Theodore of Mopsuestia西奧多的摩普綏提亞

Catholic Information 天主教資訊

Bishop of Mopsuestia in Cilicia and ecclesiastical writer; b.主教摩普綏提亞在基利家和教會的作家;乙 at Antioch about 350 (thus also known as Theodore of Antioch), of wealthy and prominent parents; d.在安提約350名(因此也被稱為西奧多安提) ,富人和突出的父母;四 428. 428 。

I.一。

According to Syrian sources Theodore was the cousin of the somewhat younger Nestorius (Nestle, op. cit. in bibliography); Polychromius, afterwards Bishop of Apamea, was a brother of Theodore.據敘利亞消息來源西奧多是表姐的有些年輕nestorius (雀巢公司,同前在書目) ; polychromius ,事後主教apamea ,是一個兄弟的西奧多。 The clever and highly gifted youth received the education in classical literature usual to his station and studied philosophy and rhetoric in the school of the renowned pagan rhetorician Libanius.聰明和天才的青年接受了教育,在古典文學,一如既往地,他站和研究哲學和修辭學在校的著名異教rhetorician巴尼烏斯。 He here became acquainted with his early friends, St. John Chrysostom and Maximus, later Bishop of Seleucia (perhaps as fellow-student).他在這裡結識了他早年的朋友,聖約翰金口和Maximus ,為後來的主教塞琉西亞(也許是因為老鄉見學生) 。 Following the example of Chrysostom (Socrates, "Hist. eccl.", VI, iii), Theodore renounced a secular career when about eighteen years old, and devoted himself to the ascetic life in the school of Diodorus (later Bishop of Tarsus) and Carterius, situated near Antiochia.效法金口(蘇格拉底, "歷史。 eccl " ,六,三) ,西奧多放棄世俗的職業生涯時,約18歲,並一直致力於向苦行生活,在學校的diodorus (後來主教跗關節)和carterius ,位於安蒂奧基亞。 His youthful and too tempestuous zeal soon grew cold, and, owing chiefly to the memory of Hermione whom he intended to take as wife, he resolved to return to the world (Sozomen, "Hist. eccl.", VIII, 2; Hesychius Hieros., "Hist. eccl." in Mansi, "Concil.", IX, 248).他用青春和太洶湧的熱情很快增長冷,而且,由於主要是為了紀念赫敏他打算採取的作為妻子,他決心重返世界( sozomen , "歷史。 eccl " ,第八條, 2條;赫西基奧斯hieros , " 250 。 eccl "曼西, " concil " ,第九和第248條) 。 Chrysostom's grief at this step of his friend was so great that he addressed him two letters or treatises ("Ad Theodorum lapsum" in PG, XLVII, 277 sqq.) to recall him to his early resolution.金口的悲痛,在這一步,因為他的朋友是如此巨大,他對他的兩封信,或論文( "專案theodorum lapsum "編號,四十七, 277 sqq ) ,以他記得他的早日解決。 A little later Theodore did indeed return to the "divine philosophy" of the ascetic monastic life.有點遲西奧多確實回到"神哲學"的苦行修道生活。 He quickly acquired a great acquaintance with the Holy Scripture.他很快就獲得了很大的熟人與神聖的經文。 Impetuous and restless of character, he had already, when scarcely twenty years old (at eighteen according to Leontius, "Adv. Incorrupticolas", viii, in PG, LXXXVI, 1364), applied himself to theological compositions.浮躁和不安的性格,他已對時,幾乎二十年歲( 18據leontius , "副incorrupticolas " ,第八,在編號, lxxxvi , 1364 ) ,適用於自己的神學成分。 His first work was the commentary on the Psalms, in which his extreme exegetical tendencies in the sense of an almost exclusively grammatico-historical and realistic explanation of the text is already manifest (see below Theodore's Hermeneutics).他的首份工作是評詩篇,在他的極端傾向訓詁,在意義上的一個幾乎完全格拉馬蒂科-歷史的和現實的解釋文已表面化(見下文西奧多的詮釋學) 。 Between 383 and 386 he was ordained priest (perhaps together with Chrysostom) by his early teacher (now bishop) Flavian.與383和386他被祝聖司鐸(也許連同金口) ,由他早日老師(現主教)弗拉維安。 Theodore soon displayed a very keen interest in the theologico-polemical discussions of the time, writing and preaching against the Origenists, Arians, Eunomians, Apollinarists, magicians, Julian the Apostate, etc. His keen and versatile literary activity won him the name of "Polyhistor" (Sozomen, op. cit., VIII, ii).西奧多即將展現了非常濃厚的興趣,在theologico -論辯討論的時間裡,寫作和說教,對origenists , arians , eunomians , apollinarists ,魔術師,朱利安的叛教者等,他的敏銳和多才多藝的文藝活動,為他贏得了"的名義polyhistor " ( sozomen ,同前,八,二) 。 Theodore apparently left Antioch before 392 to join his old teacher Diodorus, who was then Bishop of Tarsus (Hesychius Hier., op. cit., in Mansi, IX, 248).西奧多顯然離開安提前392名加入他的老教師diodorus ,當時任主教的塔爾蘇斯(赫西基奧斯海爾,同前,在曼西,第九和第248條) 。 Probably through the influence of Diodorus he was named Bishop of Mopsuestia in 392, in which capacity he was to labour thirty-six years.可能通過影響diodorus他被任命主教摩普綏提亞在392 ,在這種能力,他向勞工三十六年。 In 394 he attended the Synod of Constantinople, and during its progress preached before the Emperor Theodosius the Great.在394 ,他出席主教會議的君士坦丁堡,並在其進展之前鼓吹天皇theodosius偉大。 During the confusion concerning Chrysostom, Theodore remained faithful to his early friend (cf. Chrysostom, "Epp.", cxii, in PG, LII, 668; Latin translation in Facundus, loc. cit., VII, 7).在混亂金口,西奧多仍忠實於他早年的朋友(參見金口, "資源增值計劃" , cxii ,編號,第五十二, 668名;拉丁語翻譯facundus ,如上,七, 7 ) 。 Later (about 421) he received hospitably Julian of Eclanum and other Pelagians, and doubtless allowed himself to be further influenced by their dogmatic errors.後來(約421 ) ,他收到款待朱利安的eclanum和其他pelagians ,無疑是讓自己得到進一步的影響,其教條化的錯誤。 However, he later associated himself with the condemnation of Pelagianism at a synod in Cilicia (Marius Merc. in PL, XLVIII, 1044).不過,後來他贊同譴責佩拉糾學派在主教在基利家( marius的韻律。特等, 48 , 1044 ) 。 He died in 428, the year in which Nestorius succeeded to the episcopal See of Constantinople.他的死在428 ,這一年中nestorius繼承主教見的君士坦丁堡。 During his lifetime Theodore was always regarded as orthodox and as a prominent ecclesiastical author, and was even consulted by distant bishops on theological questions.在他的一生中西奧多一直被視為正統,並作為突出教會作者,並徵詢甚至遠主教對神學的問題。

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II.二。 WRITINGS著作

The most complete list of the writings of Theodore is given by Ebedjesu (d. 1318; see Assemani, "Bibl. orient.", III, 30-36).最完整的名單著述西奧多給出ebedjesu (第1318四;見assemani , " bibl 。東方" ,三, 30-36 ) 。 According to this the following works existed in a Syrian translation.根據這項以下工程存在的一個敘利亞譯本。

A. Exegetical Commentaries答:訓詁評論

(a) On the Old Testament: (1) on Genesis, 3 books (Greek fragments in the Nicephoruscatene, Leipzig 1772; Syrian in Sachau, 1-21); (2) on the Psalms, 5 books (Greek fragments in PG, LXVI, 648; Latin translation discovered by Mercati, see bibliography; Greek text discovered by Lietzmann, but not yet edited, cf. ibid.); (3) on the twelve Minor Prophets (extant in its entirety; edited by Mai in PG LXVI, 124-632); (4) on the First and Second Books of Kings, 1 book (lost); (5) on Job, 2 books, dedicated to St. Cyril of Alexandria (only four fragments preserved in PG, loc. cit., 697 sq.); (6) on Ecclesiastes, 1 book (lost); (7) to the four Great Prophets, 4 books (lost). (一)對舊約: ( 1 )關於成因, 3書籍(希臘語片段在nicephoruscatene ,萊比錫1772年;敘利亞在sachau , 1-21 ) ; ( 2 )對詩篇, 5書籍(希臘語片段的編號, lxvi , 648 ;拉丁語翻譯發現mercati ,見書目;希臘文發現利茨曼,但尚未主編,參同上) ; ( 3 )對12名未成年人先知(現存在整;主編馬伊編號lxvi , 124-632 ) ; ( 4 )對第一次和第二次書籍的國王,一本書(損失) , ( 5 )對工作, 2書籍,專門聖西里爾亞歷山大(只有四個片段,保存在編號,同上。引文中, 697平方米) ; ( 6 )對傳道書,一本書(損失) , ( 7 ) ,以4個偉大的先知, 4書籍(損失) 。 Assemani adds "Quæstiones et Responsiones in Sacram Scripturam"; the fragments mentioned by the Fifth Œcumenical Council (Mansi, IX, 225) on the Canticle of Canticles are perhaps taken from a letter. assemani加入" quæstiones等responsiones在sacram scripturam " ;碎片所提到的第五œcumenical會(曼西,第九章, 225 )關於canticle的canticles ,也許是取自一封信。

(b) On the New Testament: (1) on Matthew, I book (fragments in PG, LXVI, 705 sqq.); (2) on Luke, 1 book (fragments, ibid., 716 sqq.); (3) on John, 1 book (fragments, ibid., 728; Syrian, discovered and edited by Chabot, Paris, 1897); (4) on the Acts, 1 book (fragments in PG, LXVI, 785 sq.); (5) on all the Epistles of St. Paul (Greek fragments in PG, LXVI, 188-968) the Epistles to the Galatians, Colossians, Thessalonians, Philemon, Latin edition by HB Swete, Cambridge, 1880-82). (二)對新約全書: ( 1 )對馬修,我一本書(片段編號, lxvi , 705 sqq ) ; ( 2 )對盧克,一本書(片段,同上, 716 sqq ) ; ( 3 )對約翰,一本書(片段,同上, 728人;敘利亞,發現並主編夏波,巴黎, 1897年) ; ( 4 )對行為的,一本書(片段編號, lxvi , 785平方米) ; ( 5 )對所有教會中的聖保羅(希臘語片段編號, lxvi , 188-968 )書信向加拉太,歌羅西書,撒羅尼迦, philemon ,拉丁美洲版血紅蛋白swete ,劍橋, 1880年至1882年) 。

B. Opascula乙opascula

(1) "De sacramentis", 1 book (lost); (2) "De fide", 1 book ("Liber ad baptizatos", according to Facundus, op. cit., LX, 3; fragments in Swete, II, 323-27); (3) "De sacerdotio", 1 book (lost); (4) "De Spiritu Sancto", 2 books, against the Macedonians (lost); (5) "De Incarnatione", 15 books (cf. Facundus, IX, 3; Gennadius, 12; written at Antioch about 382-92 against the Apollinarians and Eunomians; Greek fragm. in PG, LXVI, 969 sqq., and Swete, II, 290-3l2); (6) "Contra Eunomium", 2 books (one fragment in Facundus, IX, 3; (7) "Contra dicentes: peccatum naturae inesse" 2 books (cf. Photius, "BibI.", 177); (8) "Contra magicam artem", 2 books (cf. Photius, 81); (9) "Ad monachos", 1 book (lost); (10) "De obscura locutione" 1 book (lost); (11) "De perfectione operum", 1 book (lost); (12) "Contra allegoristas", 5 books (cf. Facundus, III, 6: "De allegoria et historia"); (13) "De Assumente et Assumpto", 1 book (lost); (14) "De legislatione", 1 book (lost). Many unidentified fragments are perhaps taken from lost works. The fifteen hooks "De mysteriis" or "Opus mysticum", mentioned by Assemani (III, 1, 563), are probably identical with the "Codex mysticus" cited by Facundus (III, 2). Concerning the "Symbolum fidei" (Facundus, III, 2; Leontius, PG, LXXXVI, 1367), cf. Fritzsche in PG, LXVI, 73 sqq. Leontius Byzant. ("Advers. Incorr.", xx, in PG, LXXXVI, 1368) says, perhaps with reference to the so-called Nestorian Liturgy, that Theodore had also introduced a new Liturgy. ( 1 ) "德sacramentis " ,一本書(損失) ; ( 2 ) "德有誠意" ,一本書( " liber專案baptizatos " ,根據facundus ,前引書,中心LX , 3 ;片段swete ,二, 323-27 ) ; ( 3 ) "德sacerdotio " ,一本書(損失) ; ( 4 ) "德spiritu sancto " , 2書籍,對馬其頓人(損失) , ( 5 ) "德incarnatione " , 15書籍(參見。 facundus ,第九, 3 ; gennadius , 12歲;寫在安提約382-92反對apollinarians和eunomians ;希臘語片段,在編號, lxvi , 969 sqq ,並swete ,二, 290 3l2 ) , ( 6 ) " eunomium合同" , 2書籍( 1個片段在facundus ,第九章, 3 , ( 7 ) "合同dicentes : peccatum naturae inesse " 2書籍(參見photius , "比比" , 177 ) ; ( 8 ) "矛盾magicam artem " 2書籍(參見photius , 81 ) ; ( 9 ) "專案monachos " ,一本書(損失) ; ( 10 ) "德obscura locutione "一書(損失) ; ( 11 ) "德perfectione operum " ,一本書(遺失) ; ( 12 )成了" Contra allegoristas " , 5書籍(參見facundus ,三,六: "德allegoria等歷史就是這樣的" ) ; ( 13 ) "德assumente等assumpto " ,一本書(損失) ; ( 14 ) "德legislatione " ,一本書(損失) ,許多不明碎片,也許是取自失去工程。十五鉤"德mysteriis "或"工作與mysticum " ,提到assemani (三, 1 , 563 ) ,很可能是完全相同的同"食品法典委員會mysticus "引述facundus (三, 2 ) 。關於開展" symbolum信" ( facundus ,三,二; leontius ,編號, lxxxvi , 1367 ) ,比照弗里切在編號, lxvi , 73 sqq 。 leontius byzant ( "不良。 incorr " ,第二十條,在編號, lxxxvi , 1368 )說,也許是參考了所謂景教禮儀中,即西奧多還介紹了一個新的禮拜儀式。

C. Letters長信

These were collected in one volume which is now lost.這些被收集在一個體積也就是現在的丟失。

III.三。 THEODORE'S DOCTRINE西奧多的學說

A. Hermeneutics and Canon答:詮釋學與佳能

As regards the Old Testament, Theodore seems to have accepted Flavius Josephus's idea of inspiration and his canon.至於舊約,西奧多似乎已經接受了flavius約瑟夫的理念啟發和他的佳能公司。 He rejected as uncanonical the Book of Job, the Canticle of Canticles, the Book of Esdras, and the deutero-canonical books.他否決,因為uncanonical這本書的工作, canticle的canticles ,這本書的埃斯德拉斯和deutero -典型書籍。 From the New Testament he excised the Catholic Epistles (except I Peter and I John) and the Apocalypse (cf. Leontius, loc. cit., III, 13-17, in PG, LXXXVI, 1365-68).由新約聖經,他抽出天主教教會中(除彼得和約翰)及啟示(參見leontius ,如上,三, 13日至15日在編號, lxxxvi , 1365年至1368年) 。 In his explanation of the Holy Writ Theodore employs primarily the prevailing historical and grammatical method of the Antiochene school.在他的解釋神聖令狀西奧多僱用主要是當時的歷史和語法方法的安提阿學派學校。 Of all the Psalms he recognized only ii, vii, xiv, and cx as containing direct prophetic reference to the Messias; the Canticle of Canticles was pronounced by him a vulgar nuptial poem.所有詩篇,他認識到只有二,七,十四,和CX含有直接預言果然提到了messias ; canticle的canticles被宣布由他一個庸俗婚後首詩。

B. Anthropology and Doctrine of Justification乙人類學和學說的理由

Theodore's doctrine concerning justification gave rise to very grave misgivings, even if we reject the accusations of Leontius (loc. cit., 20-37) as exaggerated.西奧多的教義有關的理由,產生了非常嚴重的疑慮,但即使我們拒絕被指責為leontius ( loc.引文中, 20-37 )為誇大之嫌。 According to Theodore, the sin of Adam rendered himself and mankind subject to death, because he was then mutable.據西奧多,單亞當,使他自己和人類受死,因為他是那麼變化無常。 But that which was the consequence of sin in the case of Adam is in his descendants its cause, so that in consequence of mutability all men in some manner or other sin personally.但其中的後果,單在案件亞當是在他的子孫的事業,因此,在後果變形的所有男性,在某種方式或其他單個人。 The object of the Redemption was to transfer mankind from this condition of mutability and mortality to the state of immutability and immortality.對象為贖回被轉讓人類從這一條件的變形和死亡率,以國家的變通和不朽。 This happened first in the case of Christ, fundamentally by the union with the Logos, to a greater extent at His baptism, and completely at His Resurrection.這件事首先在案件基督,從根本上是由聯盟與標識,以在更大程度上,在他的洗禮,並完全在他的復活。 In mankind this change is effected by union with Christ.在人類的這一變化是由聯盟與基督。 The union begins in baptism, through which (1) all (personal) sins are remitted, (2) the grace of Christ is granted, which leads us to immutability (sinlessness) and immortality.該聯盟在開始的洗禮,通過( 1 )所有(個人)的罪過是匯款, ( 2 )的恩典基督是理所當然的,這使我們不得變通(清白)和不朽。 At the baptism of children only this second effect occurs.在洗禮的孩子,這才是第二個作用發生。 That these ideas show a certain resemblance to the fundamental thoughts of Pelagianism is not to be denied; whether, however, Theodore influenced Pelagius and Caelestius (according to Marius Mercator, through the medium of the Syrian Rufinus; PL, XLVIII, 110), or whether these influenced Theodore, is very difficult to determine.這些理念表現出一定的相似性為基本思路佩拉糾學派,是不容否認;是否然而,西奧多影響pelagius和caelestius (據marius墨卡托,通過新聞媒介敘利亞rufinus ;特等, 48 , 110 ) ,或無論這些影響西奧多,這的確是非常難以確定。

C. Christology長christology

Theodore's Christology exercised a more direct and eventful influence on the doctrine of his (mediate) disciple Nestorius.西奧多的christology行使了一個更直接的和多事的影響,對教義的,他(調解)的弟子nestorius 。 The contemporary polemics against Arianism and Apollinarianism led the Antiochenes (Diodorus, Theodore, and Nestorius) to emphasize energetically the perfect Divinity and the unimpaired Humanity of Christ, and to separate as sharplv as possible the two natures.當代論戰對arianism和亞波里拿留派領導antiochenes ( diodorus ,西奧多和nestorius )強調大力完美的神性和損害人類的救世主,並單獨作為sharplv盡可能兩個性質。 Thus, in a sermon which he delivered at Antioch (perhaps the first as bishop), Theodore vehemently attacked the use of the term theotokos, long employed in ecclesiastical terminology, because Mary was strictly speaking anthropotokos, and only indirectly theotokos.因此,在說教,而他發表在安提(也許是第一次作為主教) ,西奧多猛烈抨擊一詞的使用theotokos ,長期從事宗教術語,因為瑪麗嚴格地說anthropotokos ,只有間接theotokos 。 It was only by recalling his words and correcting himself that Theodore could appease the excitement resulting from this view (see John of Antioch, "Epist. ad Theodosium imper." in Facundus Herm., "Pro defensione trium capp.", X, 2; PL, LXXXVII, 771).它只是回顧了他的話,糾正自己西奧多可以安撫激動造成這種看法(見約翰安提, " epist 。專案theodosium imper " facundus herm , "親defensione trium的CAPP " ,第十, 2 ;特等, lxxxvii , 771 ) 。 It cannot indeed be denied that the Antiochene separation of the natures must result in an improper weakening of the union in Christ.它不能確實無可否認,這個安提阿學派分離的性質必須導致不適當的削弱工會在基督裡。 Like Nestorius, Theodore expressly declares that he wished to uphold the unity of person in Christ; perhaps they recognized some distinction between nature and person, but did not know exactly what was the distinguishing factor, and therefore used faulty paraphrases and comparisons, and spoke of the two natures in a way which, taken strictly, presupposed two persons.像nestorius ,西奧多明確宣布,他要堅持團結的人,在基督裡,或許他們認識到一些區分性質和人,但他不知道究竟是什麼特別之處因素,因此,採用故障段是互相比較,並談到了這兩個性質的方式,採取了嚴格的,預先假定了兩個人。 Thus, according to Theodore, the human nature of Christ was not only passibilis, but also really tentabilis, since otherwise His actual freedom from sin would be the result of His physical union with God, not a merit of His free wilt.因此,根據西奧多,人性的基督不僅是passibilis ,但也真的tentabilis ,因為否則他的實際行動自由,從單結果會是他的身體聯盟與上帝,而不是一個值得他的自由枯萎。 The union of the human and Divine nature happens not kat ousian nor kat energeian, but kat eudokian (at will), and indeed a eudokia hos en houio, which effects a enosis eis en prosopon.該聯盟的人力和神性的情況下不吉ousian也不吉energeian ,但吉eudokian (會) ,而且確實eudokia居者有其屋恩houio ,其中效果。希塞統一的EIS恩prosopon 。 The two natures form a unity, "like man and wife" or "body and soul".兩個性質形成一個團結, "像男子及妻子"或"身體與靈魂" 。 Consequently, according to Theodore, the communicato idiomatum, fundamentally speaking, is also lawful.因此,根據西奧多, communicato idiomatum ,從根本上講,也是合法的。

IV.四。 THE CONDEMNATION OF THE DOCTRINE OF THEODORE譴責中庸西奧多

While during his lifetime (apart from the episode at Antioch) Theodore was regarded as orthodox (cf. Theodoret, "Hist. eccl.", V, xxxix; John of Antioch, in Facundus, II, 2), a loud outcry was raised against him when the Pelagians and Nestorians appealed to his writings.而在他的一生中(除了從事件中,在安提)西奧多被視為正統(參見theodoret , "歷史。 eccl 。 " ,第五章,第39屆;約翰安提,在facundus ,二, 2 ) ,一個響亮的聲音有人提出對他的時候pelagians和nestorians呼籲他的著作。 The first to represent him as the father of Pelagianism was Marius Mercator in his work "Liber subnotationum in verba Juliani, Praef."第一,以代表他的父親佩拉糾學派被marius墨卡托在他的作品" liber subnotationum在verba juliani , praef " 。 (about 431; in PL, XLVIII, 111). (約431人;特等, 48 , 111 ) 。 He was accused of Nestorianism by Hesychius of Jerusalem in his Church History (about 435) Rabulas of Edessa went so far as to pronounce anathema on Theodore.他被指控的景教由赫西基奧斯耶路撒冷在他的教會歷史(約435 ) rabulas的edessa竟然以字正腔圓詛咒就西奧多。 Acting under the influence of the latter, St. Cyril of Alexandria expressed himself in fairly sharp terms concerning Theodore, naming him with Diodorus the "patres Nestorii blasphemæe" ("Ep. lxxi ad Theodosium imp.", in PG. LXXVII, 34l-44); he was, however, unwilling to condemn Theodore, as he had died in peace with the Church.代理的影響下後者情況下,聖西里爾亞歷山大表示,自己相當尖銳條款關於西奧多,他不點名與diodorus " patres nestorii blasphemæe " (下稱"的EP 。 lxxi專案theodosium進出口" ,在415-359-2454 lxxvii , 34升- 44 ) ;但是,他不願譴責西奧多,因為他已經死亡,在和平與教會。 Meanwhile the Nestorian strife passed by without any official action being taken by the Church against Theodore, although his writings stood in higher favour among the Nestorians of Edessa and Nisibis than those of Nestorius himself.同時景教內亂通過,沒有任何官方正在採取的行動教會對西奧多,儘管他的著作,站在更高的反對者之間nestorians的edessa和nisibis比那些nestorius自己。 The General Council of Chalcedon seemed rather to favour Theodore, when it declared his disciples and admirers, Theodoret and Ibas of Edessa, orthodox, although the latter in his epistle to Maris had referred to Theodore in terms of the highest praise.總理事會chalcedon似乎相當贊成西奧多時,它宣稱他的弟子和仰慕者, theodoret和IBAS的的edessa ,東正教,儘管後者在他的書信中( Maris提到了西奧多來說,最高度的讚揚。 The Monophysitic reaction against the Council of Chalcedon in the sixth century first succeeded in bringing Theodore's person and writings under the ban of the ecclesiastical anathema through the ill-famed dispute of the Three Chapters.該monophysitic反應,對安理會的chalcedon在第六世紀的第一次成功地使西奧多的人,著作下禁止殺傷人員地雷的教會詛咒透過虐待著名爭端的三個章節。 Theodore was for the first time condemned as a heretic by the Emperor Justinian in his edict against the Three Chapters (544).西奧多是為第一次指責為邪教組織,由皇帝justinian在他的法令,對3個章節( 544 ) 。 Under the influence of imperial pressure Pope Vigilius composed (553) at Constantinople a document in which sixty propositions taken from Theodore's writing were declared heretical.的影響下,帝國壓力教宗vigilius組成( 552 )於君士坦丁堡一份文件,其中第六十二主張採取從西奧多的寫作被宣布為邪教。 Finally, at the Fifth General Synod (553), at which, however, Vigilius did not participate, the three Chapters, including Theodore's writings and person, were placed under anathema.最後,在第五次全國主教會議( 552 ) ,在其中,不過, vigilius沒有參加,分為三個章節,包括西奧多的著作和人,分別劃歸詛咒。 It was only on 8 December that Vigilius, broken with exile, gave his approval to the decrees of the synod.直到12月8日表示, vigilius ,打破了受教育者與流亡,給他的批准該項法令的主教。 Among the most zealous defenders of Theodore and the Three Chapters, besides Pope Vigilius (until 533), were the African Facundus of Hermiana ("Pro defensione trium capitulorum libri XII", in PL, LXVII, 527 sqq.) and the bishops, Paulinus of Aquileia and Vitalis of Milan.其中最熱心的捍衛者西奧多和3個章節,除了教宗vigilius (直到533 ) ,分別為非洲facundus的hermiana ( "親defensione trium capitulorum第十二圖書" ,在特等, lxvii , 527 sqq )和主教, paulinus的阿奎萊亞和vitalis米蘭。

Publication information Written by Chrysostom Baur.出版信息寫金口鮑氏東方藝術館。 Transcribed by Marjorie Bravo-Leerabhandh.轉錄由馬喬裡布拉沃- leerabhandh 。 In loving memory of my grandmother, Rosario Bravo The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.在愛的回憶我的祖母,羅薩里奧布拉沃天主教百科全書,體積十四。 Published 1912. 1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特Appleton還公司。 Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. nihil obstat , 1912年7月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人頭馬lafort ,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰farley樞機主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography 參考書目
The most complete edition of Theodore's works is given in PG, LXVI, 124 sqq.; see also: SWETE, Theodori Ep.最完整版的西奧多的作品給予編號, lxvi , 124 sqq 。又見: swete , theodori的EP 。 Mopsuesteni in epistolas B Pauli. mopsuesteni在epistolas b泡利。 The Latin Version with the Greek Fragments (2 vols., Cambridge, 1880-52)., SACHAU, Theodori Mopsuesteni fragmenta siriaca, (Leipzig, 1169); and some fragments in S. Innocenti ep.拉丁美洲版與希臘片段( 2卷,劍橋, 1880年至1852年) , sachau , theodori mopsuesteni fragmenta siriaca , (萊比錫, 1169年)和一些片段在美國蒂的EP 。 Maronioe: De his qui unum ex trinitate vel unum Subsistentiam seu personam Dominum nostrum Jesus Christurn dubitant confieri, ed. maronioe :德他qui教科文組織貨幣單位當然trinitate或教科文組織貨幣單位subsistentiam請輸入您的個人dominum我們的耶穌christurn dubitant confieri ,教育署。 AMELLI in Spicilegium Casinensi I (1888). amelli在spicilegium casinensi我( 1888 ) 。 148-54. 148-54 。 TILLEMONT, Memoires, XII (1732), 433 sqq.; FRIZSCHE, De Theodori Mopsuesteni vita et scriptis (Halle, 1836; reprinted in PG, LXVI. 9 sqq.; SWETE in Dict. Christ. Biog., sv; SPECHT, Der exeget Standpunkt des Theodor u. Theodoret in Auslegung der messian. Weissagungen (Munich, 1871) KIHN Theodore von M. u. Junilius Africanus als Exegeten (Freiburg 1880); ZAHN, Das Neue Testament Theodors v. M. u. der ursprungl Kanon der Syrer in Neue kirchl. Zeitschr., XI (1900), 788-806; DENNEFELD, Der alttestam, Kanon der Antiochen. Schule (Freiburg 1909). 44-61 (Bibl. Studien, 14, 4); BAETHGEN, Der Psalmenkommentar des Theodor v. M. syrischer Bearbeitung in Zeitschr. fur alttestam. Wissenschaft, V (1885) 53-101; VI (1886) 261-88, VII (1887), 1-60; LIETZMANN, Der Psalmenkommentar Theodors v. M. in Sitzungsberichteder kgl. preussichen Akademie der Wissenschaften (1902), 334-46 MERCATI, Un palimpsesto Ambrosiano dei Salmi Esapli (Turin, 1896); cf. ASCOLI, Il codice erlandese dell' Ambrosiana in Archivio glattologico itatiano, V, VI; VON DOBSCHUTZ in American Journal of Theology, II (1898), 353-87; FENDT, Die Christologie des Nesotorius (Kempten, 1910), 9-12; Theodore v. Mopsuesta; NESTLE, Theodor von M. u. Nestorius; Eine Mitteilung aus syrischen Quellen in Theolog. Studien aus Wurttemberg (1881), 210-11.蒂耶蒙, memoires ,十二( 1732 ) , 433 sqq 。 ; frizsche ,德theodori mopsuesteni履歷表等scriptis (哈雷, 1836年;重印編號, lxvi 9 sqq ; swete在字典。基督。 biog , sv ; specht ,明鏡exeget standpunkt萬Theodor的美國theodoret在auslegung明鏡messian 。 weissagungen (慕尼黑1871 ) kihn西奧多馮米美國junilius africanus勾地表制度exegeten (弗賴堡1880年) ; zahn之neue全書theodors五米美國明鏡ursprungl kanon明鏡syrer在neue kirchl 。 zeitschr ,第十一章( 1900 ) , 788-806 ; dennefeld ,明鏡alttestam , kanon明鏡antiochen 。 schule (弗賴堡1909 ) 。 44-61 ( bibl.研究會, 14日, 4 ) ; baethgen ,明鏡psalmenkommentar萬Theodor的五米syrischer bearbeitung在zeitschr 。毛皮alttestam 。 wissenschaft ,五( 1885 ) 53-101 ;六( 1886 ) 261-88 ,第七章( 1887 ) , 1-60 ;利茨曼,明鏡psalmenkommentar theodors五米sitzungsberichteder kgl 。 preussichen學院明鏡wissenschaften ( 1902年) , 334-46 mercati ,聯合國palimpsesto ambrosiano dei salmi esapli (都靈, 1896年) ;比照阿斯科利,白細胞介素codice erlandese戴爾' ambrosiana在archivio glattologico itatiano ,五,六;馮多布許茨在美國雜誌的神學,第二卷( 1898 ) , 353-87 ; fendt ,模具christologie萬nesotorius (坎普頓, 1910 ) , 9-12 ;西奧多訴mopsuesta ;雀巢, Theodor的馮米美國nestorius ; eine mitteilung澳大利亞syrischen quellen在theolog 。研究會澳元符騰堡州( 1881年) , 210-11 。


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