies in
former wars, he put a pecuniary value on the militia which the
inhabitants of the provinces, village by village, had been accustomed
to furnish, ordering the collectors of his tribute to demand eighty
pieces of gold for every soldier, although he had never before
lightened the public burdens. This change was the origin of many
disasters to the Roman empire subsequently.
Chapter XXXV.--Abatement of Persecution against the Christians because
of the War with the Goths.
The barbarians having been put into possession of Thrace, and securely
enjoying that Roman province, were unable to bear their good fortune
with moderation; but committing hostile aggressions upon their
benefactors, devastated all Thrace and the adjacent countries. When
these proceedings came to the knowledge of Valens, he desisted from
sending the adherents of the homoousion into banishment; and in great
alarm left Antioch, and came to Constantinople, where also the
persecution of the orthodox Christians was for the same reason come to
an end. At the same time Euzoïus, bishop of the Arians at Antioch,
departed this life, in the fifth consulate [673] of Valens, and the
first of Valentinian the younger; and Dorotheus was appointed in his
place.
Footnotes
[673] 376 a.d.
Chapter XXXVI.--The Saracens, under Mavia their Queen, embrace
Christianity; and Moses, a Pious Monk, is consecrated their Bishop.
No sooner had the emperor departed from Antioch, than the Saracens,
[674] who had before been in alliance with the Romans, revolted from
them, being led by Mavia their queen, whose husband was then dead. All
the regions of the East therefore were at that time ravaged by the
Saracens: but a certain divine Providence repressed their fury in the
manner I am about to describe. A person named Moses, a Saracen by
birth, who led a monastic life in the desert, became exceedingly
eminent for his piety, faith, and miracles. Mavia the queen of the
Saracens was therefore desirous that this person should be constituted
bishop over her nation, and promised on the condition to terminate the
war. The Roman generals considering that a peace founded on such terms
would be extremely advantageous, gave immediate directions for its
ratification. Moses was accordingly seized, and brought from the
desert to Alexandria, in order that he might there be invested with
the bishopric: but on his presentation for that purpose to Lucius, who
at that time presided over the churches in that city, he refused to be
ordained by him, protesting against it in these words: `I account
myself indeed unworthy of the sacred office; but if the exigencies of
the state require my bearing it, it shall not be by Lucius laying his
hand on me, for it has been filled with blood.' When Lucius told him
that it was his duty to learn from him the principles of religion, and
not to utter reproachful language, Moses replied, `Matters of faith
are not now in question: but your infamous practices against the
brethren sufficiently prove that your doctrines are not Christian. For
a Christian is "no striker, reviles not, does not fight"; for "it
becomes not a servant of the Lord to fight." [675] But your deeds cry
out against you by those who have been sent into exile, who have been
exposed to the wild beasts, and who had been delivered up to the
flames. Those things which our own eyes have beheld are far more
convincing than what we receive from the report of another.' As Moses
expressed these and other similar sentiments his friends took him to
the mountains, that he might receive ordination from those bishops who
lived in exile there. Moses having thus been consecrated, the Saracen
war was terminated; and so scrupulously did Mavia observe the peace
thus entered into with the Romans that she gave her daughter in
marriage to Victor the commander-in-chief of the Roman army. Such were
the transactions in relation to the Saracens.
Footnotes
[674] The name Saracen (Sarakenos , perhaps from the Arabic Sharkeen
`Orientals') was used vaguely at first; the Greek writers of the first
centuries gave it to the Bedouin Arabs of Eastern Arabia, while others
used it to designate the Arab races of Syria and Palestine, and others
the Berber of North Eastern Africa, who later conquered Spain and
Sicily and invaded France. The name became very familiar in Europe
during the period of the Crusades. On Saracens, consult the
interesting fiftieth Chapter of Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire.
[675] 2 Tim. ii. 24.
Chapter XXXVII.--After the Departure of Valens from Antioch, the
Alexandrians expel Lucius, and restore Peter, who had come with
Letters from Damasus Bishop of Rome.
About the same time, as soon as the Emperor Valens left Antioch, all
those who had anywhere been suffering persecution began again to take
courage, and especially those of Alexandria. Peter returned to that
city from Rome, with letters from Damasus the Roman bishop, in which
he confirmed the `homoousian' faith, and sanctioned Peter's
ordination. The people therefore resuming confidence, expelled Lucius,
who immediately embarked for Constantinople: but Peter survived his
re-establishment a very short time, and at his death appointed his
brother Timothy to succeed him.
Chapter XXXVIII.--The Emperor Valens is ridiculed by the People on
Account of the Goths; undertakes an Expedition against them and is
slain in an Engagement near Adrianople.
The Emperor Valens arrived at Constantinople on the 30th of May, in
the sixth year of his own consulate, [676] and the second of
Valentinian the Younger, and found the people in a very dejected state
of mind: for the barbarians, who had already desolated Thrace, were
now laying waste the very suburbs of Constantinople, there being no
adequate force at hand to resist them. But when they undertook to make
near approaches, even to the walls of the city, the people became
exceedingly troubled, and began to murmur against the emperor;
accusing him of having brought on the enemy thither, and then
indolently prolonging the struggle there, instead of at once marching
out against the barbarians. Moreover at the exhibition of the sports
of the Hippodrome, all with one voice clamored against the emperor's
negligence of the public affairs, crying out with great earnestness,
`Give us arms, and we ourselves will fight.' The emperor provoked at
these seditious clamors, marched out of the city, on the 11th of June;
threatening that if he returned, he would punish the citizens not only
for their insolent reproaches, but for having previously favored the
pretensions of the usurper Procopius; declaring also that he would
utterly demolish their city, and cause the plough to pass over its
ruins, he advanced against the barbarians, whom he routed with great
slaughter, and pursued as far as Adrianople, a city of Thrace,
situated on the frontiers of Macedonia. Having at that place again
engaged the enemy, who had by this time rallied, he lost his life on
the 9th of August, under the consulate just mentioned, and in the
fourth year of the 289th Olympiad. Some have asserted that he was
burnt to death in a village whither he had retired, which the
barbarians assaulted and set on fire. But others affirm that having
put off his imperial robe he ran into the midst of the main body of
infantry; and that when the cavalry revolted and refused to engage,
the infantry were surrounded by the barbarians, and completely
destroyed in a body. Among these it is said the emperor fell, but
could not be distinguished, in consequence of his not having on his
imperial habit. He died in the fiftieth year of his age, having
reigned in conjunction with his brother thirteen years, and three
years after the death of the brother. This book therefore contains
[the course of events during] the space of sixteen years.
Footnotes
[676] 378 a.d.
Also, see links to 3500 other Manuscripts:
http://mb-soft.com/believe/txv/earlychv.htm
E-mail to: BELIEVE1@mb-soft.com
The main BELIEVE web-page (and index to subjects) is at:
http://mb-soft.com/believe/