The Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus
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Revised, with Notes, by the Rev. A. C. Zenos, D.D.
Professor of New Testament Exegesis in the Theological
Seminary at Hartford, Conn.
Under the editorial supervision of Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Church History in the Union Theological Semimary, New York,
and Henry Wace, D.D., Principal of King's College, London
Published in 1886 by Philip Schaff,
New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co.
Book I.
Chapter I.--Introduction to the Work.
Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, [109] writing the History of the Church
[110] in ten books, closed it with that period of the emperor
Constantine, when the persecution which Diocletian had begun against
the Christians came to an end. Also in writing the life of
Constantine, this same author has but slightly treated of matters
regarding Arius, being more intent on the rhetorical finish of his
composition and the praises of the emperor, than on an accurate
statement of facts. Now, as we propose to write the details of what
has taken place in the churches since his time to our own day, we
begin with the narration of the particulars which he has left out, and
we shall not be solicitous to display a parade of words, but to lay
before the reader what we have been able to collect from documents,
and what we have heard from those who were familiar with the facts as
they told them. And since it has an important bearing on the matter in
hand, it will be proper to enter into a brief account of Constantine's
conversion to Christianity, making a beginning with this event.
Footnotes
[109] Eusebius seems to have adopted this name as a token of
friendship and respect for Pamphilus, bishop of Cæsarea. See
McGiffert, Prolegomena in Vol. I., Second Series of Post-Nicene
Fathers.
[110] Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History ends with the death of Licinius
in 323. His Life of Constantine is in a sense a continuation of the
History, and yet as it is very well characterized by Socrates, it is a
eulogy and therefore its style and selection of facts are affected by
its purpose, rendering it too inadequate as a continuation of the
Ecclesiastical History; hence Socrates' constraint to review some of
the events which naturally fall in Eusebius' period.
Chapter II.--By what Means the Emperor Constantine became a Christian.
When Diocletian and Maximian, [111] surnamed Herculius, had by mutual
consent laid aside the imperial dignity, and retired into private
life, Maximian, surnamed Galerius, who had been a sharer with them in
the government, came into Italy and appointed two Cæsars, Maximin in
the eastern division of the empire, and Severus in the Italian. In
Britain, however, Constantine was proclaimed emperor, instead of his
father Constantius, who died in the first year of the two hundred and
seventy-first [112] Olympiad, on the 25th of July. And at Rome
Maxentius, the son of Maximian Herculius, was raised by the prætorian
soldiers to be a tyrant rather than an emperor. In this state of
things Herculius, impelled by a desire to regain the sovereignty,
attempted to destroy his son Maxentius; but this he was prevented by
the soldiery from effecting, and he soon afterwards died at Tarsus in
Cilicia. At the same time Severus Cæsar being sent to Rome by Galerius
Maximian, in order to seize Maxentius, was slain, his own soldiers
having betrayed him. At length Galerius Maximian, who had exercised
the chief authority, [113] also died, having previously appointed as
his successor, his old friend and companion in arms, Licinius, a
Dacian by birth. Meanwhile, Maxentius sorely oppressed the Roman
people, treating them as a tyrant rather than as a king, shamelessly
violating the wives of the nobles, putting many innocent persons to
death, and perpetrating other similar atrocities. The emperor
Constantine being informed of this, exerted himself to free the Romans
from the slavery under him (i.e. Maxentius), and began immediately to
consider by what means he might overthrow the tyrant. Now while his
mind was occupied with this great subject, he debated as to what
divinity's aid he should invoke in the conduct of the war. He began to
realize that Diocletian's party had not profited at all by the pagan
deities, whom they had sought to propitiate; but that his own father
Constantius, who had renounced the various religions of the Greeks,
had passed through life far more prosperously. In this state of
uncertainty, as he was marching at the head of his troops, a
preternatural vision, which transcends all description, appeared to
him. In fact, about that part of the day when the sun after posing the
meridian begins to decline towards the west, he saw a pillar of light
in the heavens, in the form of a cross, on which were inscribed these
words, By This Conquer. [114] The appearance of this sign struck the
emperor with amazement and scarcely believing his own eyes, he asked
those around him if they beheld the same spectacle; and as they
unanimously declared that they did, the emperor's mind was
strengthened by this divine and marvelous apparition. On the following
night in his slumbers he saw Christ who directed him to prepare a
standard according to the pattern of that which had been seen; and to
use it against his enemies as an assured trophy of victory. In
obedience to this divine oracle, he caused a standard in the form of a
cross to be prepared, which is preserved in the palace even to the
present time: and proceeding in his measures with greater earnestness,
he attacked the enemy and vanquished him before the gates of Rome,
near the Mulvian bridge, Maxentius himself being drowned in the river.
This victory was achieved in the seventh year of the conqueror's
reign. [115] After this, while Licinius, who shared the government
with him, and was his brother-in-law, having married his sister
Constantia, was residing in the East, the emperor Constantine, in view
of the great blessing he had received, offered grateful thanksgivings
to God as his benefactor; these consisted in his relieving the
Christians from persecution, recalling those who were in exile,
liberating such as were imprisoned, and causing the confiscated
property of the prescribed to be restored to them; he moreover rebuilt
the churches, and performed all these things with the greatest ardor.
About this time Diocletian, who had abdicated the imperial authority,
died at Salona in Dalmatia. [116]
Footnotes
[111] `Socrates is here in error; for Maximianus Herculius, who was
otherwise called Maximian the Elder, was, by Constantine's command,
slain in Gallia in 310 a.d. But Maximius Cæsar, two years after, being
conquered by Licinius, died at Tarsus.' (Valesius.) On the confusion
of Maximian and Maximin, see Introd. III.
[112] 305 or 306 a.d.
[113] panta periepon, not to be taken literally, inasmuch as there
were two other Augusti--Constantine and Maxentius; and hence though
senior Augustus, he was not sole ruler. On the appointment of the
Augusti under Diocletian, and meaning of the title, see Gibbon,
Decline and Fall, chap. xiii.
[114] 'En touto nika. For an extensive and satisfactory treatment of
this famous passage in the life of Constantine, see Richardson,
Prolegomena to the Life of Const., Vol. I., Second Series, Post-Nicene
Fathers.
[115] 312 a.d.
[116] Cf. an account of these events in Sozomen, I. 3. See also on the
persecution instituted by Diocletian Neander, Hist. of the Christ. Ch.
Vol. I. pp. 143-156; Schaff, Hist. of the Christ. Ch. Vol. I. pp.
174-177; Euseb. H. E., Books VIII.-X. Lactantius, de Mortibus persec.
c. 7 seq. Diocletian abdicated in 305 a.d.
Chapter III.--While Constantine favors the Christians, Licinius, his
Colleague, persecutes them.
Now Constantine, the emperor, having thus embraced Christianity,
conducted himself as a Christian of his profession, rebuilding the
churches, and enriching them with splendid offerings: he also either
closed or destroyed the temples of the pagans, [117] and exposed the
images which were in them to popular contempt. But his colleague
Licinius, holding his pagan tenets, hated Christians; and although
from fear of the emperor Constantine he avoided exciting open
persecution, yet he managed to plot against them covertly, and at
length proceeded to harass them without disguise. This persecution,
however, was local, extending only to those districts where Licinius
himself was: but as these and other public outrages did not long
remain concealed from Constantine, finding out that the latter was
indignant at his conduct, Licinius had recourse to an apology. Having
thus propitiated him, he entered into a feigned league of friendship,
pledging himself by many oaths not to act again tyrannically. But no
sooner did he pledge himself than he committed perjury; for he neither
changed his tyrannical mood nor ceased persecuting Christians. Indeed,
he even prohibited the bishops by law from visiting the uncoverted
pagans, lest it should be made a pretext for proselyting them to the
Christian faith. And the persecution was thus at the same time well
known and secret. It was conceded in name but manifest in fact; for
those who were exposed to his persecution suffered most severely both
in their persons and property.
Footnotes
[117] ;;Ellenon: the word is used without the sense of nationality. So
also in the New Testament often: Mark vii. 26; Gal. ii. 3 and iii. 28,
where the Syriac (Peschitto) version renders, more according to sense
than according to the letter, `an Aramæan.'
Chapter IV.--War arises between Constantine and Licinius on Account of
the Christians.
By this course he drew upon himself the emperor Constantine's heaviest
displeasure; and they became enemies, the pretended treaty of
friendship between them having been violated. Not long afterwards they
took up arms against each other as declared enemies. And after several
engagements both by sea and land, Licinius was at last utterly
defeated near Chrysopolis in Bithynia, a port of the Chalcedonians,
and surrendered himself to Constantine. Accordingly he having taken
him alive, treated him with the utmost humanity, and would by no means
put him to death, but ordered him to take up his abode and live in
tranquillity at Thessalonica. He having, however, remained quiet a
short time, managed afterwards to collect some barbarian mercenaries
and made an effort to repair his late disaster by a fresh appeal to
arms. The emperor being made acquainted with his proceedings, directed
that he should be slain, which was carried into effect. Constantine
thus became possessed of the sole dominion, and was accordingly
proclaimed sovereign Autocrat, [118] and again sought to promote the
welfare of Christians. This he did in a variety of ways, and
Christianity enjoyed unbroken peace by reason of his efforts. But an
internal dissension soon succeeded this state of repose, the nature
and origin of which I shall now endeavor to describe.
Footnotes
[118] After a victory the soldiers greeted their prince with
acclamations of `Emperor!' `Augustus!' So also did the citizens on his
triumphal entry into the city. So it appears Constantine was formally
greeted on assuming the sole control of affairs.
Chapter V.--The Dispute of Arius with Alexander, his Bishop.
After Peter, bishop of Alexandria, had suffered martyrdom under
Diocletian, Achillas was installed in the episcopal office, whom
Alexander succeeded, during the period of peace above referred to. He,
in the fearless exercise of his functions for the instruction and
government of the Church, attempted one day in the presence of the
presbytery and the rest of his clergy, to explain, with perhaps too
philosophical minuteness, that great theological mystery--the Unity of
the Holy Trinity. A certain one of the presbyters under his
jurisdiction, whose name was Arius, possessed of no inconsiderable
logical acumen, imaging that the bishop was subtly teaching the same
view of this subject as Sabellius the Libyan, [119] from love of
controversy took the opposite opinion to that of the Libyan, and as he
thought vigorously responded to what was said by the bishop. `If,'
said he, `the Father begat the Son, he that was begotten had a
beginning of existence: and from this it is evident, that there was a
time when the Son was not. It therefore necessarily follows, that he
had his substance [120] from nothing.'
Footnotes
[119] Though Sabellius was the originator of one of the earliest and
most plausible attempts at explanation of the mystery of the Trinity
(for which see life of Sabellius in Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christian
Biog., and Hodge, System. Theol. Vol. I. p. 452, 459), nothing is
known of him, not even why he is called a Libyan here (also by other
ancient writers, e.g. Philastrius, de Hæres. 26, and Asterius, quoted
by Phot. Biblioth. Cod. 27). Some say that he was a native and
resident of Libya, others that he was an ecclesiastic appointed to
some position there; nor is it known whether the Libya meant is the
Libyan Pentapolis or the Pentapolitan Ptolemais.
[120] hupostasin. Through the Arian controversy this word is used in
its metaphysical sense of `real nature of a thing as underlying and
supporting its outward form and properties'; hence it is equivalent to
the Latin substantia, Eng. essence and Greek ousia. Cf. below III. 7.
Later it was applied to the `special or characteristic nature of a
thing,' and so became the very opposite of ousia (the general nature);
hence equivalent to person.
Chapter VI.--Division begins in the Church from this Controversy; and
Alexander Bishop of Alexandria excommunicates Arius and his Adherents.
Having drawn this inference from his novel train of reasoning, he
excited many to a consideration of the question; and thus from a
little spark a large fire was kindled: for the evil which began in the
Church at Alexandria, ran throughout all Egypt, Libya, and the upper
Thebes, and at length diffused itself over the rest of the provinces
and cities. Many others also adopted the opinion of Arius; but
Eusebius in particular was a zealous defender of it: not he of
Cæsarea, but the one who had before been bishop of the church at
Berytus, and was then somehow in possession of the bishopric of
Nicomedia in Bithynia. When Alexander became conscious of these
things, both from his own observation and from report, being
exasperated to the highest degree, he convened a council of many
prelates; and excommunicated Arius and the abettors of his heresy; at
the same time he wrote as follows to the bishops constituted in the
several cities:--
The Epistle of Alexander Bishop of Alexandria.
To our beloved and most honored fellow-Ministers of the Catholic
Church everywhere, Alexander sends greeting in the Lord.
Inasmuch as the Catholic Church is one body, and we are commanded in
the holy Scriptures to maintain `the bond of unity and peace,' [121]
it becomes us to write, and mutually acquaint one another with the
condition of things among each of us, in order that `if one member
suffers or rejoices, we may either sympathize with each other, or
rejoice together.' [122] Know therefore that there have recently
arisen in our diocese lawless and anti-christian men, teaching
apostasy such as one may justly consider and denominate the forerunner
of Antichrist. I wished indeed to consign this disorder to silence,
that if possible the evil might be confined to the apostates alone,
and not go forth into other districts and contaminate the ears of some
of the simple. But since Eusebius, now in Nicomedia, thinks that the
affairs of the Church are under his control because, forsooth, he
deserted his charge at Berytus and assumed authority over the Church
at Nicomedia with impunity, and has put himself at the head of these
apostates, daring even to send commendatory letters in all directions
concerning them, if by any means he might inveigle some of the
ignorant into this most impious and anti-christian heresy, I felt
imperatively called on to be silent no longer, knowing what is written
in the law, but to inform you of all of these things, that ye might
understand both who the apostates are, and also the contemptible
character of their heresy, and pay no attention to anything that
Eusebius should write to you. For now wishing to renew his former
malevolence, which seemed to have been buried in oblivion by time, he
affects to write in their behalf; while the fact itself plainly shows
that he does this for the promotion of his own purposes. These then
are those who have become apostates: Arius, Achillas, Aithales, and
Carpones, another Arius, Sarmates, Euzoïus, Lucius, Julian, Menas,
Helladis, and Gaius; with these also must be reckoned Secundus and
Theonas, who once were called bishops. The dogmas they have invented
and assert, contrary to the Scriptures, are these: That God was not
always the Father, but that there was a period when he was not the
Father; that the Word of God was not from eternity, but was made out
of nothing; [123] for that the ever-existing God (`the I AM'--the
eternal One) made him who did not previously exist, out of nothing;
wherefore there was a time when he did not exist, inasmuch as the Son
is a creature and a work. That he is neither like the Father as it
regards his essence, nor is by nature either the Father's true Word,
or true Wisdom, but indeed one of his works and creatures, being
erroneously called Word and Wisdom, since he was himself made of God's
own Word and the Wisdom which is in God, whereby God both made all
things and him also. Wherefore he is as to his nature mutable and
susceptible of change, as all other rational creatures are: hence the
Word is alien to and other than the essence of God; and the Father is
inexplicable by the Son, and invisible to him, for neither does the
Word perfectly and accurately know the Father, neither can he
distinctly see him. The Son knows not the nature of his own essence:
for he was made on our account, in order that God might create us by
him, as by an instrument; nor would he ever have existed, unless God
had wished to create us.
Some one accordingly asked them whether the Word of God could be
changed, as the devil has been? and they feared not to say, `Yes, he
could; for being begotten, he is susceptible of change.' We then, with
the bishops of Egypt and Libya, being assembled together to the number
of nearly a hundred, have anathematized Arius for his shameless avowal
of these heresies, together with all such as have countenanced them.
Yet the partisans of Eusebius have received them; endeavoring to blend
falsehood with truth, and that which is impious with what is sacred.
But they shall not prevail, for the truth must triumph; and `light has
no fellowship with darkness, nor has Christ any concord with Belial.'
[124] Who ever heard such blasphemies? or what man of any piety is
there now hearing them that is not horror-struck, and stops his ears,
lest the filth of these expressions should pollute his sense of
hearing? Who that hears John saying, `In the beginning was the Word,'
[125] does not condemn those that say, `There was a period when the
Word was not'? or who, hearing in the Gospel of `the only-begotten
Son,' and that `all things were made by him,' will not abhor those
that pronounce the Son to be one of the things made? How can he be one
of the things which were made by himself? Or how can he be the
only-begotten, if he is reckoned among created things? And how could
he have had his existence from nonentities, since the Father has said,
`My heart has indited a good matter'; [126] and `I begat thee out of
my bosom before the dawn'? [127] Or how is he unlike the Father's
essence, who is `his perfect image,' [128] and `the brightness of his
glory' [129] and says: `He that hath seen me, hath seen the Father'?
Again how if the Son is the Word and Wisdom of God, was there a period
when he did not exist? for that is equivalent to their saying that God
was once destitute both of Word and Wisdom. How can he be mutable and
susceptible of change, who says of himself, `I am in the Father, and
the Father in me'; [130] and `I and the Father are one'; [131] and
again by the Prophet, [132] `Behold me because I am, and have not
changed'? But if any one may also apply the expression to the Father
himself, yet would it now be even more fitly said of the Word; because
he was not changed by having become man, but as the Apostle says,
[133] `Jesus Christ, the same yesterday, to-day, and forever.' But
what could persuade them to say that he was made on our account, when
Paul has expressly declared [134] that `all things are for him, and by
him'? One need not wonder indeed at their blasphemous assertion that
the Son does not perfectly know the Father; for having once determined
to fight against Christ, they reject even the words of the Lord
himself, when he says, [135] `As the Father knows me, even so know I
the Father.' If therefore the Father but partially knows the Son, it
is manifest that the Son also knows the Father but in part. But if it
would be improper to affirm this, and it be admitted that the Father
perfectly knows the Son, it is evident that as the Father knows his
own Word, so also does the Word know his own Father, whose Word he is.
And we, by stating these things, and unfolding the divine Scriptures,
have often confuted them: but again as chameleons they were changed,
striving to apply to themselves that which is written, `When the
ungodly has reached the depths of iniquity, he becomes contemptuous.'
[136] Many heresies have arisen before these, which exceeding all
bounds in daring, have lapsed into complete infatuation: but these
persons, by attempting in all their discourses to subvert the Divinity
of The Word, as having made a nearer approach to Antichrist, have
comparatively lessened the odium of former ones. Wherefore they have
been publicly repudiated by the Church, and anathematized. We are
indeed grieved on account of the perdition of these persons, and
especially so because, after having been previously instructed in the
doctrines of the Church, they have now apostatized from them.
Nevertheless we are not greatly surprised at this, for Hymenæus and
Philetus [137] fell in like manner; and before them Judas, who had
been a follower of the Saviour, but afterwards deserted him and became
his betrayer. Nor were we without forewarning respecting these very
persons: for the Lord himself said: `Take heed that no man deceive
you: for many shall come in my name, saying, I am Christ: and shall
many deceive many'; [138] and `the time is at hand; Go ye not
therefore after them.' [139] And Paul, having learned these things
from the Saviour, wrote, `That in the latter times some should
apostatize from the faith, giving heed to deceiving spirits, and
doctrines of devils,' [140] who pervert the truth. Seeing then that
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ has himself enjoined this, and has
also by the apostle given us intimation respecting such men, we having
ourselves heard their impiety have in consequence anathematized them,
as we before said, and declared them to be alienated from the Catholic
Church and faith. Moreover we have intimated this to your piety,
beloved and most honored fellow-ministers, in order that ye might
neither receive any of them, if they should presume to come to you,
nor be induced to put confidence in Eusebius, or any other who may
write to you about them. For it is incumbent on us who are Christians,
to turn away from all those who speak or entertain a thought against
Christ, as from those who are resisting God, and are destroyers of the
souls of men: neither does it become us even `to salute such men,'
[141] as the blessed John has prohibited, `lest we should at any time
be made partakers of their sins.' Greet the brethren which are with
you; those who are with me salute you.
Upon Alexander's thus addressing the bishops in every city, the evil
only became worse, inasmuch as those to whom he made this
communication were thereby excited to contention. And some indeed
fully concurred in and subscribed to the sentiments expressed in this
letter, while others did the reverse. But Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, was beyond all others moved to controversy, inasmuch as
Alexander in his letter had made a personal and censorious allusion to
him. Now at this juncture Eusebius possessed great influence, because
the emperor resided at Nicomedia. For in fact Diocletian had a short
time previously built a palace there. On this account therefore many
of the bishops paid their court to Eusebius. And he repeatedly wrote
both to Alexander, that he might set aside the discussion which had
been excited, and again receive Arius and his adherents into
communion; and also to the bishops in each city, that they might not
concur in the proceedings of Alexander. By these means confusion
everywhere prevailed: for one saw not only the prelates of the
churches engaged in disputing, but the people also divided, some
siding with one party, and some with the other. To so disgraceful an
extent was this affair carried, that Christianity became a subject of
popular ridicule, even in the very theatres. Those who were at
Alexandria sharply disputed about the highest points of doctrine, and
sent deputations to the bishops of the several dioceses; while those
who were of the opposite faction created a similar disturbance.
With the Arians the Melitians mingled themselves, who a little while
before had been separated from the Church: but who these [Melitians]
are must now be stated.
By Peter, bishop of Alexandria, who in the reign of Diocletian
suffered martyrdom, a certain Melitius, bishop of one of the cities in
Egypt, in consequence of many other charges, and more especially
because during the persecution he had denied the faith and sacrificed,
was deposed. This person, being stripped of his dignity, and having
nevertheless many followers, became the leader of the heresy of those
who are to this day called from him Melitians throughout Egypt. And as
he had no rational excuse for his separation from the Church, he
pretended that he had simply been wronged and loaded Peter with
calumnious reproaches. Now Peter died the death of a martyr during the
persecution, and so Melitius transferred his abuse first to Achillas,
who succeeded Peter in the bishopric, and afterwards again to
Alexander, the successor of Achillas. In this state of things among
them, the discussion in relation to Arius arose; and Melitius with his
adherents took part with Arius, [142] entering into a conspiracy with
him against the bishop. But as many as regarded the opinion of Arius
as untenable, justified Alexander's decision against him, and thought
that those who favored his views were justly condemned. Meanwhile
Eusebius of Nicomedia and his partisans, with such as favored the
sentiments of Arius, demanded by letter that the sentence of
excommunication which had been pronounced against him should be
rescinded; and that those who had been excluded should be readmitted
into the Church, as they held no unsound doctrine. Thus letters from
the opposite parties were sent to the bishop of Alexandria; and Arius
made a collection of those which were favorable to himself while
Alexander did the same with those which were adverse. This therefore
afforded a plausible opportunity of defense to the sects, which are
now prevalent, of the Arians, Eunomians, and such as receive their
name from Macedonius; for these severally make use of these epistles
in vindication of their heresies.
Footnotes
[121] Eph. iv. 3.
[122] 1 Cor. xii. 26.
[123] ex ouk onton gegonen, lit. `came into existence from nothing.'
[124] 2 Cor. vi. 14.
[125] John i. 1-3, 18.
[126] Ps. xliv. 1, according to the LXX.
[127] ;;Eosphoron, the morning-star; taken from Ps. cix. 3. Cf. the
LXX, quoted from Ps. lxxii.
[128] Col. i. 15.
[129] Heb. i. 3.
[130] John xiv. 10.
[131] John x. 30.
[132] Mal. iii. 6.
[133] Heb. xiii. 8.
[134] Heb. ii. 10.
[135] John x. 15.
[136] Prov. xviii. 3, according to the LXX.
[137] 2 Tim. ii. 17, 18.
[138] Matt. xxiv. 4.
[139] Luke xxi. 8.
[140] 1 Tim. iv. 1; Tit. i. 14.
[141] 2 John 10, 11.
[142] Valesius makes the assertion that Socrates is mistaken here,
that the Melitians joined themselves to the Arians after the council
of Nicæa, and were induced by Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, to cast
slanderous aspersion upon Athanasius, as he himself testifies in his
second apology against the Arians. It appears unlikely that the
Fathers of the Nicene Council would have treated the Melitians as
leniently as they did had they sided with Arius before the council.
Chapter VII.--The Emperor Constantine being grieved at the Disturbance
of the Churches, sends Hosius the Spaniard to Alexandria, exhorting
the Bishop and Arius to Reconciliation and Unity.
When the emperor was made acquainted with these disorders, he was very
deeply grieved; and regarding the matter as a personal misfortune,
immediately exerted himself to extinguish the conflagration which had
been kindled, and sent a letter to Alexander and Arius by a
trustworthy person named Hosius, who was bishop of Cordova, in Spain.
The emperor greatly loved this man and held him in the highest
estimation. It will not be out of place to introduce here a portion of
this letter, the whole of which is given in the life of Constantine by
Eusebius. [143]
Victor Constantine Maximum Augustus to Alexander and Arius.
I am informed that your present controversy originated thus. When you,
Alexander, inquired of your presbyters what each thought on a certain
inexplicable passage of the written Word, rather on a subject improper
for discussion; and you, Arius, rashly gave expression to a view of
the matter such as ought either never to have been conceived, or when
suggested to your mind, it became you to bury it in silence. This
dispute having thus been excited among you, communion [144] has been
denied; and the most holy people being rent into two factions, have
departed from the harmony of the common body. Wherefore let each one
of you, showing consideration for the other, listen to the impartial
exhortation of your fellow-servant. And what counsel does he offer? It
was neither prudent at first to agitate such a question, nor to reply
to such a question when proposed: for the claim of no law demands the
investigation of such subjects, but the idle useless talk of leisure
occasions them. And even if they should exist for the sake of
exercising our natural faculties, yet we ought to confine them to our
own consideration, and not incautiously bring them forth in public
assemblies, nor thoughtlessly confide them to the ears of everybody.
Indeed how few are capable either of adequately expounding, or even
accurately understanding the import of matters so vast and profound!
And even if any one should be considered able to satisfactorily
accomplish this, how large a portion of the people would he succeed in
convincing? Or who can grapple with the subtilties of such
investigations without danger of lapsing into error? It becomes us
therefore on such topics to check loquacity, lest either on account of
the weakness of our nature we should be incompetent to explain the
subject proposed; or the dull understanding of the audience should
make them unable to apprehend clearly what is attempted to be taught:
and in the case of one or the other of these failures, the people must
be necessarily involved either in blasphemy or schism. Wherefore let
an unguarded question, and an inconsiderate answer, on the part of
each of you, procure equal forgiveness from one another. No cause of
difference has been started by you bearing on any important precept
contained in the Law; nor has any new heresy been introduced by you in
connection with the worship of God; but ye both hold one and the same
judgment on these points, which is the Creed. [145] Moreover, while
you thus pertinaciously contend with one another about matters of
small or scarcely the least importance, it is unsuitable for you to
have charge of so many people of God, because you are divided in
opinion: [146] and not only is it unbecoming, but it is also believed
to be altogether unlawful.
In order to remind you of your duty by an example of an inferior kind,
I may say: you are well aware that even the philosophers themselves
are united under one sect. Yet they often differ from each other on
some parts of their theories: but although they may differ on the very
highest branches of science, in order to maintain the unity of their
body, they still agree to coalesce. Now, if this is done amongst them,
how much more equitable will it be for you, who have been constituted
ministers of the Most High God, to become unanimous with one another
in such a religious profession. But let us examine with closer
consideration, and deeper attention, what has been already stated. Is
it right on account of insignificant and vain contentions between you
about words, that brethren should be set in opposition against
brethren; and that the honorable communion should be distracted by
unhallowed dissension, through our striving with one another
respecting things so unimportant, and by no means essential? These
quarrels are vulgar and rather consistent with puerile
thoughtlessness, than suitable to the intelligence of priests and
prudent men. We should spontaneously turn aside from the temptations
of the devil. The great God and Saviour of us all has extended to all
the common light. Under his providence, allow me, his servant, to
bring this effort of mine to a successful issue; that by my
exhortation, ministry, and earnest admonition, I may lead you, his
people, back to unity of communion. [147] For since, as I have said,
there is but one faith among you, and one sentiment respecting
religion, [148] and since the precept of the law, [149] in all its
parts, combines all in one purpose of soul, let not this diversity of
opinion, which has excited dissension among you, by any means cause
discord and schism, inasmuch as it does not affect the force of the
law as a whole. Now, I say these things, not as compelling you all to
see exactly alike on this very insignificant subject of controversy,
whatever it may be; since the dignity [150] of the communion may be
preserved unaffected, and the same fellowship with all be retained,
even though there should exist among you some dissimilarity of
sentiment on unimportant matters. For, of course, we do not all desire
the same thing in every respect; nor is there one unvarying nature, or
standard of judgment in us. Therefore, in regard to divine providence,
let there be one faith, one sentiment, and one covenant of the
Godhead: [151] but those minute investigations which ye enter into
among yourselves with so much nicety, even if ye should not concur in
one judgment in regard to them, should remain within the sphere of
your own reflection, kept in the secret recesses of the mind. Let then
an ineffable and select bond of general friendship, with faith in the
truth, reverence for God, and a devout observance of his law, remain
unshaken among you. Resume mutual friendship and grace; restore to the
whole people their accustomed familiar embraces; and do ye yourselves,
on the strength of having purified your own souls, again recognize one
another. For friendship often becomes sweeter after the removal of
animosity. Thus restore to me tranquil days, and nights free from
care; that to me also some pleasure in the pure light may be
preserved, and a cheerful serenity during the rest of my life:
otherwise, I must necessarily groan, and be wholly suffused with
tears; neither will the remaining period of my earthly existence be
peacefully sustained. For while the people of God (I speak of my
fellow-servants) are severed from one another by so unworthy and
injurious a contest, how is it possible for me to maintain my usual
equanimity? But in order that you may have some idea of my excessive
grief on account of this unhappy difference, listen to what I am about
to state. On my recent arrival at the city of Nicomedia, it was my
intention immediately after to proceed into the East: but while I was
hastening toward you, and had advanced a considerable distance on my
way, intelligence of this affair altogether reversed my purpose, lest
I should be obliged to see with my own eyes a condition of things such
as I could scarcely bear the report of. Open to me therefore by your
reconciliation henceforth, the way into the East, which ye have
obstructed by your contentions against one another: and permit me
speedily to behold both you and all the rest of the people rejoicing
together; and to express my due thanks to the Divine Being, because of
the general harmony and liberty of all parties, accompanied by the
cordial utterance of your praise. [152]
Footnotes
[143] Euseb. Life of Const. II. 64-72.
[144] sunodos; lit., `coming together.'
[145] koinonias sunthema = sumbolon tes pisteos. Cf. Eus. Life of
Const. II. 10.
[146] For the textual variation at this place, see Valesius, note.
[147] sunodou koinonian.
[148] haireseos sunesis: lit. `understanding of heresy.' On the
various uses of the word hairesis, see Sophocles, Greek Lex. of the
Rom. and Byz. Periods. Here it evidently means the common creed of the
whole Church looked at as a sect.
[149] nomos, used in analogy to the law of the Old Testament. The law
here is the ethical system of Christianity.
[150] timion, `honor.'
[151] tou kreittonos : for this use of the word, see Eus. Life of
Const. II. 24 et al.; Greg. Naz. III. 1101 B; Jul. 398 A; Clem. Hom.
V. 5.
[152] Socrates' lack of theological training can be inferred from his
admiration for this rather superficial letter of Constantine's; so
also the rudimentary character of Constantine's views of Gospel truth
and his want of appreciation for the vital nature of the question in
the Arian controversy. It may be noted, however, that the
statesmanship shown in the tone and recommendations of the letter is
just as farsighted as the theology of it is superficial. Constantine
had sought to unite the empire through the church, and now that very
church threatened to disrupt the empire; and this, at the very time,
when by his final victory over Licinius and the foundation of his new
capital, he seemed to have realized the ideal of a reunited empire.
Chapter VIII.--Of the Synod which was held at Nicæa in Bithynia, and
the Creed there [153] put forth.
Such admirable and wise counsel did the emperor's letter contain. But
the evil had become too strong both for the exhortations of the
emperor, and the authority of him who was the bearer of his letter:
for neither was Alexander nor Arius softened by this appeal; and
moreover there was incessant strife and tumult among the people.
Moreover another local source of disquietude had pre-existed there,
which served to trouble the churches,--the dispute namely in regard to
the Passover, which was carried on in the regions of the East only.
[154] This arose from some desiring to keep the Feast more in
accordance with the custom of the Jews; while others preferred its
mode of celebration by Christians in general throughout the world.
This difference, however, did not interfere with their communion,
although their mutual joy was necessarily hindered. When, therefore,
the emperor beheld the Church agitated on account of both of these
causes, he convoked a General Council, [155] summoning all the bishops
by letter to meet him at Nicæa in Bithynia. Accordingly the bishops
assembled out of the various provinces and cities; respecting whom
Eusebius Pamphilus thus writes, word for word, in his third book of
the life of Constantine: [156]
`Wherefore the most eminent of the ministers of God in all the
churches which have filled Europe, Africa, and Asia, were convened.
And one sacred edifice, dilated as it were by God, contained within it
on the same occasion both Syrians and Cilicians, Phoenicians, Arabs
and Palestinians, and in addition to these, Egyptians, Thebans,
Libyans, and those who came from Mesopotamia. At this synod a Persian
bishop was also present, neither was the Scythian absent from this
assemblage. Pontus also and Galatia, Pamphylia, Cappadocia, Asia and
Phrygia, supplied those who were most distinguished among them.
Besides, there met there Thracians and Macedonians, Achaians and
Epirots, and even those who dwelt still further away than these, and
the most celebrated of the Spaniards himself [157] took his seat among
the rest. The prelate [158] of the imperial city was absent on account
of age; but some of his presbyters were present and filled his place.
Such a crown, composed as a bond of peace, the emperor Constantine
alone has ever dedicated to Christ his Saviour, as a thank-offering
worthy of God for victory over his enemies, having appointed this
convocation among us in imitation of the Apostolic Assembly. [159] For
among them it is said were convened "devout men of every nation under
heaven; Parthians, Medes and Elamites, and those who dwelt in
Mesopotamia, Judæa and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and
Pamphylia, Egypt and the part of Libya which is toward Cyrene,
strangers from Rome also, both Jews and proselytes with Cretans and
Arabs." That congregation, however, was inferior in this respect, that
all present were not ministers of God: whereas in this assembly the
number of bishops exceeded three hundred; [160] while the number of
the presbyters, deacons, and acolyths [161] and others who attended
them was almost incalculable. Some of these ministers of God were
eminent for their wisdom, some for the strictness of their life, and
patient endurance [of persecution], and others united in themselves
all these distinguished characteristics: some were venerable from
their advanced age, others were conspicuous for their youth and vigor
of mind, and others had but recently entered on their ministerial
career. [162] For all these the emperor appointed an abundant supply
of daily food to be provided.'
Such is Eusebius' account of those who met on this occasion. The
emperor having completed the festal solemnization of this triumph over
Licinius, came also in person to Nice.
There were among the bishops two of extraordinary celebrity,
Paphnutius, bishop of Upper Thebes, and Spyridon, bishop of Cyprus:
why I have so particular referred to these two individuals, I shall
state hereafter. Many of the laity were also present, who were
practiced in the art of reasoning, [163] and each eager to advocate
the cause of his own party. Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, as was
before said, supported the opinion of Arius, together with Theognis
and Maris; of these the former was bishop of Nicæa, and Maris of
Chalcedon in Bithynia. These were powerfully opposed by Athanasius, a
deacon of the Alexandrian church, who was highly esteemed by Alexander
his bishop, and on that account was much envied, as will be seen
hereafter. Now a short time previous to the general assembling of the
bishops, the disputants engaged in preparatory logical contests before
the multitudes; and when many were attracted by the interest of their
discourse, one of the laity, a confessor [164] , who was a man of
unsophisticated understanding, reproved these reasoners, telling them
that Christ and his apostles did not teach us dialectics, art, nor
vain subtilties, but simple-mindedness, which is preserved by faith
and good works. As he said this, all present admired the speaker and
assented to the justice of his remarks; and the disputants themselves,
after hearing his plain statement of the truth, exercised a greater
degree of moderation: thus then was the disturbance caused by these
logical debates suppressed at this time.
On the following day all the bishops were assembled together in one
place; the emperor arrived soon after and on his entrance stood in
their midst, and would not take his place, until the bishops by bowing
intimated their desire that he should be seated: such was the respect
and reverence which the emperor entertained for these men. When a
silence suitable to the occasion had been observed, the emperor from
his seat began to address them words of exhortation to harmony and
unity, and entreated each to lay aside all private pique. For several
of them had brought accusations against one another and many had even
presented petitions to the emperor the day before. But he, directing
their attention to the matter before them, and on account of which
they were assembled, ordered these petitions to be burnt; merely
observing that `Christ enjoins him who is anxious to obtain
forgiveness, to forgive his brother.' When therefore he had strongly
insisted on the maintenance of harmony and peace, he sanctioned again
their purpose of more closely investigating the questions at issue.
But it may be well to hear what Eusebius says on this subject, in his
third book of the Life of Constantine. [165] His words are these:
`A variety of topics having been introduced by each party and much
controversy being excited from the very commencement, the emperor
listened to all with patient attention, deliberately and impartially
considering whatever was advanced. He in part supported the statements
which were made on either side, and gradually softened the asperity of
those who contentiously opposed each other, conciliating each by his
mildness and affability. And as he addressed them in the Greek
language, for he was not unacquainted with it, he was at once
interesting and persuasive, and wrought conviction on the minds of
some, and prevailed on others by entreaty, those who spoke well he
applauded. And inciting all to unanimity at length he succeeded in
bringing them into similarity of judgment, and conformity of opinion
on all the controverted points: so that there was not only unity in
the confession of faith, but also a general agreement as to the time
for the celebration of the feast of Salvation. [166] Moreover the
doctrines which had thus the common consent, were confirmed by the
signature of each individual.'
Such in his own words is the testimony respecting these things which
Eusebius has left us in writing; and we not unfitly have used it, but
treating what he has said as an authority, have introduced it here for
the fidelity of this history. With this end also in view, that if any
one should condemn as erroneous the faith professed at this council of
Nicæa, we might be unaffected by it, and put no confidence in Sabinus
the Macedonian, [167] who calls all those who were convened there
ignoramuses and simpletons. For this Sabinus, who was bishop of the
Macedonians at Heraclea in Thrace, having made a collection of the
decrees published by various Synods of bishops, has treated those who
composed the Nicene Council in particular with contempt and derision;
not perceiving that he thereby charges Eusebius himself with
ignorance, who made a like confession after the closest scrutiny. And
in fact some things he has willfully passed over, others he has
perverted, and on all he has put a construction favorable to his own
views. Yet he commends Eusebius Pamphilus as a trustworthy witness,
and praises the emperor as capable in stating Christian doctrines: but
he still brands the faith which was declared at Nicæa, as having been
set forth by ignorant persons, and such as had no intelligence in the
matter. And thus he voluntarily contemns the words of a man whom he
himself pronounces a wise and true witness: for Eusebius declares,
that of the ministers of God who were present at the Nicene Synod,
some were eminent for the word of wisdom, others for the strictness of
their life; and that the emperor himself being present, leading all
into unanimity, established unity of judgment, and agreement of
opinion among them. Of Sabinus, however, we shall make further mention
as occasion may require. But the agreement of faith, assented to with
loud acclamation at the great council of Nicæa is this:
`We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
visible and invisible:--and in one [168] Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of
God, the only-begotten of the Father, that is of the substance of the
Father; God of God and Light of light; true God of true God; begotten,
not made, consubstantial [169] with the Father: by whom all things
were made, both which are in heaven and on earth: who for the sake of
us men, and on account of our salvation, descended, became incarnate,
and was made man; suffered, arose again the third day, and ascended
into the heavens, and will come again to judge the living and the
dead. [We] also [believe] in the Holy Spirit. But the holy Catholic
and Apostolic church anathematizes those who say "There was a time
when he was not," and "He was not before he was begotten" and "He was
made from that which did not exist," and those who assert that he is
of other substance or essence than the Father, or that he was created,
or is susceptible of change.' [170]
This creed was recognized and acquiesced in by three hundred and
eighteen [bishops]; and being, as Eusebius says, unanimous is
expression and sentiment, they subscribed it. Five only would not
receive it, objecting to the term homoousios, `of the same essence,'
or consubstantial: these were Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, Theognis
of Nice, Maris of Chalcedon, Theonas of Marmarica, and Secundus of
Ptolemaïs. `For,' said they `since that is consubstantial which is
from another either by partition, derivation or germination; by
germination, as a shoot from the roots; by derivation, as children
from their parents; by division, as two or three vessels of gold from
a mass, and the Son is from the Father by none of these modes:
therefore they declared themselves unable to assent to this creed.'
Thus having scoffed at the word consubstantial, they would not
subscribe to the deposition of Arius. Upon this the Synod
anathematized Arius, and all who adhered to his opinions, prohibiting
him at the same time from entering into Alexandria. At the same time
an edict of the emperor sent Arius himself into exile, together with
Eusebius and Theognis and their followers; Eusebius and Theognis,
however, a short time after their banishment, tendered a written
declaration of their change of sentiment, and concurrence in the faith
of the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father, as we shall show
as we proceed.
At this time during the session of the Synod, Eusebius, surnamed
Pamphilus, bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, who had held aloof for a
short time, after mature consideration whether he ought to receive
this definition of the faith, at length acquiesced in it, and
subscribed it with all the rest: he also sent to the people under his
charge a copy of the Creed, with an explanation of the word
homoousios, that no one might impugn his motives on account of his
previous hesitation. Now what was written by Eusebius was as follows
in his own words:
'You have probably had some intimation, beloved, of the transactions
of the great council convened at Nicæa, in relation to the faith of
the Church, inasmuch as rumor generally outruns true account of that
which has really taken place. But lest from such report alone you
might form an incorrect estimate of the matter, we have deemed it
necessary to submit to you, in the first place, an exposition of the
faith proposed by us in written form; and then a second which has been
promulgated, consisting of ours with certain additions to its
expression. The declaration of faith set forth by us, which when read
in the presence of our most pious emperor, seemed to meet with
universal approbation, was thus expressed:
`"According as we received from the bishops who preceded us, both in
our instruction [171] [in the knowledge of the truth], and when we
were baptized; as also we have ourselves learned from the sacred
Scriptures: and in accordance with what we have both believed and
taught while discharging the duties of presbyter and the episcopal
office itself, so now we believe and present to you the distinct
avowal of our faith. It is this:
`"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
visible and invisible:--and in one Lord, Jesus Christ, the Word of
God, God of God, Light of light, Life of life, the only-begotten Son,
born before all creation, [172] begotten of God the Father, before all
ages, by whom also all things were made; who on account of our
salvation became incarnate, and lived among men; and who suffered and
rose again on the third day, and ascended to the Father, and shall
come again in glory to judge the living and the dead. We believe also
in one Holy Spirit. We believe in the existence and subsistence of
each of these [persons]: that the Father is truly Father, the Son
truly Son, and the Holy Spirit truly Holy Spirit; even as our Lord
also, when he sent forth his disciples to preach the Gospel, said,
[173] `Go and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.' Concerning these
doctrines we steadfastly maintain their truth, and avow our full
confidence in them; such also have been our sentiments hitherto, and
such we shall continue to hold until death and in an unshaken
adherence to this faith, we anathematize every impious heresy. In the
presence of God Almighty, and of our Lord Jesus Christ we testify,
that thus we have believed and thought from our heart and soul, since
we have possessed a right estimate of ourselves; and that we now think
and speak what is perfectly in accordance with the truth. We are
moreover prepared to prove to you by undeniable evidences, and to
convince you that in time past we have thus believed, and so
preached."
`When these articles of faith were proposed, there seemed to be no
ground of opposition: nay, our most pious emperor himself was the
first to admit that they were perfectly correct, and that he himself
had entertained the sentiments contained in them; exhorting all
present to give them their assent, and subscribe to these very
articles, thus agreeing in a unanimous profession of them, with the
insertion, however, of that single word "homoousios" (consubstantial),
an expression which the emperor himself explained, as not indicating
corporeal affections or properties; and consequently that the Son did
not subsist from the Father either by division or abscission: for said
he, a nature which is immaterial and incorporeal cannot possibly be
subject to any corporeal affection; hence our conception of such
things can only be in divine and mysterious terms. Such was the
philosophical view of the subject taken by our most wise and pious
sovereign; and the bishops on account of the word homoousious, drew up
this formula of faith.
The Creed. [174]
`"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
visible and invisible:--and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God,
the only-begotten of the Father, that is of the substance of the
Father; God of God, Light of light, true God of true God; begotten not
made, consubstantial with the Father; by [175] whom all things were
made both which are in heaven and on earth; who for the sake of us
men, and on account of our salvation, descended, became incarnate, was
made man, suffered and rose again on the third day; he ascended into
the heavens, and will come to judge the living and the dead. [We
believe] also in the Holy Spirit. But those who say `There was a time
when he was not,' or `He did not exist before he was begotten,' or `He
was made of nothing' or assert that `He is of other substance or
essence than the Father,' or that the Son of God is created, or
mutable, or susceptible of change, the Catholic and apostolic Church
of God anathematizes."
`Now this declaration of faith being propounded by them, we did not
neglect to investigate the distinct sense of the expressions "of the
substance of the Father, and consubstantial with the Father."
Whereupon questions were put forth and answers, and the meaning of
these terms was clearly defined; when it was generally admitted that
ousias (of the essence or substance) simply implied that the Son is of
the Father indeed, but does not subsist as a part of the Father. To
this interpretation of the sacred doctrine which declares that the Son
is of the Father, but is not a part of his substance, it seemed right
to us to assent. We ourselves therefore concurred in this exposition;
nor do we cavil at the word "homoousios" having regard to peace, and
fearing to lose a right understanding of the matter. On the same
grounds we admitted also the expression "begotten, not made": "for
made," said they, "is a term applicable in common to all the creatures
which were made by the Son, to whom the Son has no resemblance.
Consequently he is no creature like those which were made by him, but
is of a substance far excelling any creature; which substance the
Divine Oracles teach was begotten of the Father by such a mode of
generation as cannot be explained nor even conceived by any creature."
Thus also the declaration that "the Son is consubstantial with the
Father" having been discussed, it was agreed that this must not be
understood in a corporeal sense, or in any way analogous to mortal
creatures; inasmuch as it is neither by division of substance, nor by
abscission nor by any change of the Father's substance and power,
since the underived nature of the Father is inconsistent with all
these things. That he is consubstantial with the Father then simply
implies, that the Son of God has no resemblance to created things, but
is in every respect like the Father only who begat him; and that he is
of no other substance or essence but of the Father. To which doctrine,
explained in this way, it appeared right to assent, especially since
we knew that some eminent bishops and learned writers among the
ancients have used the term "homoousios" in their theological
discourses concerning the nature of the Father and the Son. Such is
what I have to state to you in reference to the articles of faith
which have been promulgated; and in which we have all concurred, not
without due examination, but according to the senses assigned, which
were investigated in the presence of our most highly favored emperor,
and for the reasons mentioned approved. We have also considered the
anathema pronounced by them after the declaration of faith
inoffensive; because it prohibits the use of illegitimate [176] terms,
from which almost all the distraction and commotion of the churches
have arisen. Accordingly, since no divinely inspired Scripture
contains the expressions, "of things which do not exist," and "there
was a time when he was not," and such other phrases as are therein
subjoined, it seemed unwarrantable to utter and teach them: and
moreover this decision received our sanction the rather from the
consideration that we have never heretofore been accustomed to employ
these terms. We deemed it incumbent on us, beloved, to acquaint you
with the caution which has characterized both our examination of and
concurrence in these things: and that on justifiable grounds we
resisted to the last moment the introduction of certain objectionable
expressions as long as these were not acceptable; and received them
without dispute, when on mature deliberation as we examined the sense
of the words, they appeared to agree with what we had originally
proposed as a sound confession of faith.'
Such was the letter addressed by Eusebius Pamphilus to the Christians
at Cæsarea in Palestine. At the same time the Synod itself also, with
one accord, wrote the following epistle to the church of the
Alexandrians, and to believers in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis.
Footnotes
[153] Cf. the parallel account in Sozom. I. 17.
[154] In a single sentence this controversy was as to whether the
Easter should be observed on a fixed day in every year or on the 14th
of the lunar month Nisan of the Jews, on whatever day of the week that
might happen to fall. For a fuller discussion of the controversy, see
Smith's Dict. of the Bible, and the literature there referred to.
[155] oikoumeniken : hence this is called the first Ecumenical
Council.
[156] Euseb. Life of Const. III. 7-9.
[157] Hosius mentioned before in chap. 7.
[158] According to Valesius, who follows Musculus, the prelate here
meant was the bishop of Rome. The reason alleged is that at the time
of the meeting of the council, Constantinople had not yet been made
the `imperial city.' But considering the general indifference of
Socrates to the affairs of the Western Church, and the fact that when
he wrote, the imperial city was actually Constantinople, it is very
probable that it is the bishop of that city he means to name here, and
not the bishop of Rome.
[159] Acts ii. 5-11.
[160] The exact number is variously given as 250 by Eusebius (Life of
Const. III. 8); 270 by Eustathius; 318 by Evagrius (H. E. III. 31);
Athanasius (Ep. to the African bishops); Hilarius (Contra
Constantium); Jerome (Chronicon), and Rufinus.
[161] Young priests; lit. `followers,' from akolouthos.
[162] to meso tropo: besides the meaning given to these words here
they may be taken (1) as describing the temperate and genial character
of the men so characterized, on the assumption that mesos = metrios as
often elsewhere, or (2) as applicable to those who occupied the middle
ground in the controversy; of these, (2) is not admissible, as nothing
has been said in the immediate context about the controversy, and as
age is the main basis of classification in the passage; (1) also is
less probable than the rendering given above.
[163] Dialectics.
[164] heis ton homologeton : the term homologetes was applied to those
who during the persecutions had refused to sacrifice to idols,
persisting in his profession of Christianity in spite of suffering.
Cf. Clem. Strom. IV. 12; Petr. Alex. Epist. Can. 14.
[165] Euseb. Life of Const. III. 13.
[166] The Passover, or Easter.
[167] Macedonian = follower of Macedonius, not a native resident of
Macedonia. Sabinus was the author of a collection of the acts of the
Synod used by Socrates quite freely (cf. I. 9; II. 15, 17 et al.).
Socrates, however, criticises him for prejudice against the orthodox.
Sabinus was bishop of the church of the Macedonians in Heraclea, a
city in Thrace.
[168] This is according to the reading of Valesius, Hussey, and
Bright. The reading, `our Lord,' &c., of the English translations in
Bagster and Bohn's series is probably a typographical error, though
strangely perpetuated down to the reprint of 1888.
[169] omoousion , `of the same essence'; the word has become a
historic landmark in theological debate, and one of the stock words of
theological terminology.
[170] This creed is found twelve times in eleven ancient sources, two
versions being given in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon. The
second version of the Council of Chalcedon contains certain additions
from the creed of Constantinople; all the rest substantially agree.
Cf. Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, Vol. I. p. 24, and Vol. II. p. 60,
91; Walch, Antiquitates Symbolicæ (1772), p. 87 seq.; Hahn, Bibliothek
der Symbole, p. 40-107, and other literature referred to in Schaff's
Creeds, &c.
[171] katechesei ; the word is used of the steps preliminary to
baptism, chief among which was instruction in the truth. Cf. VII. 17,
and Smith's Dict. of the Bible.
[172] prototokon pases ktiseos, taken from Col. i. 15. For the uses of
protos instead of proteros, see John i. 15.
[173] matheteusate , from Matt. xxviii. 19.
[174] to mathema: lit. `lesson.'
[175] Through.
[176] agraphois: lit. `unwritten,' but defined by Hesychius as above.
Chapter IX.--The Letter of the Synod, relative to its Decisions: and
the Condemnation of Arius and those who agreed with him.
To the holy, by the grace of God, and great church of the
Alexandrians, and to our beloved brethren throughout Egypt, Libya, and
Pentapolis, the bishops assembled at Nicæa, constituting the great and
holy Synod, send greeting in the Lord.
Since, by the grace of God, a great and holy Synod has been convened
at Nicæa, our most pious sovereign Constantine having summoned us out
of various cities and provinces for that purpose, it appeared to us
indispensably necessary that a letter should be written to you on the
part of the sacred Synod; in order that ye may know what subjects were
brought under consideration and examined, and what was eventually
determined on and decreed.
In the first place, then, the impiety and guilt of Arius and his
adherents were examined into, in the presence of our most religious
emperor Constantine: and it was unanimously decided that his impious
opinion should be anathematized, with all the blasphemous expressions
he has uttered, in affirming that `the Son of God sprang from
nothing,' and that `there was a time when he was not'; saying moreover
that `the Son of God, because possessed of free will, was capable
either of vice or virtue; and calling him a creature and a work. All
these sentiments the holy Synod has anathematized, having scarcely
patience to endure the hearing of such an impious opinion, or, rather,
madness, and such blasphemous words. But the conclusion of our
proceedings against him you must either have been informed of already
or will soon learn; for we would not seem to trample on a man who has
received the chastisement which his crime deserved. Yet so contagious
has his pestilential error proved, as to drag into perdition Theonas,
bishop of Marmarica, and Secundus of Ptolemaïs; for they have suffered
the same condemnation as himself. But when the grace of God delivered
us from those execrable dogmas, with all their impiety and blasphemy,
and from those persons, who had dared to cause discord and division
among a people previously at peace, there still remained the contumacy
of Melitius [to be dealt with] and those who had been ordained by him;
and we now state to you, beloved brethren, what resolution the Synod
came to on this point. It was decreed, the Synod being moved to great
clemency towards Melitius, although strictly speaking he was wholly
undeserving of favor, that he remain in his own city but exercise no
authority either to ordain or nominate for ordination; and that he
appear in no other district or city on this pretense, but simply
retain a nominal dignity. That those who had received appointments
from him, after having been confirmed by a more legitimate ordination,
should be admitted to communion on these conditions: that they should
continue to hold their rank and ministry, but regard themselves as
inferior in every respect to all those who have been ordained and
established in each place and church by our most-honored
fellow-minister, Alexander, so that they shall have no authority to
propose or nominate whom they please, or to do anything at all without
the concurrence of some bishop of the Catholic Church who is one of
Alexander's suffragans. On the other hand, such as by the grace of God
and your prayers have been found in no schism, but have continued in
the Catholic Church blameless, shall have authority to nominate and
ordain those who are worthy of the sacred office, [177] and to act in
all things according to ecclesiastical law and usage. When it may
happen that any of those holding preferments in the church die, then
let these who have been thus recently admitted be advanced to the
dignity of the deceased, provided that they should appear worthy, and
that the people should elect them, the bishop of Alexandria also
ratifying their choice. This privilege is conceded to all the others
indeed, but to Melitius personally we by no means grant the same
license, on account of his former disorderly conduct, and because of
the rashness and levity of his character, in order that no authority
or jurisdiction should be given him as a man liable again to create
similar disturbances. These are the things which specially affect
Egypt, and the most holy church of the Alexandrians: and if any other
canon or ordinance has been established, our Lord and most-honored
fellow-minister and brother Alexander being present with us, will on
his return to you enter into more minute details, inasmuch as he has
been a participator in whatever is transacted, and has had the
principal direction of it. We have also gratifying intelligence to
communicate to you relative to unity of judgment on the subject of the
most holy feast of Easter: for this point also has been happily
settled through your prayers; so that all the brethren in the East who
have heretofore kept this festival when the Jews did, will henceforth
conform to the Romans and to us, and to all who from the earliest time
have observed our period of celebrating Easter. Rejoicing therefore in
these conclusions and in the general unanimity and peace, as well as
in the extirpation of all heresy, receive with the greater honor and
more abundant love our fellow-minister and your bishop Alexander, who
has greatly delighted us by his presence, and even at his advanced age
has undergone extraordinary exertions in order that peace might be
re-established among you. Pray on behalf of us all, that the things
decided as just may be inviolably maintained through Almighty God, and
our Lord Jesus Christ, together with the Holy Spirit; to whom be glory
for ever. Amen.
This epistle of the Synod makes it plain that they not only
anathematized Arius and his adherents, but the very expressions of his
tenets; and that having agreed among themselves respecting the
celebration of Easter, they readmitted the heresiarch Melitius into
communion, suffering him to retain his episcopal rank, but divesting
him of all authority to act as a bishop. It is for this reason I
suppose that even at the present time the Melitians in Egypt are
separated from the church, because the Synod deprived Melitius of all
power. It should be observed moreover that Arius had written a
treatise on his own opinion which he entitled Thalia; but the
character of the book is loose and dissolute, similar in its style and
metres to the songs of Sotades. [178] This production also the Synod
condemned at the same time. Nor was it the Synod alone that took the
trouble to write letters to the churches announcing the restoration of
peace, but the emperor Constantine himself also wrote personally and
sent the following address to the church of the Alexandrians.
The Emperor's Letter.
Constantine Augustus, to the Catholic church of the Alexandrians.
Beloved brethren, hail! We have received from Divine Providence the
inestimable blessing of being relieved from all error, and united in
the acknowledgment of one and the same faith. The devil will no longer
have any power against us, since all that which he had malignantly
devised for our destruction has been entirely overthrown from the
foundations. The splendor of truth has dissipated at the command of
God those dissensions, schisms, tumults, and so to speak, deadly
poisons of discord. Wherefore we all worship one true God, and believe
that he is. But in order that this might be done, by divine admonition
I assembled at the city of Nicæa most of the bishops; with whom I
myself also, who am but one of you, and who rejoice exceedingly in
being your fellow-servant, undertook the investigation of the truth.
Accordingly, all points which seemed in consequence of ambiguity to
furnish any pretext for dissension, have been discussed and accurately
examined. And may the Divine Majesty pardon the fearful enormity of
the blasphemies which some were shamelessly uttering concerning the
mighty Saviour, our life and hope; declaring and confessing that they
believe things contrary to the divinely inspired Scriptures. While
more than three hundred bishops remarkable for their moderation and
intellectual keenness, were unanimous in their confirmation of one and
the same faith, which according to the truth and legitimate
construction of the law of God can only be the faith; Arius alone
beguiled by the subtlety of the devil, was discovered to be the sole
disseminator of this mischief, first among you, and afterwards with
unhallowed purposes among others also. Let us therefore embrace that
doctrine which the Almighty has presented to us: let us return to our
beloved brethren from whom an irreverent servant of the devil has
separated us: let us go with all speed to the common body and our own
natural members. For this is becoming your penetration, faith and
sanctity; that since the error has been proved to be due to him who is
an enemy to the truth, ye should return to the divine favor. For that
which has commended itself to the judgment of three hundred bishops
cannot be other than the doctrine of God; seeing that the Holy Spirit
dwelling in the minds of so many dignified persons has effectually
enlightened them respecting the Divine will. Wherefore let no one
vacillate or linger, but let all with alacrity return to the undoubted
path of duty; that when I shall arrive among you, which will be as
soon as possible, I may with you return due thanks to God, the
inspector of all things, for having revealed the pure faith, and
restored to you that love for which ye have prayed. May God protect
you, beloved brethren.
Thus wrote the emperor to the Christians of Alexandria, assuring them
that the exposition of the faith was neither made rashly nor at
random, but that it was dictated with much research, and after strict
investigation: and not that some things were spoken of, while others
were suppressed in silence; but that whatever could be fittingly
advanced in support of any opinion was fully stated. That nothing
indeed was precipitately determined, but all was previously discussed
with minute accuracy; so that every point which seemed to furnish a
pretext for ambiguity of meaning, or difference of opinion, was
thoroughly sifted, and its difficulties removed. In short he terms the
thought of all those who were assembled there the thought of God, and
does not doubt that the unanimity of so many eminent bishops was
effected by the Holy Spirit. Sabinus, however, the chief of the heresy
of the Macedonians, willfully rejects these authorities, and calls
those who were convened there ignorant and illiterate persons; nay, he
almost accuses Eusebius of Cæsarea himself of ignorance: nor does he
reflect, that even if those who constituted that synod had been
laymen, yet as being illuminated by God, and the grace of the Holy
Spirit, they were utterly unable to err from the truth. [179]
Nevertheless, hear farther what the emperor decreed in another
circular both against Arius and those who held his opinions, sending
it in all directions to the bishops and people.
Another Epistle of Constantine.
Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to the bishops and people.--Since
Arius has imitated wicked and impious persons, it is just that he
should undergo the like ignominy. Wherefore as Porphyry, [180] that
enemy of piety, for having composed licentious treatises against
religion, found a suitable recompense, and such as thenceforth branded
him with infamy, overwhelming him with deserved reproach, his impious
writings also having been destroyed; so now it seems fit both that
Arius and such as hold his sentiments should be denominated
Porphyrians, that they may take their appellation from those whose
conduct they have imitated. And in addition to this, if any treatise
composed by Arius should be discovered, let it be consigned to the
flames, in order that not only his depraved doctrine may be
suppressed, but also that no memorial of him may be by any means left.
This therefore I decree, that if any one shall be detected in
concealing a book compiled by Arius, and shall not instantly bring it
forward and burn it, the penalty for this offense shall be death; for
immediately after conviction the criminal shall suffer capital
punishment. May God preserve you!
Another Epistle. [181]
Constantine Augustus, to the Churches.
Having experienced from the flourishing condition of public affairs,
how great has been the grace of divine power, I judged this to be an
object above all things claiming my care, that one faith, with sincere
love, and uniform piety toward Almighty God should be maintained
amongst the most blessed assemblies of the Catholic Church. But
inasmuch as I perceived that this could not be firmly and permanently
established, unless all, or at least the greatest part of the bishops
could be convened in the same place, and every point of our most holy
religion should be discussed by them in council; therefore as many as
possible were assembled, and I myself also as one of you was present;
for I will not deny what I especially rejoice in, that I am your
fellow-servant. All points were then minutely investigated, until a
decision acceptable to Him who is the inspector of all things, was
published for the promotion of uniformity of judgment and practice; so
that nothing might be henceforth left for dissension or controversy in
matters of faith. There also the question having been considered
relative to the most holy day of Easter, it was determined by common
consent that it should be proper that all should celebrate it on one
and the same day everywhere. For what can be more appropriate, or what
more solemn, than that this feast from which we have received the hope
of immortality, should be invariably kept in one order, and for an
obvious reason among all? And in the first place, it seemed very
unworthy of this most sacred feast, that we should keep it following
the custom of the Jews; a people who having imbrued their hands in a
most heinous outrage, have thus polluted their souls, and are
deservedly blind. Having then cast aside their usage, we are free to
see to it that the celebration of this observance should occur in
future in the more correct order which we have kept from the first day
of the Passion until the present time. Therefore have nothing in
common with that most hostile people the Jews. We have received from
the Saviour another way; for there is set before us both a legitimate
and accurate course in our holy religion: unanimously pursuing this,
let us, most honored brethren, withdraw ourselves from that detestable
association. For it is truly absurd for them to boast that we are
incapable of rightly observing these things without their instruction.
For on what subject will they be competent to form a correct judgment,
who after that murder of their Lord, having been bereft of their
senses, are led not by any rational motive, but by an ungovernable
impulse, wherever their innate fury may drive them? Thence it is
therefore, that even in this particular they do not perceive the
truth, so that they constantly erring in the utmost degree, instead of
making a suitable correction, celebrate the Feast of Passover a second
time in the same year. [182] Why then should we follow the example of
those who are acknowledged to be infected with grievous error? Surely
we should never suffer Easter to be kept twice in one and the same
year! But even if these considerations were not laid before you, it
became your prudence at all times to take heed, both by diligence and
prayer, that the purity of your soul should in nothing have communion,
or seem to do so with the customs of men so utterly depraved. Moreover
this should also be considered, that in a matter so important and of
such religious significance, the slightest disagreement is most
irreverent. For our Saviour left us but one day to be observed in
commemoration of our deliverance, that is the day of his most holy
Passion: he also wished his Catholic Church to be one; the members of
which, however much they may be scattered in various places, are
notwithstanding cherished by one Spirit, that is by the will of God.
Let the prudence consistent with your sacred character consider how
grievous and indecorous it is, that on the same days some should be
observing fasts, while others are celebrating feasts; and after the
days of Easter some should indulge in festivities and enjoyments, and
others submit to appointed fastings. On this account therefore Divine
Providence directed that an appropriate correction should be effected,
and uniformity of practice established, as I suppose you are all
aware.
Since then it was desirable that this should be so amended that we
should have nothing in common with that nation of parricides, and of
those who slew their Lord; and since the order is a becoming one which
is observed by all the churches of the western, southern, and northern
parts, and by some also in the eastern; from these considerations for
the present all thought it to be proper, and I pledged myself that it
would be satisfactory to your prudent penetration, that what is
observed with such general unanimity of sentiment in the city of Rome,
throughout Italy, Africa, all Egypt, Spain, France, Britain, Libya,
the whole of Greece, and the dioceses of Asia, Pontus, and Cilicia,
your intelligence also would cheerfully accept; reflecting too that
not only is there a greater number of churches in the places before
mentioned, but also that this in particular is a most sacred
obligation, that all should in common desire whatever strict reason
seems to demand, and what has no communion with the perjury of the
Jews. But to sum up matters briefly, it was determined by common
consent that the most holy festival of Easter should be solemnized on
one and the same day; for it is not even seemly that there should be
in such a hallowed solemnity any difference: and it is more
commendable to adopt that opinion in which there will be no
intermixture of strange error, or deviation from what is right. These
things therefore being thus consistent, do you gladly receive this
heavenly and truly divine command: for whatever is done in the sacred
assemblies of the bishops is referable to the Divine will. Wherefore,
when ye have indicated the things which have been prescribed to all
our beloved brethren, it behooves you to publish the above written
statements and to accept the reasoning which has been adduced, and to
establish this observance of the most holy day: that when I arrive at
the long and earnestly desired view of your order, I may be able to
celebrate the sacred festival with you on one and the same day; and
may rejoice with you for all things, in seeing Satanic cruelty
frustrated by divine power through our efforts, while your faith,
peace and concord are everywhere flourishing. May God preserve you,
beloved brethren.
Another Epistle to Eusebius. [183]
Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to Eusebius.
Since an impious purpose and tyranny have even to the present time
persecuted the servants of God our Saviour, I have been credibly
informed and am fully persuaded, most beloved brother, that all our
sacred edifices have either by neglect gone to decay, or from dread of
impending danger have not been adorned with becoming dignity. But now
that liberty has been restored, and that persecuting dragon Licinius
has by the providence of the Most High God, and our instrumentality,
been removed from the administration of public affairs, I imagine that
the divine power has been made manifest to all, and at the same time
that those who either through fear or unbelief fell into any sins,
having acknowledged the living God, will come to the true and right
course of life. Wherefore enjoin the churches over which you yourself
preside, as well as the other bishops presiding in various places,
together with the presbyters and deacons whom you know, to be diligent
about the sacred edifices, either by repairing those which remain
standing, or enlarging them, or by erecting new ones wherever it may
be requisite. And do you yourself ask, and the rest through you, the
necessary supplies both from the governors of the provinces, and the
officers of the prætorian prefecture: for directions have been given
to them to execute with all diligence the orders of your holiness. May
God preserve you, beloved brother.
These instructions, concerning the building of churches were sent by
the emperor to the bishops in every province: but what he wrote to
Eusebius of Palestine respecting the preparation of some copies of the
Scriptures, we may ascertain from the letters themselves: [184]
Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to Eusebius of Cæsarea.
In the city which derives its name from us, a very great multitude of
persons, through the assisting providence of our Saviour God, have
united themselves to the most holy Church, so that it has received
much increase there. It is therefore requisite that more churches
should be furnished in that place: wherefore do you most cordially
enter into the purpose which I have conceived. I have thought fit to
intimate this to your prudence, that you should order to be
transcribed on well-prepared parchment, by competent writers
accurately acquainted with their art, fifty copies of the Sacred
Scriptures, both legibly described, and of a portable size, the
provision and use of which you know to be needful for the instruction
of the Church. Letters have also been despatched from our clemency, to
the financial agent [185] of the diocese that he be careful to provide
all things necessary for the preparation of them. That these copies
may be got ready as quickly as possible, let it be a task for your
diligence: and you are authorized, on the warrant of this our letter,
to use two of the public carriages for their conveyance; for thus the
copies which are most satisfactorily transcribed, may be easily
conveyed for our inspection, one of the deacons of your church
fulfilling this commission; who when he has reached us shall
experience our bounty. May God preserve you, beloved brother.
Another Epistle to Macarius. [186]
Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to Macarius of Jerusalem.--Such
is the grace of our Saviour, that no supply of words seems to be
adequate to the expression of its present manifestation. For that the
monument [187] of his most holy passion, long since hidden under the
earth, should have lain concealed for a period of so many years,
until, through the destruction of the common enemy of all, [188] it
should shine forth to his own servants after their having regained
their freedom, exceeds all admiration. For if all those who throughout
the whole habitable earth are accounted wise, should be convened in
one and the same place, desiring to say something worthy of the event,
they would fall infinitely short of the least part of it; for the
apprehension of this wonder as far transcends every nature capable of
human reasoning, as heavenly things are mightier than human. Hence
therefore this is always my especial aim, that as the credibility of
the truth daily demonstrates itself by fresh miracles, so the souls of
us all should become more diligent respecting the holy law, with
modesty and unanimous eagerness. But I desire that you should be fully
aware of what I conceive is pretty generally known, that it is now my
chief care, that we should adorn with magnificent structures that
hallowed spot, which by God's appointment I have disencumbered of a
most disgraceful addition [189] of an idol, as of some grievous
burden; which was consecrated indeed from the beginning in the purpose
of God, but has been more manifestly sanctified since he has brought
to light the evidence of the Saviour's passion. Wherefore it is
becoming your prudence to make such arrangements, and provision of
everything necessary, that not only a church [190] should be built in
itself superior to any elsewhere, but that the rest of its parts also
may be such that all the most splendid edifices in every city may be
excelled by this. With regard to the workmanship and chaste execution
of the walls, know that we have entrusted the care of these things to
our friend Dracilian, deputy to the most illustrious prefects of the
prætorium, and to the governor of the province: for my piety has
ordered that artificers and workmen, and whatever other things they
may be informed from your sagacity to be necessary for the structure,
shall through their care be immediately sent. Respecting the columns
or the marbles, whatever you may judge to be more precious and useful,
do you yourself after having inspected the plan take care to write to
us; that when we shall understand from your letter how many things and
of what kind there may be need of, these may be conveyed to you from
all quarters: for it is but just that the most wonderful place in the
world, should be adorned in accordance with its dignity. But I wish to
know from you, whether you consider that the vault of the basilica
should be fretted, or constructed on some other plan: for if it is to
be fretted, it can also be decorated with gold. It remains that your
holiness should inform the officers before mentioned as soon as
possible, how many workmen and artificers, and what money for expenses
you will want. Be careful at the same time to report to me speedily,
not only concerning the marbles and columns, but also concerning the
fretted vault, if indeed you should decide this to be the more
beautiful. May God preserve you, beloved brother.
The emperor having also written other letters of a more oratorical
character against Arius and his adherents, caused them to be
everywhere published throughout the cities, exposing him to ridicule,
and taunting him with irony. Moreover, writing to the Nicomedians
against Eusebius and Theognis, he censures the misconduct of Eusebius,
not only on account of his Arianism, but because also having formerly
been well-affected to the ruler, he had traitorously conspired against
his affairs. He then exhorts them to elect another bishop instead of
him. But I thought it would be superfluous to insert here the letters
respecting these things, because of their length: those who wish to do
so may find them elsewhere and give them a perusal. This is sufficient
notice of these transactions.
Footnotes
[177] klerou: cf. Bingham, Eccl. Antiq. I. 5.
[178] Sotades, a Maronite, characterized as obscene. On the doctrines
of the Maronites, cf. Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Ch. XLVII. sect. 3.
[179] It has always been the common belief of the Eastern Church that
the ecumenical councils were inspired in the same sense as the writers
of the Sacred Scriptures. Socrates in this respect simply reflects the
opinion of the age and region.
[180] Cf. III. 23, where the author makes further mention of Porphyry
and his writings; see also Smith, Dict. Greek and Roman Biog.
[181] Euseb. Life of Const. III. 17-19.
[182] As the Jewish Passover month was a lunar month and began on the
fifth day of March and ended on the third of April, it happened
sometimes that their Passover began before the equinox (the beginning
of the solar year), so that they celebrated two Passovers during the
same solar year. Their own year being lunar, of course they never
celebrated the Passover twice in a year according to their point of
view.
[183] Valesius thinks this letter is misplaced; as it alludes to the
death of Licinius as a recent event, he thinks it must have been
written about 315-316 a.d., hence ten years before the Council of
Nicæa. Cf. Euseb. Life of Const. II. 46.
[184] Euseb. Life of Const. IV. 36.
[185] dioikeseos katholikon: this office was peculiar to the Eastern
Church. The nearest equivalent to it in the terminology of the Western
Church is that of vicar-general; but as the non-technical expression
`financial agent' describes the official to the modern reader, it has
been adopted in the present translation. Concerning the office, cf.
Euseb. H. E. VII. 10. It may be also noted that the very common
ecclesiastical term diocese (dioikesis ) originated during the reign
of Constantine, as becomes evident from his letters. See Euseb. Life
of Const. III. 36.
[186] Euseb. Life of Const. III. 30.
[187] gnorisma: the sepulchre near Calvary commonly known as the
Saviour's is meant.
[188] Licinius.
[189] A temple of Venus built by Adrian, the emperor, on Mount
Calvary.
[190] basiliken , `basilica'; the ancient Roman basilicas were often
turned into churches. The term has become familiar in ecclesiastical
architecture.
Chapter X.--The Emperor also summons to the Synod Acesius, Bishop of
the Novatians.
The emperor's diligence induces me to mention another circumstance
expressive of his mind, and serving to show how much he desired peace.
For aiming at ecclesiastical harmony, he summoned to the council
Acesius also, a bishop of the sect of Novatians. Now, when the
declaration of faith had been written out and subscribed by the Synod,
the emperor asked Acesius whether he would also agree to this creed to
the settlement of the day on which Easter should be observed. He
replied, `The Synod has determined nothing new, my prince: for thus
heretofore, even from the beginning, from the times of the apostles, I
traditionally received the definition of the faith, and the time of
the celebration of Easter.' When, therefore, the emperor further asked
him, `For what reason then do you separate yourself from communion
with the rest of the Church?' he related what had taken place during
the persecution under Decius; and referred to the rigidness of that
austere canon which declares, that it is not right persons who after
baptism have committed a sin, which the sacred Scriptures denominate
`a sin unto death' [191] to be considered worthy of participation in
the sacraments: [192] that they should indeed be exhorted to
repentance, but were not to expect remission from the priest, but from
God, who is able and has authority to forgive sins. [193] When Acesius
had thus spoken, the emperor said to him, `Place a ladder, Acesius,
and climb alone into heaven.' [194] Neither Eusebius Pamphilus nor any
other has ever mentioned these things: but I heard them from a man by
no means prone to falsehood, who was very old, and simply stated what
had taken place in the council in the course of a narrative. From
which I conjecture that those who have passed by this occurrence in
silence, were actuated by motives which have influenced many other
historians: for they frequently suppress important facts, either from
prejudice against some, or partiality towards others.
Footnotes
[191] John v. 16.
[192] theion musterion.
[193] Cf. IV. 28.
[194] Sozom. I. 22.
Chapter XI.--Of the Bishop Paphnutius.
As we have promised above [195] to make some mention of Paphnutius and
Spyridon, it is time to speak of them here. Paphnutius then was bishop
of one of the cities in Upper Thebes: he was a man so favored divinely
that extraordinary miracles were done by him. In the time of the
persecution he had been deprived of one of his eyes. The emperor
honored this man exceedingly, and often sent for him to the palace,
and kissed the part where the eye had been torn out. So great
devoutness characterized the emperor Constantine. Let this single fact
respecting Paphnutius suffice: I shall now explain another thing which
came to pass in consequence of his advice, both for the good of the
Church and the honor of the clergy. It seemed fit to the bishops to
introduce a new law into the Church, that those who were in holy
orders, I speak of bishops, presbyters, and deacons, should have no
conjugal intercourse with the wives whom they had married while still
laymen. [196] Now when discussion on this matter was impending,
Paphnutius having arisen in the midst of the assembly of bishops,
earnestly entreated them not to impose so heavy a yoke on the
ministers of religion: asserting that `marriage itself is honorable,
and the bed undefiled'; [197] urging before God that they ought not to
injure the Church by too stringent restrictions. `For all men,' said
he, `cannot bear the practice of rigid continence; neither perhaps
would the chastity of the wife of each be preserved': and he termed
the intercourse of a man with his lawful wife chastity. It would be
sufficient, he thought, that such as had previously entered on their
sacred calling should abjure matrimony, according to the ancient
tradition of the Church: but that none should be separated from her to
whom, while yet unordained, he had been united. And these sentiments
he expressed, although himself without experience of marriage, and, to
speak plainly, without ever having known a woman: for from a boy he
had been brought up in a monastery, [198] and was specially renowned
above all men for his chastity. The whole assembly of the clergy
assented to the reasoning of Paphnutius: wherefore they silenced all
further debate on this point, leaving it to the discretion of those
who were husbands to exercise abstinence if they so wished in
reference to their wives. Thus much concerning Paphnutius.
Footnotes
[195] Above, chap. 8.
[196] Cf. Apost. Cann. 5, 17, 26, 51. In general, voluntary celibacy
of the clergy was encouraged in the ancient Church.
[197] Heb. xiii. 4.
[198] asketeriû: lit. `place for the exercise' of virtue.
Chapter XII.--Of Spyridon, Bishop of the Cypriots.
With respect to Spyridon, so great was his sanctity while a shepherd,
that he was thought worthy of being made a Pastor of men: and having
been assigned the bishopric of one of the cities in Cyprus named
Trimithus, on account of his extreme humility he continued to feed his
sheep during his incumbency of the bishopric. Many extraordinary
things are related of him: I shall however record but one or two, lest
I should seem to wander from my subject. Once about midnight, thieves
having clandestinely entered his sheepfold attempted to carry off some
of the sheep. But God who protected the shepherd preserved his sheep
also; for the thieves were by an invisible power bound to the folds.
At daybreak, when he came to the sheep and found the men with their
hands tied behind them, he understood what was done: and after having
prayed he liberated the thieves, earnestly admonishing and exhorting
them to support themselves by honest labor, and not to take anything
unjustly. He then gave them a ram, and sent them away, humorously
adding, `that ye may not appear to have watched all night in vain.'
This is one of the miracles in connection with Spyridon. Another was
of this kind. He had a virgin daughter named Irene, who was a partaker
of her father's piety. An acquaintance entrusted to her keeping an
ornament of considerable value: she, to guard it more securely, hid
what had been deposited with her in the ground, and not long
afterwards died. Subsequently the owner of the property came to claim
it; and not finding the virgin, he began an excited conversation with
the father, at times accusing him of an attempt to defraud him, and
then again beseeching him to restore the deposit. The old man,
regarding this person's loss as his own misfortune, went to the tomb
of his daughter, and called upon God to show him before its proper
season the promised resurrection. Nor was he disappointed in his hope:
for the virgin again reviving appeared to her father, and having
pointed out to him the spot where she had hidden the ornament, she
once more departed. Such characters as these adorned the churches in
the time of the emperor Constantine. These details I obtained from
many inhabitants of Cyprus. I have also found a treatise composed in
Latin by the presbyter Rufinus, from which I have collected these and
some other things which will be hereafter adduced. [199]
Footnotes
[199] On the use Socrates made of Rufinus, and the question of his
knowledge of Latin therein involved, see Introd. p. x.
Chapter XIII.--Of Eutychian the Monk.
I have heard moreover concerning Eutychian, a devout person who
flourished about the same time; who also belonged to the Novatian
church, yet was venerated for the performance of similar miracles. I
shall unequivocally state my authority for this narrative, nor will I
attempt to conceal it, even though I give offense to some parties. It
was Auxanon, a very aged presbyter of the Novatian church; who when
quite a youth accompanied Acesius to the Synod at Nicæa, and related
to me what I have said concerning him. His life extended from that
period to the reign of Theodosius the Younger; and when I was a mere
youth he recounted to me the acts of Eutychian, enlarging much on the
divine grace which was manifested in him: but one circumstance he
alluded to, which occurred in the reign of Constantine, peculiarly
worthy of mention. One of those military attendants, whom the emperor
calls his domestic [or body] guards having been suspected of
treasonable practices, sought his safety in flight. The indignant
monarch ordered that he should be put to death, wherever he might be
found: who, having been arrested on the Bithynian Olympus, was bound
with heavy and painful chains and kept imprisoned near those parts of
Olympus where Eutychian was leading a solitary life, and healing both
the bodies and souls of many. The aged Auxanon being then very young
was with him, and was being trained by him in the discipline of the
monastic life. Many persons came to this Eutychian, entreating him to
procure the release of the prisoner by interceding for him with the
emperor. For the fame of the miracles done by Eutychian had reached
the ears of the emperor. He readily promised to go to the sovereign;
but as the chains inflicted intolerable suffering, those who
interested themselves on his behalf declared that death caused by the
effect of his chains would anticipate both the emperor's vengeance and
any intercession that might be made for the prisoner. Accordingly
Eutychian sent to the jailers requesting them to relieve the man; but
they having answered that they should bring themselves into danger by
relieving a criminal, he went himself to the prison, attended by
Auxanon; and as they refused to open the jail, the grace which rested
on Eutychian was rendered more conspicuous: for the gates of the
prison opened of their own accord, while the jailers had the keys in
their custody. As soon as Eutychian, together with Auxanon, had
entered the prison, to the great astonishment of all then present the
fetters spontaneously fell from the prisoner's limbs. He then
proceeded with Auxanon to the city which was anciently called
Byzantium but afterwards Constantinople, where having been admitted
into the imperial palace, he saved the man from death; for the
emperor, entertaining great veneration for Eutychian, readily granted
his request. This indeed occurred some time after [the period to which
this part of our history refers].
The bishops who were convened at the council of Nicæa, after having
drawn up and enrolled certain other ecclesiastical regulations which
they are accustomed to term canons, again departed to their respective
cities: and as I conceive it will be appreciated by lovers of
learning, I shall here subjoin the names of such as were present, as
far as I have been able to ascertain them, with the province and city
over which they severally presided, and likewise the date at which
this assembly took place. Hosius, who was I believe bishop of Cordova
in Spain, as I have before stated. Vito and Vicentius, presbyters of
Rome, Alexander, bishop of Egypt, Eustathius of Antiochia Magna,
Macarius of Jerusalem, and Harpocration of Cynopolis: the names of the
rest are fully reported in The Synodicon [200] of Athanasius, bishop
of Alexandria. This Synod was convened (as we have discovered from the
notation of the date prefixed to the record of the Synod) in the
consulate of Paulinus and Julian, on the 20th day of May, and in the
636th year from the reign of Alexander the Macedonian. [201]
Accordingly the work of the council was accomplished. It should be
noted that after the council the emperor went into the western parts
of the empire.
Footnotes
[200] This work of Athanasius is not now extant.
[201] May 20, 325 a.d.
Chapter XIV.--Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis Bishop of
Nicæa, who had been banished for agreeing in Opinion with Arius,
having published their Recantation, and assented to the Creed, are
reinstated in their Sees.
Eusebius [202] and Theognis having sent a penitential confession to
the principal bishops, were by an imperial edict recalled from exile
and restored to their own churches, displacing those who had been
ordained in their places; Eusebius [displacing] Amphion, and Theognis
Chrestus. This is a copy of their written retraction:
`We having been sometime since condemned by your piety, without a
formal trial, ought to bear in silence the decisions of your sacred
adjudication. But since it is unreasonable that we by silence should
countenance caluminators against ourselves, we on this account declare
that we entirely concur with you in the faith; and also that, after
having closely considered the import of the term consubstantial, we
have been wholly studious of peace, having never followed the heresy.
After suggesting whatever entered our thought for the security of the
churches, and fully assuring those under our influence, we subscribed
the declaration of faith; we did not subscribe the anathematizing; not
as objecting to the creed, but as disbelieving the party accused to be
such as was represented, having been satisfied on this point, both
from his own letters to us, and from personal conversations. But if
your holy council was convinced, we not opposing but concurring in
your decisions, by this statement give them our full assent and
confirmation: and this we do not as wearied with our exile, but to
shake off the suspicion of heresy. If therefore ye should now think
fit to restore us to your presence, ye will have us on all points
conformable, and acquiescent in your decrees: especially since it has
seemed good to your piety to deal tenderly with and recall even him
who was primarily accused. It would be absurd for us to be silent, and
thus give presumptive evidence against ourselves, when the one who
seemed responsible has been permitted to clear himself from the
charges brought against him. Vouchsafe then, as is consistent with
that Christ-loving piety of yours, to remind our most religious
emperor, to present our petitions, and to determine speedily
concerning us in a way becoming yourselves.'
Such was the language of the recantation of Eusebius and Theognis;
from which I infer that they had subscribed the articles of faith
which had been set forth, but would not become parties to the
condemnation of Arius. It appears also that Arius was recalled before
them; but, although this may be true, yet he had been forbidden to
enter Alexandria. This is evident from the fact that he afterwards
devised a way of return for himself, both into the church and into
Alexandria, by having made a fictitious repentance, as we shall show
in its proper place.
Footnotes
[202] This is not in its place according to chronological order,
inasmuch as it occurred in 328 a.d. It appears also from the accounts
of the other historians of this period that Socrates does not give the
correct reason for the banishment of Eusebius and Theognis. Cf.
Theodoret, H. E. I. 20; also Sozom. I. 21.
Chapter XV.--After the Synod, on the Death of Alexander, Athanasius is
constituted Bishop of Alexandria.
A little after this, Alexander bishop of Alexandria having died, [203]
Athanasius was set over that church. Rufinus relates, that this
[Athanasius] when quite a boy, played with others of his own age at a
sacred game: this was an imitation of the priesthood and the order of
consecrated persons. In this game therefore Athanasius was allotted
the episcopal chair, and each of the other lads personated either a
presbyter or a deacon. The children engaged in this sport on the day
in which the memory of the martyr and bishop Peter was celebrated. Now
at that time Alexander bishop of Alexandria happening to pass by,
observed the play in which they were engaged, and having sent for the
children, enquired from them the part each had been assigned in the
game, conceiving that something might be portended by that which had
been done. He then gave directions that the children should be taken
to the church, and instructed in learning, but especially Athanasius;
and having afterwards ordained him deacon on his becoming of adult
age, he brought him to Nicæa to assist him in the disputations there
when the Synod was convened. This account of Athanasius Rufinus has
given in his own writings; nor is it improbable that it took place,
for many transactions of this kind have often occurred. Concerning
this matter it will suffice to have said the above. [204]
Footnotes
[203] Socrates and Sozomen are both mistaken in putting the death of
Alexander and ordination of Athanasius after the return of Eusebius
and Theognis from exile. According to Theodoret (H. E. I. 26),
Alexander died a few months after the Council of Nicæa, hence in 325
a.d., and Athanasius succeeded him at the end of the same year, or at
the beginning of the next.
[204] See, for additional features of the story not reproduced by
Socrates, Rufinus, H. E. I. 14.
Chapter XVI.--The Emperor Constantine having enlarged the Ancient
Byzantium, calls it Constantinople.
After the Synod the emperor spent some time in recreation, and after
the public celebration of his twentieth anniversary of his accession,
[205] he immediately devoted himself to the reparation of the
churches. This he carried into effect in other cities as well as in
the city named after him, which being previously called Byzantium, he
enlarged, surrounded with massive walls, [206] and adorned with
various edifices; and having rendered it equal to imperial Rome, he
named it Constantinople, establishing by law that it should be
designated New Rome. This law was engraven on a pillar of stone
erected in public view in the Strategium, [207] near the emperor's
equestrian statue. [208] He built also in the same city two churches,
one of which he named Irene, and the other The Apostles. [209] Nor did
he only improve the affairs of the Christians, as I have said, but he
also destroyed the superstition of the heathens; for he brought forth
their images into public view to ornament the city of Constantinople,
and set up the Delphic tripods publicly in the Hippodrome. It may
indeed seem now superfluous to mention these things, since they are
seen before they are heard of. But at that time the Christian cause
received its greatest augmentation; for Divine Providence preserved
very many other things during the times of the emperor Constantine.
[210] Eusebius Pamphilus has in magnificent terms recorded the praises
of the emperor; [211] and I considered it would not be ill-timed to
advert thus to them as concisely as possible.
Footnotes
[205] The Vicennalia.
[206] These walls were superseded by the great walls built under
Theodosius the Younger; see VII. 31.
[207] `Mansion house,' the building in which the two chief magistrates
had their headquarters.
[208] The city was formally dedicated as the capital of the empire in
330 a.d.
[209] Cf. II. 16, and I. 40.
[210] The text seems somewhat doubtful here. Valesius conjectures ,'a
te alla pleista kai touto malista, idiomatically, `this among many
other things'; but the mss. read more obscurely, kai alla pleista.
[211] Euseb. Life of Const. III. 33; cf. also 52-55.
Chapter XVII.--The Emperor's Mother Helena having come to Jerusalem,
searches for and finds the Cross of Christ, and builds a Church.
Helena, the emperor's mother (from whose name having made Drepanum,
once a village, a city, the emperor called it Helenopolis), being
divinely directed by dreams went to Jerusalem. Finding that which was
once Jerusalem, desolate `as a Preserve for autumnal fruits,' [212]
according to the prophet, she sought carefully the sepulchre of
Christ, from which he arose after his burial; and after much
difficulty, by God's help she discovered it. What the cause of the
difficulty was I will explain in a few words. Those who embraced the
Christian faith, after the period of his passion, greatly venerated
this tomb; but those who hated Christianity, having covered the spot
with a mound of earth, erected on it a temple to Venus, and set up her
image there, not caring for the memory of the place. [213] This
succeeded for a long time; and it became known to the emperor's
mother. Accordingly she having caused the statue [214] to be thrown
down, the earth to be removed, and the ground entirely cleared, found
three crosses in the sepulchre: one of these was that blessed cross on
which Christ had hung, the other two were those on which the two
thieves that were crucified with him had died. With these was also
found the tablet [215] of Pilate, on which he had inscribed in various
characters, that the Christ who was crucified was king of the Jews.
Since, however, it was doubtful which was the cross they were in
search of, the emperor's mother was not a little distressed; but from
this trouble the bishop of Jerusalem, Macarius, shortly relieved her.
And he solved the doubt by faith, for he sought a sign from God and
obtained it. The sign was this: a certain woman of the neighborhood,
who had been long afflicted with disease, was now just at the point of
death; the bishop therefore arranged it so that each of the crosses
should be brought to the dying woman, believing that she would be
healed on touching the precious cross. Nor was he disappointed in his
expectation: for the two crosses having been applied which were not
the Lord's, the woman still continued in a dying state; but when the
third, which was the true cross, touched her, she was immediately
healed, and recovered her former strength. In this manner then was the
genuine cross discovered. The emperor's mother erected over the place
of the sepulchre a magnificent church, [216] and named it New
Jerusalem, having built it facing that old and deserted city. There
she left a portion of the cross, enclosed in a silver case, as a
memorial to those who might wish to see it: the other part she sent to
the emperor, who being persuaded that the city would be perfectly
secure where that relic should be preserved, privately enclosed it in
his own statue, which stands on a large column of porphyry in the
forum called Constantine's at Constantinople. I have written this from
report indeed; but almost all the inhabitants of Constantinople affirm
that it is true. Moreover the nails with which Christ's hands were
fastened to the cross (for his mother having found these also in the
sepulchre had sent them) Constantine took and had made into
bridle-bits and a helmet, which he used in his military expeditions.
The emperor supplied all materials for the construction of the
churches, and wrote to Macarius the bishop to expedite these edifices.
When the emperor's mother had completed the New Jerusalem, she reared
another church not at all inferior, over the cave at Bethlehem where
Christ was born according to the flesh: nor did she stop here, but
built a third on the mount of his Ascension. So devoutly was she
affected in these matters, that she would pray in the company of
women; and inviting the virgins enrolled in the register [217] of the
churches to a repast, serving them herself, she brought the dishes to
table. She was also very munificent to the churches and to the poor;
and having lived a life of piety, she died when about eighty years
old. Her remains were conveyed to New Rome, the capital, and deposited
in the imperial sepulchres.
Footnotes
[212] Isa. i. 8. oporophulakion , `a lodge in a garden of cucumbers,'
according to the English versions (both authorized and revised), which
follows the Hebrew; in the LXX the words en sikuerato are added.
[213] See the Ep. of Constantine to Macarius, in chap. 9 above.
[214] xoanon, as distinguished from agalma, or andrias, used with less
reverence; the word is derived from xeo, `to polish.'
[215] sanis, `board.'
[216] oikon eukterion, `house of prayer.'
[217] kanoni: a word of many meanings; see Sophocles' Lex. and a
dissertation on the word in Westcott On the Canon Appendix A, p. 499.
Chapter XVIII.--The Emperor Constantine abolishes Paganism and erects
many Churches in Different Places.
After this the emperor became increasingly attentive to the interests
of the Christians, and abandoned the heathen superstitions. He
abolished the combats of the gladiators, and set up his own statues in
the temples. And as the heathens affirmed that it was Serapis who
brought up the Nile for the purpose of irrigating Egypt, because a
cubit was usually carried into his temple, he directed Alexander to
transfer the cubit to the church. And although they predicted that the
Nile would not overflow because of the displeasure of Serapis,
nevertheless there was an inundation in the following year and
afterwards, taking place regularly: thus it was proved by fact that
the rising of the Nile was not in consequence of their superstition,
but by reason of the decrees of Providence. About the same time those
barbarians the Sarmatians and Goths made incursions on the Roman
territory; yet the emperor's earnestness respecting the churches was
by no means abated, but he made suitable provision for both these
matters. Placing his confidence in the Christian banner, [218] he
completely vanquished his enemies, so as even to cast off the tribute
of gold which preceding emperors were accustomed to pay the
barbarians: while they themselves, being terror-struck at the
unexpectedness of their defeat, then for the first time embraced the
Christian religion, by means of which Constantine had been protected.
Again he built other churches, one of which was erected near the Oak
of Mamre, under which the Sacred Oracles declare that Abraham
entertained angels. For the emperor having been informed that altars
had been reared under that oak, and that pagan sacrifices were offered
upon them, censured by letter Eusebius bishop of Cæsarea, and ordered
that the altars should be demolished, and a house of prayer erected
beside the oak. He also directed that another church should be
constructed in Heliopolis in Phoenicia, for this reason. Who
originally legislated for the inhabitants of Heliopolis I am unable to
state, but his character and morals may be judged of from the
[practice of that] city; for the laws of the country ordered the women
among them to be common, and therefore the children born there were of
doubtful descent, so that there was no distinction of fathers and
their offspring. Their virgins also were presented for prostitution to
the strangers who resorted thither. The emperor hastened to correct
this evil which had long prevailed among them. And passing a solemn
law of chastity, he removed the shameful evil and provided for the
mutual recognition of families. And having built churches there, he
took care that a bishop and sacred clergy should be ordained. Thus he
reformed the corrupt manners of the people of Heliopolis. He likewise
demolished the temple of Venus at Aphaca on Mount Libanus, and
abolished the infamous deeds which were there celebrated. Why need I
describe his expulsion of the Pythonic demon from Cilicia, by
commanding the mansion in which he was lurking to be razed from its
foundations? So great indeed was the emperor's devotion to
Christianity, that when he was about to enter on a war with Persia, he
prepared a tabernacle formed of embroidered linen on the model of a
church, just as Moses had done in the wilderness; [219] and this so
constructed as to be adapted to conveyance from place to place, in
order that he might have a house of prayer even in the most desert
regions. But the war was not at that time carried on, being prevented
through dread of the emperor. It would, I conceive, be out of place
here to describe the emperor's diligence in rebuilding cities and
converting many villages into cities; as for example Drepanum, to
which he gave his mother's name, and Constantia in Palestine, so
called from his sister. For my task is not to enumerate of the
emperor's actions, but simply such as are connected with Christianity,
and especially those which relate to the churches. Wherefore I leave
to others more competent to detail such matters, the emperor's
glorious achievements, inasmuch as they belong to a different subject,
and require a distinct treatise. But I myself should have been silent,
if the Church had remained undisturbed by divisions: for where the
subject does not supply matter for relation, there is no necessity for
a narrator. Since however subtle and vain disputation has confused and
at the same time scattered the apostolic faith of Christianity, I
thought it desirable to record these things, in order that the
transactions of the churches might not be lost in obscurity. For
accurate information on these points procures celebrity among the
many, and at the same time renders him who is acquainted with them
more secure from error, and instructs him not to be carried away by
any empty sound of sophistical argumentation which he may chance to
hear.
Footnotes
[218] tropaiû: see above, chap. 2.
[219] Ex. xxxv.-xl.
Chapter XIX. [220] --In what Manner the Nations in the Interior of
India were Christianized in the Times of Constantine.
We must now mention in what manner Christianity was spread in this
emperor's reign: for it was in his time that the nations both of the
Indians in the interior, and of the Iberians first embraced the
Christian faith. But I shall briefly explain why I have used the
appended expression in the interior. When the apostles went forth by
lot among the nations, Thomas received the apostleship of the
Parthians; Matthew was allotted Ethiopia; and Bartholomew the part of
India contiguous to that country: but the interior India, in which
many barbarous nations using different languages lived, was not
enlightened by Christian doctrine before the times of Constantine. I
now come to speak of the cause which led them to become converts to
Christianity. A certain philosopher, Meropius, a Tyrian by race,
determined to acquaint himself with the country of the Indians, being
stimulated to this by the example of the philosopher Metrodorus, who
had previously traveled through the region of India. Having taken with
him therefore two youths to whom he was related, who were by no means
ignorant of the Greek language, Meropius reached the country by ship;
and when he had inspected whatever he wished, he touched at a certain
place which had a safe harbor, for the purpose of procuring some
necessaries. It so happened that a little before that time the treaty
between the Romans and Indians had been violated. The Indians,
therefore, having seized the philosopher and those who sailed with
him, killed them all except his two youthful kinsmen; but sparing them
from compassion for their tender age, they sent them as a gift to the
king of the Indians. He being pleased with the personal appearance of
the youths, constituted one of them, whose name was Edesius,
cup-bearer at his table; the other, named Frumentius, he entrusted
with the care of the royal records. The king dying soon after, left
them free, the government devolving on his wife and infant son. Now
the queen seeing her son thus left in his minority, begged the young
men to undertake the charge of him, until he should become of adult
age. Accordingly, the youths accepted the task, and entered on the
administration of the kingdom. Thus Frumentius controlled all things
and made it a task to enquire whether among the Roman merchants
trafficking with that country, there were any Christians to be found:
and having discovered some, he informed them who he was, and exhorted
them to select and occupy some appropriate places for the celebration
of Christian worship. In the course of a little while he built a house
of prayer; and having instructed some of the Indians in the principles
of Christianity, they fitted them for participation in the worship. On
the young king's reaching maturity, Frumentius and his associates
resigned to him the administration of public affairs, in the
management of which they had honorably acquitted themselves, and
besought permission to return to their own country. Both the king and
his mother entreated them to remain; but being desirous of revisiting
their native place, they could not be prevailed on, and consequently
departed. Edesius for his part hastened to Tyre to see his parents and
kindred; but Frumentius arriving at Alexandria, reported the affair to
Athanasius the bishop, who had but recently been invested with that
dignity; and acquainting him both with the particulars of his
wanderings and the hopes Indians had of receiving Christianity. [221]
He also begged him to send a bishop and clergy there, and by no means
to neglect those who might thus be brought to salvation. Athanasius
having considered how this could be most profitably effected,
requested Frumentius himself to accept the bishopric, declaring that
he could appoint no one more suitable than he was. Accordingly this
was done; Frumentius invested with episcopal authority, returned to
India and became there a preacher of the Gospel, and built several
churches, being aided also by divine grace, he performed various
miracles, healing with the souls also the bodily diseases of many.
Rufinus assures us that he heard these facts from Edesius, who was
afterwards ordained to the priesthood at Tyre. [222]
Footnotes
[220] `In this Chapter Socrates has translated Rufinus (H. E. I. 9)
almost word for word; and calls those topous idiazontas , which
Rufinus has termed conventicula. Now conventicula are properly private
places wherein collects or short prayers are made; and from these
places churches are distinguished, which belong to the right of the
public, and are not in the power of any private person. It is to be
observed that there are reasons for thinking that this conversion of
the Indians by Frumentius happened in the reign of Constantius and not
of Constantine' (Valesius). See also Euseb. H. E. V. 10, attributing
an earlier work to the apostles Matthew and Bartholomew; and Cave,
Lives of the Apostles. The Indians mentioned in this Chapter are no
other than the Abyssinians. The name India is used as an equivalent of
Ethiopia. The christianization of Ethiopia is attributed by the
Ethiopians in their own records to Fremonatos and Sydracos. See Ludolf
Hist. Eth. III. 2.
[221] Christianity here must mean Christian instruction.
[222] eukteria: see note 5, chap. 17 above.
Chapter XX.--In what Manner the Iberians were converted to
Christianity.
It is now proper to relate how the Iberians [223] about the same time
became proselytes to the faith. A certain woman leading a devout and
chaste life, was, in the providential ordering of God, taken captive
by the Iberians. Now these Iberians dwell near the Euxine Sea, and are
a colony of the Iberians of Spain. Accordingly the woman in her
captivity exercised [224] herself among the barbarians in the practice
of virtue: for she not only maintained the most rigid continence, but
spent much time in fastings and prayers. The barbarians observing this
were astonished at the strangeness of her conduct. It happened then
that the king's son, then a mere babe, was attacked with disease; the
queen, according to the custom of the country, sent the child to other
women to be cured, in the hope that their experience would supply a
remedy. After the infant had been carried around by its nurse without
obtaining relief from any of the women, he was at length brought to
this captive. She had no knowledge of the medical art, and applied no
material remedy; but taking the child and laying it on her bed which
was made of horsecloth, in the presence of other females, she simply
said, `Christ, who healed many, will heal this child also'; then
having prayed in addition to this expression of faith, and called upon
God, the boy was immediately restored, and continued well from that
period. The report of this miracle spread itself far and wide among
the barbarian women, and soon reached the queen, so that the captive
became very celebrated. Not long afterwards the queen herself having
fallen sick sent for the captive woman. Inasmuch as she being a person
of modest and retiring manners excused herself from going, the queen
was conveyed to her. The captive did the same to her as she had done
to her son before; and immediately the disease was removed. And the
queen thanked the stranger; but she replied, `this work is not mine,
but Christ's, who is the Son of God that made the world'; she
therefore exhorted her to call upon him, and acknowledge the true God.
Amazed at his wife's sudden restoration to health, the king of the
Iberians wished to requite with gifts her whom he had understood to be
the means of effecting these cures; she however said that she needed
not riches, inasmuch as she possessed as riches the consolations of
religion; but that she would regard as the greatest present he could
offer her, his recognition of the God whom she worshiped and declared.
With this she sent back the gifts. This answer the king treasured up
in his mind, and going forth to the chase the next day, the following
circumstance occurred: a mist and thick darkness covered the mountain
tops and forests where he was hunting, so that their sport was
embarrassed, and their path became inextricable. In this perplexity
the prince earnestly invoked the gods whom he worshiped; and as it
availed nothing, he at last determined to implore the assistance of
the captive's God; when scarcely had he begun to pray, ere the
darkness arising from the mist was completely dissipated. Wondering at
that which was done, he returned to his palace rejoicing, and related
to his wife what had happened; he also immediately sent for the
captive stranger, and begged her to inform him who that God was whom
she adored. The woman on her arrival caused the king of the Iberians
to become a preacher of Christ: for having believed in Christ through
this devoted woman, he convened all the Iberians who were under his
authority; and when he had declared to them what had taken place in
reference to the cure of his wife and child not only, but also the
circumstances connected with the chase, he exhorted them to worship
the God of the captive. Thus, therefore, both the king and the queen
were made preachers of Christ, the one addressing their male, and the
other their female subjects. Moreover, the king having ascertained
from his prisoner the plan on which churches were constructed among
the Romans, ordered a church to be built, and immediately provided all
things necessary for its erection; and the edifice was accordingly
commenced. But when they came to set up the pillars, Divine Providence
interposed for the confirmation of the inhabitants in the faith; for
one of the columns remained immovable, and no means were found capable
of moving it; but their ropes broke and their machinery fell to
pieces; at length the workmen gave up all further effort and departed.
Then was proved the reality of the captive's faith in the following
manner: going to the place at night without the knowledge of any one,
she spent the whole time in prayer; and by the power of God the pillar
was raised, and stood erect in the air above its base, yet so as not
to touch it. At daybreak the king, who was an intelligent person, came
himself to inspect the work, and seeing the pillar suspended in this
position without support, both he and his attendants were amazed.
Shortly after, in fact before their very eyes, the pillar descended on
its own pedestal, and there remained fixed. Upon this the people
shouted, attesting the truth of the king's faith, and hymning the
praise of the God of the captive. They believed thenceforth, and with
eagerness raised the rest of the columns, and the whole building was
soon completed. An embassy was afterwards sent to the Emperor
Constantine, requesting that henceforth they might be in alliance with
the Romans, and receive from them a bishop and consecrated clergy,
since they sincerely believed in Christ. Rufinus says that he learned
these facts from Bacurius, [225] who was formerly one of the petty
princes [226] of the Iberians, but subsequently went over to the
Romans, and was made a captain of the military force in Palestine;
being at length entrusted with the supreme command in the war against
the tyrant Maximus, he assisted the Emperor Theodosius. In this way
then, during the days of Constantine, were the Iberians also converted
to Christianity.
Footnotes
[223] These Iberians dwelt on the east shore of the Black Sea in the
present region of Georgia. What their relation to the Spanish Iberians
was, or why both the peoples had the same name it is not possible to
know at present. It was probably not the one suggested by Socrates.
For a similar identity of name in peoples living widely apart, compare
the Gauls of Europe and the Galatæ of Asia.
[224] ephilosophei : the ethical sense here attached to the word
became very common after the time of the Stoics and their attempt to
make ethics the basis and starting-point of philosophy.
[225] Rufinus, H. E. I. 10, gives their story and adds that Bacurius
was a faithful and religious person and rendered service to Theodosius
in his war with Eugenius.
[226] basiliskos : lit. `little king.'
Chapter XXI.--Of Anthony the Monk.
What sort of a man the monk Anthony was, who lived in the same age, in
the Egyptian desert, and how he openly contended with devils, clearly
detecting their devices and wily modes of warfare, and how he
performed many miracles, it would be superfluous for us to say; for
Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, has anticipated us, having devoted
an entire book to his biography. [227] Of such good men there was a
large number at one time during the years of the Emperor Constantine.
Footnotes
[227] Athanasius' Life of Anthony is included in the editions of his
works, such as the Benedictine (1698), that of Padua (1777). On
Anthony, see also Soz. I. 3; II. 31, 34.
Chapter XXII.--Manes, the Founder of the Manichæan Heresy, and on his
Origin.
But amidst the good wheat, tares are accustomed to spring up; for envy
loves to plot insidiously against the good. Hence it was that a little
while before the time of Constantine, a species of heathenish
Christianity made its appearance together with that which was real;
just as false prophets sprang up among the true, and false apostles
among the true apostles. For at that time a dogma of Empedocles, the
heathen philosopher, by means of Manichæus, assumed the form of
Christian doctrine. Eusebius Pamphilus has indeed mentioned this
person in the seventh book of his Ecclesiastical History, [228] but
has not entered into minute details concerning him. Wherefore, I deem
it incumbent on me to supply some particulars which he has left
unnoticed: thus it will be known who this Manichæus was, whence he
came, and what was the nature of his presumptuous daring.
A Saracen named Scythian married a captive from the Upper Thebes. On
her account he dwelt in Egypt, and having versed himself in the
learning of the Egyptians, he subtly introduced the theory of
Empedocles and Pythagoras among the doctrines of the Christian faith.
Asserting that there were two natures, a good and an evil one, he
termed, as Empedocles had done, the latter Discord, and the former
Friendship. Of this Scythian, Buddas, who had been previously called
Terebinthus, became a disciple; and he having proceeded to Babylon,
which the Persians inhabit, made many extravagant statements
respecting himself, declaring that he was born of a virgin, and
brought up in the mountains. The same man afterwards composed four
books, one he entitled The Mysteries, another The Gospel, a third The
Treasure, and the fourth Heads [Summaries]; but pretending to perform
some mystic rites, he was hurled down a precipice by a spirit, [229]
and so perished. A certain woman at whose house he had lodged buried
him, and taking possession of his property, bought a boy about seven
years old whose name was Cubricus: this lad she enfranchised, and
having given him a liberal education, she soon after died, leaving him
all that belonged to Terebinthus, including the books he had written
on the principles inculcated by Scythian. Cubricus, the freedman,
taking these things with him and having withdrawn into the regions of
Persia, changed his name, calling himself Manes; and disseminated the
books of Buddas or Terebinthus among his deluded followers as his own.
Now the contents of these treatises apparently agree with Christianity
in expression, but are pagan in sentiment: for Manichæus being an
atheist, incited his disciples to acknowledge a plurality of gods, and
taught them to worship the sun. He also introduced the doctrine of
Fate, denying human free-will; and affirmed a transmutation [230] of
bodies, clearly following the opinions of Empedocles, Pythagoras, and
the Egyptians. He denied that Christ existed in the flesh, asserting
that he was an apparition; and rejected moreover the law and the
prophets, calling himself the `Comforter,'--all of which dogmas are
totally at variance with the orthodox faith of the church. In his
epistles he even dared to call himself an apostle; but for a
pretension so unfounded he brought upon himself merited retribution in
the following manner. The son of the Persian monarch having been
attacked with disease, his father became anxious for his recovery, and
left no means untried in order to effect it; and as he had heard of
the wonder-working of Manichæus, and thinking that these miracles were
real, he sent for him as an apostle, trusting that through him his son
might be restored. He accordingly presented himself at court, and with
his assumed manner undertook the treatment of the young prince. But
the king seeing that the child died in his hands shut up the deceiver
in prison, with the intention of putting him to death. However, he
contrived to escape, and fled into Mesopotamia; but the king of Persia
having discovered that he was dwelling there, caused him to be brought
thence by force, and after having flayed him alive, he stuffed his
skin with chaff, and suspended it in front of the gate of the city.
These things we state not having manufactured them ourselves, but
collected from a book entitled The disputation of Archelaus bishop of
Caschara (one of the cities of Mesopotamia). [231] For Archelaus
himself states that he disputed with Manichæus face to face, and
mentions the circumstances connected with his life to which we have
now alluded. Envy thus delights, as we before remarked, to be
insidiously at work in the midst of a prosperous condition of affairs.
But for what reason the goodness of God permits this to be done,
whether he wishes thereby to bring into activity the excellence of the
principles of the church, and to utterly break down the
self-importance which is wont to unite itself with faith; or for what
other cause, is, at the same time, a difficult question, and not
relevant to the present discussion. For our object is neither to
examine the soundness of doctrinal views, nor to analyze the
mysterious reasons for the providences and judgments of God; but to
detail as faithfully as possible the history of transactions which
have taken place in the churches. The way in which the superstition of
the Manichæans sprang up a little before the time of Constantine has
been thus described; now let us return to the times and events which
are the proper subjects of this history.
Footnotes
[228] Cf. Eus. H. E. VII. 31. The literature of Manichæism is
voluminous and will be found in Smith, Dict. of the Bible, as well as
encyclopædias like Herzog, McClintock and Strong, &c.
[229] pneumatos : possibly `wind.'
[230] metensomatosin , the converse of metempsychosis.
[231] The more commonly known name of the town is `Carrha,' and the
exact title of Archelaus' work as it appears in Valesius' Annotationes
[ed. of 1677, see Introd. p. xvi.] is Disputatio adversus Manichæum.
It constitutes p. 197-203 of the Annotationes, and is in Latin. It has
been published also in Latin by L. A. Zacagui in his collectanea
monumentorum veterum Ecclesiæ Græcæ ac Latinæ, 1698.
Chapter XXIII.--Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis Bishop of
Nicæa, having recovered Confidence, endeavor to subvert the Nicene
Creed, by plotting against Athanasius.
The partisans of Eusebius and Theognis having returned from their
exile, these latter were reinstated in their churches, having
expelled, as we observed, those who had been ordained in their stead.
Moreover, they came into great consideration with the emperor, who
honored them exceedingly, as those who had returned from error to the
orthodox faith. They, however, abused the license thus afforded them,
by exciting greater commotions in the world than they had done before;
being instigated to this by two causes--on the one hand the Arian
heresy with which they had been previously infected, and bitter
animosity against Athanasius on the other, because he had so
vigorously withstood them in the Synod while the articles of faith
were under discussion. And in the first place they objected to the
ordination of Athanasius partly as a person unworthy of the prelacy,
and partly because he had been elected by disqualified persons. But
when Athanasius had shown himself superior to this calumny (for having
assumed control of the church of Alexandria, he ardently contended for
the Nicene creed), then Eusebius exerted himself to the utmost
insidiously to cause the removal of Athanasius and to bring Arius back
to Alexandria; for he thought that thus only he should be able to
expunge the doctrine of consubstantiality, and introduce Arianism.
Eusebius therefore wrote to Athanasius, desiring him to re-admit Arius
and his adherents into the church. Now the tone of his letter indeed
was that of entreaty, but openly he menaced him. And as Athanasius
would by no means accede to this, he endeavored to induce the emperor
to give Arius an audience, and then permit him to return to
Alexandria: and by what means he attained his object, I shall mention
in its proper place. Meanwhile before this another commotion was
raised in the church. In fact, her own children again disturbed her
peace. Eusebius Pamphilus says, [232] that immediately after the
Synod, Egypt became agitated by intestine divisions: not assigning,
however, the reason for this, so that hence he has won the reputation
of disingenuousness, and of avoiding to specify the causes of these
dissensions, from a determination on his part not to give his sanction
to the proceedings at Nicæa. Yet as we ourselves have discovered from
various letters which the bishops wrote to one another after the
Synod, the term homoousios troubled some of them. So that while they
occupied themselves in a too minute investigation of its import, they
roused the strife against each other; it seemed not unlike a contest
in the dark; for neither party appeared to understand distinctly the
grounds on which they calumniated one another. Those who objected to
the word homoousios, conceived that those who approved it favored the
opinion of Sabellius [233] and Montanus; [234] they therefore called
them blasphemers, as subverting the existence of the Son of God. And
again the advocates of this term, charging their opponents with
polytheism, inveighed against them as introducers of heathen
superstitions. Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, accuses Eusebius
Pamphilus of perverting the Nicene Creed; Eusebius again denies that
he violates that exposition of the faith, and recriminates, saying
that Eustathius was a defender of the opinion of Sabellius. In
consequence of these misunderstandings, each of them wrote as if
contending against adversaries: and although it was admitted on both
sides that the Son of God has a distinct person and existence, and all
acknowledged that there is one God in three Persons, yet from what
cause I am unable to divine, they could not agree among themselves,
and therefore could in no way endure to be at peace.
Footnotes
[232] Euseb. Life of Const. III. 23.
[233] Cf. ch. 5, and note.
[234] It is not clear why Socrates joins the name of Montanus to that
of Sabellius; the former was undoubtedly in accord with the common
doctrine of the church as to the Trinity. Cf. Epiphan. Hær. XLVIII.
and Tertullian ad. Praxeam. It was, however, frequently alleged by
various writers of the age that Montanus and the Montanists held
erroneous views concerning the Godhead. See Eus. H. E. V. 16.
Chapter XXIV.--Of the Synod held at Antioch, which deposed Eustathius,
Bishop of Antioch, on whose account a Sedition broke out and almost
ruined the City.
Having therefore convened a Synod at Antioch, they deposed Eustathius,
as a supporter of the Sabellian heresy, rather than of the tenets
which the council at Nicæa had formulated. As some affirm [this
measure was taken] for other and unsatisfactory reasons, though none
other have been openly assigned: this is a matter of common
occurrence; the bishops are accustomed to do this in all cases,
accusing and pronouncing impious those whom they depose, but not
explaining their warrant for so doing. George, bishop of Laodicea in
Syria, one of the number of those who abominated the term homoousios,
assures us in his Encomium of Eusebius Emisenus, that they deposed
Eustathius as favoring Sabellianism, on the impeachment of Cyrus,
bishop of Beroea. Of Eusebius Emisenus we shall speak elsewhere in due
order. [235] George has written of Eustathius [somewhat
inconsistently]; for after asserting that he was accused by Cyrus of
maintaining the heresy of Sabellius, he tells us again that Cyrus
himself was convicted of the same error, and degraded for it. Now how
was it possible that Cyrus should accuse Eustathius as a Sabellian,
when he inclined to Sabellianism himself? It appears likely therefore
that Eustathius must have been condemned on other grounds. At that
time, however, there arose a dangerous sedition at Antioch on account
of his deposition: for when they proceeded to the election of a
successor, so fierce a dissension was kindled, as to threaten the
whole city with destruction. The populace was divided into two
factions, one of which vehemently contended for the translation of
Eusebius Pamphilus from Cæsarea in Palestine to Antioch; the other
equally insisted on the reinstatement of Eustathius. And the populace
of the city were infected with the spirit of partisanship in this
quarrel among the Christians, a military force was arrayed on both
sides with hostile intent, so that a bloody collision would have taken
place, had not God and the dread of the emperor repressed the violence
of the multitude. For the emperor through letters, and Eusebius by
refusing to accept the bishopric, served to allay the ferment: on
which account that prelate was exceedingly admired by the emperor, who
wrote to him commending his prudent determination, and congratulating
him as one who was considered worthy of being bishop not of one city
merely, but of almost the whole world. Consequently it is said that
the episcopal chair of the church at Antioch was vacant for eight
consecutive years after this period; [236] but at length by the
exertions of those who aimed at the subversion of the Nicene creed,
Euphronius was duly installed. This is the amount of my information
respecting the Synod held at Antioch on account of Eustathius.
Immediately after these events Eusebius, who had long before left
Berytus, and was at that time presiding over the church at Nicomedia,
strenuously exerted himself in connection to those of his party, to
bring back Arius to Alexandria. But how they managed to effect this,
and by what means the emperor was prevailed on to admit both Arius and
with him Euzoïus into his presence must now be related.
Footnotes
[235] See II. 9.
[236] Socrates is in error here, as according to Eusebius (H. E. X.
1), immediately after the deposition of Eustathius and his own refusal
of the bishopric of Antioch, Paulinus was transferred there from the
see of Tyre. This was in 329 a.d., so that no vacancy of eight years
intervened.
Chapter XXV.--Of the Presbyter who exerted himself for the Recall of
Arius. [237]
The Emperor Constantine had a sister named Constantia, the widow of
Licinius, who had for some time shared the imperial dignity with
Constantine, but had assumed tyrannical powers and had been put to
death in consequence. This princess maintained in her household
establishment a certain confidential presbyter, tinctured with the
dogmas of Arianism; Eusebius and others having prompted him, he took
occasion in his familiar conversations with Constantia, to insinuate
that the Synod had done Arius injustice, and that the common report
concerning him was not true. Constantia gave full credence to the
presbyter's assertions, but durst not report them to the emperor. Now
it happened that she became dangerously ill, and her brother visited
her daily. As the disease became aggravated and she expected to die,
she commended this presbyter to the emperor, testifying to his
diligence and piety, as well as his devoted loyalty to his sovereign.
She died soon after, whereupon the presbyter became one of the most
confidential persons about the emperor; and having gradually increased
in freedom of speech, he repeated to the emperor what he had before
stated to his sister, affirming that Arius had no other views than the
sentiments avowed by the Synod; and that if he were admitted to the
imperial presence, he would give his full assent to what the Synod had
decreed: he added, moreover, that he had been unreasonably slandered.
The presbyter's words appeared strange to the emperor, and he said,
`If Arius subscribes with the Synod and holds its views, I will both
give him an audience, and send him back to Alexandria with honor.'
Having thus said, he immediately wrote to him in these words:
`Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to Arius.'
It was intimated to your reverence some time since, that you might
come to my court, in order to obtain an interview with us. We are not
a little surprised that you did not do this immediately. Wherefore
having at once mounted a public vehicle, hasten to arrive at our
court; that when you have experienced our clemency and regard for you,
you may return to your own country. May God protect you, beloved.
Dated the twenty-fifth of November.
This was the letter of the emperor to Arius. And I cannot but admire
the ardent zeal which the prince manifested for religion: for it
appears from this document that he had often before exhorted Arius to
change his views, inasmuch as he censures his delaying to return to
the truth, although he had himself written frequently to him. Now on
the receipt of this letter, Arius came to Constantinople accompanied
by Euzoïus, whom Alexander had divested of his deaconship when he
excommunicated Arius and his partisans. The emperor accordingly
admitted them to his presence, and asked them whether they would agree
to the creed. And when they readily gave their assent, he ordered them
to deliver to him a written statement of their faith.
Footnotes
[237] Cf. Rufinus, H. E. I. 11. The fact that the name of this
presbyter is not mentioned, and Athanasius' apparent ignorance of the
story, together with the untrustworthiness of Rufinus, throw suspicion
on the authenticity of this account. Cf. also ch. 39, note 2.
Chapter XXVI.--Arius, on being recalled, presents a Recantation to the
Emperor, and pretends to accept the Nicene Creed.
They having drawn up a declaration to the following effect, presented
it to the emperor.
`Arius and Euzoïus, to our Most Religious and Pious Lord, the Emperor
Constantine.
`In accordance with the command of your devout piety, sovereign lord,
we declare our faith, and before God profess in writing, that we and
our adherents believe as follows:
`We believe in one God the Father Almighty: and in the Lord Jesus
Christ his Son, who was begotten [238] of him before all ages, God the
Word through whom all things were made, both those which are in the
heavens and those upon the earth; who descended, and became incarnate,
and suffered, and rose again, ascended into the heavens, and will
again come to judge the living and the dead. [We believe] also in the
Holy Spirit, and in the resurrection of the flesh, and in the life of
the coming age, and in the kingdom of the heavens, and in one Catholic
Church of God, extending from one end of the earth to the other.
`This faith we have received from the holy gospels, the Lord therein
saying to his disciples: [239] "Go and teach all nations, baptizing
them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Spirit." If we do not so believe and truly receive the Father, the
Son, and the Holy Spirit, as the whole Catholic Church and the holy
Scriptures teach (in which we believe in every respect), God is our
judge both now, and in the coming judgment. Wherefore we beseech your
piety, most devout emperor, that we who are persons consecrated to the
ministry, and holding the faith and sentiments of the church and of
the holy Scriptures, may by your pacific and devoted piety be reunited
to our mother, the Church, all superfluous questions and disputings
being avoided: that so both we and the whole church being at peace,
may in common offer our accustomed prayers for your tranquil reign,
and on behalf of your whole family.'
Footnotes
[238] The old English translation rendered `made' on the assumption
that the Greek was gegenemenon , not gegennemenon . So also Valesius
read and translated `factum'; but Bright without mentioning any
variant reading, gives gegennemenon , and we have ventured to
translate accordingly.
[239] Matt. xxviii. 9.
Chapter XXVII.--Arius having returned to Alexandria with the Emperor's
Consent, and not being received by Athanasius, the Partisans of
Eusebius bring Many Charges against Athanasius before the Emperor.
Arius having thus satisfied the emperor, returned to Alexandria. But
his artifice for suppressing the truth did not succeed; for on his
arrival at Alexandria, as Athanasius would not receive him, but turned
away from him as a pest, he attempted to excite a fresh commotion in
that city by disseminating his heresy. Then indeed both Eusebius
himself wrote, and prevailed on the emperor also to write, in order
that Arius and his partisans might be readmitted into the church.
Athanasius nevertheless wholly refused to receive them, and wrote to
inform the emperor in reply, that it was impossible for those who had
once rejected the faith, and had been anathematized, to be again
received into communion on their return. But the emperor, provoked at
this answer, menaced Athanasius in these terms:
`Since you have been apprised of my will, afford unhindered access
into the church to all those who are desirous of entering it. For if
it shall be intimated to me that you have prohibited any of those
claiming to be reunited to the church, or have hindered their
admission, I will forthwith send some one who at my command shall
depose you, and drive you into exile.'
The emperor wrote thus from a desire of promoting the public good, and
because he did not wish to see the church ruptured; for he labored
earnestly to bring them all into harmony. Then indeed the partisans of
Eusebius, ill-disposed towards Athanasius, imagining they had found a
seasonable opportunity, welcomed the emperor's displeasure as an
auxiliary to their own purpose: and on this account they raised a
great disturbance, endeavoring to eject him from his bishopric; for
they entertained the hope that the Arian doctrine would prevail only
upon the removal of Athanasius. The chief conspirators against him
were Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nicæa, Maris of
Chalcedon, Ursacius of Singidnum in Upper Moesia, and Valens of Mursa
in Upper Pannonia. These persons suborn by bribes certain of the
Melitian heresy to fabricate various charges against Athanasius; and
first they accuse him through the Melitians Ision, Eudæmon and
Callinicus, of having ordered the Egyptians to pay a linen garment as
tribute to the church at Alexandria. But this calumny was immediately
disproved by Alypius and Macarius, presbyters of the Alexandrian
church, who then happened to be at Nicomedia; they having convinced
the emperor that these statements to the prejudice of Athanasius were
false. Wherefore the emperor by letter severely censured his accusers,
but urged Athanasius to come to him. But before he came the Eusebian
faction anticipating his arrival, added to their former accusation the
charge of another crime of a still more serious nature than the
former; charging Athanasius with plotting against his sovereign, and
with having sent for treasonable purposes a chest full of gold to one
Philumenus. When, however, the emperor had himself investigated this
matter at Psamathia, which is in the suburbs of Nicomedia, and had
found Athanasius innocent, he dismissed him with honor; and wrote with
his own hand to the church at Alexandria to assure them that their
bishop had been falsely accused. It would indeed have been both proper
and desirable to have passed over in silence the subsequent attacks
which the Eusebians made upon Athanasius, lest from these
circumstances the Church of Christ should be judged unfavorably of by
those who are adverse to its interests. [240] But since having been
already committed to writing, they have become known to everybody, I
have on that account deemed it necessary to make as cursory allusion
to these things as possible, the particulars of which would require a
special treatise. Whence the slanderous accusation originated, and the
character of those who devised it, I shall now therefore state in
brief. Mareotes [241] is a district of Alexandria; there are contained
in it very many villages, and an abundant population, with numerous
splendid churches; these churches are all under the jurisdiction of
the bishop of Alexandria, and are subject to his city as parishes.
[242] There was in this region a person named Ischyras, who had been
guilty of an act deserving of many deaths; [243] for although he had
never been admitted to holy orders, he had the audacity to assume the
title of presbyter, and to exercise sacred functions belonging to the
priesthood. But having been detected in his sacrilegious career, he
made his escape thence and sought refuge in Nicomedia, where he
implored the protection of the party of Eusebius; who from their
hatred to Athanasius, not only received him as a presbyter, but even
promised to confer upon him the dignity of the episcopacy, if he would
frame an accusation against Athanasius, listening as a pretext for
this to whatever stories Ischyras had invented. For he spread a report
that he had suffered dreadfully in consequence of an assault; and that
Macarius had rushed furiously toward the altar, had overturned the
table, and broken a mystical cup: he added also that he had burnt the
sacred books. As a reward for this accusation, the Eusebian faction,
as I have said, promised him a bishopric; foreseeing that the charges
against Macarius would involve, along with the accused party,
Athanasius, under whose orders he would seem to have acted. But this
charge they formulated later; before it they devised another full of
the bitterest malignity, to which I shall now advert. Having by some
means, I know not what, obtained a man's hand; whether they themselves
had murdered any one, and cut off his hand, or had severed it from
some dead body, God knows and the authors of the deed: but be that as
it may, they publicly exposed it as the hand of Arsenius, a Melitian
bishop, while they kept the alleged owner of it concealed. This hand,
they asserted, had been made use of by Athanasius in the performance
of certain magic arts; and therefore it was made the gravest ground of
accusation which these calumniators had concerted against him: but as
it generally happens, all those who entertained any pique against
Athanasius came forward at the same time with a variety of other
charges. When the emperor was informed of these proceedings, he wrote
to his nephew Dalmatius the censor, who then had his residence at
Antioch in Syria, directing him to order the accused parties to be
brought before him, and after due investigation, to inflict punishment
on such as might be convicted. He also sent thither Eusebius and
Theognis, that the case might be tried in their presence. When
Athanasius knew that he was to be summoned before the censor, he sent
into Egypt to make a strict search after Arsenius; and he ascertained
indeed that he was secreted there, but was unable to apprehend him,
because he often changed his place of concealment. Meanwhile the
emperor suppressed the trial which was to have been held before the
censor, on the following account.
Footnotes
[240] From the sentiments expressed here may be inferred the respect
of the author for the church. His view on the suppression of facts
which did not redound to the honor of the church does not show a very
high ideal of history, but it bespeaks a laudable regard for the good
name of Christianity.
[241] This description is probably dependent on Athanasius, who says
in his Apologia contra Arianos, 85, `Mareotes is a region of
Alexandria. In that region there never was a bishop or a deputy
bishop; but the churches of the whole region are subject to the bishop
of Alexandria. Each of the presbyters has separate villages, which are
numerous,--sometimes ten or more.' Ischyras was probably a resident of
one of the obscurest of these villages; and it can be seen that what
is said of his doings here could easily come to pass.
[242] paroikia = later `parochia'; hence the derivatives.
[243] Another evidence of the author's reverence for the institutions
of religion. For subsequent history of Ischyras, see II. 20.
Chapter XXVIII.--On Account of the Charges against Athanasius, the
Emperor convokes a Synod of Bishops at Tyre.
The emperor had ordered a Synod of bishops to be present at the
consecration of the church which he had erected at Jerusalem. He
therefore directed that, as a secondary matter, they should on their
way first assemble at Tyre, to examine into the charges against
Athanasius; in order that all cause of contention being removed there,
they might the more peacefully perform the inaugural ceremonies [244]
in the dedication of the church of God. This was the thirtieth year of
Constantine's reign, and sixty bishops were thus convened at Tyre from
various places, on the summons of Dionysius the consul. As to Macarius
the presbyter, he was conducted from Alexandria in chains, under a
military escort; while Athanasius was unwilling to go thither, not so
much from dread, because he was innocent of the charges made, as
because he feared lest any innovations should be made on the decisions
of the council at Nicæa; he was, however, constrained to be present by
the menacing letters of the emperor. For it had been written him that
if he did not come voluntarily, he should be brought by force.
Footnotes
[244] epibateria : lit. `ceremonies performed at embarkation.'
Chapter XXIX.--Of Arsenius, and his Hand which was said to have been
cut off.
The special providence of God drove Arsenius also to Tyre; for,
disregarding the injunctions he had received from the accusers who had
bribed him, he went thither disguised to see what would be done. It by
some means happened that the servants of Archelaus, the governor of
the province, heard some persons at an inn affirm that Arsenius, who
was reported to have been murdered, was concealed in the house of one
of the citizens. Having heard this and marked the individuals by whom
this statement was made, they communicated the information to their
master, who causing strict search to be made for the man immediately,
discovered and properly secured him; after which he gave notice to
Athanasius that he need not be under any alarm, inasmuch as Arsenius
was alive and there present. Arsenius on being apprehended, at first
denied that he was the person; but Paul, bishop of Tyre, who had
formerly known him, established his identity. Divine providence having
thus disposed matters, Athanasius was shortly after summoned by the
Synod; and as soon as he presented himself, his traducers exhibited
the hand, and pressed their charge. He managed the affair with great
prudence, for he enquired of those present, as well as of his
accusers, who were the persons who knew Arsenius? and several having
answered that they knew him, he caused Arsenius to be introduced,
having his hands covered by his cloak. Then he again asked them, `Is
this the person who has lost a hand?' All were astonished at the
unexpectedness of this procedure, except those who knew whence the
hand had been cut off; for the rest thought that Arsenius was really
deficient of a hand, and expected that the accused would make his
defense in some other way. But Athanasius turning back the cloak of
Arsenius on one side showed one of the man's hands; again, while some
were supposing that the other hand was wanting, permitting them to
remain a short time in doubt afterward he turned back the cloak on the
other side and exposed the other hand. Then addressing himself to
those present, he said, `Arsenius, as you see, is found to have two
hands: let my accusers show the place whence the third was cut off.'
[245]
Footnotes
[245] A full account of the circumstances narrated in this and the
following Chapters is given by Athanasius in his Apol. contra Arianos,
65, 71 and 72. Parallel accounts may also be found in Sozom. II. 25;
Theodoret, H. E. I. 28; Rufinus, H. E. X. 17; Philostorgius, II. 11.
Chapter XXX.--Athanasius is found Innocent of what he was accused; his
Accusers take to Flight.
Matters having been brought to this issue with regard to Arsenius, the
contrivers of this imposture were reduced to perplexity; and Achab,
[246] who was also called John, one of the principal accusers, having
slipped out of court in the tumult, effected his escape. Thus
Athanasius cleared himself from this charge, without having recourse
to any pleading; [247] for he was confident that the sight only of
Arsenius alive would confound his calumniators.
Footnotes
[246] In Athanasius' account (Apol. c. Arian. 65) this man's name is
given as 'Archaph(Archaph), which is an Egyptian name; its assonance
with the biblical 'Achaab may have made the latter a current
appellation. John was no doubt his monastic name.
[247] paragraphe , legal term; graphe = `indictment,' paragraphe =
`demurrer,' so used by Isocrates, Demosthenes, &c., of the classical
authors.
Chapter XXXI.--When the Bishops will not listen to Athanasius' Defense
on the Second Charge, he betakes himself to the Emperor.
But in refuting the false allegations against Macarius, he made use of
legal forms; taking exception in the first place to Eusebius and his
party, as his enemies, protesting against the injustice of any man's
being tried by his adversaries. He next insisted on its being proved
that his accuser Ischyras had really obtained the dignity of
presbyter; for so he had been designated in the indictment. But as the
judges would not allow any of these objections, the case of Macarius
was entered into, and the informers being found deficient of proofs,
the hearing of the matter was postponed, until some persons should
have gone into Mareotis, in order that all doubtful points might be
examined on the spot. Athanasius seeing that those very individuals
were to be sent to whom he had taken exception (for the persons sent
were Theognis, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, Valens, and Ursacius),
exclaimed that `their procedure was both treacherous and fraudulent;
for that it was unjust that the presbyter Macarius should be detained
in bonds, while the accuser together with the judges who were his
adversaries, were permitted to go, in order that an ex parte
collection of the facts in evidence might be made.' Having made this
protest before the whole Synod and Dionysius the governor of the
province, and finding that no one paid any attention to his appeal, he
privately withdrew. Those, therefore, who were sent to Mareotis,
having made an ex parte [248] investigation, held that what the
accuser said was true.
Footnotes
[248] ek monomerous, Lat. ex parte; the term, however, is not
restricted to this technical sense, but may be used of any form of
partiality. Cf. Sophocles' Greek Lex. of Rom. and Byz. As already
noted in the Intro. p. ix, Harnack denies that there is any special
juristic knowledge shown here; it must be conceded that the language
used is such as might have been at the command of any intelligent and
educated non-professional man.
Chapter XXXII.--On the Departure of Athanasius, those who composed the
Synod vote his Deposition.
Thus Athanasius departed, hastening to the emperor, and the Synod in
the first place condemned him in his absence; and when the result of
the enquiry which had been instituted at Mareotis was presented, they
voted to depose him; loading him with opprobrious epithets in their
sentence of deposition, but being wholly silent respecting the
disgraceful defeat of the charge of murder brought by his
calumniators. They moreover received into communion Arsenius, who was
reported to have been murdered; and he who had formerly been a bishop
of the Melitian heresy subscribed to the deposition of Athanasius as
bishop of the city of Hypselopolis. Thus by an extraordinary course of
circumstances, the alleged victim of assassination by Athanasius, was
found alive to assist in deposing him.
Chapter XXXIII.--The Members of the Synod proceed from Tyre to
Jerusalem, and having celebrated the Dedication of the `New
Jerusalem,' receive Arius and his Followers into Communion.
Letters in the meantime were brought from the emperor directing those
who composed the Synod to hasten to the New Jerusalem: [249] having
therefore immediately left Tyre, they set forward with all despatch to
Jerusalem, where, after celebrating a festival in connection with the
consecration of the place, they readmitted Arius [250] and his
adherents into communion, in obedience, as they said, to the wishes of
the emperor, who had signified in his communication to them, that he
was fully satisfied respecting the faith of Arius and Euzoïus. They
moreover wrote to the church at Alexandria, [251] stating that all
envy being now banished, the affairs of the church were established in
peace: and that since Arius had by his recantation acknowledged the
truth, it was but just that, being thenceforth a member of the church,
he should also be henceforth received by them, alluding to the
banishment of Athanasius [in their statement that `all envy was now
banished']. At the same time they sent information of what had been
done to the emperor, in terms nearly to the same effect. But whilst
the bishops were engaged in these transactions, other letters came
unexpectedly from the emperor, intimating that Athanasius had fled to
him for protection; and that it was necessary for them on his account
to come to Constantinople. This unanticipated communication from the
emperor was as follows.
Footnotes
[249] See above, ch. 17.
[250] Arius, the originator of the Arian heresy, died before the
council at Jerusalem; hence Valesius infers that this Arius must be
another man of the same name mentioned in the encyclical of Alexander
of Alexandria as a partisan of the arch-heretic. Cf. ch. 6.
[251] This letter is contained in Athanasius' de Synod, 21, and a
portion of it in Apol. contra Arian, 84.
Chapter XXXIV.--The Emperor summons the Synod to himself by Letter, in
order that the Charges against Athanasius might be carefully examined
before him.
Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to the bishops convened at Tyre.
I am indeed ignorant of the decisions which have been made by your
Council with so much turbulence and storm: but the truth seems to have
been perverted by some tumultuous and disorderly proceedings: because,
that is to say, in your mutual love of contention, which you seem
desirous of perpetuating, you disregard the consideration of those
things which are acceptable to God. It will, however, I trust, be the
work of Divine Providence to dissipate the mischiefs resulting from
this jealous rivalry, as soon as they shall have been detected; and to
make it apparent to us, whether ye who have been convened have had
regard to truth, and whether your decisions on the subjects which have
been submitted to your judgment have been made apart from partiality
or prejudice. Wherefore it is indispensable that you should all
without delay attend upon my piety, that you may yourselves give a
strict account of your transactions. For what reason I have deemed it
proper to write thus, and to summon you before me, you will learn from
what follows. As I was making my entry into the city which bears our
name, in this our most flourishing home, Constantinople,--and it
happened that I was riding on horseback at the time,--suddenly the
Bishop Athanasius, with certain ecclesiastics whom he had around him,
presented himself so unexpectedly in our path, as to produce an
occasion of consternation. For the Omniscient God is my witness that
at first sight I did not recognize him until some of my attendants, in
answer to my enquiry, informed me, as was very natural, both who he
was, and what injustice he had suffered. At that time indeed I neither
conversed, nor held any communication with him. But as he repeatedly
entreated an audience, and I had not only refused it, but almost
ordered that he should be removed from my presence, he said with
greater boldness, that he petitioned for nothing more than that you
might be summoned hither, in order that in our presence, he, driven by
necessity to such a course, might have a fair opportunity afforded him
of complaining of his wrongs. Wherefore as this seems reasonable, and
consistent with the equity of my government, I willingly gave
instructions that these things should be written to you. My command
therefore is, that all, as many as composed the Synod convened at
Tyre, should forthwith hasten to the court of our clemency, in order
that from the facts themselves you may make clear the purity and
integrity of your decision in my presence, whom you cannot but own to
be a true servant of God. It is in consequence of the acts of my
religious service towards God that peace is everywhere reigning; and
that the name of God is sincerely had in reverence even among the
barbarians themselves, who until now were ignorant of the truth. Now
it is evident that he who knows not the truth, does not have a true
knowledge of God also: yet, as I before said even the barbarians on my
account, who am a genuine servant of God, have acknowledged and
learned to worship him, whom they have perceived in very deed
protecting and caring for me everywhere. So that from dread of us
chiefly, they have been thus brought to the knowledge of the true God
whom they now worship. Nevertheless we who pretend to have a religious
veneration for (I will not say who guard) the holy mysteries of his
church, we, I say, do nothing but what tends to discord and animosity,
and to speak plainly, to the destruction of the human race. But
hasten, as I have already said, all of you to us as speedily as
possible: and be assured that I shall endeavor with all my power to
cause that what is contained in the Divine Law may be preserved
inviolate, on which neither stigma nor reproach shall be able to
fasten itself; and this will come to pass when its enemies, who under
cover of the sacred profession introduce numerous and diversified
blasphemies, are dispersed, broken to pieces, and altogether
annihilated.
Chapter XXXV.--The Synod not having come to the Emperor, the Partisans
of Eusebius accuse Athanasius of having threatened to divert the Corn
supplied to Constantinople from Alexandria: the Emperor being
exasperated at this banishes Athanasius into Gaul. [252]
This letter rendered those who constituted the Synod very fearful,
wherefore most of them returned to their respective cities. But
Eusebius, Theognis, Maris, Patrophilus, Ursacius, and Valens, having
gone to Constantinople, would not permit any further enquiry to be
instituted concerning the broken cup, the overturned communion table,
and the murder of Arsenius; but they had recourse to another calumny,
informing the emperor that Athanasius had threatened to prohibit the
sending of corn which was usually conveyed from Alexandria to
Constantinople. They affirmed also that these menaces were heard from
the lips of Athanasius by the bishops Adamantius, Anubion, Arbathion
and Peter, for slander is most prevalent when of the assertor of it
appears to be a person worthy of credit. Hence the emperor being
deceived, and excited to indignation against Athanasius by this
charge, at once condemned him to exile, ordering him to reside in the
Gauls. Now some affirm that the emperor came to this decision with a
view to the establishment of unity in the church, since Athanasius was
inexorable in his refusal to hold any communion with Arius and his
adherents. He accordingly took up his abode at Treves, a city of Gaul.
Footnotes
[252] Cf. Theodoret, H. E. I. 31. The ancient Gallia or Gaul included
the modern France, Belgium, Lombardy, and Sardinia.
Chapter XXXVI.--Of Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra, and Asterius the
Sophist.
The bishops assembled at Constantinople deposed also Marcellus bishop
of Ancyra, a city of Galatia Minor, on this account. A certain
rhetorician of Cappadocia named Asterius having abandoned his art, and
professed himself a convert to Christianity, undertook the composition
of some treatises, which are still extant, in which he commended the
dogmas of Arius; asserting that Christ is the power of God, in the
same sense as the locust and the palmer-worm are said by Moses to be
the power of God, [253] with other similar utterances. Now Asterius
was in constant association with the bishops, and especially with
those of their number who did not discountenance the Arian doctrine:
he also attended their Synods, in the hope of insinuating himself into
the bishopric of some city: but he failed to obtain ordination, in
consequence of having sacrificed during the persecution. [254] Going
therefore throughout the cities of Syria, he read in public the books
which he had composed. Marcellus being informed of this, and wishing
to counteract his influence, in his over-anxiety to confute him, fell
into the diametrically opposite error; for he dared to say, as the
Samosatene [255] had done, that Christ was a mere man. When the
bishops then convened at Jerusalem had intelligence of these things,
they took no notice of Asterius, because he was not enrolled even in
the catalogue of ordained priests; but they insisted that Marcellus,
as a priest, should give an account of the book which he had written.
Finding that he entertained Paul of Samosata's sentiments, they
required him to retract his opinion; and he being thoroughly ashamed
of himself, promised to burn his book. But the convention of bishops
being hastily dissolved by the emperor's summoning them to
Constantinople, the Eusebians on their arrival at that city, again
took the case of Marcellus into consideration; and as Marcellus
refused to fulfil his promise of burning his untimely book, those
present deposed him, and sent Basil into Ancyra in his stead. Moreover
Eusebius wrote a refutation of this work in three books, in which he
exposed its erroneous doctrine. Marcellus however was afterwards
reinstated [256] in his bishopric by the Synod at Sardica, on his
assurance that his book had been misunderstood, and that on that
account he was supposed to favor the Samosatene's views. But of this
we shall speak more fully in its proper place.
Footnotes
[253] Joel ii. 25.
[254] In the persecution under Decius (249 a.d.), those who yielded so
far as to perform the heathen rites were branded with the title of
`the lapsed'; and a controversy arose later on the manner in which
they should be treated. One of the consequences of lapsing was
disqualification for high office in the church. See Neander, Hist. of
Christ. Ch. Vol. I. p. 226 seq.
[255] Paul of Samosata, who has been surnamed in modern times the
Socinus of the third century, was deposed in 269 a.d. by a council
held at Antioch for unchristian character and unsound views. His
peculiarity in the latter respect was his denial of the divinity of
Jesus Christ. For fuller information, see Eus. H. E. VII. 30; Epiphan.
Hær. LXVII.; Neander, Hist. of the Christ. Ch. Vol. I, 602 seq.;
Gieselee, Hist. of the Ch. Vol. I. 201; Smith and Wace Dict. of
Christ. Biog.
[256] See II. 20.
Chapter XXXVII.--After the Banishment of Athanasius, Arius having been
sent for by the Emperor, raises a Disturbance against Alexander Bishop
of Constantinople.
While these things were taking place, the thirtieth year of
Constantine's reign was completed. But Arius with his adherents having
returned to Alexandria, again disturbed the whole city; for the people
of Alexandria were exceedingly indignant both at the restoration of
this incorrigible heretic with his partisans, and also because their
bishop Athanasius had been sent to exile. When the emperor was
apprised of the perverse disposition of Arius, he once more ordered
him to repair to Constantinople, to give an account of the commotions
he had afresh endeavored to excite. It happened at that time that
Alexander, who had some time before succeeded Metrophanes, presided
over the church at Constantinople. That this prelate was a man of
devoted piety was distinctly manifested by the conflict he entered
into with Arius; for when Arius arrived and the people were divided
into two factions and the whole city was thrown into confusion: some
insisting that the Nicene Creed should be by no means infringed on,
while others contended that the opinion of Arius was consonant to
reason. In this state of affairs, Alexander was driven to straits:
more especially since Eusebius of Nicomedia had violently threatened
that he would cause him to be immediately deposed, unless he admitted
Arius and his followers to communion. Alexander, however, was far less
troubled at the thought of his own deposition as fearful of the
subversion of the principles of the faith, which they were so anxious
to effect: and regarding himself as the constituted guardian of the
doctrines recognized, and the decisions made by the council at Nicæa,
he exerted himself to the utmost to prevent their being violated or
depraved. Reduced to this extremity, he bade farewell to all logical
resources, and made God his refuge, devoting himself to continued
fasting and never ceased from praying. Communicating his purpose to no
one, he shut himself up alone in the church called Irene: there going
up to the altar, and prostrating himself on the ground beneath the
holy communion table, he poured forth his fervent prayers weeping; and
this he ceased not to do for many successive nights and days. What he
thus earnestly asked from God, he received: for his petition was such
a one: `If the opinion of Arius were correct, he might not be
permitted to see the day appointed for its discussion; but that if he
himself held the true faith, Arius, as the author of all these evils,
might suffer the punishment due to his impiety.'
Chapter XXXVIII.--The Death of Arius. [257]
Such was the supplication of Alexander. Meanwhile the emperor, being
desirous of personally examining Arius, sent for him to the palace,
and asked him whether he would assent to the determinations of the
Synod at Nicæa. He without hesitation replied in the affirmative, and
subscribed the declaration of the faith in the emperor's presence,
acting with duplicity. The emperor, surprised at his ready compliance,
obliged him to confirm his signature by an oath. This also he did with
equal dissimulation. The way he evaded, as I have heard, was this: he
wrote his own opinion on paper, and carried it under his arm, so that
he then swore truly that he really held the sentiments he had written.
That this is so, however, I have written from hearsay, but that he
added an oath to his subscription, I have myself ascertained, from an
examination of the emperor's own letters. The emperor being thus
convinced, ordered that he should be received into communion by
Alexander, bishop of Constantinople. It was then Saturday, and Arius
was expecting to assemble with the church on the day following: but
divine retribution overtook his daring criminalities. For going out of
the imperial palace, attended by a crowd of Eusebian partisans like
guards, he paraded proudly through the midst of the city, attracting
the notice of all the people. As he approached the place called
Constantine's Forum, where the column of porphyry is erected, a terror
arising from the remorse of conscience seized Arius, and with the
terror a violent relaxation of the bowels: he therefore enquired
whether there was a convenient place near, and being directed to the
back of Constantine's Forum, he hastened thither. Soon after a
faintness came over him, and together with the evacuations his bowels
protruded, followed by a copious hemorrhage, and the descent of the
smaller intestines: moreover portions of his spleen and liver were
brought off in the effusion of blood, so that he almost immediately
died. The scene of this catastrophe still is shown at Constantinople,
as I have said, behind the shambles in the colonnade: and by persons
going by pointing the finger at the place, there is a perpetual
remembrance preserved of this extraordinary kind of death. So
disastrous an occurrence filled with dread and alarm the party of
Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia; and the report of it quickly spread
itself over the city and throughout the whole world. As the king grew
more earnest in Christianity and confessed that the confession at
Nicæa was attested by God, he rejoiced at the occurrences. He was also
glad because of his three sons whom he had already proclaimed Cæsars;
one of each of them having been created at every successive decennial
anniversary of his reign. To the eldest, whom he called Constantine,
after his own name, he assigned the government of the western parts of
the empire, on the completion of his first decade. His second son
Constantius, who bore his grandfather's name, he constituted Cæsar in
the eastern division, when the second decade had been completed. And
Constans, the youngest, he invested with a similar dignity, in the
thirtieth year of his own reign.
Footnotes
[257] For a reproduction of the circumstances related in this Chapter,
together with a historical estimate of them based on additional
evidence, see Neander, Hist. of the Christ. Ch. Vol. II. p. 384-388.
Chapter XXXIX.--The Emperor falls sick and dies.
A year having passed, the Emperor Constantine having just entered the
sixty-fifth year of his age, was taken with a sickness; he therefore
left Constantinople, and made a voyage to Helenopolis, that he might
try the effect of the medicinal hot springs which are found in the
vicinity of that city. Perceiving, however, that his illness
increased, he deferred the use of the baths; and removing from
Helenopolis to Nicomedia, he took up his residence in the suburbs, and
there received Christian baptism. [258] After this he became cheerful;
and making his will, appointed his three sons heirs to the empire,
allotting to each one of them his portion, in accordance with the
arrangements he had made while living. He also granted many privileges
to the cities of Rome and Constantinople; and entrusting the custody
of his will [259] to that presbyter by whose means Arius had been
recalled, and of whom we have already made mention, he charged him to
deliver it into no one's hand, except that of his son Constantius, to
whom he had given the sovereignty of the East. After the making of his
will, he survived a few days and died. Of his sons none were present
at his death. A courier was therefore immediately despatched into the
East, to inform Constantius of his father's decease.
Footnotes
[258] It was the belief of many in the earlier ages of the church that
baptism had a certain magical power purging away the sins previous to
it, but having no force as regards those that might follow; this led
many to postpone their baptism until disease or age warned them of the
nearness of death; such delayed baptism was called `clinic baptism,'
and was discouraged by the more judicious and spiritual-minded
Fathers, some of whom doubted its validity and rebuked those who
delayed as actuated by selfishness and desire to indulge in sin. The
church, however, encouraged it in the cases of gross offenders. Cf.
Bingham, Eccl. Antiq. IV. 3, and XI. 11, and Bennett, Christian
Archæology, pp. 407 and 409.
[259] Cf. Euseb. Life of Const. IV. 63, and Rufinus, H. E. I. 11. The
story is, however, doubtful, as Valesius observes. It is more likely
that some one of the lay officials of the government, or, as
Philostorgius says, Eusebius of Nicomedia, was entrusted with this
will, and not a mere presbyter. That it was probably Eusebius of
Nicomedia becomes the more probable when we consider that that bishop
also probably baptized Constantine.
Chapter XL.--The Funeral of the Emperor Constantine.
The body of the emperor was placed in a coffin of gold by the proper
persons, and then conveyed to Constantinople, where it was laid out on
an elevated bed of state in the palace, surrounded by a guard, and
treated with the same respect as when he was alive, and this was done
until the arrival of one of his sons. When Constantius was come out of
the eastern parts of the empire, it was honored with an imperial
sepulture, and deposited in the church called The Apostles: which he
had caused to be constructed for this very purpose, that the emperors
and prelates might receive a degree of veneration but little inferior
to that which was paid to the relics of the apostles. The Emperor
Constantine lived sixty-five years, and reigned thirty-one. He died in
the consulate of Felician and Tatian, on the twenty-second of May, in
the second year of the 278th Olympiad. [260] This book, therefore,
embraces a period of thirty-one years.
Footnotes
[260] 337 a.d. The 22d of May that year was the day of Pentecost.
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