The object of textual criticism is to restore as nearly as possible the original text of a work the autograph of which has been lost.對象考據學就是要恢復已接近盡可能原文一項工作，該親筆簽名，其中已經消失。 In this textual criticism differs from higher criticism, whose aim is to investigate the sources of a literary work, study its composition, determine its date and trace its influence and various transformations throughout the ages.在這考據學不同，從更高的批判，其目的就是要探討來源文學的工作，學習，它的組成，確定其日期，並追查其影響和各種轉變，在全國各地的千古罪人。
A. Necessity and processes of textual criticism答：必要性和過程的考據學
Textual criticism has no application except in regard to a work whose original does not exist; for, if extant, it could easily be reproduced in photogravure, or published, once it had been correctly deciphered.考據學並不適用除外方面的工作原本是不存在的;原因是，如果現存的，它可以很容易被複製，在照相，或刊登，一旦被正確地破譯。 But no autograph of the inspired writings has been transmitted to us, any more than have the originals of profane works of the same era.但沒有親筆簽名的著作啟發，已轉交給我們，任何以上有正本的褻瀆性的作品，同一時代。 The ancients had not that superstitious veneration for original manuscripts which we have today.古人不是說迷信的敬仰，為原來的書稿，我們今天所擁有的。 In very early times the Jews were wont to destroy the sacred books no longer in use, either by burying them with the remains of holy personages or by hiding them in what was called a ghenizah.在非常早的時代猶太人won't的破壞神聖的書籍已經不再使用，無論是由埋葬他們的遺骸聖地人士或由他們藏匿在什麼被稱為ghenizah 。 This explains why the Hebrew Bibles are, comparatively speaking, not very ancient, although the Jews always made a practice of writing the Holy Books on skin or parchment.這就解釋了為什麼希伯來語聖經，是相對來說，並不十分古老的，雖然猶太人下了一個實踐撰寫聖書對皮膚或羊皮紙。 In the first centuries of the Christian era the Greeks and Latins generally used papyrus, a material that quickly wears out and falls to pieces.在第一世紀的基督教時代的希臘人和拉丁人普遍使用的紙莎草紙，材料迅速磨損和瀑布粉身碎骨。 It was not until the fourth century that parchment was commonly used, and it is also from that time that our oldest manuscripts of the Septuagint and the New Testament date.只是到了第四世紀，羊皮紙被廣泛使用，而且它也是從這個時候，我們最古老的手稿的septuagint和新約聖經的日期。 Nothing short of a continuous miracle could have brought the text of the inspired writers down to us without alteration or corruption, and Divine Providence, who exercises, as it were, an economy of the supernatural, and never needlessly multiplies prodigies, did not will such a miracle.絕對不會缺少一個持續的奇蹟，本來有可能實現的文本激發的作家下來交給我們的改建或腐敗，是神聖的，誰演習，因為這都是一個經濟的超自然的，也從來不會毫無必要地成倍prodigies ，沒有將這類是一個奇蹟。 Indeed it is a material impossibility to transcribe absolutely without error the whole of a long work; and a priori one may be sure, that no two copies of the same original will be alike in every detail.事實上，它是一種物質，無法抄寫絕對沒有錯誤，整個一個長期的工作;先驗的，可以肯定的，沒有任何兩個副本，同時原將都在每一個細節。 A typical example of this is furnished by the Augsburg Confession, presented to the Emperor Charles V on the evening of 25 June, 1530, in both Latin and German.一個典型的例子，這是由其奧格斯堡供述，向皇帝查爾斯五世於晚間1530年6月25日，在這兩個拉丁語和德語。 It was printed in September of the same year and published two months later by its author, Melanchthon; thirty-five copies of it are known to have been made in the second half of the year 1530, nine of them by signers of the Confession.這是印在同年9月出版了兩個月後，其作者，梅蘭希頓; 35份，這是眾所周知的已在今年下半年， 15時30分，其中9人是由署名的自白。 But, as the two originals are lost, and the copies do not agree either with one another or with the first editions, we are not sure of having the authentic text in its minutest details.但是，因為這兩個文件正本遺失，並拷貝不同意，要么互相或與第一版本相比，我們不敢肯定要有正本在其minutest細節。 From which example it is easy to appreciate the necessity of textual criticism in the case of works so ancient and so often transcribed as the books of the Bible.從其中的例子，這是很容易理解的必要性考據學在案件工程，使古老的，所以常常轉錄為書籍的聖經。
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Corruptions introduced by copyists may be divided into two classes: involuntary errors, and those which are either wholly or partly intentional.貪污介紹copyists可分為兩類：非自願性的失誤，哪些是全部或部分有意為之。 To these different causes are due the observed variations between manuscripts.這些不同的原因，是因為觀察到的變化之間的手稿。
(a) Involuntary Errors （一）非自願的錯誤
Involuntary Errors may be distinguished as those of sight, hearing, and memory, respectively.自願誤差可以尊敬，因為那些視線，聽覺和記憶。 Sight readily confounds similar letters and words.視線容易confounds類似的信件和詞句。 Thus, as can be seen in the pictured example, similar letters are easily interchanged in square Hebrew, Greek uncial and Greek cursive writing.因此，可以看出，在圖為例，內容相同的信件，是很容易互換，在廣場希伯來語，希臘語uncial和希臘語行草書寫。
When the exemplar is written stichometrically, the eye of the copyist is apt to skip one or several lines.當典範，是書面stichometrically ，眼睛的複製是很善變跳過一個或幾個線路。 To this class of errors belongs the very frequent phenomenon of homoeoteleuton, ie omission of a passage which has an ending exactly like another passage which comes next before or after it.這一類錯誤，是屬於非常頻繁的現象homoeoteleuton ，即遺漏的一個通道，其中有一個結束酷似另一條通道，這是明年之前或之後。 A similar thing happens when several phrases beginning with the same words come together.類似的事情發生時，幾個句子開始用同樣的話走到一起。 Secondly, errors of hearing are of common occurrence when one writes from dictation.其次，錯誤的聽證會是司空見慣的時候，其中一個寫道：從聽寫。 But even with the exemplar before him, a copyist gets into the habit of pronouncing in a low tone, or to himself, the phrase he is transcribing, and thus is likely to mistake one word for another which sounds like it.但即使是與樣例在他面前，複製進入的習慣，宣告了在一個低的語調，還是對自己，這句話他是抄寫，因此很可能錯一個字又似乎喜歡它。 This explains numberless cases of "itacism" met with in Greek manuscripts, especially the continual interchange of hymeis and hemeis.這也解釋了無數案件" itacism "會見希臘文手稿，特別是不斷轉乘的hymeis和hemeis 。 Lastly, an error of memory occurs when, instead of writing down the passage just read to him, the copyist unconsciously substitutes some other, familiar, text which he knows by heart, or when he is influenced by the remembrance of a parallel passage.最後，一個錯誤的記憶發生時，而不是寫下來，通過剛才所宣讀他說，複製，不自覺地替代其他一些熟悉的，文字，而他知道，由心，或當他是受懷念的一個平行通道。 Errors of this kind are most frequent in the transcription of the Gospels.錯誤的，這種是最頻繁的轉錄福音。
(b) Errors Wholly or Partly Intentional （二）誤差的全部或部分有意
Deliberate corruption of the Sacred Text has always been rather rare, Marcion's case being exceptional.故意貪污的神聖文本一向較罕見， marcion的案件例外。 Hort [IntroductiOn (1896), p. hort [介紹（ 1896 ） ，第 282] is of the opinion that even among the unquestionably spurious readings of the New Testament there are no signs of deliberate falsification of the text for dogmatic purposes." Nevertheless it is true that the scribe often selects from various readings that which favours either his own individual opinion or the doctrine that is just then more generally accepted. It also happens that, in perfectly good faith, he changes passages which seem to him corrupt because he fails to understand them, that he adds a word which he deems necessary for the elucidation of the meaning, that he substitutes a more correct grammatical form, or what he considers a more exact expression, and that he harmonizes parallel passages. Thus it is that the shorter form of the Lord's Prayer in Luke, xi, 2-4, is in almost all Greek manuscripts lengthened out in accordance with Matthew, vi, 9-13. Most errors of this kind proceed from inserting in the text marginal notes which, in the copy to be transcribed, were but variants, explanations, parallel passages, simple remarks, or perhaps the conjectures of some studious reader. All critics have observed the predilection of copyists for the most verbose texts and their tendency to complete citations that are too brief; hence it is that an interpolation stands a far better chance of being perpetuated than an omission. 282 ：是的認為，即使在毫無疑問雜散讀通過本新約聖經，也沒有跡象蓄意偽造的文本教條化的目的" ，但是這是事實文士往往選擇從不同的讀數表示贊成或是他自己的個人見解或學說，這是當時較為普遍接受的，這也剛好是，在絕對的誠意，他的變化段落，似乎對他的腐敗，因為他不明白，他增加了一個字，他認為有必要澄清的意思，他可以代替一個更正確的語法形式，或者是什麼，他認為一個更準確的表達，而他協調並行通道，因此它是認為較短的形式，主禱文在路加，第十一， 2-4 ，是在幾乎所有希臘手稿加長了，按照馬修，六， 9-13 。最錯誤的，這種從插在文本旁注，在拷貝給被轉錄，但變種，解釋，平行通道，簡單言論，或者猜測的一些好學的讀者，所有的批評者都遵守偏好的copyists為最長篇大論的文本和他們的傾向，以完成嘉獎那些過於簡單，因此它是一個插有一個更好的機會被永久比遺漏。
Other considerations其他考慮因素
From the foregoing it is easy to understand how numerous would be the readings of a text transcribed as often as the Bible, and, as only one reading of any given passage can represent the original, it follows that all the others are necessarily faulty.從前述這是很容易理解如何眾多，將讀數的一個文本轉錄的，因為經常被視為聖經，而且，由於只有一讀任何特定的通過可以代表原來，這意味著所有其他國家必然是錯誤的。 Mill estimated the variants of the New Testament at 30,000, and since the discovery of so many manuscripts unknown to Mill this number has greatly increased.軋機估計變種的新約聖經，在30000名，並自發現如此眾多的手稿不知軋機現在這一數字已大大增加。 Of course by far the greater number of these variants are in unimportant details, as, for instance, orthographic peculiarities, inverted words, and the like.當然到目前為止，更大數量的，這些變種是在不重要的細節，因為，舉例來說，字形的特殊性，倒字等。 Again, many others are totally improbable, or else have such slight warrant as not to deserve even cursory notice.同樣，許多其他國家，是完全難以琢磨的，否則有這種輕微的手令，不值得，即使走馬觀花，恕不另行通知。 Hort (Introduction, 2) estimates that a reasonable doubt does not affect more than the sixtieth part of the words: "In this second estimate the proportion of comparatively trivial variations is beyond measure larger than in the former; so that the amount of what can in any sense be called substantial variation is but a small fraction of the whole residuary variation, and can hardly form more than a thousandth part of the entire text." hort （導， 2 ）估計一個合理的懷疑，並不影響較第六十部分的話： "在這個第二次估計的比例相對瑣碎的變化，是難以衡量大於前者，因此認為這個數額的，可什麼在任何意義上被稱為實質性的變化，只不過是一小部分，整個剩餘變異，難以形成一個多千分之一的一部分，整個案文" 。 Perhaps the same thing might be said of the Vulgate; but in regard to the primitive Hebrew text and the Septuagint version there is a great deal more doubt.也許是同樣的事情，可以說，該vulgate ;但對於原始希伯萊文和septuagint版本有很大的處理有更多的疑慮。
We have said that the object of textual criticism is to restore a work to what it was upon leaving the hands of its author.我們已經說過，對象考據學是恢復工作，它是在離開手中的作者。 But it is, absolutely speaking, possible that the author himself may have issued more than one edition of his work.但是，它是絕對地說，可能是作者自己可能已簽發超過一版他的工作。 This hypothesis was made for Jeremias, in order to explain the differences between the Greek and Hebrew texts; for St. Luke, so as to account for the variations between the "Codex Bezæ" and other Greek manuscripts in the third Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles; and for other writers.這種假設是為jeremias ，為了解釋的分歧，希臘文和希伯來文;聖路加等，以帳戶為變異之間的"法典bezæ "及其他希臘手稿，在第三福音和行為使徒們和其他作家。 These hypotheses may be insufficiently founded, but, as they are neither absurd nor impossible, they are not to be rejected a priori.這些假說可能不夠創立的，但因為它們既不是荒謬的，也不是不可能的，他們是不會被拒絕的先驗。
B. General principles of textual criticism乙一般原則的考據學
In order to re-establish a text in all its purity, or at least to eliminate as far as possible, its successive falsifications, it is necessary to consult and weigh all the evidence.為了重新建立一個文本在其所有的純潔性，或至少消除盡量歷屆弄虛作假行為，有必要進行磋商和權衡所有證據。 And this may be divided into: external, or that furnished by documents reproducing the text in whole or in part, in the original or in a translation -- diplomatic evidence -- and internal, or that resulting from the examination of the text itself independently of its extrinsic attestation -- paradiplomatic evidence.這可分為：外部，或者出具的文件複製文本的全部或部分內容，在原來的或在某翻譯-外交證據-和內部，或由考試的案文本身獨立它的外在核簽-p aradiplomatic證據。 We shall consider them separately.我們應考慮將它們分開。
1. 1 。 External (Diplomatic) Evidence外部的（外交）的證據
The evidence for a work of which the original manuscript is lost is furnished by;搜尋證據的工作，其中原稿丟失，是出具;
(a) copies, (manuscripts), （一）本， （手稿）
(b) versions, and （二）版本，並
(c) quotations. （三）報價。
These three do not always exist simultaneously, and the order in which they are here enumerated does not indicate their relative authority.這三個並不總是同時存在，並命令他們在這裡列舉的並不表明它們的相對權力。
(a) Manuscripts （一）手稿
In regard to the copies of ancient works three things are to be considered, namely:對於副本的古代作品三件事是要考慮的，即：
(i) age, （一）年齡，
(ii) value, and （二）價值，並
(iii) genealogy; and we shall add a word on （三）族譜;我們應增加一個字
(iv) critical nomenclature, or notation. （四）批判的專用名稱，或標註。
(i) Age （一）年齡
Age is sometimes indicated by a note in the manuscript itself; but the date, when not suspected of falsification, may simply be transcribed from the exemplar.年齡有時是顯示一個說明手稿本身，但目前為止，在不被懷疑偽造，可能只是轉錄從表表者。 However, as dated manuscripts are usually not very old, recourse must be had to various palæographic indications which generally determine with sufficient accuracy the age of Greek and Latin manuscripts.不過，由於過時的手稿通常不很老，追索還必須考慮到各種palæographic跡象，其中一般確定有足夠的準確年齡的希臘文和拉丁文手稿。 Hebrew palæography, though more uncertain, presents fewer difficulties, inasmuch as Hebrew manuscripts are not so old.希伯來語palæography ，雖然更加不明朗，禮物少的困難，因為希伯來手稿都沒有那麼老。 Besides, the exact age of a copy is, after all, only of minor importance, as it is quite possible that an ancient manuscript may be very corrupt while a later one, copied from a better exemplar, may come nearer to the primitive text.此外，確切年齡的副本，畢竟，只有輕微的重要性，因為這是非常有可能的一個古老的手稿，有可能很腐敗，而稍後的一個，複製文件從一個更好的表表者，有可能更接近原始文本。 However, other things being equal, the presumption is naturally in favour of the more ancient document, since it is connected with the original by fewer intervening links and consequently has been exposed to fewer possibilities of error.不過，在其他條件相同的，推定自然是贊成的更古老的文件，因為它是與原來由少干預聯繫，並因此被揭露之後，以較少的可能性誤差範圍內。
(ii) Value （二）價值
It is more important to ascertain the relative value than the age of a manuscript.這是更為重要，以確定相對價值超過年齡的手稿。 Some evidences inspire but little confidence, because they have frequently been found to be defective, while others are readily accepted because critical examination has in every instance shown them to be veracious and exact.一些證據激勵，但沒有多大信心，因為他們經常被發現有瑕疵，而有些則是欣然接受，因為關鍵的考試已在每一個舉例表明，它們是準確和精確。 But how is the critic to discriminate?但究竟是影評人歧視？ Prior to examination, the readings of a text are divided into three or four classes: the certainly or probably true, the doubtful, and the certainly or probably false.在檢查前，讀一個文本分為三個或四個檔次：肯定或有可能屬實，則令人懷疑，並肯定或可能是虛假的。 A manuscript is rated good or excellent when it presents in general true readings and contains few or none that are certainly false; under contrary conditions it is considered mediocre or worthless.手稿被評為良好或優良時，它呈現在一般的真實讀數，並載有很少或沒有這當然是錯誤的;下，相反條件，它被認為是平庸的或毫無價值。 Needless to add, the intrinsic excellence of a manuscript is not measured according to the greater or less care exercised by the scribes; a manuscript may teem with copyist's errors, though it be made from a very correct exemplar; and one transcribed from a defective exemplar may, considered merely as a copy, be quite faultless.不用添加，內在卓越的手稿是沒有量度據越大或更少照顧行使由文士;手稿可能teem與複製的錯誤，雖然它是從一個非常正確的表表者和一門轉錄，從一個有缺陷的樣例5月，僅應視為一份拷貝，相當無可挑剔。
(iii) Genealogy （三）族譜
The genealogy of documents, from a critical view-point, is most interesting and important.該族譜的文件，從批評的角度點，是最有趣的和重要的。 As soon as it is proved that a manuscript, no matter what its antiquity, is simply a copy of another existing manuscript, the former should evidently disappear from the list of authorities, since its particular testimony is of no value in establishing the primitive text.盡快，因為它證明了手稿，不管遇到什麼樣其古物，根本是一個拷貝的另一個現有的手稿，前者應明顯消失，從名單上的機關，由於其特定的證詞，是沒有價值的建立原始文本。 This, for instance, is what happened to the "Codex Sangermanensis" (E of the Pauline Epistles) when it was proved to be a defective copy of the "Codex Claromontanus" (D of the Pauline Epistles).這一點，舉例來說，是怎樣發生的"法典sangermanensis " （五的寶蓮書信） ，當它被證明是一種有缺陷的副本， "食品法典委員會claromontanus " （四的寶蓮書信） 。 Now, if a text were preserved in ten manuscripts, nine of which had sprung from a common ancestor, we would not therefore have ten independent testimonies but two, as the first nine would count for only one, and could not, therefore, outweigh the tenth, unless it were shown that the common exemplar of the nine was a better one than that from which the tenth was taken.現在，如果一個文本被保存在十個手稿，有9個，其中已異軍突起，從一個共同的祖先，我們也不會因此有10個獨立的證詞，但有兩個，首九個月就能算數的，只有一個，而且可能，因此不大於第十，除非它被證明，這種共同的表表者九年，是一種較好的一比，從其中的十分之一被帶到。 The consequences of this principle are obvious, and the advantage and necessity of grouping the testimonies for a text into families is readily understood.後果，這個原則是顯而易見的，以及利用和必要性分組證詞為一個文本進入家庭是很容易理解的。 It might be supposed that the critic would be mainly guided in his researches by the birthplace of a manuscript; but the ancient manuscripts often travelled a great deal, and their nationality is rarely known with certainty.它可能被假定影評人，將主要是引導他的研究的發祥地手稿，但古代手稿往往走了不少，他們的國籍是鮮為人知肯定。 Thus, many are of the opinion that the Vaticanus and the Sinaiticus emanated from Cæsarea in Palestine, while others maintain that they were written in Egypt, and Hort inclines to the belief that they were copied in the West, probably in Rome (see CODEX VATICANUS; CODEX SINAITICUS).因此，許多人都提出意見認為， vaticanus和sinaiticus出自cæsarea在巴勒斯坦，而另一些認為，他們寫的，在埃及和hort傾向，使他們以為他們照搬在西方國家，有可能是在羅馬（見法典vaticanus ;法典sinaiticus ） 。 Hence the critics' chief guide in this matter should be the careful comparison of manuscripts, upon the principle that identical readings point to a common source, and when the identity between two or more manuscripts is constant -- especially in exceptional and eccentric variants -- the identity of the exemplar is established.因此批評家的行政指導，在這件事情應該仔細比較的手稿，經原則，即相同的讀數點，以一個共同的來源，而當身份之間的兩個或兩個以上的手稿是常數-尤其是在特殊和偏心變種-身份的表表者，是既定的。 But this investigation encounters two difficulties.但本次調查遇到兩個困難。 A first, and a very embarrassing, complication arises from the mixture of texts.首先，一個很尷尬的，並發症源自混合文本。 There are but few texts that are pure; that is to say, that are taken from a single exemplar.有但很少有人文本是純粹的，那就是說，這是從一個單一的表表者。 The ancient scribes were nearly all to a certain extent editors, and made their choice from among the variants of the different exemplars.古代文士幾乎都得到了一定程度的編輯，並作出了他們的選擇，從變異的不同範例。 Moreover, the correctors or the readers often introduced, either on the margin or between the lines, new readings which were subsequently embodied in the text of the manuscript thus corrected.此外，校正或讀者常常介紹，無論是對保證金或行間，新的讀數，隨後被體現在文本中的手稿，從而糾正。 In such a case the genealogy of a manuscript is liable to become very complicated.在這種情況下，族譜的手稿，即屬違法變得非常複雜。 It also sometimes happens that two manuscripts which are closely related in certain books are totally unrelated in others.它有時也出現兩本書稿，是緊密相關，在某些書籍是風馬牛不相及的，在別人。 As a matter of fact, the separate books of the Bible, in ancient times, used to be copied each upon its own roll of papyrus, and when they came to be copied from these separate rolls upon sheets of parchment, and bound together in one enormous "codex", texts belonging to quite different families might very possibly be placed together.作為一個事實上，很多事情都單獨書籍的聖經，在遠古時代，曾經被抄，每個依靠自己的軋輥的紙莎草紙，而當他們來到被複製的，從這些單獨的卷後，張羊皮紙，並綁定到一起，在一龐大的"法典" ，文字屬於完全不同的家庭可能很可能放在一起。 All these facts explain why critics frequently disagree in determining genealogical groupings.所有這些事實說明為什麼批評者經常不同意在確定家譜集團。 (On this subject consult Hort, "Introduction," pp. 39-69: "Genealogical Evidence".) （就這個問題進行協商hort ， "引進來"頁39-69說： "家譜證據" ） 。
(iv) Critical Nomenclature, or Notation （四）批判命名，或樂譜
When the copies of a text are not numerous each editor assigns them whatever conventional symbols he may choose; this was for a long time the case with the editions of the original Greek and Hebrew, of the Septuagint and the Vulgate, not to mention other versions.當拷貝一個文本不是眾多，每個編輯分配到他們無論傳統象徵他可以選擇，這顯然是在相當長的時間的情況與此版本的原希臘文和希伯來文，對septuagint和vulgate ，更遑論其他版本。 But when, as nowadays, the number of manuscripts becomes greatly increased, it is necessary to adopt a uniform notation in order to avoid confusion.但是當，因為時至今日，有多少手稿變得大為增加，有必要採取統一的符號，以避免混亂。
Hebrew manuscripts are usually designated by the figures assigned them by Kennicott and De Rossi.希伯來手稿通常由指定的數字，他們調派由肯尼科特和德羅西。 But this system has the disadvantage of not being continuous, the series of figures recommencing three times: Kennicott manuscripts, De Rossi manuscripts, and other manuscripts catalogued by De Rossi, but not belonging to his collection.但這個制度的缺點是不能連續，一連串的數字重新開始的3倍：肯尼科特手稿，德羅西手稿，以及其他手稿編目，德羅西，但不屬於他的藏品。 Another serious inconvenience arises from the fact that the manuscripts not included in the three preceding lists have remained without symbol, and can only be indicated by mentioning the number of the catalogue in which they are described.另一個嚴重的不便，源自於一個事實，即手稿不包括在之前三個名單仍然沒有符號，以及只能顯示一提的數目中央定價目錄中，被稱為。
The notation of Greek manuscripts of the Septuagint is almost the same as that adopted by Holmes and Parsons in their Oxford edition 1798-1827.樂譜的希臘手稿的septuagint幾乎是一樣通過赫爾姆斯與帕森斯在牛津版1798年至1827年。 These two scholars designated the uncials by Roman figures (from I to XIII) and the cursives by Arabic figures (from 14 to 311).這兩位學者指定uncials由羅馬數字（從一至十三）和cursives由阿拉伯語數字（ 14至311 ） 。 But their list was very defective, as certain manuscripts were counted twice, while others which were numbered among the cursives were uncials either wholly or in part, etc. For cursives the Holmes-Parsons notation is still retained; the uncials, including those found since, are designated by Latin capitals; but no symbols have been assigned to recently discovered cursives.但他們的名單是非常有缺陷的，因為某些手稿算兩次，而另一些人的編號之間cursives被uncials全部或部分等，以供cursives霍姆斯-帕森斯樂譜，是仍然保留; uncials ，包括那些發現自，均指定由拉美各國首都，但沒有符號都被分配到最近發現cursives 。 (See the complete list in Swete, "An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek", Cambridge, 1902, p. 120-170.) （見的完整清單，在swete " ，介紹了舊約希臘文" ，劍橋， 1902年，頁120-808 ） 。
The nomenclature of the Greek manuscripts of the New Testament also leaves much to be desired.名目希臘手稿的新約聖經也給人留下了很多不盡如人意的地方。 Wetstein, the author of the usual notation, designates uncials by letters and cursives by Arabic figures. wetstein ，作者一貫的樂譜，指定uncials信訪cursives由阿拉伯語數字。 His list was continued by Birch and by Scholz, and afterwards by Scrivener, independently, by Gregory.他的名單是繼續由樺木和Scholz ） ，然後由公證，獨立的，由格雷戈里。 The same letters answer for many manuscripts, hence the necessity of distinguishing indices, thus Dev="Codex Bezæ", Dpaul=Codex Claromontanus, etc. Moreover, the series of figures recommences four times (Gospels, Acts and Catholic Epistles, Epistles of Paul, Apocalypse), so that a cursive containing all the books of the New Testament must be designated by four different numbers accompanied by their index.同樣的信件回答了許多手稿，因此有必要區分指標，因此開發= "法典bezæ " ， dpaul =食品法典委員會claromontanus等，此外，一系列的數字recommences四倍（福音，行為和天主教教會中，教會保羅，啟示） ，因此一個行草包含所有圖書的新約聖經，必須由指定的4個不同的電話號碼，伴隨著他們的指數。 Thus the manuscript of the British Museum "Addit. 17469" is for Scrivener 584ev, 228ac, 269pau, 97apoc (ie the 584th manuscript of the Gospel on his list, the 228th of Acts, etc.), and for Gregory 498ev, 198act, 255paul, 97apoc.因此，這份手稿的"大英博物館藏addit 。 17469 " ，是為斯科維娜584ev ， 228ac ， 269pau ， 97apoc （即第五百八十四手稿的福音，對他的名單，第二百二十八的行為等） ，以及為格雷戈里498ev ， 198act ， 255paul ， 97apoc 。 To remedy this confusion Von Soden lays down as a principle that uncials should not have a different notation from the cursives and that each manuscript should be designated by a single abbreviation.為了糾正這種混亂馮soden規定了作為一個原則，就是uncials不應該有不同的樂譜從cursives和每一個手稿，應指定由一個單一的縮寫。 Hence he assigns to each manuscript an Arabic figure preceded by one of the three Greek initial letters, epsilon, alpha, or delta, according as it contains the Gospels only (euaggelion), or does not contain the Gospels (apostolos), or contains both the Gospels and some other part of the New Testament (diatheke).因此，他賦予每個手稿一個阿拉伯語數字之前，其中的三個希臘首字母，在29日，阿爾法，或三角形，根據它包含了福音只（ euaggelion ） ，或不包含福音（在Apostolos ） ，或者既包含福音書和一些其他部分的新約全書（ diatheke ） 。 The number is chosen so as to indicate the approximate age of the manuscript.號碼是選擇等，以表明近似年齡的手稿。 This notation is unquestionably better than the other; the main point is to secure its universal acceptance, without which endless confusion will arise.這一符號無疑是優於其他;點主要是為了鞏固它的普遍接受，沒有這種無休止的混亂情況會出現。
For the Vulgate the most famous manuscripts are designated either by a conventional name or its abbreviation (am="Amiatinus", fuld="Fuldensis"); the other manuscripts have no generally admitted symbol.為vulgate最有名的手稿均指定由一個傳統的名稱或其縮寫（上午= " amiatinus " ， fuld = " fuldensis " ） ;其他手稿都沒有一個普遍承認的象徵。 (The present nomenclature is altogether imperfect and deficient. Critics should come to terms and settle upon special symbols for the genealogical groupings for manuscripts which are as yet almost entirely deprived of them. On this subject see the present writer's article, "Manuscrits bibliques" in Vigouroux, "Dict. de la Bible", IV, 666-698). （目前的名稱上是完全不完善和不足之處。批評家應該可以告一段落條款和定居後，特殊符號，為家譜集團有關書稿，是迄今為止幾乎完全剝奪了他們對這個問題的，看看現在的作家的文章， " manuscrits bibliques " vigouroux ， "字典。 de的香格里拉聖經" ，四， 666-698 ） 。
(b) Versions （二）版本
The importance of the ancient versions in the textual criticism of the Sacred Books arises from the fact that the versions are often far anterior to the most ancient manuscripts.重要的是古老的版本，在考據學的神聖書籍出自事實，那就是版本往往遠遠的前方，最古老的手稿。 Thus the translation of the Septuagint antedated by ten or twelve centuries the oldest copies of the Hebrew text that have come down to us.因此，翻譯的septuagint antedated由10或12世紀以來最年長的副本在希伯來文表示，已回落到我們。 And for the New Testament the Italic and the Peshito versions are of the second century, and the Coptic of the third, while the "Vaticanus' and the "Sinaiticus", which are our oldest manuscripts, date only from the fourth. These translations, moreover, made on the initiative and under the superintendence of the ecclesiastical authorities, or at least approved and sanctioned by the Churches that made public use of them, have undoubtedly followed the exemplars which were esteemed the best and most correct; and this is a guarantee in favour of the purity of the text they represent. Unfortunately, the use of versions in textual criticism offers numerous and sometimes insurmountable difficulties. First of all, unless the version be quite literal and scrupulously faithful, one is often at a loss to determine with certainty which reading it represents. And besides, we have few or no ancient versions edited according to the exigencies of rigorous criticism; the manuscripts of these versions differ from one another considerably, and it is often hard to trace the primitive reading. When there have been several versions in the same language, as is the case, for example, in Latin, Syriac, and Coptic, it is seldom that one version has not in the long run reacted on the other. Again, the different copies of a version have frequently been retouched or corrected according to the original, and at various epochs some sort of recensions have been made. The case of the Septuagint is well enough known by what St. Jerome tells of it, and by the examination of the manuscripts themselves, which offer a striking diversity. For these various reasons the use of the versions in textual criticism is rather a delicate matter, and many critics try to evade the difficulty by not taking them into account. But in this they are decidedly wrong, and later it will be shown to what use the Septuagint version may be put in the reconstruction of the primitive text of the Old Testament.並為新約全書的斜體和peshito版本，是在公元二世紀，和科普特的第三次，而" vaticanus '和" sinaiticus行為" ，這是我國最古老的手稿，迄今為止，只有從第四位。這些翻譯，此外，就取得了主動權，並根據所轄教會當局，或者至少批准和認可的，由教會了公眾使用的，也無疑是遵循了範例，而被尊敬的最好和最正確的，這是一個保證贊成的純潔性文本，他們所代表的，可惜的是，使用的版本，校勘提供了眾多的，有時是無法克服的困難，首先，除非版本相當字面和一絲不苟的忠實，常常處於虧損確定確定性，其中讀它代表了，而且除此之外，我們很少或根本沒有古代版主編據到工作的需要嚴格的批評;手稿的是這兩種版本的不同，從一個又相當大，而且往往難以追查原始讀時，有被好幾個版本，在同一種語言，這是因為如此，例如，在拉丁美洲，敘利亞文，科普特人，這是很少的一個版本，並沒有在長遠來說反應，對其他同樣，在不同的副本一個版本都常常被修飾或更正按照原來的，並在各個時代的某種recensions已取得有關案件的septuagint是做得不夠好，眾所周知什麼聖杰羅姆告訴它，並通過考試的手稿本身，而提供一個鮮明的多樣性，對於這些種種原因，使用該版本在考據學是相當微妙的問題，許多批評者試圖迴避困難，沒有考慮到這些，但它們在這方面是堅決錯誤的，以後會證明什麼用septuagint版本，可把在重建原始文本的舊約。
(c) Quotations （三）報價
That the textual criticism of the Greek New Testament, the Septuagint and the Vulgate has profited by quotations from the Fathers is beyond question; but in using this authority there is need of caution and reserve.這考據學的希臘新約聖經， septuagint和vulgate已獲利的，由報價從父親是不容置疑的，但在使用這個權力，有必要的謹慎和儲備。 Very often Biblical texts are quoted from memory, and many writers have the habit of quoting inaccurately.很多時候，聖經文本引述記憶體，以及許多作家都習慣引用錯誤。 In his Prolegomena to the eighth edition of Tischendorf (pp. 1141-1142), Gregory gives three very instructive examples on this subject.在他的prolegomena至第八版提申多夫（第1141年至1142年） ，格雷戈里給出三個非常有啟發性的例子，這個題目。 Charles Hodge, the author of highly esteemed commentaries, when informed that his quotation from Genesis, iii, 15, "The seed of the woman shall bruise the serpent's head", was a serious inaccuracy, refused to change it on the ground that his translation had passed into use.查爾斯Hodge的，作者高度評價了評論，當得知他的報價從成因，三， 15日， "種子的女子應瘀傷毒蛇的頭" ，是一個嚴重的報導失實，不肯改變，它在地面上，他的翻譯已通過投入使用。 In his history of the Vulgate the learned Kaulen twice quoted the well-known saying of St. Augustine, once accurately: "verborum tenacior cum perspicuitate sentientiæ", and once inaccurately: "verborum tenacior cum sermonis perspicuitate".在他的歷史，以及vulgate學到考倫兩度引用著名的說法，聖奧古斯丁，一旦準確地說： " verborum tenacior暨perspicuitate sentientiæ " ，而一旦不準確地說： " verborum tenacior暨sermonis perspicuitate " 。 Finally, out of nine quotations from John, iii, 3-5, made by Jeremy Taylor, the celebrated theologian, only two agree, and not one of the nine gives the words of the Anglican version which the author meant to follow.最後，出九個報價由約翰，三， 3-5 ，取得了由傑里泰勒，著名的神學家中，只有兩個同意這一點，並沒有一所九年給人的話聖公會版本，作者的意思遵循。 Surely we should not look for greater rigour or accuracy from the Fathers, many of whom lacked the critical spirit.當然，我們不應該找更嚴格或準確地從父親的，其中許多人缺乏批判精神。 Furthermore, it should be noted that the text of our editions is not always to be depended upon.此外，應該指出的是，案文的版本，我們並不總是要取決於。 We know that copyists, when transcribing the works of the Fathers, whether Greek or Latin, frequently substitute for Biblical quotations that form of text with which they are most familiar, and even the editors of former times were not very scrupulous in this respect.我們知道copyists ，當抄寫工程的父親，無論是希臘語或拉丁語，經常代替聖經報價這種形式的文本與他們最熟悉的，甚至連編輯的前時代不很嚴謹，在這方面的工作。 Would anyone have suspected that in the edition of the commentary of St. Cyril of Alexandria on the fourth Gospel, published by Pusey in 1872, the text of St. John, instead of being reproduced from St. Cyril's manuscript, is borrowed from the New Testament printed at Oxford?有人會懷疑，在該版的評論中的聖西里爾亞歷山大關於第四個福音，出版pusey在1872年，文聖約翰，而不是被轉載自聖西里爾的手稿，是借來的，由新全書印刷在牛津？ From this standpoint the edition of the Latin Fathers undertaken in Austria and that of the ante-Nicene Greek Fathers published at Berlin, are worthy of entire confidence.從這個角度看這個版的拉丁語父親在奧地利及整個前廳nicene希臘教父發表在柏林，是值得整個信心。 Quotatations have a greater value in the eyes of the critic when a commentary fully guarantees the text; and the authority of a quotation is highest when a writer whose reputation for critical habits is well established, such as Origen or St. Jerome, formally attests that a given reading was to be found in the best or most ancient manuscripts of his time. quotatations有一個更大的價值在眼裡，影評人的時候，發表評論，充分保證了文本和權威的報價是最高的時候，一個作家的聲譽，關鍵習慣是確定無疑的，如淵源或聖杰羅姆，正式證明這給讀是為了找到最好或最古老的手稿他的時代了。 It is obvious that such evidence overrules that furnished by a simple manuscript of the same epoch.這是顯而易見的，這種證據推翻這家具，由一個簡單的手稿的同一時代。
(2) Internal or Paradiplomatic Evidence （ 2 ）內部或paradiplomatic證據
It frequently happens that the testimony of documents is uncertain because it is discordant, but even when it is unanimous, it may he open to suspicion because it leads to improbable or impossible results.它經常出現的證詞，文件是不確定的，因為它是不和諧的，但即使它是一致的，它可能他公開懷疑，因為這導致難以琢磨的或不可能的結果。 It is then that internal evidence must be resorted to, and, although of itself it seldom suffices for a firm decision, it nevertheless corroborates, and sometimes modifies, the verdict of the documents.就是這時內部證據必須訴諸制裁，而且，雖然它本身很少就夠了一個明確的決定，但它確實證實了，有時修改，翻案的有關文件。 The rules of internal criticism are simply the axioms of good sense, whose application calls for large experience and consummate judgment to ward off the danger of arbitrariness amid subjectivism.規則的內部批評，只是服從公理的良好意識，其應用呼喚大的經驗和完善的判斷，以防範危險中的隨意性，主觀主義。 We shall briefly formulate and expound the most important of these rules.我們將簡要地制定和闡發其中最重要的規則。
Rule 1.第1條。 Among several variants that is to be preferred which best agrees with the context and most closely conforms to the style and mental habits of the author.其中幾個變種，那就是被推薦最認同的背景和關係最為密切的，符合風貌和心理習慣的作者。 -- This rule is thus explained by Hort ("The New Testament in the Original Greek", Introduction, London, 1896, p. 20): "The decision may be made either by an immediate and as it were intuitive judgment, or by weighing cautiously various elements which go to make up what is called sense, such as conformity to grammar and congruity to the purport of the rest of the sentence and of the larger context; to which may rightly be added congruity to the usual style of the author and to his matter in other passages. The process may take the form either of simply comparing two or more rival readings under these heads, and giving the preference to that which appears to have the advantage, or of rejecting a reading absolutely for violation of one or more of the congruities, or of adopting a reading absolutely for perfection of congruity." -這一規則的解釋，因此，由h ort（以下簡稱"新約全書在原希臘語" ，導言，倫敦， 1 896年，第2 0頁）說： "可盡快作出決定，要么由一個立即和作為它的直觀判斷，或通過慎重權衡各種因素，其中去彌補什麼是所謂意義上說，如符合語法和一致性向旨趣其餘的句子和比較大的背景;可能正確地加以補充，一致性，以一貫的作風作者和他的事，在其他段落。過程中可以採取以下方式：要么簡單地比較兩個或兩個以上的競爭對手讀數，根據這些主管的工作，並給予優先考慮那些看似有其優點，或拒絕讀絕對違反一個或一種以上的congruities ，或採用讀絕對完美的一致性" 。 The application of this rule rarely produces certainty; it usually leads only to a presumption, more or less strong, which the documentary evidence confirms or annuls as the case may be.適用本規則很少產生確定性，它通常只會導致一個推定，更多或更少勢頭強勁，文件證據證實或annuls視情況而定。 It would be sophistical to suppose that the ancient authors are always consistent with themselves, always correct in their language and happy in their expressions.這將是強辭奪理假定古代作家總是一致，始終在正確的，他們的語言和幸福，他們的表情。 The reader is all too liable to imagine that he penetrates their thought, and to make them talk as he himself would have talked on a like occasion.讀者是太容易想像，他滲透著他們的思想，使他們講，因為他自己也有交談，就好像留念。 It is but a step from this to conjectural criticism which has been so much abused.這只是一個步驟，從這個以臆測的批評，已使許多人濫用。
Rule 2.第2條。 Among several readings that is preferable which explains all others and is explained by none.其中幾個讀數是可取的，這說明了一切別人解釋是首屈一指的。 -- Gregory, in his "Prolegomena" (8th critical ed. of the New Testament by Tischendorf, p. 63), says apropos of this rule: "Hoc si latiore vel latissimo sensu accipietur, omnium regularum principium haberi poterit; sed est ejusmodi quod alius aliter jure quidem suo, ut cuique videtur, definiat sequaturque." -格雷戈里，在他的" p rolegomena" （第八關鍵版的新約聖經，由蒂申多夫，第6 3頁）說，中肯的這樣一個規矩： "責思l atiore或l atissimo意義a ccipietur， o mniumr egularum原理h aberip oterit;的S ED預測e jusmodi和其它aliter法理quidem鎖， UT斯達康cuique videtur ， definiat sequaturque " 。 It is, in fact, subject to arbitrary applications, which only proves that it must be employed with prudence and circumspection.它，實際上就是受任意申請，因為它只能證明，它必須與僱用的審慎和謹慎。
Rule 3.第3條。 The more difficult reading is also the more probable.更艱難的閱讀，也更可能。 -- "Proclivi scriptioni pr stat ardua" (Bengel). -" p roclivis criptioni公關陳述a rdua" （ b engel） 。 -- Although it may seem entirely paradoxical, this rule is, in a certain measure, founded on reason, and those who have contested it most vigorously, like Wetstein, have been obliged to replace it with something similar. -雖然它似乎完全是自相矛盾的，這個規則就是，在某程度上，建立在理性的，那些有爭議的，它的最大力，如w etstein，不得不取而代之的是一些相似的。 But it is true only on condition that the clause be added, all other things being equal; else we should have to prefer the barbarisms and absurdities of copyists solely because they are more difficult to understand than the correct expression or the intelligently turned phrase.但是，這是事實，只有條件是該條款予以補充說，所有其他條件都相同;否則，我們應該有偏愛barbarisms和滑稽的copyists ，純粹是因為他們比別人更不難理解，較正確的表達或智能轉向短語。 Indeed copyists never change their text merely for the pleasure of rendering it obscure or of corrupting it; on the contrary, they rather try to explain or correct it.事實上copyists決不會改變自己的文字，只是高興地渲染它遮蔽或侵蝕;正好相反，他們，而不是嘗試解釋或糾正。 Hence a harsh expression, an irregular phrase, and an unlooked-for thought are possibly primitive, but always, as we have said, on this condition: ceteris paribus.因此，一個嚴峻的表達，是一個不規則的短語，並unlooked -思考的可能是原始的，但總是，我們已經說過，在此條件下： ceteris paribus 。 Nor must it be forgotten that the difficulty of the reading may arise from other causes, such as the ignorance of the scribe or the defects of the exemplar which he copies.也不一定要忘記的是困難的閱讀可能產生的其他原因，如無知，文士或弊端的典範，他的副本。
Rule 4.第4條。 The shortest reading is, in general, the best.最短的閱讀是，在一般情況最好的。 -- "Brevior lectio, nisi testium vetustorum et gravium auctoritate penitus destituatur, præferenda est verbosiori. Librarii enim multo proniores ad addendum fuerunt, quam ad omittendum (Griesbach)." -" b reviorl ectio，暫準t estiumv etustorum等g raviuma uctoritatep enitusd estituatur， p ræferenda預測v erbosiori。 l ibrarii單一m ultop roniores專案增編f uerunt，怎麼專案o mittendum（ g riesbach） " 。 The reason given by Griesbach, author of this rule, is confirmed by experience.理由是由griesbach ，作者的這條規則時，也證實了經驗。 But it should not be too generally applied; if certain copyists are inclined to put in an insufficiently authorized interpolation, others, in their haste to finish the task, are either deliberately or unknowingly guilty of omissions or abbreviations.但應該不會太普遍適用;如果某些copyists傾向於投入了充分的授權內插，其他人，他們急於完成任務，或刻意或在不知不覺中犯有遺漏或縮寫。
We see that the rules of internal criticism, in so far as they can be of any use, are suggested by common sense.我們看到，該規則的內部批評，在目前為止，因為他們可沒有用，是建議由普通常識。 Other norms formulated by certain critics are based on nothing but their own imaginations.其他規範制定的某些批評者是根據什麼，但他們自己的想像力。 Such is the following proposed by Griesbach: "Inter plures unius loci lectiones ea pro suspectâ merito habetur quæ orthodoxorum dogmatibus manifeste præ ceteris favet."這是繼提出griesbach ： "跨幾個unius軌跡lectiones環境親suspectâ勳章habetur quæ orthodoxorum dogmatibus manifeste præ ceteris favet " 。 It would then follow that the variants suspected of heresy have all the probabilities in their favour, and that heretics were more careful of the integrity of the sacred text than were the orthodox.它會隨即表示，該變種涉嫌異端都概率對他們有利，並認為異教徒更仔細的完整性神聖文本比正統。 History and reason combined protest against this paradox.歷史與理性相結合，抗議這一悖論。
C. Conjectural Criticism長臆測批評
As a principle, conjectural criticism is not inadmissible.作為一個原則，臆測的批評並非不可接受。 In fact it is possible that in all existing documents, manuscripts, versions, and quotations, there are primitive errors which can only be corrected by conjecture.其實，這是有可能的，在所有現有文件，手稿，版本及報價單，有原始的錯誤，只能更正猜想。 The phrase primitive errors is here used to denote those that were committed by the scribe himself in dictated works or that crept into one of the first copies on which depend all the documents that have come down to us.這句話的原始錯誤是在這裡用來指那些都是經由文士自己主宰工程或出現的第一個副本，就要靠所有的文件已經下來給我們。 Scrivener, therefore, seems too positive when he writes ("Introduction", 1894, Vol. II, p. 244): "It is now agreed among competent judges that Conjectural Emendation must never be resorted to even in passages of acknowledged difficulty; the absence of proof that a reading proposed to be substituted for the common one is actually supported by some trustworthy document being of itself a fatal objection to our receiving it."Many critics would not go thus far, as there are passages that remain doubtful even after the efforts of documentary criticism have been exhausted, and we cannot see why it should be forbidden to seek a remedy in conjectural criticism.斯科維娜，因此，似乎過於正面的時候，他寫道（ "導言" ， 1894年，第二卷，頁244 ）說： "現在是雙方同意的精明能幹的法官表示，臆測的校勘，絕不能訴諸即使在通道承認困難;沒有證據表明，閱讀建議，以替代普通的一個實際上是支持一些值得信賴的文件中的幸福本身就是一個致命的異議，我們接收它， "許多批評家將不會因此截至目前為止，由於有段落仍然存疑，甚至經過努力紀錄片批評都已用盡，我們實在看不出為什麼它應被禁止尋求補救臆測的批評。 Thus Hort justly remarks ("Introduction", 1896, p. 71): "The evidence for corruption is often irresistible, imposing on an editor the duty of indicating the presumned unsoundness of the text, although he may be wholly unable to propose any endurable way of correcting it, or have to offer only suggestions in which he cannot place full confidence."因此hort公正備註（ "導言" ， 1896年，第71頁）說： "證據為腐敗往往是不可阻擋的，強加給一個編輯的責任，說明presumned不健全的案文，儘管他可能完全無法提出任何耐用方法糾正它，或有只提供建議，其中他不能完全信任" 。 But he adds that, in the New Testament, the rôle of conjectural emendation is extremely weak, because of the abundance and variety of documentary evidence, and he agrees with Scrivener in admitting that the conjectures presented are often entirely arbitrary, almost always unfortunate, and of such a nature as to satisfy only their own inventor.但他補充說，在新約聖經， rôle的臆測校正極其脆弱，因為豐度和種類的書面證據，他表示贊同斯科維娜在承認那猜測陳述往往是完全任意的，幾乎總是不幸的，並這樣一種性質，以滿足只有他們自己的技術發明人。 To sum up, conjectural criticism should only be applied as a last resort, after every other means has been exhausted, and then only with prudent scepticism.概括起來，臆測的批評，應該只適用於作為最後手段，之後每其他手段已經用盡，然後才審慎懷疑的態度。
D. Application of the principles and processes of textual criticism四原則的應用和流程的考據學
It remains briefly to explain the modifications which the principles of textual criticism undergo in their application to Biblical texts, to enumerate the chief critical editions, and to indicate the methods followed by the editors.它仍然簡略解釋修改的原則考據學接受其申請，以聖經的文本，列舉行政臨界版本，並表明該方法其次是編輯。 We shall here speak only of the Hebrew text of the Old Testament and of the Greek text of the New.我們將在這裡發言，不僅對希伯來文舊約聖經的希臘文新。
1. 1 。 Hebrew text of the Old Testament希伯來文舊約
(a) The critical apparatus （一）關鍵儀器
The number of Hebrew manuscripts is very great.有多少希伯來手稿是非常大的。 Kennicott ("Dissertatio generalis in Vet. Test. hebraicum", Oxford, 1780) and De Rossi ("Vaniæ lectiones Vet. Testamenti", Parma, 1784-88) have catalogued over 1300.肯尼科特（ " dissertatio是一般在審核。考驗。 hebraicum " ，牛津， 1780 ）和德羅西（ " vaniæ lectiones審核。 testamenti " ，帕爾馬， 1784年至1788年）已編目超過1300人。 Since their day this figure has greatly increased, thanks to discoveries made in Egypt, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and above all in the Crimea.因為他們的一天，這個數字大大增加了，多虧發現的在埃及，阿拉伯，美索不達米亞，而且首先在克里米亞。 Unfortunately, for the reason given above under A. Necessity and Processes, the Hebrew manuscripts are comparatively recent; none is anterior to the tenth century or at any rate the ninth.不幸的是，因為上述原因，根據甲的必要性和過程，在希伯來手稿是相對近期誰是前路至十世紀或在任何利率第九。 The "Codex Babylonicus" of the Prophets, now at St. Petersburg and bearing the date 916, generally passes for the oldest. "食品法典委員會babylonicus "的先知們，現在在聖彼得堡和軸承之日起916 ，從總體合格，為最古老的。 According to Ginsburg, however, the manuscript numbered "Oriental 4445" of the British Museum dates back to the middle of the ninth century.據金斯伯格，不過，這份手稿編號為"東方4445 "的大英博物館可以追溯到中第九世紀。 But the dates inscribed on certain manuscripts are not to be trusted.但日期者一定手稿是不被信任的。 (See on this subject, Neubauer, "Earliest manuscripts of the Old Testament" in "Studia Biblica", III, Oxford, 1891, pp. 22-36.) When the Hebrew manuscripts are compared with one another, it is amazing to find how strong a resemblance exists. （見關於這個問題， neubauer ， "最早的手稿舊約"中的" studia biblica " ，第三，牛津， 1891 ，頁22-36 ） ，當希伯來手稿相比，又是驚人的發現如何強大的相似性存在。 Kennicott and De Rossi, who collected the variants, found hardly any of importance.肯尼科特和德羅西，他們收集了變異體，發現幾乎沒有任何的意義。 This fact produces at first a favourable impression, and we are inclined to believe that it is very easy to restore the primitive text of the Hebrew Bible, so carefully have the copyists performed their task.這一事實產生起初一個有利的印象，我們傾向於認為，這是很容易的，以恢復原始文本的希伯來語聖經，所以小心有copyists演出，他們的任務。 But this impression is modified when we consider that the manuscripts agree even in material imperfections and in the most conspicuous errors.但是，這個印象是修飾時，我們認為該手稿同意，甚至在材料不完善之處，並在最顯眼的錯誤。 Thus they all present, in the same places, letters that are larger or smaller than usual, that are placed above or below the line, that are inverted, and sometimes unfinished or broken.因此，他們都出席，在同一地方，信件是較大或較小的比平時多，這是放在高於或低於此線，這是倒的，有時未完成或破裂。 Again, here and there, and precisely in the same places, may be noticed spaces indicating a hiatus; finally, on certain words or letters are points intended to annul them.再次，在這裡和那裡，而正是在同一個地方，可以看到位，顯示中斷;最後，對某些字或字母都站打算廢止。 (See Cornill, "Einleitung in die Kanon. Bücher des AT", 5th ed., Tübingen, 1905, p. 310.) All these phenomena led Spinoza to suspect, and enabled Paul de Lagarde to prove (Anmerkungen zur griechischen Uebersetzung der Proverbien, 1863, pp. 1, 2) that all the Hebrew manuscripts known come down from a single copy of which they reproduce even the faults and imperfections. （見cornill ， " einleitung在模具kanon 。 bücher萬" ，第5版，蒂賓根， 1905年， 310頁） ，所有這些現象導致了斯賓諾莎懷疑，使保羅德lagarde證明（ anmerkungen zur griechischen uebersetzung明鏡proverbien ， 1863年，第1 ， 2 ）表示，所有希伯來手稿稱為下來，從一個單一的拷貝，其中，他們複製甚至斷層和不完善之處。 This theory is now generally accepted, and the opposition it has met has only served to make its truth clearer.這個理論，這是目前被普遍接受，但與在野黨，它已滿足了，只能使自己的真相更清楚。 It has even been made more specific and has been proved to the extent of showing that the actual text of our manuscripts was established and, so to speak, canonized between the first and second century of our era, in an epoch, that is, when, after the destruction of the Temple and the downfall of the Jewish nation, all Judaism was reduced to one school.它甚至已經作了較為具體的，並已被證明的程度，顯示實際文本的手稿，我們建立了，可以這麼說，冊封之間的第一次和第二次的世紀，我們的時代，在一個劃時代的，那就是當之後，破壞了該廟和滅亡猶太國，所有猶太教減少到一所學校。 In fact, this text does net differ from that which St. Jerome used for the Vulgate, Origen for his Hexapla, and Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotus for their versions of the Old Testament, although it is far removed from the text followed in the Septuagint.其實，這個文本不淨不同於那些聖杰羅姆用來為vulgate ，為淵源，他hexapla ，雕，馬初斯，奧多托斯，他們版本的舊約，雖然這是遠從文之後，在septuagint 。 As centuries elapsed between the composition of the various books of the Old Testament and the determining of the Massoretic text, it is but likely that more or less serious modifications were introduced, the more so as, in the interval, there had occurred two events particularly favourable to textual corruption, namely a change in writing -- the old Phœnician having given way to the square Hebrew -- and a change in spelling, consisting, for example, of the separation of words formerly united and in the frequent and rather irregular use of matres lectionis.由於數百年過去了之間組成的各種書籍的舊約和確定的massoretic文本，也只不過是可能有更多的或較輕的變通相繼出台，更何況作為，在此期間，曾發生兩件事特別有利於考腐敗，即改變寫作-舊p hœnician過讓位給廣場希伯來語-以及改變拼寫，其中，舉例來說，在分離的話前身是美國和頻繁和不規則的，而不是使用對matres lectionis 。 The variants that supervened may be accounted for by comparing parallel parts of Samuel and Kings with the Paralipomena, and above all by collating passages twice reproduced in the Bible, such as Ps.該變種supervened可能佔了比較平行的部分塞繆爾和國王與paralipomena ，而且首先是由整理通道的兩倍轉載於聖經，例如PS 。 xvii (xviii) with 2 Samuel 22, or Isaiah 36-39, with 2 Kings 18:17-20:19.十七（十八） ， 2塞繆爾22 ，或以賽亞書36-39 ， 2國王18:17-20:19 。 [See Touzard, "De la conservation du texte hébreu" in "Revue biblique", VI (1897), 31-47, 185-206; VII (1898), 511-524; VIII (1899), 83-108.] [圖扎爾看到， "德香格里拉保育杜hébreu文本" ，在" biblique雜誌" ，第六章（ 1897 ） ， 31-47 ， 185-206 ;第七章（ 1898 ） ， 511-524 ;八（ 1899 ） ， 83-108 。 ]
An evident consequence of what has just been said is that the comparison of extant manuscripts enlightens us on the Massoretic, but not on the primitive text.一個明顯的後果是什麼剛剛說的是比較現存的手稿啟示我們，就massoretic ，但不是原始文本。 On the latter subject the Mishna and, for still stronger reasons, the remainder of the Talmud cannot teach us anything, as they were subsequent to the constitution of the Massoretic text; nor can the Targums, for the same reason and because they may have since been retouched.就後者受到mishna ，並為仍然較強原因，在餘下的猶太法典不能教我們什麼，因為他們以後的，符合憲法的massoretic文本，也可以targums ，出於同樣的原因，因為他們可能有自被修飾。 Therefore, outside of the Massoretic text, our only guides are the Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint version.因此，外界的massoretic文本中，我們唯一的導遊員撒瑪利亞pentateuch和septuagint版本。 The Samaritan Pentateuch offers us an independent recension of the Hebrew text, dating from the fourth century before our era, that is, from an epoch in which the Samaritans, under their high-priest Manasseh, separated from the Jews; and this recension is not suspected of any important modifications except the rather inoffensive, harmless one of substituting Mount Gerizim for Mount Hebal in Deut., xxvii, 4.撒瑪利亞pentateuch為我們提供了一個獨立的recension的希伯來文，可以追溯到四世紀之前，我們的時代，也就是從一個劃時代的，其中撒瑪利亞會，根據他們的高級神職人員manasseh ，脫離猶太人;這recension是不是懷疑的任何重要修改除而無害，無害，其中以山為蓋裡濟姆山hebal在deut ，二十七， 4 。 As to the Septuagint version, we know that it was begun, if not completed, about 280 BC To Paul de Lagarde especially belongs the credit of drawing the attention of scholars to the value of the Septuagint for a critical edition of the Hebrew Bible.至於向septuagint版本，我們知道這是開始，如果沒有完成，大約有280到公元前保羅德lagarde尤其是屬於信用的繪畫學者的關注，以價值的septuagint一個危急版的希伯來語聖經。
(b) Critical editions of the Hebrew text （二）關鍵版本的希伯來文
After the publication of the Psalms at Bologna in 1477, of the Pentateuch at Bologna in 1432, of the Prophets at Soncino in 1485, and of the Hagiographa at Naples in 1487, the entire Old Testament appeared at Soncino (1488), at Naples (1491-93), at Brescia (1494), at Pesaro (1511-17), and at Alcalá (1514-17).出版後的詩篇，在博洛尼亞1477 ，該pentateuch在博洛尼亞在第1432 ，先知們在soncino在1485年，該hagiographa在那不勒斯，在1487年，整個舊約出現在soncino （ 1488 ） ，那不勒斯（ 1491年至1493年） ，在布雷西亞（第1494 ） ，在佩扎羅（ 1511至1517年） ，並在的Alcalá （ 1514至1517年） 。 Then, between 1516 and 1568, came the four Rabbinic Bibles of Venice.接著， 1516年和1568年，出現了四個rabbinic聖經，威尼斯。 It is the second, edited by Jacob ben Chayim and printed by Bomberg in 1524-1525, that is generally looked upon as containing the textus receptus (received text).它是第二，主編雅各布賁chayim和印刷邦貝里在1524年至1525年，這是普遍看作為包含Web網站receptus （收到文本） 。 The list of the innumerable editions which followed is given by Pick in his "History of the Printed Editions of the Old Testament" in "Hebraica" (1892-1893), IX, pp.名單上的無數版本，其中其次是賦予接在他的"歷史的印刷版本的舊約聖經"中的" hebraica " （ 1892至1893年） ，第九頁。 47-116. 47-116 。 For the most important editions see Ginsburg, "Introduction to the Massoretic-critical edition of the Hebrew Bible" (London, 1897), 779-976.對於最重要的版本看金斯伯格， "引入到massoretic關鍵版的希伯來語聖經" ， （倫敦， 1897 ） ， 779-976 。 The editions most frequently reprinted are probably those of Van der Hoogt, Hahn, and Theile; but all these older editions are now supplanted by those of Baer and Delitzsch, Ginsburg, and Kittel, which are considered more correct.該版本中最常見的再版或許那些的Van der hoogt ，哈恩，並錫爾，但所有這些舊版本，現在supplanted由那些Baer和delitzsch ，金斯伯格，並kittel ，被認為是較正確的。 The Baer and Delitzsch Bible appeared in fascicles at Leipzig, between 1869 and 1895, and is not yet complete; the entire Pentateuch except Genesis is wanting.該Baer和delitzsch聖經出現在各分冊在萊比錫之間， 1869年和1895年，是尚未完成;整個pentateuch除成因是想要。 Ginsburg, author of the "Introduction" mentioned above, has published an edition in two volumes (London, 1894).金斯伯格，作者把"引進來"如上所述，印製了一版兩卷（倫敦， 1894年） 。 Finally, Kittel, who had called attention to the necessity of a new edition (Ueber die Notwendigkeit und Möglichkeit einer neuen Ausgabe der hebraïschen Bibel, Leipzig, 1902) has just published one (Leipzig, 1905-06) with the assistance of several collaborators, Ryssel, Driver, and others.最後， kittel ，曾呼籲關注必要性一個新的版本（ ueber模具notwendigkeit und möglichkeit einer neuen ausgabe明鏡hebraïschen bibel ，萊比錫， 1902年）剛剛公佈的一項（萊比錫， 1905年至1906年）的協助下與幾位合作者， ryssel ，司機和其他人。 Almost all the editions thus far mentioned reproduce the textus receptus by correcting the typographical errors and indicating the interesting variants; all adhere to the Massoretic text, that is, to the text adopted by the rabbis between the first and second centuries of our era, and found in all the Hebrew manuscripts.幾乎所有的版本，因此，到目前為止，提到複製Web網站receptus通過糾正打字錯誤，並說明了有趣的變種都堅持以massoretic文本，也就是要通過的案文是由拉比們之間的第一次和第二次世紀的我們這個時代，發現在所有希伯來手稿。 A group of German, English, and American scholars, under the direction of Haupt, have undertaken an edition which claims to go back to the primitive text of the sacred authors.一組德語，英語，和美國學者的指導下，豪普特，已承諾的一個版本聲稱要回去的原始文本神聖的作家。 Of the twenty parts of this Bible, appearing in Leipzig, Baltimore, and London, and generally known under the name of the "Polychrome Bible" sixteen have already been published: Genesis (Ball, 1896), Leviticus (Driver, 1894), Numbers (Paterson, 1900), Joshua (Bennett, 1895), Judges (Moore, 1900), Samuel (Budde, 1894), Kings (Stade, 1904), Isaiah (Cheyne, 1899), Jeremiah (Cornill, 1895), Ezekiel (Toy, 1899), Psalms (Wellhausen, 1895), Proverbs (Kautzsch, 1901), Job (Siegfried, 1893), Daniel (Kamphausen, 1896), Ezra-Nehemiah (Guthe, 1901), and Chronicles (Kittel, 1895); Deuteronomy (Smith) is in press.對二十一世紀的部分本聖經，出現在萊比錫，巴爾的摩，以及倫敦，一般人都知道的名義下， "多彩聖經" ，有16個已經公佈：起源（球， 1896 ） ，利未記（司機， 1894年） ，數字（百德， 1900 ） ，約書亞（貝內特， 1895年） ，法官（摩爾， 1900 ） ，塞繆爾（布德， 1894年） ，國王（比賽， 1904年） ，以賽亞書（進益， 1899 ） ，耶利米（ cornill ， 1895年） ，以西結（玩具， 1899年） ，詩篇（ wellhausen ， 1895年） ，諺語（ kautzsch ， 1901年） ，就業（和解決方案， 1893年） ，丹尼爾（ kamphausen ， 1896年） ，以斯拉-尼希米記（ guthe 1901 ） ，和方志（ kittel ， 1895年） ;申命記（史密斯）正在印製中。 It is needless to state that, like all who have thus far endeavoured to restore the primitive text of certain books, the editors of the "Polychrome Bible" allow a broad margin for subjective and conjectural criticism.這是不用國家，象所有曾經迄今努力，以恢復原始文本的某些書籍，編輯的"多彩聖經" ，讓廣大保證金為主觀臆測的批評。
2. 2 。 Greek text of the New Testament希臘文新約聖經
(a) Use of the critical apparatus （一）使用的關鍵儀器
The greatest difficulty confronting the editor of the New Testament is the endless variety of the documents at his disposal.最大的困難是面臨主編的新約聖經是無窮的各種文件，在他的處置。 The number of manuscripts increases so rapidly that no list is absolutely complete.有多少手稿增加得這麼快，沒有名單，是絕對完整。 The latest, "Die Schriften des NT" (Berlin, 1902), by Von Soden, enumerates 2328 distinct manuscripts outside of lectionaries (Gospels and Epistles), and exclusive of about 30 numbers added in an appendix, 30 October, 1902.最近，在"死schriften萬新台幣" （柏林， 1902年） ，由馮soden ，列舉了2328年顯著手稿之外lectionaries （福音和書信） ，及專用的約30號碼和一個附錄， 1902年10月30日。 It must be acknowledged that many of these texts are but fragments of chapters or even of verses.我們必須承認，許多這些文本的，不過是片段的章節甚至小詩。 This enormous mass of manuscripts is still but imperfectly studied, and some copies are scarcely known except as figuring in the catalogues.這個龐大的地下文稿仍在，但不是十全十美的研究，一些複製品幾乎眾所周知，除算，在目錄中。 The great uncials themselves are not yet all collated, and many of them have but lately been rendered accessible to critics.偉大uncials本身尚未全部整理好，他們有很多，但近來變得方便無可非議的。 The genealogical classification, above all, is far from complete.該系譜的分類，最重要的，還遠遠沒有完成。 and many fundamental points are still under discussion.和許多基本點仍在商議中。 The text of the principal versions and of the patristic quotations is far from being satisfactorily edited, and the genealogical relationship of all these sources of information is not yet determined.該文的主要版本和教父的報價遠沒有得到令人滿意的編輯，以及系譜關係的所有這些資料來源是尚未確定。 These varied difficulties explain the lack of agreement on the part of editors and the want of conformity in the critical editions published down to the present day.這些不同的困難，解釋缺乏一致意見的部分編輯與希望的整合，在關鍵版出版到現在一天。
(b) Brief history of the critical editions and principles followed by editors The first New Testament published in Greek is that which forms the fifth volume of the Polyglot of Alcalá, the printing of which was finished 10 January, 1514, but which was not delivered to the public until 1520. （二）簡史最關鍵的版本和原則，其次是編輯的第一個新的遺囑刊登在希臘語，是構成第五量的多國的的Alcalá ，印刷，其中完成1514年1月10日，但因為這是不交付向公眾，直到1520年。 Meanwhile, early in 1516, Erasmus had published his rapidly completed edition at Basle.同時，早在1516年，伊拉斯謨曾出版了他迅速完成了版在巴塞爾。 The edition that issued from the press of Aldus at Venice in 1518 is simply a reproduction of that of Erasmus, but Robert Estienne's editions published in 1546, 1549, 1550, and 1551, the first three at Paris and the fourth at Geneva, although founded on the text of the Polyglot of Alcalá, presented variants from about fifteen manuscripts, and into the last, that of 1551, was introduced the division of verses now in use.該版本稱，從發出的新聞aldus在威尼斯第1518根本是一個複製的是伊拉斯謨，但羅伯特estienne的版本發表在1546 ， 1549 ， 1550和1551年，前三個在巴黎和第四次在日內瓦，雖然成立對文本的多國的的Alcalá介紹變種來自約15個手稿，並進入最後，也就是1551年，推出的分工小詩，現在使用中。 Theodore Beza's ten editions which appeared between 1565 and 1611 differ but little from the last of Robert Estienne's.西奧多beza的十個版本之間出現第1565和1611差別，但不大，從最後的羅伯特estienne的。 The Elzevir brothers, Bonaventure and Abraham, printers at Leyden, followed Estienne and Beza very closely; their small editions of 1624 and 1633, so convenient and so highly appreciated by book-lovers, furnish what has been agreed upon as the textus receptus.該elzevir兄弟，文德和亞伯拉罕，打印機在萊登，其次estienne和beza非常密切，他們的小版， 1624和1633年，如此方便，如此的高度讚賞圖書愛好者，提供已商定後，作為Web網站receptus 。 -- "Textum ergo habes nunc ab omnibus receptum, in quo nihil immutatum aut corruptum damus" (Edition of 1633). -" t extum號E TMh abes很快上訴機構綜合r eceptum，現狀n ihili mmutatum奧地利c orruptumd amus" （版本1 633） 。 It must suffice to mention here the editions of Courcelles (Amsterdam, 1658) and of Fell (Oxford, 1675), both of which adhere pretty closely to the textus receptus of Elzevir, and those of Walton (London, 1657) and of Mill (Oxford, 1707), which reproduce in substance the text of Estienne, but enrich it by the addition of variants resulting from the collation of numerous manuscripts.它必須足以在這裡提到的版本courcelles （阿姆斯特丹， 1658年）和下降（牛津， 1675年） ，這兩個系統等均相當密切，以該Web網站receptus的elzevir ，及屬於沃爾頓（倫敦， 1657年）和磨機（牛津， 1707年） ，其中複製在物質文estienne ，但豐富它通過增加變種造成的，從整理的眾多手稿。 The principal editors who followed -- Wetstein (Amsterdam, 1751-1752), Matthæi (Moscow, 1782-1788), Birch (Copenhagen, 1788), and the two Catholics, Alter (Vienna, 1786-1787), and Scholz (Leipzig, 1830-1836) are noted chiefly for the abundance of new manuscripts which they discovered and collated.主要編輯者，其次是-w etstein（阿姆斯特丹， 1 751年至1 752年） ， m atthæi（莫斯科， 1 782年至1 788年） ，樺木（哥本哈根， 1 788） ，和兩個天主教徒，而改變（維也納， 1 786年至1 787年） ，並S cholz） （萊比錫， 1830年至1836年）指出，主要是為豐富新的書稿，他們的發現和整理中。 But we must here limit ourselves to an appreciation of the latest and best-known editors, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tregelles, Tischendorf, Westcott and Hort.但我們必須在這裡僅限於升值的最新和最知名的名編輯，名griesbach ， lachmann ，特里格利斯，提申多夫， westcott和hort 。
In his second edition (1796-1806) Griesbach, applying the theory that had previously been suggested by Bengel and subsequently developed by Semler, distinguished three great families of texts: the Alexandrian family represented by the codices A, B, C, by the Coptic versions and the quotations of Origen; the Western family, represented by D of the Gospels and the Acts, by the bilingual codices, the Latin versions, and the Latin Fathers; and lastly the Byzantine family, represented by the mass of other manuscripts and by the Greek Fathers from the fourth century onward.在他的第二版（ 1796年至1806年） griesbach ，運用理論，以前曾建議由bengel並隨後制定semler ，尊敬的三個偉大的家屬文本：亞歷山大家庭代表，由codices甲，乙，丙，由科普特版本和引文的淵源;西方家庭，代表了對D的福音和行為，由雙語codices ，拉丁語版本，和拉丁美洲的父親;最後拜占庭家庭，代表大眾的其他手稿和由希臘的父親從四世紀不斷前進。 Agreement between two of these families would have been decisive; but, unfortunately, Griesbach's classification is questioned by many, and it has been proved that the agreement between Origen and the so-called Alexandrian family is largely imaginary.協議雙方的這些家庭將得到決定性的，但不幸的是， griesbach的分類則是質疑很多，它已被證明是該協議之間的淵源和所謂的亞歷山大家族，主要是虛構的。 Lachmann (Berlin, 1842-1850) endeavoured to reconstruct his text on too narrow a basis. lachmann （柏林， 1842年至1850年）的努力重建他的文字過於狹窄的基礎上。 He took account of only the great uncials, many of which were then either entirely unknown or imperfectly known, and of the ancient Latin versions.他考慮了，只有偉大uncials障礙，其中許多則完全不明或不完善眾所周知的，對古拉丁語版本。 In his choice of readings the editor adopted the majority opinion, but reserved to himself the conjectural amendment of the text thus established -- a defective method which his successor Tregelles has not sufficiently avoided.在他選擇的讀物編輯通過了多數成員的意見，但保留給自己臆測的修訂案文，因此建立-一個有缺陷的方法，而他的繼任者特里格利斯沒有充分可以避免的。 The latter's edition (1857-1872), the work of a lifetime, was completed by his friends.後者的版（ 1857年至1872年） ，工作的一生，完成了他的朋友。 Tischendorf contributed no less than eight editions of the New Testament in Greek, but the differences among them are decidedly marked.蒂申多夫貢獻不得少於八個版本的新約聖經，在希臘，但它們之間的差別是斷然顯著。 According to Scrivener (Introduction, II, 283) the seventh edition differs from the third in 1296 places, and in 595 it goes back to the received text.據斯科維娜（導言，第二，第283條）第七版不同，從第三次在第1296名額，並在595 ，它可以追述到收到文本。 After the discovery of the "Sinaiticus', which he had the honour of finding and publishing, his eighth edition disagreed with the preceding one in 3369 places. Such an amount of variation can only inspire distrust. Nor did the edition contributed by Westcott and Hort (The New Testament in the Original Greek, Cambridge and London, 1881) win universal approval, because, after eliminating in turn each of the great families of documents which they designate respectively as Syrian, Western, and Alexandrian, the editors rely almost exclusively on the "Neutral" text, which is only represented by the "Vaticanus" and the "Sinaiticus", and, in case of disagreement between the two great codices, by the "Vaticanus" alone. The excessive preponderance thus given to a single manuscript was criticized in a special manner by Scrivener (Introduction, II, 284-297). Finally, the edition announced by Von Soden (Die Schriften des NT in ihrer ältesten erreichbaren Textgestalt) gave rise to lively controversies even before it appeared. (See "Zeitschrift fur neutest. Wissensehaft", 1907, VIII, 34-47, 110-124, 234-237.) All this would seem to indicate that, for some time to come, we shall not have a definite edition of the Greek New Testament.後發現" sinaiticus ' ，而他曾有幸找到和出版，他的第八版，不同意與前一次在3369年的地方，這種數額的變化只能激發信任，也沒有版本的貢獻westcott和hort （新約聖經中的原希臘語，劍橋和倫敦， 1881年）贏得普遍贊同，因為，消除後，在把每一個偉大的家庭文件，他們分別指定為敘利亞，西，亞歷山大，編輯幾乎完全依賴"中立"的文字，這是唯一代表" vaticanus "和" sinaiticus " ，並在案件發生分歧兩個偉大codices ，由" vaticanus " 。過度preponderance從而給一個單一的手稿批評處於一個特殊的方式斯科維娜（導言，二， 284-297 ） ，最後，該版本所公佈的馮soden （模具schriften萬新台幣，在與自己的ältesten erreichbaren textgestalt ）引起了熱烈的爭論，甚至才出現（見" ： Zeitschrift毛皮neutest 。 wissensehaft " ， 1907年，八， 34-47 ， 110-124 ， 234-237 ） ，這一切都似乎表明，今後一段時間內，我們將不會有一個明確的版的希臘新約聖經。
Publication information Written by F. Prat.出版信息撰稿樓寶勒巷。 Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter.轉錄由道格拉斯j.波特。 Dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IV.奉獻給聖心耶穌基督天主教百科全書，第四卷。 Published 1908. 1908年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約：羅伯特Appleton還公司。 Nihil Obstat. nihil obstat 。 Remy Lafort, Censor.人頭馬lafort ，檢查員。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰米farley ，大主教紐約
Bibliography
參考書目
The encyclopedias
and dictionaries of the Bible have no special article on textual criticism which
deals in a particular manner with Biblical texts, but most of the Introductions
to Scripture dedicate one or several chapters to this subject; eg, UBALDI,
Introductio (5th ed., Rome, 1901), II, 484-615 (De criticâ verbali sacrorum
textuum); CORNELY, Introductio (Paris. 1885), I, 496-509 (De usu critico textuum
primigeniorum et versionum antiquarum); GREGORY, Prolegomena to 8th
ed.百科全書和辭典的聖經有沒有特別的一篇關於考據學針對某一特定的方式與聖經的文本，但大多數人的介紹經文奉獻的一個或數個章節，以這個題目;例如，烏巴迪，
introductio （第五版，羅馬， 1901年） ，二， 484-615 （德criticâ verbali sacrorum textuum ） ;
cornely ， introductio （ paris. 1885 ） ，我， 496-509 （德烏蘇critico textuum
primigeniorum等versionum antiquarum ） ;格雷戈里， prolegomena至第八版。 of TISCHENDORF (Leipzig, 1884-1894);
SCRIVENER, Introduction (4th ed., London 1894) II, 175-301; NESTLE, Einführung
in das griech.對提申多夫（萊比錫， 1884年至1894年） ;斯科維娜，導言（第4版，倫敦1894年）二， 175-301
;雀巢，在einführung之griech 。 NT (2nd ed., 1899) and HOLTZMANN,
Einleitung in das NT (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1892).新台幣（第二版，
1899年）和holtzmann ， einleitung中之新台幣（弗賴堡-即時通訊-賴斯高， 1892 ） 。
The following may be mentioned as monographs: PORTER, Principles of Textual Criticism (Belfast, 1848); DAVIDSON, A Treatise of Biblical Criticism (1853); HAMMOND, Outlines of Textual Criticism (2nd ed., 1878); MILLER, Textual Guide (London, 1885); HORT, The NT in the Original Greek: lntroduction (2nd ed., London 1896).以下可視為專著：波特，原則考據學（貝爾法斯特， 1848年） ;戴維森，傷寒聖經批評（ 1853年） ;哈蒙德，大綱的考據學（第二版， 1878年） ;米勒，考指南（倫敦， 1885年） ; hort ，新台幣在原希臘語：實驗室國家認可（第二版，倫敦1896年） 。 Although, like several of the preceding, this last work aims chiefly at the criticism of the New Testament, the entire second part (pp. 19-72, The Methods of Textual Criticism) discusses general questions.雖然，像幾位前，最後這個工作的目的，主要是在批評新約聖經，整個第二