Eusebius Pamphili, Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, the "Father of Church History"; b.尤西比烏斯pamphili ，主教cæsarea在巴勒斯坦之父"的教會的歷史" ;乙 about 260; d.約260名;四 before 341.前341 。
LIFE生活
It will save lengthy digression if we at once speak of a document which will often have to be referred to on account of its biographical importance, viz., the letter written by Eusebius to his diocese in order to explain his subscription to the Creed propounded by the Council of Nicæa.它可節省冗長的題外話，如果我們在一次發言的一份文件，其中往往要被轉介到相應的其傳記的重要性，即，該信寫的尤西比烏斯向他的教區，以解釋他訂閱了教義所提出的安理會的nicæa 。 After some preliminary remarks, the writer proceeds: "We first transmit to you the writing concerning the faith which was put forward by us, and then the second, which they have published after putting in additions to our expressions. Now the writing presented by us, which when read in the presence of our most religious emperor was declared to have a right and approved character was as follows: [The Faith put forward by us]. As we have received from the bishops before us both in our first catechetical instruction and when we were baptized, and as we have learned from the Divine Scriptures, and as we have believed and taught in the presbyterate and in the office of bishop itself so now likewise believing we offer to you our faith and it is thus."經過一些初步意見後，筆者得益： "我們首先向你轉遞寫作有關的信仰是我們提出的，那麼第二個，其中，他們先後發表後，在增補為我們的表情，現在的寫作由美，當他看過，在香港大多數宗教皇帝被宣布為有權利，並批准了字的內容如下： [信仰我們提出的] ，因為我們已經收到了來自主教面前無論是在我們的第一catechetical指示和當我們受洗，並作為我們了解到，從神誦經，因為我們相信並教導，在presbyterate中和辦公室的主教本身，所以現在同樣相信我們提供給你我們的信仰和因此，它是" 。 Then follows a formal creed [Theodoret, Hist., I, 11; Socrates, Hist., I, 8; St. Athanasius, de Dec. Syn.然後遵循正式信條[ theodoret ，歷史，我， 11人;蘇格拉底，歷史，我8名;聖athanasius ，德12月順。 Nic. NIC的。 (appendix) and elsewhere. （附錄）及其他地方。 Translated by Newman with notes in the Oxford Library of the Fathers (Select Treatises of St. Athanasius, p. 59) and St. Athanasius, vol.翻譯由紐曼與債券市場在牛津大學圖書館的父親（選擇論文的聖athanasius ，第59頁）和聖athanasius ，第一卷。 I. The translation given here is Dr. Hort's.一，翻譯由於這裡是博士hort的。 The words in brackets are probably genuine though not given by Socrates and St. Athanasius].括號內的文字很可能是真正的，雖然沒有給由蘇格拉底和聖athanasius ] 。
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The passage just quoted shows that the date of Eusebius's birth is more than a merely curious question.通過剛才引述表明，該日期的尤西比烏斯的誕生是一個多只是好奇的問題。 According to Lightfoot, it cannot have been "much later than AD 260" (p. 309); according to Harnack, "it can hardly be placed later than 260-265" (Chronologie, I, p. 106).據lightfoot ，它不能被"得多不遲於公元260 " （頁309 ） ;根據的Harnack ， "實在難以放在不遲於260-265 " （ chronologie ，我，第106頁） 。 The data from which they argue are the persons and events which Eusebius describes as belonging to "our own times".數據來自他們辯稱，是人與事件，其中尤西比烏斯形容為屬於"我們自己的時代" 。 Thus, at the end of his account of the epistles of Dionysius of Alexandria, he says he is now going to relate the events of "our own times" (kath- ‘emâs. - HE, VII, 26).因此，在去年底，他到教會中的狄奧尼修斯的亞歷山德里亞，他說，他現在正與有關的事件， "我們自己的時代" （ kath - ' emâs -他，第七章， 2 6條） 。 He then recounts how, at Rome, Pope Dionysius (259-268) succeeded Xystus, and about the same time Paul of Samosata became Bishop of Antioch.然後，他重新計如何，在羅馬教皇狄奧尼修斯（ 259-268 ） ，成功xystus ，大約同一時候，保羅的samosata成為主教安提。
Elsewhere (HE, V, 28) he speaks of the same Paul as reviving "in our own time" (kath- ‘emâs) the heresy of Artemon.在其他地方（他，五， 28 ）他說話的同時保羅振興" ，在我們自己的時間" （ kath - ' emâs ）異端的阿泰蒙。 He also speaks of the Alexandrian Dionysius (d. 265) in the same way (HE, III, 28).他還談到了亞歷山大狄奧尼修斯（四265 ）在以同樣的方式（他，三， 28 ） 。 He calls Manes, whom he places (HE, VII, 31) during the episcopate of Felix (270-274), "the maniac of yesterday and our own timess" (Theophania, IV, 30).他呼籲Manes認為，其中他的地方（他，七， 31 ） ，在主教團的菲利克斯（ 270-274 ） ， "瘋狂的昨天和我們自己的timess " （ theophania ，四， 30 ） 。 An historian might of course refer to events recent, but before his own birth, as belonging to "our own times"; eg a man of thirty might speak thus of the Franco-German war in 1870.一個歷史學家可能的，當然是指事件最近，但在此之前他自己的出生時，由於屬於"我們自己的時代" ，例如，一名男子的第三十一可能說話，因此對法德戰爭於1870年。 But the reference to Manes as "the maniac of yesterday" certainly suggests a writer who is alluding to what happened within his own personal recollection.而且提及毛為"狂昨天的" ，當然意味著一個作家的人，是暗指什麼事，他自己個人的回憶。 Concerning Eusebius's parentage we know absolutely nothing; but the fact that he escaped with a short term of imprisonment during the terrible Diocletian persecution, when his master Pamphilus and others of his companions suffered martyrdom, suggests that he belonged to a family of some influence and importance.關於尤西比烏斯的父母，我們知道，絕對沒有什麼，但事實上，他逃到一個短期的監禁期間，可怕diocletian迫害時，他的主人pamphilus等他的同伴遭受殉道，表明他是屬於一個家庭的一些影響力和重要性。 His relations, later on, with the Emperor Constantine point to the same conclusion.他的關係，後來，隨著皇帝君士坦丁點，以相同的結論。 At some time during the last twenty years of the third century he visited Antioch, where he made the acquaintance of the priest Dorotheus, and heard him expound the Scriptures (HE, VII, 32).在某些時候，在過去二十年的第三個世紀，他走訪了安提約，在那裡他取得了結識神父dorotheus ，並聽到他闡述經文（他，第七章， 32條） 。 By a slip of the pen or the memory, Lightfoot (p. 309) makes Dorotheus a priest of the Church of Cæsarea.由滑的鋼筆或記憶， lightfoot （第309名） ，使dorotheus一名神父的教堂cæsarea 。 In 296 he saw for the first time the future Emperor Constantine, as he passed through Palestine in the company of Diocletian (Vit. Const., I, 19).在296他首次看到了未來的皇帝君士坦丁，因為他通過巴勒斯坦在該公司的diocletian （ vit.常量。來說，我19 ） 。
At a date which cannot be fixed Eusebius made the acquaintance of Pamphilus, the founder of the magnificent library which remained for several centuries the great glory of the Church of Cæsarea.在一個日期不能固定尤西比烏斯取得了結識pamphilus ，創始人的宏偉圖書館仍然幾百年的偉大榮耀的教會cæsarea 。 Pamphilus came from Phœnicia, but at the time we are considering resided at Cæsarea, where he presided over a college or school for students. pamphilus來自phœnicia ，但在當時，我們正考慮居住在cæsarea ，他在那裡主持了大專以上學校的學生。 A man of noble birth, and wealthy, he sold his patrimony and gave the proceeds to the poor.一個人的高尚出生時，和有錢的，他把他的遺產，並交給收益給窮人。 He was a great friend to indigent students, supplying them to the best of his ability with the necessaries of life, and bestowing on them copies of the Holy Scriptures.他是一位偉大的朋友給貧困學生，提供他們最好的，他有能力與必要性的生活，並賜予他們的副本聖經。 Too humble to write anything himself, he spent his time in preparing accurate copies of the Scriptures and other books, especially those of Origen.太謙虛要寫他自己，他花時間在準備準確的副本聖經及其他書籍，特別是那些淵源。 Eloquent testimonies to the care bestowed by Pamphilus and Eusebius on the sacred text are found in Biblical MSS.雄辯的證詞，以照顧恩賜pamphilus和尤西比烏斯對神聖文字被發現在聖經和支助。 which have reproduced their colophons.其中有複製其colophons 。 We give three specimens.我們舉出三個標本。 (1) the following is prefixed to Ezechiel in the codex Marchalianus. （ 1 ）以下是後綴ezechiel在法典marchalianus 。 A facsimile of the original will be found in Mai's "Bib. nov. Pat.", IV, p.一份傳真的原件會被發現，在清邁的"背帶褲一新八" ，四，體育 218, and in Migne. 218 ，並在米涅。 It is printed in ordinary type in Swete's OT in Greek (vol. III, p. viii).這是印在普通型swete的城市旅遊局在希臘語（第三卷，第8頁） 。 It must be remembered that Origen's own copy of the Hexapla was in the library of Pamphilus.但我們必須記得，淵源的自身拷貝的hexapla是，在圖書館的pamphilus 。 It had probably been deposited there by Origen himself.它有可能被存放在那裡的淵源自己。
The following was transcribed from a copy of the Father Apollinarius the Coenobiarch, to which these words are subjoined: "It was transcribed from the editions of the Hexapla and was corrected from the Tetrapla of Origen himself which also had been corrected and furnished with scholia in his own handwriting, whence I, Eusebius, added the scholia, Pamphilus and Eusebius corrected."以下是轉錄從副本父親apollinarius該coenobiarch ，而這些話都是subjoined ： "這是轉錄的，從版本的hexapla和矯正，從tetrapla的淵源本人，也已得到糾正，並配有scholia在他自己的筆跡，何時，我尤西比烏斯，加上scholia ， pamphilus和尤西比烏斯更正" 。
(2) At the end of the Book of Esdras, in the codex Sinaiticus, there is the following note:- （ 2 ）在完成這本書的埃斯德拉斯，在食品法典委員會sinaiticus ，有下列說明： -
It was compared with a very ancient copy that had been corrected by the hand of the blessed martyr Pamphilus to which is appended in his own hand this subscription: "It was transcribed and corrected according to the Hexapla of Origen, Antoninus compared, I, Pamphilus, corrected."它是相對於一個非常古老的副本已被糾正的手庇佑烈士pamphilus這是附在他自己的手，這訂閱： "這是轉錄和糾正，據該hexapla的淵源， antoninus相比，我， pamphilus糾正" 。 (Swete, vol. II, p. 212.) （ swete ，第二卷，第212頁） 。
(3) The same codex and also the Vatican and Alexandrine quote a colophon like the above, with the difference that Antoninus has become a confessor, and Pamphilus is in prison - "Antoninus the confessor compared, Pamphilus corrected". （ 3 ）有相同的法典，也是梵蒂岡和亞歷山大引述colophon跟以上，兩者差距即antoninus已成為一個懺悔，並pamphilus是在監獄-" a ntoninus該懺悔相比， p amphilus更正" 。 The volume to which this colophon was subjoined began with I Kings and ended with Esther.量，即在本colophon是subjoined開始與I國王結束埃絲特。 Pamphilus was certainly not idle in prison. pamphilus絕對不是閒置在獄中。 To most of the books in the Syro- Hexaplar is subjoined a note to the effect that they were translated from the Hexapla in the library of Cæsarea and compared with a copy subscribed: "I, Eusebius, corrected [the above] as carefully as I could" (Harnack, "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 544, 545).大部分的書籍在syro - hexaplar是subjoined一份說明，其大意是，他們被翻譯從hexapla在圖書館的cæsarea並與副本認購： "我，尤西比烏斯，糾正[上述]小心我可" （的Harnack ， " altchrist 。亮著" ，第544 ， 545 ） 。
May not the confessor Antoninus be the same person as the priest of that name who, later on, with two companions interrupted the governor when he was on the point of sacrificing, and was beheaded?可能不是懺悔antoninus是一樣的人來當牧師的這名字的人，後來，與兩位同伴打斷了總督的時候，他就一點犧牲，被砍頭？ (Mart. Pal., 9.) One member of Pamphilus's household, Apphianus, had done the same a few years before; and another, Ædesius, after being tortured and sent to the mines, on obtaining his release provoked martyrdom at Alexandria by going before the governor and rebuking him. （ mart. PAL制式，九）的一名成員pamphilus的住戶， apphianus ，已做了同樣的，幾年前，以及另一名， ædesius後，被折磨，發送到地雷，就獲得釋放他挑起了殉難在亞歷山大去前總督和譴責他。 Towards the end of 307 Pamphilus was arrested, horribly tortured, and consigned to prison.接近年底時的307 pamphilus被逮捕，可怕的折磨，並委託給日本監獄。 Besides continuing his work of editing the Septuagint, he wrote, in collaboration with Eusebius, a Defence of Origen which was sent to the confessors in the mines - a wonderful gift from a man whose sides had been curried with iron combs, to men with their right eyes burned out and the sinews of their left legs cauterized.此外，他繼續以他的工作，編輯septuagint ，他寫道：在協作與尤西比烏斯，辯護的淵源，其中被送往該confessors在礦山-一個美妙的禮物，從一名男子的，雙方已c urried鐵梳子，男性與右眼燒毀和sinews其左腿中燒。 Early in 309 Pamphilus and several of his disciples were beheaded.早在309 pamphilus和他的幾個弟子被砍頭。 Out of devotion to his memory Eusebius called himself Eusebius Pamphili, meaning, probably, that he wished to be regarded as the bondsman of him whose name "it is not meet that I should mention … without styling him my lord" (Mart. Pal., ed. Cureton, p. 37).出於奉獻他的記憶尤西比烏斯自稱尤西比烏斯pamphili ，也就是說，很可能，他希望被視為bondsman的他的名字： "這是不符合要求，我要提…如果沒有他的風格我主" （ mart.帕爾。編，帶來了，第37頁） 。 Mr. Gifford, in the introduction to his translation of the "Præp. Evang.", has suggested another explanation on the authority of an ancient scholion emanating from Cæsarea which calls Eusebius the "son of Pamphilus". gifford先生，在介紹其翻譯" præp 。埃旺" ，建議另一種解釋上的權威，是一個古老的scholion來自cæsarea這就要求尤西比烏斯"的兒子pamphilus " 。 He argues further that Pamphilus, in order to make Eusebius his heir, took the necessary step of adopting him.他辯稱，進一步pamphilus ，為了讓尤西比烏斯他的繼承人，採取了必要的步驟，通過他。 During the persecution Eusebius visited Tyre and Egypt and witnessed numbers of martyrdoms (HE, VIII, vii and ix).在迫害尤西比烏斯訪問輪胎和埃及，並目睹了多少martyrdoms （他，第八，第七和第九） 。 He certainly did not shun danger, and was at one time a prisoner.他當然不信危險，而且是在同一時間，一名囚犯。 When, where, or how he escaped death or any kind of mutilation, we do not know.何時，何地，或他如何逃脫死亡或任何形式的殘害，我們不知道。 An indignant bishop, who had been one of his fellow-prisoners and "lost an eye for the Truth", demanded at the Council of Tyre how "he came off scathless".憤怒的主教，曾經他的一個老鄉囚犯和"失去了一個眼睛，為真理" ，要求在安理會的輪胎如何" ，他來過scathless " 。 To this taunt - it was hardly a question - made under circumstances of great provocation, Eusebius deigned no reply (Epiphan., Hær., lxviii, 8; cf. St. Athanas., "Apol. c. Arian.", viii, 1).這奚落-它幾乎沒有一個問題-所作的情況下，具有挑釁，尤西比烏斯de igned任何答复（e p iphan.，h æ r，l x viii，8 ;比照聖a t hanas，" a p ol。丙阿里安"，第八章， 1 ） 。 He had many enemies, yet the charge of cowardice was never seriously made - the best proof that it could not have been sustained.他有許多敵人，但其收取的膽怯心理是從來沒有認真地-就是最好的證明，它不能一直持續下去。 We may assume that, as soon as the persecution began to relax, Eusebius succeeded Pamphilus in the charge of the college and library.我們可以假定，一旦迫害開始放鬆，尤西比烏斯成功pamphilus在負責本學院和圖書館。 Perhaps he was ordained priest about this time.也許他被祝聖司鐸大約在這個時候。 By 315 he was already a bishop, for he was present in that capacity at the dedication of a new basilica at Tyre, on which occasion he delivered a discourse given in full in the last book of the Church history.由315名，他已經是一個主教，因為他目前在這方面的能力，在奉獻的一個新的Basilica在輪胎上，這次，他發表了話語給予全力在最後一本書中的教會歷史。
Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, excommunicated Arius about the year 320.亞歷山大主教亞歷山德里亞，驅逐arius大約一年320 。 The Arians soon found that for all practical purposes Eusebius was on their side.該arians很快就發現，對所有實際目的尤西比烏斯是站在他們的一方。 He wrote to Alexander charging him with misrepresenting the teaching of the Arians and so giving them cause "to attack and misrepresent whatever they please" (see below).他寫信給亞歷山大指控他曲解教學的arians等，讓他們的事業" ，以攻擊和歪曲，無論他們請" （見下文） 。 A portion of this letter has been preserved in the Acts of the second Council of Nicæa, where it was cited to prove that Eusebius was a heretic.部分這封信已被保存在行為的第二屆理事會nicæa ，它被引用，以證明尤西比烏斯是一個邪教組織。 He also took part in a synod of Syrian bishops who decided that Arius should be restored to his former position, but on his side he was to obey his bishop and continually entreat peace and communion with him (Soz., HE, I, 15).他還參加了在主教會議的敘利亞主教決定arius應恢復到前的職務，但對他身邊，他是聽從他的主教，並不斷哀求和平與共融與他（ soz.他，我， 15歲） 。 According to Duchesne (Hist. de l'Eglise, II, 132), Arius, like Origen before him, found an asylum at Cæsarea.據duchesne （ hist.德l' eglise ，二， 132 ） ， arius一樣，淵源在他之前，找到了一種庇護cæsarea 。 At the opening of the Council of Nicæa Eusebius occupied the first seat on the right of the emperor, and delivered the inaugural address which was "couched in a strain of thanksgiving to Almighty God on his, the emperor's behalf" (Vit. Const., III, 11; Soz., HE, I, 19).在開幕式上的理事會nicæa尤西比烏斯佔據第一的席位，有權的皇帝，並發表了就職演說，是"措辭株感恩萬能的上帝對他的，皇帝的代表" （ vit.常量，三， 11人; soz ，他，我， 19 ） 。 He evidently enjoyed great prestige and may not unreasonably have expected to be able to steer the council through the via media between the Scylla and Charybdis of "Yes" and "No".他顯然享有巨大威望，並不得有不合理的預期能夠指導安理會通過威盛媒體之間的青蟹和卡律布狄斯的"是"與"否" 。 But if he entertained such hopes they were soon disappointed.但如果他受理這種希望，他們很快失望了。 We have already spoken of the profession of faith which he brought forward to vindicate his own orthodoxy, or perhaps in the hope that the council might adopt it.我們已經談過的職業信仰他提出，以維護自己的正統，或者在希望安理會可能採取它。 It was, in view of the actual state of the controversy, a colourless, or what at the present day would be called a comprehensive, formula.這是，鑑於實際狀況的爭議，一種無色，或用什麼，在現今社會，將所謂全面，公式。 After some delay Eusebius subscribed to the uncompromising creed drawn up by the council, making no secret, in the letter which he wrote to his own Church, of the non-natural sense in which he accepted it.經過一些拖延尤西比烏斯認購，以不妥協的信條制定了由議會，使沒有任何秘密，在信中，他寫信給他自己的教會，不自然感，其中他接受了。 Between 325 and 330 a heated controversy took place between Eusebius and Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch.與325和330一場激烈的爭論之間發生了尤西比烏斯和歐斯塔修斯主教安提。
Eustathius accused Eusebius of tampering with the faith of Nicæa; the latter retorted with the charge of Sabellianism.歐斯塔修斯被告尤西比烏斯的干擾與信仰的nicæa ;後者則反駁說，與負責sabellianism 。 In 331 Eusebius was among the bishops who, at a synod held in Antioch, deposed Eustathius.在331尤西比烏斯是其中的主教，在主教會議召開安提，廢黜歐斯塔修斯。 He was offered and refused the vacant see.他被拒絕空置看到的。 In 334 and 335 he took part in the campaign against St. Athanasius at the synods held in Cæsarea and Tyre respectively.在334和335 ，他參加了這項運動，對聖athanasius在主教會議召開cæsarea和輪胎。 From Tyre the assembly of bishops were summoned to Jerusalem by Constantine, to assist at the dedication of the basilica he had erected on the site of Calvary.從輪胎大會的主教們被召集到耶路撒冷，由君士坦丁，以協助在奉獻的Basilica他已豎立於遺址calvary 。 After the dedication they restored Arius and his followers to communion.之後，他們的獻身精神恢復arius和他的追隨者和共融。 From Jerusalem they were summoned to Constantinople (336), where Marcellus was condemned.來自耶路撒冷，他們被召集到君士坦丁堡（ 336 ） ，在那裡marcellus被譴責。 The foilowing year Constantine died.該foilowing今年君士坦丁死亡。 Eusebius survived him long enough to write his Life and two treatises against Marcellus, but by the summer of 341 he was already dead, since it was his successor, Acacius, who assisted as Bishop of Cæsarea at a synod held at Antioch in the summer of that year.尤西比烏斯他存活足夠長的寫他的生活和兩個論文對marcellus ，而是由夏天的341 ，他已經死了，因為這是他的繼任者， acacius ，誰作為輔助主教cæsarea在主教舉行的安提夏天這一年。
WRITINGS著作
We shall take Eusebius's writings in the order given in Harnack's "Altchrist. Lit.", pp.我們應採取尤西比烏斯的著作在該命令給出的Harnack的" altchrist 。亮著" ，頁。 554 sqq. 554 sqq 。
A. Historical答：歷史
(1) The lost Life of Pamphilus, often referred to by Eusebius, of which only a single fragment, describing Pamphilus' liberality to poor students, quoted by St. Jerome (c. Ruffin., I, ix), survives. （ 1 ）失去了生命的pamphilus ，通常被稱為由尤西比烏斯人，其中只有一個單一的片段，並形容pamphilus '自由精神，以貧困學生的話說，聖杰羅姆（丙魯芬，我九） ，繼續生存。
(2) A collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, used by the compiler of Wright's Syriac Martyrology, also lost. （ 2 ）收集了古代martyrdoms ，用於編譯的賴特的敘利亞文martyrology也丟失了。
(3) On the Martyrs of Palestine. （三）對烈士的巴勒斯坦人。 There are two distinct forms of this work, both drawn up by Eusebius.有兩種截然不同的形式對這項工作，都制定了由尤西比烏斯。 The longer is only extant in a Syriac version which was first edited and translated by Cureton in 1861.時間越長，是唯一現存在敘利亞文版本，這是第一次編輯和翻譯所帶來了在1861年。 The shorter form is found in most MSS.較短的形式，是發現在大多數重建置業。 (not, however, in the best) of the Church History, sometimes at the end of the last book, generally between books VIII and IX, also in the middle of book VIII. （不是，不過，在最好）的教會歷史上，有時候在去年底的最後一本書中，一般書籍第八和第九，又在中東的書八。 The existence of the same work in two different forms raises a number of curious literary problems.存在著同樣的工作，在兩種不同形式引起了一些好奇的文學問題。 There is, of course, the question of priority.是的，當然，這個問題的優先考慮。
Here, with two notable exceptions, scholars seem to be agreed in favour of the longer form.在這裡，有兩個顯著的例外，學者們似乎並同意贊成的，長遠的形式。 Then comes the question, why Eusebius abridged it and, finally, how the abridgment found its way into the Church History.那麼，隨之而來的一個問題，為什麼尤西比烏斯縮寫它，並最終如何abridgment發現地滲透到教會的歷史。 The shorter form lacks some introductory remarks, referred to in c.較短的形式，缺乏一些開場白中，提到的在長 xiii, which defined the scope of the book.十三，其中界定的範圍，這本書。 It also breaks off when the writer is about to "record the palinode" of the persecutors.它也中斷當作家，即將"記錄palinode "的迫害者。 It seems probable that part of the missing conclusion is extant in the form of an appendix to the eighth book of the Church History found in several MSS.看來，可能這部分的失踪，結論是，在現存的形式附錄第八書教會歷史上發現的幾個重建置業。 This appendix contrasts the miserable fate of the persecutors with the good fortune of Constantine and his father.本附錄反差的悲慘命運的迫害者與善緣的君士坦丁和他的父親。 From these data Lightfoot concludes that what we now possess formed "part of a larger work in which the sufferings of the Martyrs were set off against the deaths of the persecutors".從這些數據lightfoot得出結論認為，我們現在具備形成"的一個組成部分，較大的工作，其中的痛苦烈士引發對死亡的迫害者" 。 It must, however, be remembered that the missing parts would not add much to the book.但是，它必須記住，這名失踪的部分不會增加很多，以這本書。 So far as the martyrs are concerned, it is evidently complete, and the fate of the persecutors would not take long in the telling.至於所謂烈士而言，它顯然是完整的，與命運的迫害者，將不會考慮在不久的告訴。 Still, the missing conclusion may explain why Eusebius curtailed his account of the Martyrs.還有，失踪的結論也許可以解釋為什麼尤西比烏斯削減其戶口的烈士。 The book, in both forms, was intended for popular reading.這本書，無論在形式，是為大眾閱讀。 It was therefore desirable to keep down the price of copies.因此，它可取，盡量減少價格的副本。 If this was to be done, and new matter (ie the fate of the persecutors) added, the old matter had to be somewhat curtailed.如果這是必須做的，而新的物質（即命運的迫害者）的補充，舊事不得不有所削減。 In 1894, in the Theologische Literaturzeitung (p. 464) Preuschen threw out the idea that the shorter form was merely a rough draft not intended for publication. 1894年，在theologische literaturzeitung （第464頁）普羅伊申拋出想法，即較短的形式僅是一個粗略的草案並不打算出版。 Bruno Violet, in his "Die Palästinischen Martyrer" (Texte u. Untersuch., XIV, 4, 1896) followed up this idea and pointed out that, whereas the longer form was constantly used by the compilers of Martyrologies, Menologies, and the like, the shorter form was never used.布魯諾紫，在他的"死palästinischen馬蒂雷爾" （美國文本untersuch ，十四， 4 ， 1896 ）跟進這一想法，並指出，而更長的形式不斷地被用於由編譯器的martyrologies ， menologies ，及類似，在較短的形式是從來沒有使用過。 In a review of Violet (Theolog. Litz, 1897, p. 300), Preuschen returns to his original idea, and further suggests that the shorter form must have been joined to the Church History by some copyist who had access to Eusebius's MSS.在審查紫（ theolog. litz ， 1897年，第300頁） ，普羅伊申回到他原來的構想，並進一步建議，該短表格必須在已加入到教會的歷史中的一些複製人獲得尤西比烏斯的支助。 Harnack (Chronologie, 11, 115) holds to the priority of the longer form, but he thinks that the shorter form was composed almost at the same time for readers of the Church History.的Harnack （ chronologie ， 11 ， 115 ）堅持以優先權的，長遠的形式，但他認為，較短的形式組成，幾乎在同一時間，為讀者的教會歷史。
(4) The Chronicle (see separate article, EUSEBIUS, CHRONICLE OF). （ 4 ）紀事（見單獨的文章，尤西比烏斯，年譜） 。
(5) The Church History. （ 5 ）在教會的歷史。 It would be difficult to overestimate the obligation which posterity is under to Eusebius for this monumental work.這將是難以估量的義務，這是後人根據，以尤西比烏斯本巨著。 Living during the period of transition, when the old order was changing and all connected with it was passing into oblivion, he came forward at the critical moment with his immense stores of learning and preserved priceless treasures of Christian antiquity.生活在這段過渡時期，當舊秩序是變化都與它是通過人們遺忘，他挺身而出，在關鍵時刻與他的巨大店的學習和保存無價的珍寶基督教古物。 This is the great merit of the Church History.這是很大的優點，教會的歷史。 It is not a literary work which can be read with any pleasure for the sake of its style.它不是一個文學作品，其中可以看到任何樂趣，為它的風格。 Eusebius's "diction", as Photius said, "is never pleasant nor clear".尤西比烏斯的"文辭" ，因為photius說， "從來都不愉快，也沒有明確的" 。 Neither is it the work of a great thinker.也不是工作的一個偉大的思想家。 But it is a storehouse of information collected by an indefatigable student.但它是一個庫已收集的資料，由一個不知疲倦的學生。 Still, great as was Eusebius's learning, it had its limitations.但是，作為偉大的是尤西比烏斯的學習手段，它有其局限。 He is provokingly ill-informed about the West.他是provokingly虐待了解西方。 That he knows very little about Tertullian or St. Cyprian is due, no doubt, to his scant knowledge of Latin; but in the case of a Greek writer, like Hippolytus, we can only suppose that his works somehow failed to make their way to the libaries of the East.他知道得很少戴爾都良或聖塞浦路斯，是因為，毫無疑問，他很少知識的拉丁語，但在案件希臘作家，像hippolytus ，我們只能假設他的作品在某種程度上未能做出自己的方法該libaries的東部地區。 Eusebius's good faith and sincerity has been amply vindicated by Lightfoot.尤西比烏斯的善意和誠意，已充分證明lightfoot 。 Gibbon's celebrated sneer, about a writer "who indirectly confesses that he has related whatever might redound to the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could tend to the disgrace, of religion", can be sufficiently met by referring to the passages (HE, VIII, ii; Mart. Pal. c. 12) on which it is based.長臂猿的慶祝冷笑，對一個作家" ，他們間接地承認，他曾與什麼可能，有助於榮耀，並表示，他已壓制一切可能傾向於向恥辱，對宗教" ，可以得到充分的滿足是指通道（他，第八條第一，二;沃爾瑪。帕爾。丙12 ） ，它是基於。 Eusebius does not "indirectly confess", but openly avows, that he passes over certain scandals, and he enumerates them and denounces them.尤西比烏斯並不"間接招供" ，而且還公開avows ，他通過對一些醜聞，而且他還列舉了他們，並譴責他們。 "Nor again", to quote Lightfoot, "can the special charges against his honour as a narrator be sustained. There is no ground whatever for the charge that Eusebius forged or interpolated the passage from Josephus relating to our Lord quoted in HE, I, 11, though Heinchen is disposed to entertain the charge. Inasmuch as this passage is contained in all our MSS., and there is sufficient evidence that other interpolations (though not this) were introduced into the text of Josephus long before his time (see Orig., c. Cels., I, 47, Delarue's note) no suspicion can justly attach to Eusebius himself. Another interpolation in the Jewish historian, which he quotes elsewhere (11, 23), was certainly known to Origen (lc). Doubtless also the omission of the owl in the account of Herod Agrippa's death (HE, 11, 10) was already in some texts of Josephus (Ant., XIX, 8, 2). The manner in which Eusebius deals with his numerous quotations elsewhere, where we can test his honesty, is a sufficient vindication against this unjust charge" (L., p. 325). " ，也不會再" ，以競標lightfoot " ，可以特別費，對他的榮譽，作為敘述者持續下去，所以並沒有什麼理由，為費尤西比烏斯偽造或插通過由約瑟夫有關我們的主引述他，我， 11 ，雖然heinchen變賣法院有權受理費。因為這段話是包含在我們所有的重建置業，而且有足夠證據證明其他插值（雖然不是這點）被引入到文本約瑟夫前不久他的時候（見orig ，長cels 。來說，我47 ， delarue的注） ，沒有猜疑，可以理直氣壯地重視尤西比烏斯自己。另一個插在猶太歷史學家，而他尋獲別處（ 11 ， 23 ） ，當然是眾所周知的淵源（立法會） 。無疑還遺漏貓頭鷹在該帳戶的希律agrippa的死亡（他， 11 ， 10 ） ，已在一些文本約瑟夫（ ant. ， 19 ， 8 ， 2 ） 。哪種方式尤西比烏斯處理其眾多的報價在其他地方，我們可以檢驗自己誠實，是一個足夠的平反，反對這種不公正的收費" （屬， 325頁） 。
The notices in the Church History bearing on the New Testament Canon are so important that a word must be said about the rule followed by Eusebius in what he recorded and what he left unrecorded.該告示在教會歷史事關新約聖經佳能是如此重要，總之應該說，關於法治其次尤西比烏斯在他的記錄和他留給無紀錄。 Speaking generally, his principle seems to have been to quote testimonies for and against those books only whose claims to a place in the Canon had been disputed.一般講，他的原則似乎已被引用的證詞，並針對這些書籍只是其債權一個地方，在佳能一直有爭議。 In the case of undisputed books he gave any interesting information concerning their composition which he had come across in his reading.在案件爭議的書籍，他給任何感興趣的資料，它們的組成，其中他曾遇過在他讀。 The subject was most carefully investigated by Lightfoot in an article in "The Contemporary" (January, 1875, reprinted in "Essays on Supernatural Religion"), entitled "The Silence of Eusebius".主題是最認真調查lightfoot在一篇文章中的"當代" （ 1月， 1875年，轉載於"雜文超自然的宗教" ） ，題為"沉默的尤西比烏斯" 。 In regard to the Gospel of St. John, Lightfoot concludes: "The silence of Eusebius respecting early witnesses to the Fourth Gospel is an evidence in its favour."對於福音的聖約翰， lightfoot最後說： "沉默的尤西比烏斯尊重早期證人到第四個福音，是一個證據對其有利的" 。 For the episcopal lists in the Church History, see article on the Chronicle.為主教名單，在教會歷史上，看到一篇關於紀事。 The tenth book of the Church History records the defeat of Licinius in 323, and must have been completed before the death and disgrace of Crispus in 326, for it refers to him as Constantine's "most pious son".第十本書的教會歷史紀錄，打敗李錫尼在323 ，而且必須已經完成前死亡和恥辱的crispus 326 ，它是指他為君士坦丁的"最虔誠的兒子" 。 The ninth book was completed between the defeat of Maxentius in 312, and Constantine's first rupture with Licinius in 314.第九本書完成之間打敗maxentius在312 ，和君士坦丁的第一破裂與李錫尼在314 。
(6) The Life of Constantine, in four books. （ 6 ）生命的君士坦丁，在四本書。 This work has been most unjustly blamed, from the time of Socrates downwards, because it is a panegyric rather than a history.這項工作得到了最不公正的指責，從時間的蘇格拉底向下，因為它是一個panegyric而非歷史。 If ever there was a man under an obligation to respect the maxim, De mortuis nil nisi bonum, this man was Eusebius, writing the Life of Constantine within three years after his death (337).如果認為有必要把一名男子下有義務尊重一句格言：德mortuis零的NiSi bonum ，這名男子被尤西比烏斯，書寫生命的君士坦丁後3年內，他的逝世（ 337 ） 。 This Life is especially valuable because of the account it gives of the Council of Nicæa and the earlier phases of the Arian controversy.這種生活，尤其是有價值的，因為該帳戶的，它賦予了安理會的nicæa和較早階段的阿里安爭議。 It is well to remember that one of our chief sources of information for the history of that council is a book written to magnify Constantine.它是要記住，我們的一個總的信息來源，為歷史上的這會是一本書，寫誇張君士坦丁。
B. Apologetic乙表歉意
(7) Against Hierocles. （ 7 ）對hierocles 。 Hierocles, who, as governor in Bithynia and in Egypt, was a cruel enemy of the Christians during the persecution, before the persecution had attacked them with the pen. hierocles ，他作為總督bithynia ，並在埃及，是一個殘忍的敵人，基督徒在迫害之前，迫害襲擊了他們與羊圈。 There was nothing original about his work except the use he made of Philostratus's Life of Apollonius of Tyana to institute a comparison between the Lord and Apollonius in favour of the latter.有沒有原來對他的工作，除利用他的家斐洛斯特拉圖斯的生活apollonius的蒂亞納建立一個比較耶和華和apollonius贊成後者。 In his reply Eusebius confined himself to this one point.在他的答复尤西比烏斯限於自己這一點。
(8) "Against Porphyry", a work in twenty-five books of which not a fragment survives. （ 8 ） "對斑岩" ，這是一個工作，在2005年的書籍，其中不是一個片段生存。
(9) The "Præparatio Evangelica", in fifteen books. （ 9 ） " præparatio evangelica " ，在十五年的書籍。
(10) The "Demonstratio Evangelica", in twenty books, of which the last ten, with the exception of a fragment of the fifteenth, are lost. （ 10 ） " demonstratio evangelica " ，在二十一書籍，其中近十年，除一個片段第十五，都將丟失。 The object of these two treatises, which should be regarded as two parts of one comprehensive work, was to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosophy of the Greeks in favour of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life.該物體在這兩個條約中，這應被視為兩部分組成的一個綜合性工作，是要證明基督教拒絕宗教和哲學的希臘人，反對者認為，對希伯來人，然後再辯解他沒有觀察猶太地的生活。 The "Præparatio" is devoted to the first of these objects. " præparatio " ，是專門討論這些問題首先對象。 The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford's introduction to his translation of the "Præparatio": "The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology, Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of dæmons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Plato and Free Will. Books VII- IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosophy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the last three books the comparison of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosophers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized."以下簡要的，其內容是從先生gifford的導言，以他的翻譯" præparatio " ： "首三本書討論了三倍，系統的異教神學，神話，寓言，和政治因素。下一三，四，六，交代行政簽，崇拜dæmons ，和各種意見的希臘哲學家對教義的柏拉圖和自由意志。書籍第七至第九說明理由傾向於宗教的希伯來人創立，主要是對證詞各作者向閣下自己的經文和真相的歷史時期。書本第十至十二尤西比烏斯認為，希臘人曾借來的，從舊式神學與哲學的希伯來人，住所，特別是對假定的依賴性柏拉圖後，摩西在去年三本書比較摩西與柏拉圖是繼續下去，並且互相矛盾的其他希臘哲學家，尤其是peripatetics和stoics ，是揭露和批判" 。
The "Præparatio" is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius's other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. " præparatio " ，是一個龐大的壯舉的博學，並根據的Harnack （ chronologie第一，第二，第120頁） ，與許多人一樣的尤西比烏斯的其他工程，實際上是在強調對迫害。 It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors whose works have perished.它隊伍相結合，與紀事，僅次於教會歷史中的重要性，因為它的提取物，再用從古代作家，其作品已滅亡了。 The first book of the Demonstratio chiefly deals with the temporary character of the Mosaic Law.第一本書的demonstratio主要涉及的臨時性質，鑲嵌法。 In the second the prophecies concerning the vocation of the Gentiles and the rejection of the Jews are discussed.在第二個預言有關的天職外邦人和排斥猶太人的討論。 In the remaining eight the testimonies of the prophets concerning Christ are treated of.在其餘八名的證詞先知們關於基督對待的。
We now pass to three books, of which nothing is known save that they were read by Photius, viz.現在，我們通過對三本書，其中沒有什麼是已知保存說，他們閱讀photius ，即。 (11), The "Præparatio Ecclesiastica", (12), the "Demonstratio Ecclesiastica", and (13) Two Books of Objection and Defence, of which, from Photius's account, there seem to have been two separate editions. （ 11 ） ， " præparatio ecclesiastica " ， （ 12 ） ， " demonstratio ecclesiastica " ，及（ 13 ）兩本書的反對意見和辯護，其中，從photius的帳戶，似乎已是兩個單獨的版本。 (14) The "Theophania" or "Divine Manifestation". （ 14 ） " theophania "或"神的表現" 。 Except for a few fragments of the original, this work is only extant in a Syriac version dsicovered by Tattam, edited by Lee in 1842, and translated by the same in 1843.除了少數片段的原著，這項工作不僅是現存在敘利亞文版本dsicovered由塔塔姆，編輯：李在1842年，並翻譯由同在1843年。 It treats of the cosmic function of the Word, the nature of man, the need of revelation, etc. The fourth and fifth books are particularly remarkable as a kind of anticipation of modern books on Christian evidences.它把對宇宙的功能字，但性質的人，是有必要的啟示等，第四次和第五次圖書尤為顯著，作為一種預期的現代書籍，基督教的證據。 A curious literary problem arises out of the relations between the "Theophania" and the work "De Laudibus Constantini".好奇的文學問題，產生於關係" theophania "和工作"時點laudibus康斯坦丁尼" 。 There are entire passages which are almost verbatim the same in both works.有整個段落幾乎是逐字相同，均為工程。 Lightfoot decides in favour of the priority of the first-named work. lightfoot決定贊成優先的首次命名工作。 Gressel, who has edited the "Theophania" for the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers, takes the opposite view. gressel ，曾主編" theophania "為柏林版的希臘教父，需持相反意見。 He compares the parallel passages and argues that they are improved in the "De Laudibus Constantini".他比較了平行通道，並辯稱，他們是在改進"德laudibus康斯坦丁尼" 。
(15) "On the Numerous Progeny of the Ancients". （ 15 ） " ，對眾多的子代的古人" 。 This work is referred to by Eusebius twice, in the "Præp. Ev.", VII, 8, and in the "Dem. Ev.", VII, 8; and also (Lightfoot and Harnack think) by St. Basil ("De Spir. Sanct.", xxix), where he says, "I draw attention to his [Eusebius's] words in discussing the difficulties started in connexion with ancient polygamy."這項工作是指由尤西比烏斯兩次，在" præp 。電動汽車" ，第七，八，並在"數字高程模型。電動汽車" ，第七，第八和也（ lightfoot和的Harnack覺得） ，由聖羅勒（ "德spir 。給桑特" ，第29屆） ，在那裡他說： "我提請大家注意他的[尤西比烏斯的]換言之，在討論的困難，開始就此古代一夫多妻制" 。 Arguing from St. Basil's words, Lightfoot thinks that in this treatise Eusebius dealt with the difficulty presented by the Patriarchs possessing more than one wife.爭論從聖羅勒的話， lightfoot認為，在這種傷寒尤西比烏斯處理難度由patriarchs擁有一個以上的妻子。 But he overlooked the reference in the "Dem. Ev.", from which it would appear that the difficulty dealt with was, perhaps, a more general one, viz., the contrast presented by the desire of the Patriarchs for a numerous offspring and the honour in which continence was held by Christians.但是他忽略了參考，在"數字高程模型。電動汽車" ，從這樣看來，很難處理，甚至成為一種較為普遍的一個，即，相比之下，由慾望的patriarchs了無數後代有幸在可控舉行基督徒。
C. Exegetical長訓詁
(16) Eusebius narrates, in his Life of Constantine (IV, 36, 37), how he was commissioned by the emperor to prepare fifty sumptuous copies of the Bible for use in the Churches of Constantinople. （ 16 ）尤西比烏斯敘述，在他的生活中的君士坦丁（四， 36 ， 37 ） ，他是如何被委託皇帝準備第五十二豐盛的副本聖經用於在教堂的君士坦丁堡。 Some scholars have supposed that the Codex Sinaiticus was one of these copies.有學者以為法典sinaiticus是其中的副本。 Lightfoot rejects this view chiefly on the ground that "the Text of the codex in many respects differs too widely from the readings found in Eusebius". lightfoot駁斥這種看法，主要是基於下述理由， "文本的食品法典委員會，在許多方面不同於過於廣泛，從讀數中發現尤西比烏斯" 。
(17) Sections and Canons. （ 17 ）章節和大砲。 Eusebius drew up ten canons, the first containing a list of passages common to all four Evangelists; the second, those common to the first three and so on.尤西比烏斯制定了10門炮，第一份文件載清單通道共同所有四個福音;第二，這些常見的頭三個等。 He also divided the Gospels into sections numbered continuously.他還劃分了福音成數不斷。 A number, against a section, referred the reader to the particular canon where he could find the parallel sections or passages.一個數字，對一節，提到了讀者的特殊佳能那裡他可以找到平行路段或通道。
(18) The labours of Pamphilus and Eusebius in editing the Septuagint have already been spoken of. （ 18 ）勞動的pamphilus和尤西比烏斯在編輯septuagint已經發言的。 They "believed (as did St. Jerome nearly a century afterwards) that Origen had succeeded in restoring the old Greek version to its primitive purity".他們"相信（像聖杰羅姆近一個世紀之後）表示，淵源已成功地恢復了古希臘的版本中，其原始的純潔性" 。 The result was a "mischievous mixture of the Alexandrian version with the versions of Aquila and Theodotion" (Swete, "Introd. to OT in Greek", pp. 77, 78).結果是一個"調皮搗蛋混合物的亞歷山大版本與版本雕和theodotion " （ swete ， " introd 。向城市旅遊局在希臘" ，第77條， 78條） 。 For the labours of the two friends on the text of the NT the reader may be referred to Rousset, "Textcritische Studien zum NT", c.為勞動力的兩個朋友就文本新台幣讀者可轉介rousset ， " textcritische研究會zum新台幣" ，長 ii.二。 Whether as in the case of the Old Testament, they worked on any definite critical principles is not known.無論是作為在案件舊約中，他們的工作就沒有明確的原則，關鍵是不知道。
(19) (a) Interpretation of the ethnological terms in the Hebrew Scriptures; (b) Chronography of Ancient Judaea with the Inheritances of the Ten Tribes; (c) A plan of Jerusalem and the Temple; (d) on the Names of Places in the Holy Scriptures. （ 19 ） （ a ）條的解釋，民族而言，在希伯來語聖經; （二） chronography古代猶太與繼承的十個部落（三）計劃，耶路撒冷和聖殿; （四）關於地名的地方在聖經中。 These four works were written at the request of Eusebius's friend Paulinus.這四項工程分別寫在要求的尤西比烏斯的朋友paulinus 。 Only the fourth is extant.只有第四，是現存。 It is known as the "Topics," or the "Onomasticon".這是被稱為"話題" ，或者" onomasticon " 。
(20) On the nomenclature of the Book of the Prophets. （ 20 ）關於命名這本書的先知。 This work gives a short biography of each Prophet and an account of his prophecies.這項工作，給出了短傳的每一個先知，並敘述了他的預言。
(21) Commentary on the Psalms. （ 21 ）評詩篇。 There are many gaps in the MSS.有很多差距，在重建置業。 of this work, and they end in the 118th Psalm.這項工作，他們在結束118詩篇。 The missing portions are in part supplied by extracts from the Catenae.失踪部分，有一部分是由提取物從catenae 。 An allusion to the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre fixes the date at about 330.暗指發現聖墓補丁的日期約330 。 Lightfoot speaks very highly of this commentary. lightfoot有極高評價的這篇評論。
(22) Commentary on Isaiah, written after the persecution. （ 22 ）評以賽亞書，以書面的迫害之後。
(23 to 28) Commentaries on other books of Holy Scripture, of some of which what may be extracts are preserved. （ 23日至28日）評等圖書神聖的經文，其中有些可能是提取物中得到保存。
(29) Commentary on St. Luke, of which what seem to be extracts are preserved. （ 29 ）述評：聖盧克，其中有什麼似乎被提取物得以保存。
(30) Commentary on I Cor., the existence of which seems to be implied by St. Jerome (Ep. xlix). （ 30 ）的評注，我肺心病，存在的，其中似乎隱含有由聖杰羅姆（ ep. XLIX ）號決定。
(31) Commentary on Hebrews. （ 31 ）評希伯來人。 A passage that seems to belong to such a commentary was discovered and published by Mai.一個通道，這似乎是屬於這樣的一個評論被發現和公佈的清邁。
(32) On the Discrepancies of the Gospels, in two parts. （ 32 ）對不一致的福音書，分兩個部分。 An epitome, very probably from the hand of Eusebius, of this work was discovered and published by Mai in 1825.的一個縮影，而且很有可能從手尤西比烏斯，這項工作被發現和公佈的邁在1825年。 Extracts from the original are preserved.摘錄自原被保存。 Of the two parts, the first, dedicated to a certain Stephen, discusses questions respecting the genealogies of Christ; the second, dedicated to one Marinus, questions concerning the Resurrection.該兩部分，第一部分，專門到某一個斯蒂芬，討論問題，尊重族譜基督;第二，專門用來編輯一marinus ，提出關於復活。 The Discrepancies were largely borrowed from by St. Jerome and St. Ambrose, and have thus indirectly exercised a considerable influence on Biblical studies.差異在很大程度上是借用由聖杰羅姆和聖劉漢銓，並從而間接地行使了相當的影響力聖經研究。
(33) General Elementary Introduction, consisting of ten books, of which VI-IX are extant under the title of "Prophetical Extracts". （ 33 ）普通小學的介紹，其中10個書籍，其中第六至第九，是現存的標題下的" prophetical提取物" 。 These were written during the persecution.這是寫在迫害。 There are also a few fragments of the remaining books.也有少數的片段，其餘書籍。 "This work seems to have been a general introduction to theology, and its contents were very miscellaneous as the extant remains show" (L., p. 339). "這項工作，似乎已被概論神學，其內容很雜，因為現存仍顯示" （屬，第339頁） 。
D. Dogmatic四教條化
(34) The Apology for Origen. （ 34 ）道歉淵源。 This work has already been mentioned in connexion with Pamphilus.這項工作已經提到就此pamphilus 。 It consisted of six books, the last of which was added by Eusebius.它由六書，其中最後一次補充，由尤西比烏斯。 Only the first book is extant, in a translation by Rufinus.只有第一本書是現存的，在一個翻譯rufinus 。
(35) "Against Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra", and (36) "On the Theology of the Church", a refutation of Marcellus. （ 35 ） "對marcellus ，主教安該拉" ， （ 36 ） ， "關於神學教會" ，這是一個駁marcellus 。 In two articles in the "Zeitschrift für die Neutest. Wissenschaft" (vol. IV, pp. 330 sqq. and vol. VI, pp. 250 sqq.), written in English, Prof. Conybeare has maintained that our Eusebius could not have been the author of the two treatises against Marcellus.在兩篇文章" ： Zeitschrift f黵die neutest 。 wissenschaft " （第四卷，第330 sqq 。卷第六，第250 sqq ） ，以英文書寫，教授科尼比爾一直認為我們的尤西比烏斯不可能被作者的兩個論文對marcellus 。 His arguments are rejected by Prof. Klostermann, in his introduction to these two works published in 1905 for the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers.他的論點是拒絕klostermann教授，在他的介紹中，以這兩個作品發表在1905年為柏林版的希臘教父。 The "Contra Marcellum" was written after 336 to justify the action of the sylnod held at Constantinople when Marcellus was deposed; the "Theology" a year or two later.成了" Contra marcellum "字樣後， 336名辯護行動的sylnod舉行君士坦丁堡時marcellus被廢黜; "神學"的一年或兩年後。
(37) "On the Paschal Festival" (a mystical interpretation). （ 37 ） " ，對逾越節" （一種神秘的解釋） 。 This work was addressed to Constantine (Vit. Const., IV, 35, 3l6).這項工作是針對君士坦丁（ vit.常量，四， 35 ， 3l6 ） 。 A long fragment of it was discovered by Mai.長期以來片段，結果發現所買的。
(38) A treatise against the Manichæans is perhaps implied by Epiphanius (Hær., lxvi, 21). （ 38 ）傷寒對manichæans也許是隱含的epiphanius （ hær. ， lxvi ， 21 ） 。
E. Orations and Sermons體育演說辭和布道
(39) At the Dedication of the Church in Tyre (see above). （ 39 ）在奉獻教會輪胎（見上文） 。
(40) At the Vicennalia of Constantine. （ 40 ）在vicennalia的君士坦丁。 This seems to have been the opening address delivered at the Council of Nicæa.這似乎已經開幕致詞中發表了在安理會的nicæa 。 It is not extant.這不是現存。
(41) On the Sepulchre of the Saviour, AD 325 (Vit. Const., IV, 33) not extant. （ 41 ）對墳墓的救世主，廣告325條（ vit.常量，四， 33 ）不尚存。
(42) At the Tricennalia of Constantine. （ 42 ）在tricennalia的君士坦丁。 This work is generally known as the "De Laudibus Constantini".這項工作通常被稱為"德laudibus康斯坦丁尼" 。 The second part (11-18) seems to have been a separate oration joined on to the Tricennalia.第二部分（ 11-18 ）似乎已被一個單獨的咨訊加入到tricennalia 。
(43) "In Praise of the Martyrs". （ 43 ） "頌歌獻給烈士" 。 This oration is preserved in the same MS.這一寄語，是保存在同一女士。 as the "Theophania" and "Martyrs of Palestine".作為" theophania " ， "烈士的巴勒斯坦" 。 It was published and translated in the "Journal of Sacred Literature" by Mr. HB Cowper (New Series, V, pp. 403 sqq., and ibid. VI, pp. 129 sqq.).這是出版和譯著，在"雜誌的神聖文學" ，由先生血紅蛋白cowper （新系列，五，頁403 sqq ，並同上第六頁129 sqq ） 。
(44) On the Failure of Rain, not extant. （ 44 ）對失敗的雨水，而不是現行的。
F. Letters樓信
The history of the preservation of the three letters, (45) to Alexander of Alexandria, (46) to Euphrasion, or Euphration, (47) to the Empress Constantia, is sufficiently curious.歷史上保存了三封信， （ 45 ） ，以亞歷山大的亞歷山大， （ 46 ） ，以euphrasion ，或euphration ， （ 47 ） ，以慈禧constantia ，是夠奇怪的。 Constantia asked Eusebius to send her a certain likeness of Christ of which she had heard; his refusal was couched in terms which centuries afterwards were appealed to by the Iconoclasts. constantia問尤西比烏斯給她寄來一定相似性的基督，其中她曾聽到他的拒絕是措辭來看，其中幾百年後，被呼籲由iconoclasts 。 A portion of this letter was read at the Second Council of Nicæa, and against it were set portions from the letters to Alexander and Euphrasion to prove that Eusebius "was delivered up to a reprobate sense, and of one mind and opinion with those who followed the Arian superstition" (Labbe, "Conc.", VIII, 1143-1147; Mansi, "Conc.", XIII, 313-317).部分這封信是在讀了第二屆理事會nicæa ，並反對設立部分，從字母到亞歷山大和euphrasion證明尤西比烏斯"發表了一項reprobate常識，萬眾一心，輿論與那些遵循該阿里安迷信" （拉比， "濃度" ，第八章， 1143年至1147年;曼西， "濃度" ， 13 ， 313-317 ） 。 Besides the passage quoted in the council, other parts of the letter to Constantia are extant.除了通過引用在議會外，其他部分的一封信constantia是現存。
(48) To the Church of Cæsarea after the Council of Nicæa. （ 48 ） ，以教會的cæsarea後會nicæa 。 This letter has already been described.這封信已被人形容。
FJ BACCHUS
FJ的巴克斯
Transcribed by
WGKofron Dedicated to Rev. David J. Collins, SJ The Catholic Encyclopedia,
Volume V Copyright © 1909 by Robert Appleton Company Nihil Obstat, May 1,
1909.轉錄由wgkofron致力於牧師大衛j.柯林斯，律政司司長天主教百科全書第五卷版權所有1909年由Robert
Appleton還公司nihil obstat ， 1909年5月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor
Imprimatur.人頭馬lafort ，檢查員imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New
York +約翰米farley ，大主教紐約
This subject presentation in the original English language這一主題演講，在原有的英語
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