Canon教規

General Information 一般資料

Canon, in Christian usage, is a rule or standard.佳能,在基督教的使用,是一個規則或標準。 By the middle of the 3rd century the word had come to refer to those doctrines recognized as orthodox by the Christian church. 3世紀中期這個詞來指那些確認為正統的基督教教堂的教義 It was later also used to designate collectively the list of books accepted as Scripture (see Bible).後來也被用來指定統稱接受聖經 (見聖經) 的書籍列表

The term canon is also used to denote the catalog or register of saints.長期佳能也可以用來表示目錄的聖徒或註冊。 The use of the plural form to denote church precepts originated about the year 300; this form began to be applied specifically to the decrees of the church councils about the middle of the 4th century (see Canon Law).使用複數形式表示教會戒律起源於大約300年;這種形式開始被應用專門的堂議會的第4個世紀中(見“教會法”)的法令。 The term is also applied to the part of the Roman Catholic Mass that opens with the Preface, or prayer of thanksgiving, and closes just before the recitation of the Lord's Prayer.該術語也適用於部分羅馬天主教彌撒,打開序,或祈禱,感恩,和之前關閉的背誦主禱文。 In some Christian churches, canon is also an ecclesiastical title given to the clergy attached to a cathedral church or to certain types of priests living under a semimonastic rule, such as the Augustinians.在一些基督教教會,教會是一個教會標題連接到一個大教堂或某些類型的的神父生活下一個semimonastic的規則,如奧古斯丁的神職人員。

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Canon of the Bible佳能的“聖經”

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The term "canon" in Christianity refers to a group of books acknowledged by the early church as the rule of faith and practice.在基督教的“佳能”是指一組書承認,在早期教會的信仰和實踐的規則。 Deriving from the Greek kanon, which designated a carpenter's rule (possibly borrowed from a Hebrew term, qaneh, referring to a measuring reed six cubits long), the word has been used to identify those books considered to be spiritually superlative, by which all others were measured and found to be of secondary value in general church use.源於在希臘KANON,它指定一個木匠的規則(可能是借來的,從一個希伯來文的術語,qaneh,指一個測量蘆葦六肘長),這個詞已被用來識別那些書考慮到是精神上最高級,通過所有其他進行了測量,發現在一般教會使用的二次值。

Both Jews and Christians have canons of scripture.無論是猶太人和基督徒的經文有大砲。 The Jewish canon consists of thirty-nine books; the Christian consists of sixty-six for Protestants and eighty for Catholics (whose canon includes the Apocrypha, regarded by most as of deuterocanonical status).猶太佳能的39本書籍,基督教新教徒,天主教徒和80(其經典包括偽經,視為最經的狀態)由66。 Sacred books are found in all literate religions.被發現在所有識字的宗教神聖的書籍。 The book is generally secondary to the faith, the book or books being a deposit of the faith.這本書是次要的信念,作為存款的信仰的書籍或書籍。 The use of a canon varies in world religions, for liturgy, renewal of faith, evangelism, or authority in faith and practice.使用佳能變化中的世界宗教,禮儀,信仰的重建,傳福音,或權威的信仰和實踐。

The process by which these books came to be generally regarded as exclusively authoritative is not known for either the Hebrew or Christian canon.不知道這些書的過程,後來被普遍視為獨家權威的希伯來文或基督教的教規。 That it transpired under the influence of the Spirit of God is commonly accepted among Christian people.它蒸發了神的精神的影響下,被普遍接受基督教的人之間的。 Inspiried literature formed only a part of the total religious literature of God's people at any time in their history, and only a portion of the inspired literature finally emerged as canonical in all parts of the ancient world. Inspiried文學形成的一部分,總的宗教文獻上帝的子民在任何時間,在他們的歷史上,只有部分的啟發文學終於出現了,作為典型的在所有的古代世界。 All inspired literature was authoritative, but it was not all equally beneficial to local groups and thus did not achieve universal or empire-wide acceptance.所有靈感的文學權威,但它是不是同樣有利於本地組,因此也沒有實現普遍或帝國的廣泛認可。 That is to say, local lists of books were not necessarily identical with the general list, the canon, which eventually consisted of the books common to all the local lists.也就是說,書籍的本地列表不一定相同的一般的列表,佳能,最終包括共同所有的本地列表的書籍。

OT Canon OT佳能

The faith of Israel existed independently of a book for hundreds of years between the time of Abraham and Moses.以色列的信仰獨立存在了幾百年的一本書的時候,亞伯拉罕和摩西之間。 None of the patriarchs before Moses is recorded as having written sacred literature, although the art of writing was well developed at that time in the homeland of Abraham, as the recently discovered Ebla tablets have dramatically reaffirmed.沒有記錄在摩西面前的始祖書面神聖的文學,雖然書寫的藝術發達的當時在亞伯拉罕的家園,最近發現的Ebla片已經大大重申。 The Sumerians and Babylonians already had highly developed law codes, and accounts of such events as the great flood appear in their literature.蘇美爾和巴比倫已經高度發達的法碼,並在其文學作品中出現的大洪水等事件的賬目。 Moses, however, was the first known Hebrew to commit sacred history to writing (Exod. 24:4, 7).然而,摩西是第一個已知的的希伯來語承諾神聖的歷史寫作(出埃及記24:4,7)。

Subsequent to the composition of the Pentateuch, it is recorded that Joshua wrote in the book of the law of God (Josh. 24:26).組成的摩西五後,它記載了約書亞寫在書中的法神(書24:26)。 The law was always considered to be from God (Deut. 31:24; Josh. 1:8).該法一直被認為是來自上帝(申31:24;喬希。1:8)。 The other two divisions of the Hebrew canon, the prophets and writings, were eventually selected out of a larger literature, some of which is mentioned in the OT itself ("book of the Wars of the Lord," Num. 21:14; "book of Jasher," Josh. 10:13; "book of the Acts of Solomon," 1 Kings 11:41; "book of Samuel the seer, book of Nathan the prophet, book of Gad the seer," 1 Chr. 29:29, etc.; fifteen or more such books are named in the OT).其他兩個師的希伯來語佳能,先知和著作,最終評選出一個更大的文獻,其中一些中提到的OT(“書的戰爭勳爵,”民21時14分;第29雅煞珥書,“喬希。10:13;”一書的所羅門的行為,“列王紀上11:41;書撒母耳的預言家,先知拿單的書,書,迦得先見,”1染色體。 :29等15個或更多的書被命名為OT)。

The oldest surviving list of the cannonical scriptures of the OT comes from about AD 170, the product of a Christian scholar named Melito of Sardis, who made a trip to Palestine to determine both the order and number of books in the Hebrew Bible.的cannonical經典的OT現存最古老的列表是從大約公元170,該產品名為撒狄,梅利托了一趟,向巴勒斯坦雙方確定的順序和編號的書籍在希伯來文聖經的基督教學者。 Neither his order nor his contents agree exactly with our modern English Bibles.無論他的命令,也不是他的內容完全吻合我們的現代英文聖經。 There is no agreement in order or content in the existing manuscripts of Hebrew, Greek, or Latin Bibles.在現有的手稿的希伯來文,希臘文或拉丁文“聖經”有沒有協議的命令或內容。 The modern English Protestant Bible follows the order of the Latin Vulgate and the content of the Hebrew Bible.現代的英國新教聖經的拉丁文聖經,希伯來文聖經的內容如下的順序。 It is important to remember that the OT was more than a thousand years in writing, the oldest parts being written by Moses and the latest after the Babylonian exile.重要的是要記住,OT以書面形式已有一千多年,最古老的部分寫的摩西和最新的巴比倫放逐後。 During the entire period of biblical history, therefore, the Jews lived their faith without a closed canon of Scriptures, such a canon therefore not being essential to the practice of the Jewish religion during that time.因此,在整個聖經的歷史時期,猶太人的生活自己的信仰,一個封閉的佳能的經文,這樣的佳能,因此沒有必要的做法在這段時間內的猶太宗教。 Why then were the books finally collected into a canon?那麼,為什麼這些書終於收集到一台佳能嗎? They were brought together evidently as an act of God's providence, historically prompted by the emergence of apocryphal and pseudepigraphical literature in the intertestamental period and the increasing need to know what the limits of divine revelation were.他們被帶到一起顯然是上帝的旨意的行為,歷史上出現的猜測和偽經的文獻在的intertestamental期間,越來越需要知道什麼是神的啟示的限制提示。 By the time of Jesus the OT, called Tanaach by modern Judaism, consisted of the law, prophets, and writings (the first book of which was the Psalms, Luke 24:44).耶穌的OT的時候,Tanaach現代猶太教,包括法律,先知和著作(這是第一本​​書的詩篇,路加福音24:44)。 Opinions about the full extent of the cannon seem not to have been finalized until sometime after the first century AD意見的充分程度的大砲似乎並沒有最後確定,直到一段時間後,公元一世紀

NT Canon NT佳能

The earliest list of NT books containing only our twenty-seven appeared in AD 367 in a letter of Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria.主教亞歷山德里亞的亞他那修,在信中,最早出現在公元367 NT書籍列表只包含27。 The order was Gospels, Acts, General Epistles, Pauline Epistles, Revelation.該命令是福音,行為,一般書信,寶蓮,書信,啟示錄。 In the first century Peter spoke of Paul writing "in all his letters" (II Pet. 3:16), and by the early second century the letters of Ignatius were being collected.在二十一世紀彼得談到保羅寫“在其所有信件”(II寵物3:16),由早期的第二個世紀的字母伊格內修斯被收集。 Evidence of exclusive collections being made in the second century is seen in the writings of Justin Martyr, who argues for only our four Gospels.證據的第二個世紀的獨家收藏的賈斯汀烈士,誰認為只有我們四福音書的著作。 Discussion about authorship and authority of various letters appears in writers of the second century, and one canonical list which has been dated from the second to the fourth century, the Muratorian Canon, differentiates between books that are suitable to be read in worship and those that should be read only in private devotion.出現在各種信件的作者和權威談的第二個世紀的作家,一個典型名單已經於從第二到第四個世紀,穆拉多利佳能,區分適合的書,是要讀的崇拜和那些只讀私人奉獻。

The fact that other books formed a larger deposit out of which the twenty-seven eventually emerged is seen in the reference to a prior letter to the Corinthians in 1 Cor.事實上,其他書籍形成了較大的存款,其中27最終出現被認為是事先寫信給哥林多前書哥林多前書的參考。 5:9, a letter to the Laodiceans in Col. 4:16, and the inclusion of 1 and II Clement in the fifth century manuscript of the Greek NT, Codex Alexandrinus, as well as Barnabas and Hermas in the fourth century Codex Sinaiticus. 5:9寫信給老底嘉在上校4時16分,包括1和II克萊門特在第五世紀的手稿,希臘新台幣,法典頸,以及在第四世紀法典西奈抄本的巴拿巴和書。 Eusebius cited a letter from the second century Bishop of Corinth, Dionysius, stating that Clement's letter was read in the church there "from time to time for our admonition" (Ecclesiastical History IV.23.11).尤西比烏斯列舉了從公元二世紀的科林斯,狄奧尼修斯主教的信,說明,克萊門特的信是在讀的教會“從時間到時間,我們的告誡。”(教會史IV.23.11)。

The formation of the NT canon was not a conciliar decision.新台幣佳能的形成不是一個conciliar決定。 The earliest ecumenical council, Nicaea in 325, did not discuss the canon.最早的尼西亞大公會議,在325,沒有討論的佳能。 The first undisputed decision of a council on the canon seems to be from Carthage in 397, which decreed that nothing should be read in the church under the name of the divine Scriptures except the canonical writings.在佳能的一個委員會第一次毫無爭議的決定似乎是從迦太基在397,頒布法令,沒有什麼應該讀在教堂的神聖的經文,除了典型著作的名稱下。 Then the twentyseven books of the NT are listed as the canonical writings.二十七NT的書列為典型著作。 The council could list only those books that were generally regarded by the consensus of use as properly a canon.理事會可以只列出那些書被普遍使用的共識認為正確的佳能。 The formation of the NT canon must, therefore, be regarded as a process rather than an event, and a historical rather than a biblical matter.形成新台幣佳能,因此,可以看作是一個過程而不是一個事件,和歷史的,而不是“聖經”的問題。 The coming of the Word of God in print is only slightly more capable of explication than the coming of the Word of God incarnate.未來的神的話語在打印只是稍微能夠解釋神的化身的話。

JR McRay JR麥克雷
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (Elwell宣布了福音字典)

Bibliography 參考書目
BF Westcott, A General Survey of the History of the Canon of the NT; CR Gregory, The Canon and Text of the NT; A. Souter, The Text and Canon of the NT; EJ Goodspeed, The Formation of the NT; RM Grant, The Formation of the NT; PR Ackroyd and CF Evans, eds., The Cambridge History of the Bible, I; H. von Campenhausen, The Formation of the Christian Bible; RL Harris, Inspiration and Canonicity of the Bible; WR Farmer, Jesus and the Gospel; W. Brueggemann, The Creative Word; JA Sanders, Torah and Canon and "Text and Canon: Concepts and Methods," JBL 98:5-29; AC Sundberg, Jr., "Canon Muratori: A Fourth Century List," HTR 66:1-41; SZ Leiman, The Canon and Massorah of the Hebrew Bible; HE Ryle, The Canon of the OT.高爐Westcott,一般佳能的NT的歷史調查,CR格雷戈里新台幣佳能和文本; A.蘇特,文本和佳能的NT EJ古德斯皮德,形成新台幣,RM格蘭特,形成新台幣“PR阿克羅伊德和CF埃文斯合編,劍橋歷史上的”聖經“,我H.馮坎彭豪森,形成了基督教的”聖經“,”聖經“的靈感和canonicity RL哈里斯,WR農民,耶穌的福音;·布呂格曼,創意字; JA桑德斯,律法和佳能和“文本和佳能的概念和方法,”JBL 98:5-29 AC桑德博格小,“佳能穆拉托裡:第四世紀名單“,HTR 66:1-41;深圳雷曼,佳能和Massorah的希伯來文聖經,他賴爾的佳能的OT。


Canon教規

Advanced Information 先進的信息

This word is derived from a Hebrew and Greek word denoting a reed or cane.這個詞是來自一個希伯來文和希臘詞指的蘆葦或甘蔗。 Hence it means something straight, or something to keep straight; and hence also a rule, or something ruled or measured.因此,它是指直的東西,或保持挺直;也因此規則,或統治或測量的東西的。 It came to be applied to the Scriptures, to denote that they contained the authoritative rule of faith and practice, the standard of doctrine and duty.它後來被應用到“聖經”,表示它們包含了權威的信仰和實踐的規則,標準的原則和義務。 A book is said to be of canonical authority when it has a right to take a place with the other books which contain a revelation of the Divine will.一本書被認為是典型的權力,它有權採取的其他書籍包含一個啟示的神的意志。 Such a right does not arise from any ecclesiastical authority, but from the evidence of the inspired authorship of the book.這種權利不會出現任何教會的權威,但是從證據的啟發作者的書。

The canonical (ie, the inspired) books of the Old and New Testaments, are a complete rule, and the only rule, of faith and practice.規範(即靈感)的舊約和新約的書,是一個完整的規則,唯一的規則,信仰和實踐。 They contain the whole supernatural revelation of God to men.它們包含了整個超自然的神的啟示的男子。 The New Testament Canon was formed gradually under divine guidance.新約聖經佳能在神的指引下逐漸形成的。 The different books as they were written came into the possession of the Christian associations which began to be formed soon after the day of Pentecost; and thus slowly the canon increased till all the books were gathered together into one collection containing the whole of the twenty-seven New Testament inspired books.不同的書籍,因為他們進藏後不久,五旬節那一天開始形成的基督教協會的佳能從而慢慢增加,直到所有的書都聚集到一個集合,其中包含了整體的20 7新約聖經啟發的書。

Historical evidence shows that from about the middle of the second century this New Testament collection was substantially such as we now possess.歷史證據表明,從中間的第二個世紀,這個新約全書收集大幅例如,我們現在擁有。 Each book contained in it is proved to have, on its own ground, a right to its place; and thus the whole is of divine authority.每本書中包含的證明,在自己的地,右的地方,因此整個是神聖的權力。 The Old Testament Canon is witnessed to by the New Testament writers.見證舊約佳能的新約聖經的作家。 Their evidence is conclusive.他們的證據是確鑿的。 The quotations in the New from the Old are very numerous, and the references are much more numerous.在新從舊的報價是非常眾多的,並引用多得多。 These quotations and references by our Lord and the apostles most clearly imply the existence at that time of a well-known and publicly acknowledged collection of Hebrew writings under the designation of "The Scriptures;" "The Law and the Prophets and the Psalms;" "Moses and the Prophets," etc.這些報價和參考我們的上帝和使徒們最清楚的暗示當時存在一個眾所周知的公開承認收集希伯來文的著作在指定的“聖經”律法和先知和詩篇; “摩西和先知”等。

The appeals to these books, moreover, show that they were regarded as of divine authority, finally deciding all questions of which they treat; and that the whole collection so recognized consisted only of the thirty-nine books which we now posses.這些書的上訴,而且顯示他們視為神聖的權力,他們對待所有問題的最後決定;僅包括39的書,我們現在擁有整個集合,以便識別。 Thus they endorse as genuine and authentic the canon of the Jewish Scriptures.因此,他們贊同作為佳能的猶太聖經真正的,真實的。 The Septuagint Version (qv) also contained every book we now have in the Old Testament Scriptures. (QV)的譯本也包含了我們現在已經在舊約聖經的每一本書。 As to the time at which the Old Testament canon was closed, there are many considerations which point to that of Ezra and Nehemiah, immediately after the return from Babylonian exile.在舊約佳能被關閉的時間,有許多注意事項指出,以斯拉和尼希米記,從巴比倫放逐後立即返回。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓畫報字典)



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Canon Law佳能法

General Information 一般資料

Canon Law (Greek kanon,"rule" or "measure"), usually, the body of legislation of various Christian churches dealing with matters of constitution or discipline.佳能法“(希臘KANON,”規則“或”措施“),通常情況下,身體的處理與憲法或紀律事項的各基督教會的立法。 Although all religions have regulations, the term applies mainly to the formal systems of the Roman Catholic, Orthodox, and Anglican communions.雖然所有的宗教都有規定,本術語主要適用於羅馬天主教,東正教和英國聖公會communions的正式系統。 It is distinguished from civil or secular law, but conflict can arise in areas of mutual concern (for example, marriage and divorce).它不同於民事或世俗的法律,但在共同關心的領域(例如,結婚和離婚),可能會出現衝突。

Components組件

In its origins canon law consisted of the enactments of councils or synods of bishops, and the Anglican and Orthodox churches so restrict it today.在它的起源教會法的頒布的議會或主教會議的主教,聖公會和東正教教堂,所以限制了它今天。 The Roman Catholic church also recognizes the authority of the pope to make universal law and that certain customary practices may acquire the force of law.羅馬天主教教會也承認教皇權威的普遍規律,某些習慣做法可能會獲得法律效力。 The Roman Catholic church has by far the most elaborate body of law and, to provide training in it, has chartered graduate faculties in a number of universities throughout the world.羅馬天主教會目前為止最詳盡的法律體系,它提供培訓,包車研究生學院在世界各地的大學。 The doctorate in canon law requires at least four years of study beyond the bachelor of arts degree.教會法博士學位,至少需要四年的研究超越了文學士學位。 Each diocese has a church court or tribunal staffed by canon lawyers.各教區的教會法院或法庭配備佳能律師。 In modern times church courts have dealt almost exclusively with marriage nullity cases.在近代教會法庭處理幾乎完全與婚姻無效的案件。

The full range of canon law in contemporary times may be seen in the Roman Catholic church, which promulgated a revised code for its Latin, or Western, members in 1983 and has projected a first-ever code for its Eastern communicants.可以看出,在羅馬天主教會,頒布了修改後的代碼,拉丁,還是西方,在1983年,預計第一次的代碼,它的東部聖餐教會法在當今時代的全方位的。 The planned Lex Fundamentalis setting forth the constitutive or organizational principles common to both proved to be inopportune.計劃萊克斯Fundamentalis構或組織的共同原則都被證明是不合時宜的。 The 1983 (Latin) Code of Canon Law promulgated by the authority of Pope John Paul II consists of seven books for a total of 1752 canons. (拉丁)1983年頒布的“教會法的權威,教皇約翰·保羅二世的代碼,包括七本書共1752大砲。 Each book is divided into titles, but in the larger books the titles are grouped in parts and even in sections.每本書分為冠軍,但在較大的書籍的標題都集中在地方,甚至在部分。

Laws of the church as well as those of the state bind their subjects in conscience.法律的教會和國家結合自己的良心科目。 The obligation in conscience does not arise immediately from the laws themselves but from the divine plan, in which people are envisioned as living in both a civil and an ecclesiastical society.良心的義務,並沒有出現立即從法律本身,而是從神的計劃中,人們在民事和教會的社會生活的設想。 Church and state are the judges of what is necessary to realize the common good.教會和國家的法官什麼是必要的,以實現共同利益。 Their laws carry a legal obligation of greater or lesser weight, depending on the importance of specific statutes in achieving that end.他們的法律規定的法律義務或大或小的重量,在實現這一目標的重要性,明確的法律根據。

The Code of Canon Law itself lays down certain principles of interpretation.守則佳能法本身規定了一定的解釋原則。 Laws that impose a penalty, for example, or restrict the free exercise of rights, or contain an exception from the law are to be strictly interpreted.法律處以罰款的,例如,或限制自由權利的行使,或包含一個例外,從法律的嚴格解釋。 In canon law, unlike common law, an interpretation given by a court in a judicial sentence does not set a precedent; it has no force of law and binds only those persons affected.在教會法,普通法不同,不解釋,法院在司法判決的先例,它有沒有法律效力,只約束那些受影響的人。 For an authentic interpretation of the code, a special Roman commission was established in 1917.對於一個真實的解釋的代碼,一個特殊的羅馬委員會成立於1917年。

History歷史

The beginning of canon law may be seen in the New Testament (see Acts 15; 1 Corinthians 11).可以看出,在新約聖經教會法的開始(見使徒行傳15;哥林多前書11)。 During the 2nd and 3rd centuries a number of church orders (for example, the Didache and the Apostolic Tradition) described as normative certain customary practices of the community.在第2和第3世紀,一些教會的命令(例如,didache和使徒的傳統),作為社會規範的某些習慣做法。 Canon law in the sense of enacted legislation originated in the 4th-century regional councils held in Asia Minor.佳能在這個意義上已頒布的立法法起源於4世紀在小亞細亞地區議會舉行。 The enactments of these councils (Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Antioch, Gangra, and Laodicea), together with those of the ecumenical councils of Nicaea (325), Constantinople (present-day Ýstanbul) (381), and Chalcedon (451), formed the nucleus of subsequent collections.這些議會的成文法則(安該拉,Neocaesarea,安提阿,岡格拉和老底嘉),連同那些合一議會尼西亞,君士坦丁堡(天Ýstanbul)(381),(325)和迦克墩(451),形成了核其後的集合。 They dealt with the structure of the church (the provincial and patriarchal organization), the dignity of the clergy, the process of reconciling sinners, and Christian life in general.他們處理的教會(省,宗法組織),神職人員的尊嚴,協調罪人的過程中,和一般的基督徒生活的結構。

The oldest Greek canonical collection preserved in the original text is the Synagoge Canonum (550?) in 50 titles by Johannes Scholasticus.最古老的希臘規範的收集,保存在原來的文本是Synagoge Canonum(550)50由Johannes Scholasticus的產品。 Instead of a chronological arrangement, the canons are grouped systematically according to subject matter.取而代之的是按時間順序安排,大砲組合系統根據題材。 Another innovation was the accordance of canonical authority to rulings of church fathers, especially St. Basil.另一項創新是按照典型的權力裁決教會的父親,特別是聖羅勒。 The Council of Trullo (692), in giving formal approval to the preceding conciliar legislation and patristic writings, established the basic code for the Eastern churches that is still normative for the Orthodox.理事會的圓頂小屋(692),在正式批准前conciliar的立法和教父的著作,建立了東方教會的基本代碼,仍然是規範性的東正教。

In the West, the most important canonical collection of the early centuries was made in the 6th century by Dionysius Exiguus.在西方,早在幾百年的最重要的規範的集合,是在公元6世紀由教士艾克西古斯。 He translated into Latin the canons of the Eastern councils and added 39 papal decretals.他翻譯成拉丁文的東歐政局的大砲和39教皇教令。 The rulings of the popes were thus put on a level with conciliar law.因此,教皇的裁決提出在大公法律。 After the disintegration of the Roman Empire, canon law developed independently in the different kingdoms.在羅馬帝國解體後,教會法的發展在不同的獨立王國。 National collections were made in which local legislation, intermingled with elements of Germanic law, were added to the ancient code.國家收藏了地方立法,日耳曼法的元素交織在一起,增加了古老的代碼。 Because conciliar activity was particularly intense in Spain, the collection known as the Hispana (later called the Isidoriana after St. Isidore of Seville) proved to be outstanding.由於大公活動尤為激烈,在西班牙,被稱為Hispana(後來被稱為Isidoriana後,聖伊西多爾的塞維利亞)被證明是優秀的收集。 Of great significance for the future was the institution of the practice of private penance by the Irish monks.未來具有十分重要的意義,該機構由愛爾蘭僧侶的私人懺悔的做法。

Collections made at the time of Charlemagne (800?) and the Gregorian reform (1050?) reflect the attempt to restore traditional discipline.收藏的時候,查理曼大帝(800)和陽曆改革(1050)反映了企圖恢復傳統的學科。 Great confusion persisted, however, insofar as certain practices accepted in the Germanic law and the penitentials (for example, remarriage after adultery) were in conflict with the program of the reformers.大混亂依然存在,但是,只要接受日耳曼法和penitentials的(例如,通姦後再婚)的某些做法是在衝突與程序的改革者。 Ivo of Chartres prepared (1095?) a set of rules and principles for interpreting and harmonizing texts.伊沃·沙特爾準備(1095年)一組規則和原則的解釋和統一文本。 The actual work of harmonization was done (1140?) by Gratian, who is called the father of the science of canon law. 格拉提安,誰是所謂的科學的教會法的父親做的實際工作協調(1140)。 Shortly after the revival of Roman law studies at the University of Bologna, Gratian collected all the canon law from the earliest popes and councils up to the Second Lateran Council (1139) in his Decretum, or Concordance of Discordant Canons.不久後,在博洛尼亞大學羅馬法研究的復興,格拉提安收集了所有的教會法,從最早的教皇和議會第二次拉特蘭會議(1139)在他的Decretum,或同字不和諧的大砲。 With its appearance the period of the ius antiquum came to a close.其外觀來的IUS antiquum的期間結束。

The scientific study of law stimulated by the Decretum encouraged the papacy to resolve disputed points and supply needed legislation, thus inaugurating the ius novum. Over the next century thousands of papal decretals were issued and gradually collected in five compilationes.科學的研究鼓勵刺激的Decretum的法律解決爭議點,並提供所需的立法,從而開創了曼月樂的兩處教皇教皇教令在下一世紀數以千計的發行,並逐步五compilationes收集。 Compilatio Tertia, consisting of decretals from the first 12 years of his reign, was ordered by Innocent III in 1210 to be used in courts and law schools, thus becoming the first collection in the West to be officially promulgated.英諾森三世下令,由Compilatio Tertia的的教令從第12年,他的統治,在1210年法院和法律學校使用,從而成為第一個在西方被正式頒布的集合。 Gregory IX commissioned Raymond of Peñafort to organize the five compilationes in one collection, which was promulgated in 1234 and became known as the Extravagantes. Two other official collections were made later: the Liber Sextus (1298) of Boniface VIII and the Constitutiones Clementinae (1317).格雷戈里九,委託雷蒙德組織的Peñafort的5 compilationes的一個集合,這是在1234年頒布的,被稱為的Extravagantes。其他官方收藏了以後:萊博塞克圖斯(1298),博尼八世和Constitutiones的Clementinae(1317 )。 The Extravagantes of John XXII and the Extravagantes Communes were privately compiled.對約翰二條和Extravagantes的公社Extravagantes私人編譯的。 In 1503 the legist Jean Chappuis printed and published in Paris, under the title Corpus Juris Canonici, the Decretum of Gratian and the three official and two private collections of decretals.在1503年的法家讓Chappuis印刷和在巴黎出版的,標題下的語料庫的法學Canonici,Decretum的gratian和三個官員和兩名私人收藏的decretals。 The Corpus, along with the decrees of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), remained the fundamental law of the Roman Catholic church until the Codex Iuris Canonici appeared in 1917.語料庫,,隨著法令理事會的遄達(1545至1563),仍然是羅馬天主教會的基本規律,,直到食品的昂斯Canonici出現在1917年。 The Corpus continues to have some validity for the Church of England, which issued a Code of Canons in 1603.語料庫的英格蘭教會,於1603年發出守則的大砲,仍然有一定的合理性。 The medieval law is presupposed except where it has been affected by contrary statute or custom in England.中世紀的法律,除非它已被英國相反的法令或習慣的影響是先決條件。 The Convocations of Canterbury and York in 1964 and 1969 promulgated a revised code with the same understanding.坎特伯雷和約克在1964年和1969年的徵召,頒布了修改後的代碼相同的理解。

After the theological updating of the Second Vatican Council, it became necessary for the Roman Catholic church to thoroughly revise the 1917 code.神學更新梵蒂岡第二屆大公會議後,它成為必要的羅馬天主教會徹底修改1917年的代碼。 A special commission was established in 1963, which in 1980 presented the draft of a completely new code.一個特別委員會,成立於1963年,於1980年提交了草案的一個完全新的代碼。 Pope John Paul II, after making a number of revisions, promulgated it on January 25, 1983; it took effect on November 27, 1983.後,做出了一些修改,頒布了教皇約翰·保羅二世1983年1月25日,1983年11月27日起生效。

Plans have been under way since a presynodal meeting at Chambésy, Switzerland, in November 1976 for the first Great Synod of Eastern Orthodoxy to be held since the 8th century.計劃已經進行了,因為presynodalChambésy的會議上,瑞士,1976年11月以來舉行的第8個世紀的第一個偉大東正教主教會議的。 Among the topics for further study is the codification of the Holy Canons.進一步研究的主題之一是編纂的神聖的大砲。

John Edward Lynch約翰·愛德華·林奇


Canon Law佳能法

Catholic Information 天主教信息

This subject will be treated under the following heads:本課題將被視為按以下項目:

I. General Notion and Divisions一,一般概念和分部

II. II。 Canon Law as a Science佳能“作為一門科學

III. III。 Sources of Canon Law佳能法的來源

IV. IV。 Historical Development of Texts and Collections文本和收藏的歷史發展

V. Codification五,編纂

VI. VI。 Ecclesiastical Law教會法

VII. VII。 The Principal Canonists首席聖教法典

I. GENERAL NOTIONS AND DIVISIONS一,一般概念和部門

Canon law is the body of laws and regulations made by or adopted by ecclesiastical authority, for the government of the Christian organization and its members.佳能法律是由法律,法規,或通過教會的權威,政府的基督教組織,其成員的身體。 The word adopted is here used to point out the fact that there are certain elements in canon law borrowed by the Church from civil law or from the writings of private individuals, who as such had no authority in ecclesiastical society.採用這個詞在這裡指出的事實,是借來的,由教會的教會法,民法或個人的著作,因此沒有權力在教會的社會中的某些元素。 Canon is derived from the Greek kanon, ie a rule or practical direction (not to speak of the other meanings of the word, such as list or catalogue), a term which soon acquired an exclusively ecclesiastical signification.佳能是來自希臘的KANON,即規則或實際方向(更不要說其他含義的字,如清單或目錄),任期很快就獲得了特有的宗教意義。 In the fourth century it was applied to the ordinances of the councils, and thus contrasted with the Greek word nomoi, the ordinances of the civil authorities; the compound word "Nomocanon" was given to those collections of regulations in which the laws formulated by the two authorities on ecclesiastical matters were to be found side by side.在第四世紀,它被應用的議會的條例,從而對比與希臘的字nomoi,民事當局的條例;複合詞“Nomocanon”,是考慮到這些藏品的法律法規制定的都可以看到並排的兩個當局對教會的事宜。 At an early period we meet with expressions referring to the body of ecclesiastical legislation then in process of formation: canones, ordo canonicus, sanctio canonica; but the expression "canon law" (jus canonicum) becomes current only about the beginning of the twelfth century, being used in contrast with the "civil law" (jus civile), and later we have the "Corpus juris canonici", as we have the "Corpus juris Civilis".在較早的時期,我們與表達過程中形成的宗教立法的身體,然後在滿足canones,奧canonicus,sanctio卡諾尼卡,但目前只有約十二世紀開始的表達“教會法”(絕對canonicum)的相反,被用來與“民事訴訟法”(絕對CIVILE),後來我們有的“法典canonici”,因為我們有“民法大全”。 Canon law is also called "ecclesiastical law" (jus ecclesiasticum); however, strictly speaking, there is a slight difference of meaning between the two expressions: canon law denotes in particular the law of the "Corpus Juris", including the regulations borrowed from Roman law; whereas ecclesiastical law refers to all laws made by the ecclesiastical authorities as such, including those made after the compiling of the "Corpus Juris".佳能法也被稱為“教會法”(絕對ecclesiasticum),但是,嚴格來說,是一個細微的差別之間的兩個表達式的意義:佳能法律代表,特別是法律的“法典”,其中包括借用的規定羅馬法,而教會法,是指由教會當局等的所有法律,包括後編制的“法典”。 Contrasted with the imperial or Caesarian law (jus caesareum), canon law is sometimes styled pontifical law (jus pontificium), often also it is termed sacred law (jus sacrum), and sometimes even Divine law (jus divinum: c. 2, De privil.), as it concerns holy things, and has for its object the wellbeing of souls in the society divinely established by Jesus Christ.教會法的對比與英制或的剖腹產法律(絕對caesareum),有時風格教皇的法律(絕對pontificium),通常也被稱為神聖的法律(強制骶骨),有時甚至是神聖的法律(強制divinum:C 2,德privil),因為它涉及的聖物,其對象的靈魂在神設立耶穌的社會的福祉。

Canon law may be divided into various branches, according to the points of view from which it is considered:佳能法可以被分成不同的分支,根據從它被認為的觀點:

If we consider its sources, it comprises Divine law, including natural law, based on the nature of things and on the constitution given by Jesus Christ to His Church; and human or positive law, formulated by the legislator, in conformity with the Divine law.如果我們考慮到它的來源,它包括神聖的法律,包括自然法,根據事物的本質和對憲法耶穌基督,他的教會和人類或積極的法律,立法者制定的,符合神聖的法律。 We shall return to this later, when treating of the sources of canon law.我們將返回後,在治療的來源,教會法。

If we consider the form in which it is found, we have the written law (jus scriptum) comprising the laws promulgated by the competent authorities, and the unwritten law (jus non scripture), or even customary law, resulting from practice and custom; the latter however became less important as the written law developed.如果我們考慮的形式,它被發現時,我們有書面的法律(絕對scriptum),包括由主管機關頒布的法律,不成文的法律(強制非聖經),或者甚至是習慣法,從實踐和自定義;然而,後者開發的書面法律變得不那麼重要。

If we consider the subject matter of the law, we have the public law (jus publicum) and private law (jus privatum).如果我們考慮標的物的法律,我們有的公法(絕對publicum)和私法(絕對privatum)。 This division is explained in two different ways by the different schools of writers: for most of the adherents of the Roman school, eg Cavagnis (Instit. jur. publ. eccl., Rome, 1906, I, 8), public law is the law of the Church as a perfect society, and even as a perfect society such as it has been established by its Divine founder: private law would therefore embrace all the regulations of the ecclesiastical authorities concerning the internal organization of that society, the functions of its ministers, the rights and duties of its members.該部門解釋了兩種不同的方式通過不同流派的作家:對於大多數的信徒的羅馬學校,如卡瓦尼斯(Instit. JUR。上市公司。傳道書。,羅馬,1906年,I,8),公法是法律的教會作為一個完美的社會,甚至是一個完美的社會,因為它已經建立了其神聖的創始人:,私法因此,擁抱所有教會當局的規定,關於這個社會的內部組織,其功能部長,其成員的權利和義務。 Thus understood, the public ecclesiastical law would be derived almost exclusively from Divine and natural law.因此,相互理解,得到公眾的教會法幾乎完全從神和自然法則。 On the other hand, most of the adherents of the German school, following the idea of the Roman law (Inst., I, i, 4; "Publicum jus est quad ad statuary rei Romanae spectat: privatum quad ad privatorum utilitatem"), define public law as the body of laws determining the rights and duties of those invested with ecclesiastical authority, whereas for them private law is that which sets forth the rights and duties of individuals as such.另一方面,大多數的德國學校的信徒,以下的想法的羅馬法(機構,我,我,4“Publicum絕對EST四廣告雕像REI Romanae spectat:privatum四privatorum utilitatem”)的,定義公法的確定投資與教會的權威者的權利和義務的法律身體,而他們的私人法律,其中規定了個人的權利和義務這樣。 Public law would, therefore, directly intend the welfare of society as such, and indirectly that of its members; while private law would look primarily to the wellbeing of the individual and secondarily to that of the community.公法,因此,直接打算等社會福利的,間接的,其成員;而私法主要是個人,其次社會的福祉。

Public law is divided into external law (jus externum) and internal law (jus internum).分為公法的外部法律(絕對externum)和內部法律(絕對internum)。 External law determines the relations of ecclesiastical society with other societies.外部規律決定了教會的社會與其他社會關係。 either secular bodies (the relations therefore of the Church and the State) or religious bodies, that is, interconfessional relations.無論是世俗的機構(的關係,因此,教會和國家)或宗教團體,也就是interconfessional關係。 Internal law is concerned with the constitution of the Church and the relations subsisting between the lawfully constituted authorities and their subjects.國內法的有關憲法的教會和依法設立的機構和他們的臣民之間存在的關係。

Considered from the point of view of its expression, canon law may be divided into several branches, so closely allied, that the terms used to designate them are often employed almost indifferently: common law and special law; universal law and particular law; general law and singular law (jus commune et speciale; jus universale et particulare; jus generale et singulare).其表達的觀點的角度考慮,教會法,可分為幾個分支,如此緊密結盟,用於指定他們通常採用的條款幾乎漠然:普通法和特別法的普遍規律和特殊規律;一般規律和奇異的法律(強行公社等SPECIALE;絕對UNIVERSALE等particulare;絕對興業銀行等singulare)。 It is easy to point out the difference between them: the idea is that of a wider or a more limited scope; to be more precise, common law refers to things, universal law to territories, general law to persons; so regulations affecting only certain things, certain territories, certain classes of persons, being a restriction or an addition, constitute special, particular, or singular law, and even local or individual law.指出它們之間的區別是很容易的想法是,一​​個更寬或更有限的範圍內更精確,普通法是指對事物普遍規律的領土,一般法的人,這樣的規定只有某些的事情,某些地區,某些類別的人,是一個限制或補充,構成了特殊的,特別的,或單一的法律,甚至是當地或個人的法律。 This exceptional law is often referred to as a privilege (privilegium, lex privata), though the expression is applied more usually to concessions made to an individual.這個特殊的法律通常被稱為一個的特權(privilegium,PRIVATA法)的表達,但更通常的個人作出讓步。 The common law, therefore, is that which is to be observed with regard to a certain matter, unless the legislator has foreseen or granted exceptions; for instance, the laws regulating benefices contain special provisions for benefices subject to the right of patronage.因此,普通法,是關於一件事情是必須遵守的,除非立法者已經預見到或授出的異常;例如,法律采邑,含有特殊的采邑受贊助的權利的規定。 Universal law is that which is promulgated for the whole Church; but different countries and different dioceses may have local laws limiting the application of the former and even derogating from it.普遍規律是,這是為整個教會頒布,但不同的國家和不同的教區當地法律限制的應用前,甚至背離。 Finally, different classes of persons, the clergy, religious orders, etc., have their own laws which are superadded to the general law.最後,不同類別的人,神職人員,宗教命令,等等,都有自己的的法律superadded的一般規律。

We have to distinguish between the law of the Western or Latin Church, and the law of the Eastern Churches, and of each of them.我們必須區分的西部或拉丁美洲教會的法律,而法律的東方教會,和他們每個人的。 Likewise, between the law of the Catholic Church and those of the non-Catholic Christian Churches or confessions, the Anglican Church and the various Eastern Orthodox Churches.同樣,法律之間的天主教教會和那些非天主教的基督教教會或口供,英國聖公會和東正教教堂。 Finally, if we look to the history or chronological evolution of canon law, we find three epochs: from the beginning to the "Decretum" of Gratian exclusively; from Gratian to the Council of Trent; from the Council of Trent to our day.最後,如果我們看教會法的歷史或時間的演變,我們發現三個時代:從開始到格拉提安專門的的“Decretum”,從格拉提安安理會的遄達安理會的遄達日。 The law of these three periods is referred to respectively as the ancient, the new, and the recent law (jus antiquum, novum, novissimum), though some writers prefer to speak of the ancient law, the law of the Middle Ages, and the modern law (Laurentius, "Instit.", n.4).這三個時期的法律,分別被稱為古老的,新的,最近的法律(的絕對antiquum,NOVUM,novissimum),雖然有些作家喜歡說話的古代法律,法律的中世紀,和現代法律“”“Instit,”(Laurentius,N.4)。

II. II。 CANON LAW AS A SCIENCE CANON法律作為一門科學

As we shall see in treating of the gradual development of the material of canon law (see below, IV), though a legislative power has always existed in the Church, and though it has always been exercised, a long period had necessarily to elapse before the laws were reduced to a harmonious systematic body, serving as a basis for methodical study and giving rise to general theories.正如我們將看到的逐步發展,教會法的材料(見下文IV)的治療,雖然立法權在教會中一直存在,並且雖然它一直行使,一定要經過​​很長一段前法律減少了系統的身體和諧,服務作為有條理研究的基礎和引起的一般理論。 In the first place, the legislative authority makes laws only when circumstances require them and in accordance with a definite plan.首先,立法部門制定法律的情況下要求他們按照一個明確的計劃。 For centuries, nothing more was done than to collect successively the canons of councils, ancient and recent, the letters of popes, and episcopal statutes; guidance was sought for in these, when analogous cases occurred, but no one thought of extracting general principles from them or of systematizing all the laws then in force.幾個世紀以來,沒有什麼更多的是做了比對收集先後大砲的議會,古代和近代,教皇的信件,和主教法規;在這些指導要求,當發生類似的情況下,但誰也沒有想到,提取的一般原則他們或系統化的法律生效。 In the eleventh century certain collections group under the same headings the canons that treat of the same matters; however, it is only in the middle of the twelfth century that we meet in the "Decretum" of Gratian the first really scientific treatise on canon law.在11世紀的某些收藏本集團根據相同的標題的大砲,同一事項的處理;但是,它是只在中間的12世紀,我們見面的gratian的“Decretum”第一個真正的科學論文,佳能法律。 The School of Bologna had just revived the study of Roman law; Gratian sought to inaugurate a similar study of canon law.學校的博洛尼亞剛剛恢復的研究羅馬法,,格拉提安試圖開創一個類似的研究教會法。 But, while compilations of texts and official collections were available for Roman law, or "Corpus juris civilis", Gratian had no such assistance.但是,彙編文本和官方收藏羅馬法,或“民法大全”,,格拉提安有沒有這樣的援助。 He therefore adopted the plan of inserting the texts in the body of his general treatise; from the disordered mass of canons collected from the earliest days, he selected not only the law actually in force (eliminating the regulations which had fallen into desuetude, or which were revoked, or not of general application) but also the principles; he elaborated a system of law which, however incomplete, was nevertheless methodical.因此,他通過了該計劃的插入他的身體一般論文中的文本,他選擇了從無序質量的大砲,收集了從最早的天,其實不只有法律生效(消除法規其中已陷入廢止,或被吊銷,或沒有普遍適用的),但也的原則,他制定了一個系統的法律,但不完整的,但有條不紊。 The science of canon law, ie the methodical and coordinated knowledge of ecclesiastical law, was at length established.科學的教會法,即有條不紊的和協調的知識,教會法,是建立在長度。 Gratian's "Decretum" was a wonderful work; welcomed, taught and glossed by the decretists at Bologna and later in the other schools and universities, it was for a long time the textbook of canon law.格拉提安的“Decretum”是一個奇妙的工作表示歡迎,教學和掩蓋的在博洛尼亞的decretists,後來在其他學校和大學,這是很長一段時間,教會法的教科書。 However his plan was defective and confusing, and, after the day of the glosses and the strictly literal commentaries, it was abandoned in favour of the method adopted by Bernard of Pavia in his "Breviarium" and by St. Raymund of Pennafort in the official collection of the "Decretals" of Gregory IX, promulgated in 1234 (see CORPUS JURIS CANONICI).然而,他的計劃是有缺陷的和混亂,和,美化和嚴格的字面評論後的一天,它被遺棄在贊成通過伯納德的帕維亞他的“Breviarium”的所採用的方法和由St彭納福特的雷蒙在官方收集的“教令”格列高利九,在1234年頒布(見法典CANONICI)。 These collections, which did not include the texts used by Gratian, grouped the materials into five books, each divided into "titles", and under each title the decretals or fragments of decretals were grouped in chronological order.這些藏品,其中不包括使用的文本由格拉提安,分組到五本書,分別分為“標題”的材料,並在每個標題下的教令或片段的教令按時間順序進行分組。 The five books, the subject matter of which is recalled by the well-known verse: "judex, judicium, clerus, connubia, crimen" (ie judge, judgment, clergy, marriages, crime), did not display a very logical plan; not to speak of certain titles that were more or less out of place.五本書的題材,其中回顧了著名的詩句:“judex,judicium,clerus,connubia,crimen”(即判斷,判斷,神職人員,婚姻,犯罪),沒有顯示一個非常合乎邏輯的計劃;更不要說某些產品,或多或少出來的地方。 They treated successively of the depositaries of authority, procedure, the clergy and the things pertaining to them, marriage, crimes and penalties.他們中依次保存的權限,程序,神職人員和與他們有關的,婚姻,犯罪和刑罰的事情。 In spite of its defects, the system had at least the merit of being official; not only was it adopted in the latter collections, but it served as the basis for almost all canonical works up to the sixteenth century, and even to our day, especially in the universities, each of which had a faculty of canon law.儘管它的缺陷,該系統的優點,至少是官方不僅通過後者的集合,但它服務為基礎,幾乎所有的典型工程至十六世紀,甚至我們的日子,特別是在大學,其中每一個教師的教會法。

However, the method of studying and teaching gradually developed: if the early decretalists made use of the elementary plan of the gloss and literal commentary, their successors in composing their treatises were more independent of the text; they commented on the titles, not on the chapters or the words; often they followed the titles or chapters only nominally and artificially.不過,該方法的研究和教學逐步發展,如果早期decretalists使用的基本計劃的光澤和文字解說,他們的繼任者在他們的論文組成獨立的文本,評論的標題,而不是在章的話,他們往往跟著只是名義上的,人為的標題或章節。 In the sixteenth century they tried to apply, not to the official collections, but in their lectures on canon law the method and division of the "Institutes" of Justinian: persons, things, actions or procedure, crimes, and penalties (Institutes, I, ii, 12).在16世紀,他們試圖申請,而不是官方的集合,但在他們的講課對教會法的方法和分工,“學院”查士丁尼:人,事,行動或程序,犯罪行為,並處罰(院所,我,ⅱ,12)。 This plan, popularized by the "Institutiones juris canonici" of Lancellotti (1563), has been followed since by most of the canonist authors of "Institutiones" or manuals, though there has been considerable divergence in the subdivisions; most of the more extensive works, however, preserved the order of the "Decretals".這個計劃,推廣“Institutiones法學canonici”蘭切洛蒂(1563),已其次,因為,大多數的聖典學者的“Institutiones”或手冊的作者,雖然有相當大的分歧,在細分的更廣泛的工程不過,保存“的decretals”的順序。 This was also followed in the 1917 code.這也隨後在1917年的代碼。 In later times many textbooks, especially in Germany, began to adopt original plans.在稍後的時間很多教科書中,尤其是在德國,開始採用原來的計劃。 In the sixteenth century too, the study of canon law was developed and improved like that of other sciences, by the critical spirit of the age: doubtful texts were rejected and the raison d'être and tendency or intention of later laws traced back to the customs of former days.在16世紀,教會法的研究開發和改進像其他科學的批判精神的年齡:可疑的文本被拒絕和存在的理由和發展趨勢或意圖,後來的法律追溯到海關的前幾天。 Canon law was more studied and better understood; writings multiplied, some of an historical nature, others practical, according to the inclination of the authors.佳能法律研究和更好地理解;著作乘以一個歷史的一些性質,其他的實際,根據作者的傾向。 In the universities and seminaries, it became a special study, though as might be expected, not always held in equal esteem.在大學和神學院,成為一個特殊的研究,但可以預料,而不是一貫主張在平等的自尊。 It may be noted too that the study of civil law is now frequently separated from that of canon law, a result of the changes that have come over society.它的研究民法還指出,現在經常是分開的教會法,對社會的變化,來因。 On the other hand, in too many seminaries the teaching of ecclesiastical law is not sufficiently distinguished from that of moral theology.另一方面,太多的神學院教會法的教學沒有充分的道德神學的區別。 The publication of the new general code of canon law will certainly bring about a more normal state of affairs.新的通用代碼,教會法的出版肯定會帶來一個比較正常的狀態的事務。

The first object of the science of canon law is to fix the laws that are in force.科學的教會法的第一個目的是修復已生效的法律。 This is not difficult when one has exact and recent texts, drawn up as abstract laws eg most of the texts since the Council of Trent, and as will be the case for all canon law when the new code is published.當一個人有確切和最近的文本,制定了抽象的法律,例如大部分的文本,因為安理會的遄達,將發布新的代碼時,所有的教會法的情況下,這並不難。 But it was not so in the Middle Ages; it was the canonists who, to a large extent, formulated the law by extracting it from the accumulated mass of texts or by generalizing from the individual decisions in the early collections of decretals.但事實並非如此,在中世紀,它是聖教法典,在很大程度上,制定了法律,積累了大量的文本中提取,或在早期的教令集一般化,從個人的決定。 When the law in force is known it must be explained, and this second object of the science of canon law is still unchanged.現行有效的法律是已知的,必須加以解釋,而這第二個目的,科學的教會法仍然是不變的。 It consists in showing the true sense, the reason, the extension and application of each law and each institution.它由真正意義上的原因,各法律和各機構的推廣和應用。 This necessitates a careful and exact application of the triple method of exposition, historical, philosophical, and practical: the first explains the law in accordance with its source and the evolution of customs; the second explains its principles; the last shows how it is to be applied at present.這就需要仔細和精確的應用博覽會,歷史,哲學,實用的三個方法:第一個解釋的法律根據其來源和海關的演變,第二個解釋其原理,最後說明它是如何目前應用。 This practical application is the object of jurisprudence, which collects, coordinates and utilizes, for more or less analogous cases, the decisions of the competent tribunal.實際應用的對象是法理學,收集,協調和利用,或多或少類似的情況下,主管法庭的決定。 From this we may learn the position of canon law in the hierarchy of sciences.這一點,我們可以學習的層次結構科學的教會法中的位置。 It is a judicial science, differing from the science of Roman law and of civil law inasmuch as it treats of the laws of an other society; but as this society is of the spiritual order and in a certain sense supernatural, canon law belongs also to the sacred sciences.這是一個司法科學,從科學羅馬法和民法不同,因為它對待其他社會的法律,但作為這個社會的精神秩序,在一定意義上超自然的,也屬於教會法神聖的科學。 In this category it comes after theology, which studies and explains in accordance with revelation, the truths to be believed; it is supported by theology, but in its turn it formulates the practical rules toward which theology tends, and so it has been called "theologia practica", "theologia rectrix".在這個類別中,後神學,研究和闡述按照與啟示,可以相信的真理,它是支持的神學,但反過來,制定切實可行的神學往往對其中的規則,因此它被稱為“實用,神學“,”神學舵羽“。 In as far as it is practical the science of canon law is closely related to moral theology; however, it differs from the latter which is not directly concerned with the acts prescribed or forbidden by the external law, but only with the rectitude of human acts in the light of the last end of man, whereas, canon law treats of the external laws relating to the good order of society rather than the workings of the individual conscience.在盡可能,因為它是實用科學的教會法是密切相關的道德神學,但它不同於後者沒有直接關係,與外部法律規定或禁止的行為,但只有正直的人的行為在最後結束的男子的光,而教會法的外部良好的社會秩序,而不是個人的良知的運作有關的法律對待。 Juridical, historical, and above all theological sciences are most useful for the comprehensive study of canon law.法律,歷史,以上所有神學科學的綜合性研究教會法是最有用的。

III. III。 SOURCES OF CANON LAW教會法的來源

This expression has a twofold meaning; it may refer to the sources from which the laws come and which give the latter their judicial force (fortes juris essendi); or it may refer to the sources where canon law is to be found (fortes juris cognoscendi), ie the laws themselves such as they occur in the texts and various codes.這表達有兩方面的含義,它可能是指的法律來給他們的司法力量(特長管轄essendi)的後者的來源,或它可能是指的來源,教會法是被發現(法學cognoscendi特長),即法律本身,因為他們出現在文本和各種代碼。 These sources are also called the material and the formal sources of canon law.這些來源也被稱為物質和教會法的正規來源。 We shall consider first the sources under the former aspect.我們首先應考慮在原方面的來源。 The ultimate source of canon law is God, Whose will is manifested either by the very nature of things (natural Divine law), or by Revelation (positive Divine law).教會法的最終來源是上帝,誰的意志表現的很自然的事情(自然神法),或由啟示錄(積極的神聖法則)。 Both are contained in the Scriptures and in Tradition.它們都包含在聖經和傳統。 Positive Divine law cannot contradict natural law; it rather confirms it and renders it more definite.積極的神聖法則不能違背自然法則,而證實了這一點,使得它更加明確。 The Church accepts and considers both as sovereign binding laws which it can interpret but can not modify; however, it does not discover natural law by philosophic speculation; it receives it, with positive Divine law, from God through His inspired Books, though this does not imply a confusion of the two kinds of Divine law.教會接受,並認為作為主權具有約束力的法律,它可以理解,但不能修改,然而,並沒有發現自然法哲學的投機,在接收到積極的神聖法則,上帝通過他的靈感書籍,雖然這樣做兩種神聖的法律並不意味著混亂。 Of the Old Law the Church has preserved in addition to the Decalogue some precepts closely allied to natural law, eg certain matrimonial impediments; as to the other laws given by God to His chosen people, it considers them to have been ritual and declares them abrogated by Jesus Christ.除了對“十誡”中保留了舊法的教會一些戒律關係密切,自然法,如某些婚姻的障礙;其他法律神賜給他所揀選的人,認為他們一直儀式,並宣布他們的廢止耶穌基督。 Or rather, Jesus Christ, the Lawgiver of the spiritual society founded by Him (Con. Trid., Sess. VI, "De justif.", can. I), has replaced them by the fundamental laws which He gave His Church.或者說,耶穌基督,他所創立的精神社會的立法者(連續TRID,階段作業。六,“德justif。”,可我),已經取代了他們的基本法律,他給他的教會。 This Christian Divine law, if we may so call it, is found in the Gospels, in the Apostolic writings, in the living Tradition, which transmits laws as well as dogmas.這個基督教的神聖的法律,如果我們可以這樣稱呼它,被發現的福音,在使徒的著作,在生活的傳統,發送法律法規以及教條。 On this positive Divine law depend the essential principles of the Church's constitution, the primacy, the episcopacy, the essential elements of Divine worship and the Sacraments, the indissolubility of marriage, etc.在這個積極的神聖法則,取決於教會的憲法的基本原則,首要地位,主教,神崇拜的基本要素和聖禮,婚姻的indissolubility,等等。

Again, to attain its sublime end, the Church, endowed by its Founder with legislative power, makes laws in conformity with natural and Divine law.同樣,為了達到其崇高的結束,教會,其創始人所賦予的立法權力,使法律符合自然和神聖的法律。 The sources or authors of this positive ecclesiastical law are essentially the episcopate and its head, the pope, the successors of the Apostolic College and its divinely appointed head, Saint Peter.這種積極的教會法的來源或作者的是本質上的主教和它的頭,教皇,使徒學院的接班人,其神聖的任命,聖彼得大教堂。 They are, properly speaking, the active sources of canon law.他們,妥善地說,活躍的來源教會法。 Their activity is exercised in its most solemn form by the ecumenical councils, where the episcopate united with its head, and convoked and presided over by him, with him defines its teaching and makes the laws that bind the whole Church.他們的活動是在其最莊嚴的形式行使的基督教議會,那裡的主教團結與它的頭,並召集和主持,他與他定義了它的教學和約束整個教會的法律,。 The canons of the Ecumenical councils, especially those of Trent, hold an exceptional place in ecclesiastical law.該炮合一議會,特別是那些的遄達,舉行一個特殊的地方,在教會法。 But, without infringing on the ordinary power of the bishops, the pope, as head of the episcopate, possesses in himself the same powers as the episcopate united with him.但是,沒有侵權的普通電源的主教,教宗的主教頭,擁有在自己的主教與他相同的權力。 It is true that the disciplinary and legislative power of the popes has not always, in the course of centuries, been exercised in the same manner and to the same extent, but in proportion as the administration became centralized, their direct intervention in legislation became more and more marked; and so the sovereign pontiff is the most fruitful source of canon law; he can abrogate the laws made by his predecessors or by Ecumenical councils; he can legislate for the whole church or for a part thereof, a country or a given body of individuals; if he is morally bound to take advice and to follow the dictates of prudence, he is not legally obliged to obtain the consent of any other person or persons, or to observe any particular form; his power is limited only by Divine law, natural and positive, dogmatic and moral. ,在幾百年的過程中,這是事實,紀律處分和立法權力的教皇並不總是被以同樣的方式行使到相同的程度,但比例作為管理便更加集中,他們的直接干預立法變得更加更為顯著;所以教皇是最有成效的來源,教會法,他可以廢除他的前任或合一議會制定的法律,他可以立法,為整個教會的一部分,一個國家或一個給定的個人的身體,如果他是道義上的責任,採取諮詢,並遵循謹慎性使然,他是沒有法律責任獲得任何其他人或數人的同意,或遵守任何特定形式,他的力量是有限的,只有神聖法律,自然和積極的,教條式的道德。 Furthermore, he is, so to say, the living law, for he is considered as having all law in the treasury of his heart ("in scrinio pectoris"; Boniface VIII. c. i, "De Constit." in VI).此外,他還這麼說來,生活規律,他被認為是有他的心臟在財政部(“scrinio心絞痛”;波尼法爵八C。我,“德選區的。”VI)的所有法律。 From the earliest ages the letters of the Roman pontiffs constitute, with the canons of the councils, the principal element of canon law, not only of the Roman Church and its immediate dependencies.從最早的年齡構成,與大砲的議會,教會法的主要元素,不僅對羅馬教會和它的直接依賴關係的羅馬教宗的信。 but of all Christendom; they are everywhere relied upon and collected, and the ancient canonical compilations contain a large number of these precious "decretals" (decreta, statuta, epistolae decretales, and epistolae synodicae).但所有的基督教,他們到處都是依賴,並收集,和古老的規範彙編中含有大量的這些珍貴的“教令”(decreta,statuta,epistolae decretales,和epistolae synodicae)。 Later, the pontifical laws are promulgated more usually as constitutions, Apostolic Letters, the latter being classified as Bulls or Briefs, according to their external form, or even as spontaneous acts, "Motu proprio".後來,宗座法律的頒布更通常的憲法,使徒信,後者被列為公牛或簡報,根據自己的外在形式,或自發行為,“莫圖PROPRIO”。 Moreover, the legislative and disciplinary power of the pope not being an in communicable privilege, the laws and regulations made in his name and with his approbation possess his authority: in fact, though most of the regulations made by the Congregations of the cardinals and other organs of the Curia are incorporated in the Apostolic Letters, yet the custom exists and is becoming more general for legislation to be made by mere decrees of the Congregations, with the papal approval.此外,立法和紀律處分的權力的教皇是在傳染病特權的法律和法規,在他的名字和他的讚許,擁有自己的權威:其實,雖然大多數教會的樞機主教和其他訂立的規例教廷機關在使徒信註冊成立,但自定義的存在,並正在成為更普遍的立法要由單純的法令的畢業典禮,與羅馬教皇的批准。 These are the "Acts of the Holy See" (Acta Sancte Sedis), and their object or purpose permitting, are real laws (see ROMAN CURIA).這是“使徒行傳”(羅馬教廷文獻Sancte位置未定),他們的目標或目的允許的情況下,物權法(羅馬教廷)。

Next to the pope, the bishops united in local councils, and each of them individually, are sources of law for their common or particular territory; canons of national or provincial councils, and diocesan statutes, constitute local law.下一步的教皇,主教們團結在地方議會中,他們個性化的,是他們共同的或特定領土的法律淵源的國家或省級議會的大砲,和教區法規,,構成當地法律。 Numerous texts of such origin are found in the ancient canonical collections.無數這樣的原產地的文字被發現的古代典型的集合。 At the present day and for a long time past, the law has laid down clearly the powers of local councils and of bishops; if their decrees should interfere with the common law they have no authority save in virtue of pontifical approbation.目前,天很長一段時間過去,該法已訂下清楚的地方議會和主教的權力,如果他們的法令應該干涉的普通法,他們無權憑藉羅馬教皇的認可。 It is well known that diocesan statutes are not referred to the sovereign pontiff, whereas the decrees of provincial councils are submitted for examination and approval to the Holy See (Const. "Immensa" of Sixtus V, 22 Jan., 1587).這是眾所周知的,而教區法規中沒有提及的主權教宗法令的省議會提交審批教廷(“組織法”的“Immensa”西斯五,1587年1月22日)。 We may liken to bishops in this matter various bodies that have the right of governing themselves and thus enjoy a certain autonomy; such are prelates with territorial jurisdiction, religious orders, some exempt chapters and universities, etc. The concessions granted to them are generally subject to a certain measure of control.各機構有自己管理自己的權利,在這個問題上,我們可以比喻的主教,並因此享有一定的自主權,如主教與領土管轄權,宗教命令,一些豁免章節和大學,等授予的特許權一般都需到一定程度的控制。

Other sources of law are rather impersonal in their nature, chief among them being custom or the unwritten law.其他來源的法律,在其性質是相當客觀的,其中最主要的是自定義的或不成文的法律。 In canon law custom has become almost like a legislator; not in the sense that the people are made their own lawgiver, but a practice followed by the greater part of the community, and which is reasonable and fulfills the legal requirements for prescription and is observed as obligatory, acquires the force of law by at least the tacit consent of the legislator.在教會法的習俗已經成為幾乎像一個立法者,而不是在這個意義上的人都做出了自己的立法者,但這種做法更大的社會的一部分,這是合理的,且符合法律規定的處方藥,並觀察作為強制性的,取得具有法律效力的議員至少默許。 Under such circumstances custom can create or rescind a legal obligation, derogate from a law, interpret it, etc. But it must be remarked that in our days, owing to the fully developed body of written law, custom plays a much less important part than did the practices and habits of early Christian times, when there was but little written law and even that seldom of wide application.在這樣的情況下,自定義,可以創建或撤銷的法律義務,從法律的減損,解釋等,但是,必須指出,在我們這個時代,由於身體的書面法律的充分發展,自定義扮演一個更重要的部分比的做法和習慣的早期基督教時代,當時有,但很少成文法律,甚至是很少的廣泛應用。 The civil law of different nations, and especially the Roman law, may be numbered among the accessory sources of canon law.民法不同的國家,尤其是羅馬法,可編號之間的配件來源的教會法。 But it is necessary to explain more exactly its role and importance.但是,有必要更準確地解釋它的作用和重要性。 Evidently secular law cannot be, strictly speaking, a source of canon law, the State as such having no competence in spiritual matters; yet it may become so by the more or less formal acceptation of particular laws by the ecclesiastical authorities.顯然,世俗的法律不可能的,嚴格來說,這樣的來源,教會法,國家有沒有能力在屬靈的事,但它可能會變得如此的教會當局或多或少正式驗收的具體法律。 We pass by in the first place the laws made by the mutual agreement of both parties, such as the legislation of the numerous assemblies in the Visigothic kingdom, and the Frankish kingdom and empire, where the bishops sat with the lords and nobles.我們在第一時間通過雙方的相互協議,在西哥特王國的眾多組件,如立法,法蘭克王國和帝國的領主和貴族,主教坐在制定的法律。 Such also is the case of the concordats of later ages, real contracts between the two powers.這樣的concordats後世,真正的兩個大國之間的合約也正是如此。 In these cases we have an ecclesiastico-civil law, the legal force of which arose from the joint action of the two competent authorities.在這種情況下,我們有一個ecclesiastico公務員法,產生的法律效力,這兩個主管部門的聯合行動。 It is in a different sense that Roman law, Germanic law, and in a lesser degree modern law, have become a subsidiary source of canon law.這是羅馬法,日耳曼法,在現代法治程度較輕,有不同的感覺,成為教會法的一個補充來源。

It must be remembered that the Church existed for a long time before having a complete and coordinated system of law; that many daily acts of its administration, while objectively canonical, were of the same nature as similar acts in civil matters, eg contracts, obligations, and in general the administration of property; it was quite natural for the Church to accommodate itself in these matters to the existing flows, with out positively approving of them.我們必須記住,教會存在很長一段時間,之前有一個完整的,協調的法律體系,其管理的許多日常行為,而客觀規範的,性質相同的類似的行為在民事方面,如合同義務,和一般物業管理;這是很自然的教會,以適應自己在這些問題上現有的流動,出積極的批准。 Later when the canonists of the twelfth century began to systematize the ecclesiastical law, they found themselves in presence, on the one hand, of a fragmentary canon law, and on the other hand of the complete methodical Roman code; they had recourse to the latter to supply what was wanting in the former, whence the maxim adopted by the canonists and inserted in the "Corpus Juris", that the Church acts according to Roman law when canon law is silent (cap. 1. "De novi op. nunc.", X, i, V, tit. xxxii).後來開始時的12世紀的聖典,以制度化的教會法,他們發現自己的存在,一方面,教會法的部分,和其他的完整的有條理羅馬代碼手,他們不得不求助於後者提供的格言前,何處是要在聖教法典,通過插在“法典”,教會根據羅馬法,教會法是無聲的(第1章。“德諾維運算。NUNC。 “,X,I,V,針鋒相對。三十二)。 Moreover, in the Teutonic kingdoms the clergy followed the Roman law as a personal statute.此外,王國的條頓騎士團的神職人員遵循羅馬法作為個人的法律。 However, in proportion as the written canon law increased, Roman law became of less practical value in the Church (cap. 28, X, "De priv.", X, lib. V, tit. xxxiii).然而,按比例增加的書面教會法,羅馬法成為在教會中的實用價值(第28章,X,“德PRIV。”,X,庫,V,針鋒相對。三十三)。 Canon law, it may be said, adopted from Roman law what relates to obligations, contracts, judiciary actions, and to a great extent civil procedure.可以說,佳能法律,通過從羅馬法與義務,合同,司法行動,並在很大程度上民事訴訟程序。 Other Roman laws were the object of a more positive recognition than mere usage, ie they were formally approved, those, for instance, which though of secular origin, concerned ecclesiastical things, eg the Byzantine ecclesiastical laws, or again laws of civil origin and character but which were changed into canonical laws eg the impediment of marriage arising from adoption.羅馬法律的對象更積極的認識,即它們被正式批准,比單純使用,例如,雖然世俗的起源,有關宗教的東西,如拜占庭教會的法律,或再次民事法律起源和性質但改變為規範的法律,如因採納的婚姻障礙。 The juridical influence of Teutonic law was much less important, if we abstract from the inevitable adaptation to the customs of barbarous races, yet some survivals of this law in ecclesiastical legislation are worthy of note: the somewhat feudal system of benefices; the computation of the degrees of kindred; the assimilating of the penitential practices to the system of penal compensation (wehrgeld); finally, but for a time only, justification from criminal charges on the oath of guarantors or co-jurors (De purgatione canonica, lib. V, tit. xxxiv).法律的日爾曼法的影響是重要的要少得多,如果我們從抽象的必然適應的野蠻種族的習俗,但值得注意的是:有些封建采邑制度,宗教立法,這部法律在一些生存的計算度的親屬;同化的悔罪行為的刑事賠償制度(wehrgeld),最後,但是有一段時間,理由刑事指控的擔保人或共同陪審員宣誓(purgatione卡諾尼卡庫。V針鋒相對。三十四)。 Modern law has only a restricted and local influence on canon law, and that particularly on two points.現代法律僅在限制和當地的教會法的影響,特別是在兩點。 On the one hand, the Church conforms to the civil laws on mixed matters, especially with regard to the administration of its property; on some occasions even it has finally adopted as its own measures passed by the civil powers acting independently; a notable case is the French decree of 1809 on the "Fabriques d'église".一方面,教會符合的民事上混合事項的法律,特別是有關其財產的管理,在某些情況下甚至它終於通過自己的措施,通過民間獨立行事的權力,一個值得注意的情況是法國1809年法令“Fabriques的EGLISE”。 On the other hand, modern legislation is indebted to the canon law for certain beneficial measures: part of the procedure in criminal, civil, and matrimonial cases, and to some extent, the organization of courts and tribunals.另一方面,現代立法是要感謝教會法的某些有益的措施:在刑事,民事,婚姻訴訟案件的程序的一部分,並在一定程度上,法院和法庭的組織。

IV. IV。 HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF TEXTS AND COLLECTIONS文本和系列的歷史發展

Considered under the second aspect, the sources of canon law are the legislative texts, and the collections of those texts whence we derive our knowledge of the Church's laws.下的第二個方面考慮,來源,教會法的法律文件,收藏的這些文本何處,我們得到我們的知識,教會的法律。 In order to appreciate fully the reasons for and the utility of the great work of codification of the canon law, recently begun by order of Pius X, it is necessary to recall the general history of those texts and collections, ever increasing in number up to the present time.為了充分理解的原因和實用的偉大的工作,教會法的編纂,最近開始庇護十世的命令,這是有必要回顧這些文字和集合的一般歷史,不斷增加的數量現在的時間。 A detailed account of each of the canonical collections is here out of place; the more important ones are the subject of special articles, to which we refer the reader; it will suffice if we exhibit the different stages in the development of these texts and collections, and make clear the movement to wards centralization and unification that has led up to the present situation.的詳細說明的典型藏品,這裡出來的地方,更重要的是主體的特殊物品,這是我們讀者參考;就足夠了,如果我們表現出的不同階段的發展,這些文本和集合,並明確的運動病房的集中統一,導致了目前的情況。 Even in the private collections of the early centuries, in which the series of conciliary canons were merely brought together in more or less chronological order, a constant tendency towards unification is noticeable.即使是在世紀初,在其中的一系列的conciliary大砲或以下按時間順序僅僅是在私人收藏的,恆定的傾向統一是明顯的。 From the ninth century onwards the collections are systematically arranged; with the thirteenth century begins the first official collections, thenceforth the nucleus around which the new legislative texts centre, though it is not yet possible to reduce them to a harmonious and coordinated code.從九世紀起,集合有系統地排列;十三世紀開始的第一次正式集合,此後的核周圍的新的法律文本的中心,但它是不是還可以減少他們的和諧和協調的代碼。 Before tracing the various steps of this evolution, some terms require to be explained.在跟踪這一演變過程的各個步驟,有些條款規定加以解釋。 The name "canonical collections" is given to all collections of ecclesiastical legislative texts, because the principal texts were the canons of the councils.命名為“典型藏​​品”的所有集合的教會法律文本,因為文本的主要大砲的議會。 At first the authors of these collections contented themselves with bringing together the canons of the different councils in chronological order; consequently these are called "chronological" collections; in the West, the last important chronological collection is that of Pseudo-Isidore.起初,作者的這些藏品匯集了大砲的不同議會按時間順序排列,因此,這些被稱為“按時間順序”集合的最後一個重要的時間順序收集的是,在西方,偽伊西多爾。 After his time the texts were arranged according to subject matter; these are the "systematic" collections, the only form in use since the time of Pseudo-Isidore.在他的時間安排的文本題材,這些都是“系統”集合,在使用中的唯一形式,因為時間的偽伊西多爾。 All the ancient collections are private, due to personal initiative, and have, therefore, as collections, no official authority: each text has only its own intrinsic value; even the "Decretum" of Gratian is of this nature.因此,所有古老的藏品是私人的,由於個人的主觀能動性,有作為收藏品,沒有官方的權威:,每個文本只有自己的內在價值,甚至的“Decretum”格拉提安是這種性質的。 On the other hand, official or authentic collections are those that have been made or at least promulgated by the legislator.另一方面,官方或地道的收藏是那些已經或至少由立法者頒布。 They begin with the "Compilatio tertia" of Innocent III; the later collections of the "Corpus Juris", except the "Extravagantes", are official.他們開始的“Compilatio Tertia的”英諾森三世的藏品後的“法典”,除了“Ext​​ravagantes”,是官方的。 All the texts in an official collection have the force of law.在官方收集的所有文本具有法律效力的。 There are also general collections and particular collections: the former treating of legislation in general, the latter treating of some special subject, for instance, marriage, procedure, etc., or even of the local law of a district.也有一些普通的集合,特別是集合的前處理一般的立法,後者處理一些特殊的問題,例如,婚姻,程序等,甚至是一個地區的當地法律。 Finally, considered chronologically, the sources and collections are classified as previous to or later than the "Corpus Juris".最後,考慮按時間順序,劃分為前或不遲於“法典”的來源和收藏。

A. Canonical Collections In the East A.正則集合在東

Until the Church began to enjoy peace, the written canon law was very meagre; after making full allowance for the documents that must have perished, we can discover only a fragmentary law, made as circumstances demanded, and devoid of all system.直到教會開始享受和平,教會法是非常微薄的,作出全數撥備的文件,必須有滅亡後,我們可以發現只是一個殘缺不全的法律,作出的情況下要求,缺乏系統的所有。 Unity of legislation, in as far as it can be expected at that period, is identical with a certain uniformity of practice, based on the prescriptions of Divine law relative to the constitution of the Church, the liturgy, the sacraments, etc. The clergy, organized everywhere in the same way, exercised almost everywhere the same functions.統一立法,盡可能在那個時期,可以預期,具有一定的均勻性做法是相同的,根據神聖的法律與憲法的教會,禮儀,聖禮等神職人員的處方到處都在以同樣的方式,組織幾乎無處不在,行使相同的功能。 But at an early period we discover a greater local disciplinary uniformity between the Churches of the great sees (Rome, Carthage, Alexandria, Antioch, later Constantinople) and the Churches depending immediately on them.但是,在早期階段,我們發現了一個更大的本地紀律的巨大看到的羅馬,迦太基,亞歷山大,安提阿,後來的君士坦丁堡的教會和教會馬上就取決於他們之間的一致性。 Further it is the disciplinary decisions of the bishops of the various regions that form the first nucleus of local canon law; these texts, spreading gradually from one country to another by means of the collections, obtain universal dissemination and in this way are the basis of general canon law.此外,各地區的主教,形成了當地教會法的核心是紀律處分決定;這些文字,逐漸從一個國家傳播到另一個集合,獲得普遍的傳播,在這樣的基礎一般教會法。

There were, however, in the East, from the early days up to the end of the fifth century, certain writings, closely related to each other, and which were in reality brief canon law treatises on ecclesiastical administration the duties of the clergy and the faithful, and especially on the liturgy.有,但是,在東方,從成立之初到結束的第五世紀,某些文字,密切的相互關係,並在現實中短暫的教會管理職責的神職人員和教會法的論文中忠實的,特別是在禮儀上。 We refer to works attributed to the Apostles, very popular in the Oriental Churches, though devoid of official authority, and which may be called pseudo-epigraphic, rather than apocryphal.我們指的作品歸因於,很受歡迎,在東方教會的使徒,雖然沒有官方機構,可稱為偽碑銘,而不是杜撰的。 The principal writings of this kind are the "Teaching of the Twelve Apostles" or "Didache", the "Didascalia", based on the "Didache"; the "Apostolic Constitutions", an expansion of the two preceding works; then the "Apostolic Church Ordinance", the "Definitio canonica SS. Apostolorum", the "Testament of the Lord" and the "Octateuch of Clement"; lastly the "Apostolic Canons".這種的主要著作是“教學的十二使徒岩(Twelve Apostles)”或“遺訓”中,“Didascalia”,根據“遺訓”,“使徒憲法”的前兩個作品,一個擴展,然後在“使徒會條例“,的”Definitio卡諾尼卡SS。Apostolorum“,”聖經的上帝“,”Octateuch的克萊門特“,最後”使徒大砲“。 Of all this literature, only the "Apostolic Canons" werein cluded in the canonical collections of the Greek Church.所有這一切文學,只有“使徒大砲”已做好cluded,希臘教會的典型藏品。 The most important of these documents the "Apostolic Constitutions", was removed by the Second Canon of the Council in Trullo (692), as having been interpolated by the heretics.這些文件中最重要的“使徒憲法”,被拆除的第二次理事會在佳能的圓頂小屋(692),內插的異端。 As to the eighty-five Apostolic Canons, accepted by the same council, they rank yet first in the above-mentioned "Apostolic" collection; the first fifty translated into Latin by Dionysius Exiguus (c. 500), were included in the Western collections and afterwards in the "Corpus Juris". 85使徒規,接受同一議會,他們的排名還第一次在上面提到的“使徒”集合第50的:教士艾克西古斯(公元前500),翻譯成拉丁文,包括在西方收藏和後來的“法典”。

As the later law of the separated Eastern Churches did not influence the Western collections, we need not treat of it, but go on to consider only the Greek collection.分離的東方教會後來的法律並沒有影響西方收藏,我們不需要治療,但只考慮希臘採集。 It begins early in the fourth century: in the different provinces of Asia Minor, to the canons of local councils are added those of the ecumenical Council of Nicea (325), everywhere held in esteem.早在第四世紀開始,在不同省份的小亞細亞,地方議會的大砲,還有那些到處推崇的尼西亞大公會議(325),。 The Province of Pontus furnished the penitentiary decisions of Ancyra and Neocæsarea (314); Antioch; the canons of the famous Council "in encaeniis" (341), a genuine code of metropolitan organization; Paphlagonia, that of the Council of Gangra (343), a reaction against the first excesses of asceticism; Phrygia, the fifty-nine canons of Laodicea on different disciplinary and liturgical matters.安該拉和Neocæsarea(314);安提阿向監獄決定的龐省著名的會“在encaeniis”(341),一個真正的大都市組織的代碼的大砲;帕夫拉戈尼亞,理事會岡格拉(343) ,對第一個反應過度的禁慾主義;弗呂家,59門炮的老底嘉在不同的紀律和禮儀事項。 This collection was so highly esteemed that at the Council of Chalcedon (451) the canons were read as one series.收集並因此倍受尊敬,在安理會的卡爾西(451)的大砲被理解為一個系列。 It was increased later by the addition of the canons of (Constantinople (381), with other canons attributed to it, those of Ephesus (431). Chalcedon (451), and the Apostolic canons. In 692 the Council in Trullo passed 102 disciplinary canons, the second of which enumerates the elements of the official collection: they are the texts we have just mentioned, together with the canons of Sardica, and of Carthage (419), according to Dionysius Exiguus, and numerous canonical letters of the great bishops, SS. Dionysius of Alexandria, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Basil, etc. If to these be added the canons of the two ecumenical councils of Nicea (787) and Constantinople (869) we have all the elements of the definitive collection in its final shape. A few "systematic" collections may be mentioned as pertaining to this period: one containing fifty titles by an unknown author about 535; another with twenty-five titles of the ecclesiastical laws of Justinian; a collection of fifty titles drawn up about 550, by John the Scholastic, a priest of Antioch. The compilations known as the "Nomocanons" are more important, because they bring together the civil laws and the ecclesiastical laws on the same subjects; the two principal are the Nomocanon, wrongly attributed to John the Scholastic, but which dates from the end of the sixth century, with fifty titles, and another, drawn up in the seventh century, and afterwards augmented by the Patriarch Photius in 883.增加的另外的大砲(君士坦丁堡(381),歸因於它與其他大砲,692年的以弗所(431)。卡爾西(451),和使徒的大砲。通過理事會的Trullo 102的紀律大砲,其中第二個枚舉官方收集的元素:他們是我們剛才提到的文本,與大砲的薩爾迪卡,迦太基(419),根據教士艾克西古斯的,偉大的主教和眾多規範的字母SS。狄奧尼修斯的亞歷山德里亞,格雷戈里Thaumaturgus,羅勒等,如果這些被添加的大砲兩合一議會尼西亞(787)和君士坦丁堡(869),我們有明確的集合中的所有元素在其最終的形狀。少數“系統”集合可能會提到的有關這一時期的一個包含50職稱約535由一個不知名的作者;另一個教會的法律查士丁尼25種50職稱的集合,約550,約翰,在學術上,一位牧師的安提阿,被稱為“Nomocanons”彙編是比較重要的,因為他們帶來了在同一科目的民事法律和教會的法律;兩個主要的Nomocanon的,錯誤地歸因於約翰,在學術上,但日期從結束的第六個世紀,50職稱,而另一個,在公元七世紀,後由族長Photius在883增強。

B. The Canonical Collections in the West to Pseudo-Isidore B.在西方的典型藏品,偽伊西多爾

In the West, canonical collections developed as in the East, but about two centuries later.在西方,典型藏品,在東開發,但兩百年後。 At first appear collections of national or local laws and the tendency towards centralization is partially effected in the ninth century.在第一次出現的國家或地方法律的集合,並在第九世紀的傾向集中的部分影響。 Towards the end of the fourth century there is yet in the West no canonical collection, not even a local one, those of the fifth century are essentially local, but all of them borrow from the Greek councils.快要結束的第四個世紀,目前仍在西方沒有規範的集合,甚至沒有一個本地的,五世紀的基本上是本地的,但所有的人都借希臘議會。 The latter were known in the West by two Latin versions, one called the "Hispana" or "Isidorian", because it was inserted in the Spanish canonical collection, attributed to St. Isidore of Seville, the other called the "Itala" or "ancient" (Prisca), because Dionysius Exiguus, in the first half of the sixth century, found it in use at Rome, and being dissatisfied with its imperfections improved it.由兩個拉丁版本,後者在西方被稱為所謂的“Hispana”或“Isidorian”的,因為​​它是插在西班牙的規範收集,聖伊西多爾的塞維利亞,被稱為“伊泰萊”或“古“(普里斯),上半年的第六個世紀因為教士艾克西古斯,發現它在使用中在羅馬,和不滿,其不完善之處改善。 Almost all the Western collections, therefore, are based on the same texts as the Greek collection, hence the marked influence of that collection on Western canon law.幾乎所有的西方的集合,因此,基於相同的文本在希臘採集,因此顯著的影響,對西方教會法,收集。

(1) At the end of the fifth century the Roman Church was completely organized and the popes had promulgated many legislative texts; but no collection of them had yet been made. (1)在第五世紀的羅馬教會完全組織和教皇頒布了很多法律文本,但沒有集合他們尚未作出。 The only extra-Roman canons recognized were the canons of Nicea and Sardica, the latter being joined to the former, and at times even cited as the canons of Nicea.唯一的額外確認的羅馬大砲,大砲尼西亞和薩爾迪卡的,後者加入前者,有時甚至舉出的大砲尼西亞。 The Latin version of the ancient Greek councils was known, but was not adopted as ecclesiastical law.拉丁美洲版本的古希臘議會是眾所周知的,但沒有被採納作為教會法。 Towards the year 500 Dionysius Exiguus compiled at Rome a double collection, one of the councils, the other of decretals, ie papal letters.在接近500年在羅馬教士艾克西古斯編譯一個雙採集,議會,其他的教令,即羅馬教皇的信件。 The former, executed at the request of Stephen, Bishop of Salona, is a translation of the Greek councils, including Chalcedon, and begins with the fifty Apostolic canons; Dionysius adds to it only the Latin text of the canons of Sardica and of Carthage (419), in which the more ancient African councils are partially reproduced.前,斯蒂芬·索羅那主教的要求執行,是一個翻譯的希臘議會,包括卡爾西,並開始與50使徒大砲,狄奧尼修斯只增加了它的拉丁文字的的大砲的薩爾迪卡和迦太基( 419),在更古老的非洲議會部分轉載。 The second is a collection of thirty-nine papal decretals, from Siricius (384) to Anastasius II (496-98).第二個是收集39教皇教令,從Siricius(384):阿納斯塔西II(496-98)。 (See COLLECTIONS OF ANCIENT CANONS.) Thus joined together these two collections became the canonical code of the Roman Church, not by official approbation, but by authorized practice. (見古代大砲的集合),因此加入這兩個集合的羅馬教會成為規範的代碼,而不是由官方的批准,但授權的做法。 But while in the work of Dionysius the collection of conciliary canons remained unchanged, that of the decretals was successively increased; it continued to incorporate letters of the different popes till about the middle of the eighth century when Adrian I gave (774) the collection of Dionysius to the future Emperor Charlemagne as the canonical book of the Roman Church.而在狄奧尼修斯的工作收集的conciliary大砲保持不變的教令,先後增加,它繼續將不同教皇的信件至約公元八世紀時,阿德里安中間我給了(774)收集狄奧尼修斯到了未來的皇帝查理曼大帝為規範書的羅馬教會。 This collection, often called the "Dionysio-Hadriana", was soon officially received in all Frankish territory, where it was cited as the "Liber Canonum", and was adopted for the whole empire of Charlemagne at the Diet of Aachen in 802.此集合,通常被稱為“Dionysio Hadriana”,很快就被正式收到所有法蘭克人的領土,在那裡它被引用為“LIBER Canonum”,並通過整個帝國的查理曼大帝在亞琛在國會的802。 This was an important step towards the centralization and unification of the ecclesiastical law, especially as the Latin Catholic world hardly extended beyond the limits of the empire, Africa and the south of Spain having been lost to the Church through the victories of Islam.這是教會法的集中和統一邁出的重要一步,特別是作為拉美的天主教世界上幾乎超越極限的帝國擴展,非洲和西班牙的南部已經失去了對教會的通過的勝利伊斯蘭教。

(2) The canon law of the African Church was strongly centralized at Carthage; the documents naturally took the form of a collection, as it was customary to read and insert in the Acts of each council the decisions of the preceding councils. (2)教會法的非洲教會強烈集中在迦太基,,文件自然形式的集合,因為它是在每個理事會的決定前議會的行為習慣閱讀並插入。 At the time of the invasion of the Vandals, the canonical code of the African Church comprised, after the canons of Nicea, those of the Council of Carthage under Bishop Gratus (about 348), under Genethlius (390), of twenty or twenty-two plenary council under Aurelius (from 393 to 427), and the minor councils of Constantinople.當時的汪達爾人的入侵,規範的代碼的非洲教會,後炮尼西亞的理事會迦太基下主教Gratus(約348),根據Genethlius(390)的20或20, 2次全體會議,會議根據奧勒留(393〜427),和小議會的君士坦丁堡。 Unfortunately these records have not come down to us in their entirety; we possess them in two forms: in the collection of Dionysius Exiguus, as the canons of a "Concilium Africanum"; in the Spanish collection, as those of eight councils (the fourth wrongly attributed, being a document from Arles, dating about the beginning of the sixth century).不幸的是,這些記錄都沒有回落到我們的全部,我們擁有它們有兩種形式:集合中的教士艾克西古斯,的大砲了的“Concilium Africanum”;在西班牙的集合,作為那些八理事會(第四錯誤歸因,距離阿爾勒(Arles)的文件,約會開始的第六個世紀)。 Through these two channels the African texts entered into Western canon law.通過這兩個渠道非洲文本進入西方教會法。 It will suffice to mention the two "systematic" collections of Fulgentius Ferrandus and Cresconius.這就夠了,何況兩個“系統”集合傅箴修Ferrandus和Cresconius。

(3) The Church in Gaul had no local religious centre, the territory being divided into unstable kingdoms; it is not surprising therefore that we meet no centralized canon law or universally accepted collection. (3)教會在高盧沒有當地的宗教中心,領土被分為不穩定的王國,這並不奇怪,因此,我們滿足沒有集中的教會法或普遍接受的集合。 There are numerous councils, however, and an abundance of texts; but if we except the temporary authority of the See of Arles, no church of Gaul could point to a permanent group of dependent sees.有許多議會,然而,豐富的文本,但如果我們的見的阿爾勒,除了臨時機構,沒有教會高盧的永久組的依賴看到。 The canonical collections were fairly numerous, but none was generally accepted.規範的集合是相當多的,但沒有被普遍接受。 The most widespread was the "Quesneliana", called after its editor (the Jansenist Paschase Quesnel), rich, but badly arranged, containing many Greek, Gallic, and other councils, also pontifical decretals.最普遍的是“Quesneliana”,之後調用它的編輯(簡森Paschase的克內爾),豐富的,但嚴重安排,包含了許多希臘,高盧,和其他議會,也教皇教令。 With the other collections it gave way to the "Hadriana", at the end of the eighth century.與其他收藏品它讓位給“Hadriana”,在第八世紀的結束。

(4) In Spain, on the contrary, at least after the conversion of the Visigoths, the Church was strongly centralized in the See of Toledo, and in close union with the royal power. (4)在西班牙,相反,至少在轉換後的西哥特人,教會強烈集中在托萊多(Toledo),並與王權緊密結合。 Previous to this, we must note the collection of St. Martin of Braga, a kind of adaptation of conciliary canons, often incorrectly cited in the Middle Ages as the "Capitula Martini papae" (about 563).在此之前,我們必須注意收集布拉加,一種適應的conciliary大砲,經常被錯誤地引用“頭狀花序馬天尼papae”(約563)在中世紀的聖·馬丁。 It was absorbed in the large and important collection of the Visigothic Church.它被吸收的西哥特教堂的大國和重要的收藏。 The latter, begun as early as the council of 633 and increased by the canons of subsequent councils, is known as the "Hispana" or "Isidoriana", because in later times it was attributed (erroneously) to St. Isidore of Seville.開始,早在議會的633和增加的大砲隨後的議會,後者被稱為“Hispana”或“Isidoriana”的,因為​​在以後的時間,這是由於(錯誤地)聖伊西多爾的塞維利亞。 It comprises two parts: the councils and the decretals; the councils are arranged in four sections: the East, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and chronological order is observed in each section; the decretals, 104 in number, range from Pope St. Damasus to St. Gregory (366-604).它由兩部分組成:教令議會和議會被安排在四個部分:東,非洲,高盧,西班牙和按時間順序觀察到在每節的教令,104號,範圍從教宗聖達瑪斯為聖格雷戈里(366-604)。 Its original elements consist of the Spanish councils from Elvira (about 300) to the Seventeenth Council of Toledo in 694.它的原始元素,包括從埃爾維拉(約300)西班牙議會第十七次理事會托萊多在694。 The influence of this collection, in the form it assumed about the middle of the ninth century, when the False Decretals were inserted into it, was very great.的影響,這個集合的形式,它承擔的第九屆世紀中間,插了進去,當假教令是很大的。

(5) Of Great Britain and Ireland we need mention only the Irish collection of the beginning of the eighth century, from which several texts passed to the continent; it is remarkable for including among its canons citations from the Scriptures and the Fathers. (5)英國和愛爾蘭,我們只提及愛爾蘭第八世紀開始收集,傳遞到大陸,這是顯著的,其中包括大砲引用“聖經”和父親的幾個文本。

(6) The collection of the False Decretals, or the Pseudo-Isidore (about 850), is the last and most complete of the "chronological" collections, and therefore the one most used by the authors of the subsequent "systematic" collections; it is the "Hispana" or Spanish collection together with apocryphal decretals attributed to the popes of the first centuries up to the time of St. Damasus, when the authentic decretals begin. (6)收集的虛假教令,或偽伊西多爾(約850),是最後的和最完整的“按時間順序”的集合,因此,一個最常用的作者隨後的“系統”集合;它是Hispana“或西班牙語集合一起未經證實的教令第一世紀的教皇聖達瑪斯,正宗的教令開始時的時間。 It exerted a very great influence.這產生了很大的影響。

(7) To conclude the list of collections, where the later canonists were to garner their materials, we must mention the "Penitentials", the "Ordines" or ritual collections, the "Formularies", especially the "Liber Diurnus"; also compilations of laws either purely secular, or semi-ecclesiastical, like the "Capitularies" (qv). (7)完成對列表的集合,在後來的聖典,以爭取他們的材料,我們必須提到的“Penitentials”,“Ordines”或儀式的集合,“處方集”,特別是“LIBER Diurnus”,也編譯法律無論是純粹世俗的,或半教會,像“的Capitularies”(請參閱)。 The name "capitula" or "capitularia" is given also to the episcopal ordinances quite common in the ninth century.命名為“投降”或“capitularia”也相當普遍,在第九個世紀的主教條例。 It may be noted that the author of the False Decretals forged also false "Capitularies", under the name of Benedict the Deacon, and false episcopal "Capitula", under the name of Angilramnus, Bishop of Metz.這可能會注意到,作者假的decretals偽造的的假“Capitularies”,教宗本篤執事,和虛假的主教“頭狀花序”的名義下,下的名稱,主教梅斯Angilramnus。

C. Canonical Collections to the Time of Gratian C.典型藏品,時間的gratian

The Latin Church was meanwhile moving towards closer unity; the local character of canonical discipline and laws gradually disappears, and the authors of canonical collections exhibit a more personal note, ie they pick out more or less advantageously the texts, which they borrow from the "chronological" compilations, though they display as yet no critical discernment, and include many apocryphal documents, while others continue to be attributed to the wrong sources.拉丁美洲教會同時邁向更緊密的團結,,規範紀律和法律的地方特色逐漸消失,典型藏品的作者表現出更多的個人筆記,也就是說,他們挑選出或多或少有利的文本,這是他們借用“按時間順序“的編輯,雖然他們還沒有關鍵的洞察力顯示,包括許多未經證實的文件,而其他人仍然可以歸結為錯誤的來源。 They advance, nevertheless, especially when to the bare texts they add their own opinions and ideas.他們前進,不過,特別是當他們裸露的文本添加自己的意見和想法。 From the end of the ninth century to the middle of the twelfth these collections are very numerous; many of them are still unpublished, and some deservedly so.從去年底的第九世紀的中東的12這些藏品非常多,其中許多是尚未公佈,一些當之無愧的。 We can only mention the principal ones:我們只能說主要的:

A collection in twelve books, compiled in Northern Italy, and dedicated to an Archbishop Anselm, doubtless Anselm II of Milan (833-97), still unedited; it seems to have been widely used.在12本書的集合,在意大利北部的編制,並致力於大主教安瑟倫,毫無疑問,,安瑟倫II米蘭(833-97),仍是未經編輯的,它似乎已經得到了廣泛的應用。

The "Libri duo de synodalibus causis" of Regino, Abbot of Prüm (d. 915), a pastoral visitation manual of the bishop of the diocese, edited by Wasserschleben (1840). “利布里二人synodalibus causis”的雷吉諾,住持的普魯姆(卒於915年),田園的探視手冊教區的主教,編輯Wasserschleben(1840)。

The voluminous compilation, in twenty books, of Burchard, Bishop of Worms, compiled between 1012 and 1022, entitled the "Collectarium", also "Decretum", a manual for the use of ecclesiastics in their ministry; the nineteenth book, "Corrector" or "Medicus", treats of the administration of the Sacrament of Penance, and was often current as a distinct work.厚厚的彙編,在二十本書,伯查德的主教蠕蟲在1012和1022之間,編譯,題為“”Collectarium“,也”Decretum“,一本手冊使用的神職人員在他們的事工;十九的書,”校正“或“梅迪庫斯”,治療的懺悔聖事的管理,往往是作為一個獨特的工作。 This widely circulated collection is in PL, CXL.這個廣為流傳的集合在PL,CXL。 At the end of the eleventh century there appeared in Italy several collections favouring the reform of Gregory VII and supporting the Holy See in the in vestiture strife; some of the authors utilized for their works the Roman archives.在結束的11世紀出現在意大利的幾個集合有利於改革的格列高利七世和,支持教廷在vestiture衝突,有些作者利用他們的作品在羅馬檔案。

The collection of Anselm, Bishop of Lucca (d. 1086), in thirteen books, still unedited, an influential work.安瑟倫的收集,主教盧卡(卒於1086年),13本書,仍是未經編輯的,有影響力的作品。

The collection of Cardinal Deusdedit, dedicated to Pope Victor III (1087), it treats of the primacy of the pope, of the Roman clergy, ecclesiastical property, immunities, and was edited by Martinucci in 1869, more recently and better by Wolf von Glanvell (1905).主要Deusdedit,教皇維克多III(1087)的集合,它把至高無上的教宗,羅馬神職人員,教會財產,豁免,並編輯馬丁努奇於1869年,最近,更好地沃爾夫·馮·Glanvell (1905)。

The "Breviarium" of Cardinal Atto; edited by Mai, "Script. vet. nova collect.", VI, app. “Breviarium”樞機主教阿托麥編輯,“腳本。獸醫。新星收集。”,VI,應用程序。 1832. 1832年。

The collection of Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri in ten books, written after 1089, still unedited.收集的蘇特里的Bonizo,主教在10書籍,寫在1089年後,仍是未經編輯。

The collection of Cardinal Gregory, called by him "Polycarpus", in eight books, written before 1120, yet unedited.收集樞機主教格雷戈里,叫他“Polycarpus”,在八本書,寫在1120年之前,但未經編輯。

In France we must mention the small collection of Abbo, Abbot of Fleury (d. 1004).在法國,我們不得不提的小集合Abbo,艾博特的弗勒裡(卒於1004)。 in fifty-two chapters, in PL, CXXXIX; and especially the collections of Ives, Bishop of Chartres (d. 1115 or 1117), ie the "Collectio trium partium", the "Decretum", es pecially the "Panormia", a short compilation in eight books, extracted from the preceding two works, and widely used.在52章,PL,CXXXIX,尤其是艾夫斯的收藏品,沙特爾主教(卒於1115或1117),即“名曲精選釷partium”,“Decretum”,,ES pecially“Panormia”,短編譯了八本書,從中提取出的前兩部作品,並得到廣泛應用。 The "Decretum" and the "Panormia" are in PL, CLXI. “Decretum”和的“Panormia”是在PL,CLXI。

The unedited Spanish collection of Saragossa (Caesar-augustana) is based on these works of Ives of Chartres.根據這些作品的艾夫斯的沙特爾未經編輯的西班牙薩拉戈薩(撒奧古斯塔)的集合。

Finally, the "De misericordia et justitia", in three books, composed before 1121 by Algerus of Liège, a general treatise on ecclesiastical discipline, in which is fore shadowed the scholastic method of Gratian, reprinted in PL, CLXXX.最後,“任憑等justitia”,在三本書,以前的1121,一般論文Algerus列日上教會的紀律,其中脫穎而出的陰影治學方法的gratian,轉載,CLXXX PL。

D. The "Decretum" of Gratian: the Decretists D.格拉提安的的“Decretum”:Decretists

The "Concordantia discordantium canonum", known later as "Decretum", which Gratian published at Bologna about 1148, is not, as we consider it today, a collection of canonical texts, but a general treatise, in which the texts cited are inserted to help in establishing the law. “Concordantia discordantium canonum”,被稱為“Decretum”,這格拉提安發表在博洛尼亞約1148,是不是,因為我們認為這是今天的經典文本的集合,但一般的論文,其中引用的文本被插入到在建立法律幫助。 It is true that the work is very rich in texts and there is hardly a canon of any importance contained in the earlier collections (including the decisions of the Lateran Council of 1139 and recent papal decretals) that Gratian has not used.這是真正的工作是非常豐富的文本中,幾乎沒有一個佳能格拉提安不使用的的早期藏品(包括1139拉特蘭會議和最近教皇教令的決定)中包含的任何重要的。 His object, however, was to build up a juridical system from all these documents. ,但是,他的目的是要建立一個司法系統,從所有這些文件。 Despite its imperfections, it must be admitted that the work of Gratian was as near perfection as was then possible.儘管有其不完善之處,但必須承認的gratian的工作是近乎完美,那麼可能的。 For that reason it was adopted at Bologna, and soon elsewhere, as the textbook for the study of canon law.出於這個原因,它是通過博洛尼亞,並很快在其他地方,的教科書教會法的研究。 (For an account of this collection see CORPUS JURIS CANONICI; CANONS.) We may here recall again that the "Decretum" of Gratian is not a codification, but a privately compiled treatise; further, that the building up of a general system of canon law was the work of the canonists, and not of the legislative authorities as such. (這個集合的一個帳戶,請參閱法典CANONICI;大砲。),我們可以在這裡再次回顧格拉提安的的“Decretum”是不是編纂,而是一家私人編譯的論述,進一步建立一個通用系統的佳能法律是聖教法典工作的,而不是立法機構。

Quite as the professors at Bologna commented on Justinian's "Corpus juris civilis", so they began at once to comment on Gratian's work, the personal element as well as his texts.相當的教授在博洛尼亞評論查士丁尼民法大全“,所以他們立刻開始評論格拉提安的工作,個人的因素,以及他的文本。 The first commentators are called the "Decretists".第一個評論員被稱為“Decretists”的。 In their lectures (Latin lecturae, readings) they treated of the conclusions to be drawn from each part and solved the problems (quaestiones) arising therefrom.在他們的演講(讀數)拉美lecturae,他們得出的結論各部分的處理,與解決由此產生的的問題(quaestiones)。 They synopsized their teaching in "glosses", interlinear at first, then marginal, or they composed separate treatises known as "Apparatus", "Summae", "Repetitiones", or else collected "casus", "questiones", "Margaritae", "Breviaria", etc. The principal decretists are:在“掩蓋”他們synopsized教學,並排在第一,然後邊緣,或他們組成單獨的論文被稱為“設備”,“Summae”“,”Repetitiones“,否則收集到的”開戰“,”questiones“,”藤“, “Breviaria”,等的的主要decretists是:

Paucapalea, perhaps the first disciple of Gratian, whence, it is said, the name "palea" given to the additions to the "Decretum" (his "Summa" was edited by Schulte in 1890); Roland Bandinelli, later Alexander III (his "Summa" was edited by Thaner in 1874); Omnibonus, 1185 (see Schulte, "De Decreto ab Omnibono abbreviate", 1892); John of Faenza (d. bishop of that city in 1190); Rufinus ("Summa" edited by Singer, 1902); Stephen of Tournai (d. 1203; "Summa" edited by Schulte, 1891); the great canonist Huguccio (d. 1910; "Summa" edited by M. Gillmann); Sicard of Cremona (d. 1215); John the Teuton, really Semeca or Zemcke (d. 1245); Guido de Baysio, the "archdeacon" (of Bologna, d. 1313); and especially Bartholomew of Brescia (d. 1258), author of the "gloss" on the "Decretum" in its last form. Paucapalea,也許是第一個弟子的gratian,從那裡,它是說,取名為“內稃”後增加“Decretum”(舒爾特在1890年他的“大全”編輯),羅蘭班迪內利,亞歷山大三世(他的“大全”編輯Thaner 1874年);。Omnibonus,1185(舒爾特,“Decreto AB Omnibono縮寫”,1892年);,​​法恩莎(約翰D.主教,在1190年的城市); Rufinus(“大全”編輯歌手,1902年);斯蒂芬圖爾奈(卒於1203“總結”主編舒爾特,1891年);偉大的的的canonist Huguccio(卒於1910年,“大全”編輯由M. Gillmann);西卡德的克雷莫納(卒於1215) ;約翰日耳曼,真的Semeca或Zemcke(卒於1245年);圭多的Baysio,“副主教”(博洛尼亞,1313。);,尤其是巴塞洛繆布雷西亞(卒於1258年),作者的“光澤” “Decretum”在其最後的形式。

E. Decretals and Decretalists E.教令和Decretalists,

While lecturing on Gratian's work the canonists laboured to complete and elaborate the master's teaching; with that view they collected assiduously the decretals of the popes, and especially the canons of the Ecumenical councils of the Lateran (1179, 1215); but these compilations were not intended to form a complete code, they merely centred round and supplemented Gratian's "Decretum"; for that reason these Decretals are known as the "Extravagantes", ie outside of, or extraneous to, the official collections.在演講上格拉提安的工作的聖教法典勞動,以完成和闡述大師的教學;這種說法,他們收集了刻苦的教令的教皇,和特別的大砲的普世議會的拉特蘭(1179,1215),但這些編輯是不旨在形成一個完整的代碼,他們只是為中心輪和補充格拉提安的Decretum“;因為這個原因,這些教令被稱為的”Extravagantes“,即外部的或無關的,官方的集合。 The five collections thus made between 1190 and 1226 (see DECRETALS), and which were to serve as the basis for the work of Gregory IX, mark a distinct step forward in the evolution of canon law: whereas Gratian had inserted the texts in his own treatise, and the canonists wrote their works without including the texts, we have now compilations of supplementary texts for the purpose of teaching, but which nevertheless remain quite distinct; in addition, we at last find the legislators taking part officially in editing the collections.因此,在1190和1226之間(見教令)的五個集合,哪些是作為格雷戈里九的工作的基礎,標誌著一個獨特的一步,在教會法的演變而格拉提安插入文本在自己的論文和canonists寫了自己的作品,而不包括文本,我們現在已經彙編補充文本教學的目的,但儘管如此,仍有相當明顯的,此外,我們終於找到了立法會議員參加正式的編輯集合。 While the "Breviarium" of Bernard of Pavia, the first to exhibit the division into five books and into titles, which St. Raymund of Pennafort was later to adopt, is the work of a private individual, the "Compilatio tertia" of Innocent III in 1210, and the "Compilatio quinta" of Honorius III, in 1226, are official collections.雖然的伯納德的帕維亞的“Breviarium”,第一個出現的部門到五本書並進入標題,這聖彭納福特雷蒙後來被採納,是工作的私人個體,的“Compilatio Tertia的”英諾森三世在1210年,和“Compilatio金塔”honorius三,在1226年,是官方的集合。 Though the popes, doubtless, intended only to give the professors at Bologna correct and authentic texts, they nevertheless acted officially; these collections, however, are but supplements to Gratian.雖然教皇,毫無疑問,只是給教授在博洛尼亞正確和真實的文本,但它們採取行動正式然而,這些藏品,但補充格拉提安。

This is also true of the great collection of "Decretals" of Gregory IX (see DECRETALS and CORPUS JURIS CANONICI).這也是真正的大集合的“教令”格列高利九(見教令法典CANONICI)。 The pope wished to collect in a more uniform and convenient manner the decretals scattered through so many different compilations; he entrusted this synopsis to his chaplain Raymund of Pennafort, and in 1234 sent it officially to the universities of Bologna and Paris.教皇希望收集教令分散在這麼多不同的編譯在一個更加統一和便捷的方式,他委託他的牧師raymund的彭納福特本簡介,並在1234年正式把它的博洛尼亞和巴黎的大學。 He did not wish to suppress or supplant the "Decretum" of Gratian, but this eventually occurred.他不希望抑制或取代格拉提安的的“Decretum”,但是這最終會發生。 The "Decretals" of Gregory IX, though composed in great part of specific decisions, represented in fact a more advanced state of law; furthermore, the collection was sufficiently extensive to touch almost every matter, and could serve as a basis for a complete course of instruction. “教令”格列高利九中的很大一部分具體的決定,雖然組成,代表的其實是一種更先進的國家的法律;此外,收集足夠廣泛的接觸幾乎每一件事情,可以作為一個完整的課程的基礎的指令。 It soon gave rise to a series of commentaries, glosses, and works, as the "Decretum" of Gratian had done, only these were more important since they were based on more recent and actual legislation.它很快就引起了一系列的評論,敷衍了事,和作品,格拉提安的的“Decretum”做了,只有這些是更重要的,因為它們是基於更近的和實際的立法。 The commentators of the Decretals were known as Decretalists.評論員的教令被稱為為Decretalists。 The author of the "gloss" was Bernard de Botone (d. 1263); the text was commented on by the most distinguished canonists; among the best known previous to the sixteenth century, we must mention:的“光澤”的作者是伯納德·東莞市博通(卒於1263年);文本上最傑出的聖典,其中最知名的16世紀之前,我們必須提到:

Bernard of Pavia ("Summa" edited by Laspeyres, 1860), Tancred, archdeacon of Bologna, d.伯納德的帕維亞(“總結”主編,1860年由拉氏指數),坦克雷德,博洛尼亞,D的副主教。 1230 ("Summa de Matrimonio", ed. Wunderlich, 1841); Godfrey of Trani (1245); Sinibaldo Fieschi, later Innocent IV (1254), whose "Apparatus in quinque libros decre taliurn" has been frequently reprinted since 1477; Henry of Susa, later Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia (d. 1271), hence "Hostiensis"; his "Summa Hostiensis", or "Summa aurea" was one of the best known canonical works, and was printed as early as 1473; Aegilius de Fuscarariis (d. 1289); William Durandus (d. 1296, Bishop of Mende), surnamed "Speculator", on account of his important treatise on procedure, the "Speculum judiciale", printed in 1473; Guido de Baysio, the "archdeacon", already mentioned; Nicolas de Tudeschis (d. 1453), also known as "Abbes siculus" or simply "Panormitanus" (or also "Abbas junior seu modernus") to distinguish him from the "Abbas antiques", whose name is unknown and who commented on the Decretals about 1275); Nicolas left a "Lecture" on the Decretals, the Liber Sextus, and the Clementines. 1230(“大全Matrimonio”,德里希版,1841年);戈弗雷特拉尼(1245); Sinibaldo菲耶斯基,後英諾森四世(1254),“設備在西洋參LIBROS減量taliurn”經常被重印自1477亨利蘇薩,後來樞機主教的奧斯蒂亞(卒於1271年),因此,“Hostiensis”,他的“神學大全Hostiensis”,或“大全黃花”是最有名的典型工程之一,並印刷早在1473 Aegilius的Fuscarariis (卒於1289年),卒於1296年,:威廉Durandus(主教悶得),姓“投機者”,在考慮的過程中,他的重要論文“窺judiciale”,1473年印;圭多的Baysio,“副主教”已經提到,薩科Tudeschis(卒於1453年),也被稱為“阿巴斯siculus”或簡單的“Panormitanus”(或“阿巴斯初中SEU modernus”)來區分他從“阿巴斯古董”,他的名字是未知的,評論的教令約1275年),尼古拉留下了“一課”的教令,LIBER塞克圖斯,和柑橘。

For some time longer, the same method of collecting was followed; not to speak of the private compilations, the popes continued to keep up to date the "Decretals" of Gregory IX; in 1245 Innocent IV sent a collection of forty-two decretals to the universities, ordering them to be inserted in their proper places; in 1253 he forwarded the "initia" or first words of the authentic decretals that were to be accepted.對於一些時間較長,其次同樣的方法收集,不要說私營編輯,教皇繼續保持最新的“教令”格列高利九英諾森四世於1245年派出了42教令集大學,他們在適當的地方插入,他在1253年轉發的“舉措”或第一句話就是正宗的教令被接受。 Later Gregory X and Nicholas III did likewise, but with little profit, and none of these brief supplementary collections survived.後來格雷戈里X和尼古拉斯三世也是一樣,但有一點利潤,並沒有這些簡短的補充藏品倖存下來。 The work was again undertaken by Boniface VIII, who had prepared and published an official collection to complete the five existing books; this was known as the "Sextus" (Liber Sextus).工作再次進行波尼法爵八世,誰編寫並出版官方的收集完成現有的書籍,這被稱為“塞克圖斯”(萊博塞克圖斯)。 Clement V also had prepared a collection which, in addition to his own decretals, contained the decisions of the Council of Vienne (1311-12); it was published in 1317 by his successor John XXII and was called the "Clementina."克萊門特V還準備了一個集合,除了他自己的教令,包含維埃納(1311年至1312年)理事會的決定,它出版於1317年,由他的繼任者約翰二十二,被稱為“克萊門蒂娜。” This was the last of the medieval official collections.這是最後的中世紀官方的集合。 Two later compilations included in the "Corpus Juris" are private works, the "Extravagantes of John XXII", arranged in 1325 by Zenzelin de Cassanis, who glossed them, and the "Extra vagantes communes", a belated collection; it was only in the edition of the "Corpus Juris" by Jean Chappuis, in 1500, that these collections found a fixed form.兩年後的彙編,包括在“法典”是私人的作品,“約翰二十二Extravagantes”,安排在1325 Zenzelin的Cassanis,掩蓋他們的人,和的“額外vagantes公社”,一個遲來的集合,它只是在版的“法典”,由Jean Chappuis,在1500年,這些藏品找到了一個固定的形式。 The "Sextus" was glossed and commented by Joannes Andrae, called the "fons et tuba juris" (d. 1348), and by Cardinal Jean Le Moine (Joannes Monachus, d. 1313), whose works were often printed.被掩蓋“塞克圖斯”評論喬安妮斯安德烈,被稱為“FONS等大號法學”(卒於1348年),由樞機主教讓樂莫因(喬安妮斯 - 修士。1313),他的作品往往印。

When authors speak of the "closing" of the "Corpus Juris", they do not mean an act of the popes for bidding canonists to collect new documents, much less forbidding themselves to add to the ancient collections.當作者說的“結算”的“法典”,但不意味著行為的教皇招標聖教法典來收集新的文件,更不禁止自己添加到古老的集合。 But the canonical movement, so active after Gratian's time, has ceased forever.但是,規範的運動,所以格拉提安的時間後,已停止,直到永遠。 External circumstances, it is true, the Western Schism, the troubles of the fifteenth century, the Reformation, were unfavourable to the compiling of new canonical collections; but there were more direct causes.外部的情況下,它是真實的,西方的分裂,煩惱的15世紀,宗教改革,是不利編制新的典型藏品,但也有更直接的原因。 The special object of the first collections of the decretals was to help settle the law, which the canonists of Bologna were trying to systematize; that is why they contain so many specific decisions, from which the authors gathered general principles; when these had been ascertained the specific decisions were of no use except for jurisprudence; and in fact the "Sextus", the "Clementinae", and the other collections contain texts only when they are the statement of a general law.特殊對象的第一個集合的教令,以幫助解決法律,聖典博洛尼亞試圖系統化,這就是為什麼他們包含了許多具體的決定,從該作者收集的一般原則,當這些已確定具體的決定是沒有用的,除了法理和事實上的“塞克斯都”中,“Clementinae”,和其他收藏品包含文本,只有當他們是表的一般規律。 Any changes deemed necessary could be made in teaching without the necessity of recasting and augmenting the already numerous and massive collections.有教無類重鑄的必要性和充實已經有無數的和大規模的集合,可以在認為有必要的任何變化。

F. From the Decretals to the Present Time F.從教令到現在的時間

After the fourteenth century, except for its contact with the collections we have just treated of, canon law loses its unity.十四世紀後,教會法,,除了其接觸的集合,我們只是把失去的團結。 The actual law is found in the works of the canonists rather than in any specific collection; each one gathers his texts where he can; there is no one general collection sufficient for the purpose.實際的法律中發現的聖典的作品,而不是在任何特定的集合,每一個集他的文字,他可以有一般沒有人收集足夠的目的。 It is not a case of confusion, but of isolation and dispersion.這不是一個混亂的情況下,但孤立和分散。 The sources of law later than the "Corpus Juris" are:比“法典”法律的來源是:

the decisions of councils, especially of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), which are so varied and important that by themselves they form a short code, though without much order; the constitutions of the popes, numerous but hitherto not officially collected, except the "Bullarium" of Benedict XIV (1747); the Rules of the Apostolic Chancery; the 1917 Code of Canon Law; lastly the decrees, decisions, and various acts of the Roman Congregations, jurisprudence rather than law properly so called.的決定,議會,特別是安理會的遄達(1545至1563),這是如此多樣,重要的是,他們形成了一個很短的代碼,雖然沒有太多的憲法的教皇,很多,但迄今尚未正式收集,除本篤十四“Bullarium”(1747);衡平規則的使徒,在1917年的“佳能”,最後的法令,決定,以及各種行為的羅馬教會,法理學,而不是法律,妥善所謂。

For local law we have provincial councils and diocesan statutes.對於當地的法律,我們有省議會和教區法規。 It is true there have been published collections of councils and Bullaria.已公佈的藏品議會和Bullaria的,這是事實。 Several Roman Congregations have also had their acts collected in official publications; but these are rather erudite compilations or repertories.幾位羅馬教會也有自己的行為在官方出版物中收集,但這些都是相當博學編譯或彙編。

V. CODIFICATION五,編纂

The method followed, both by private individuals and the popes, in drawing up canonical collections is generally rather that of a coordinated compilation or juxtaposition of documents than codification in the modern sense of the word, ie a redaction of the laws (all the laws) into an orderly series of short precise texts.所採用的方法,包括個人和教皇,典型藏品,一般,而比現代意義上的字的編纂工作的協調編譯或並列的文件,即新版本的法律(所有的法律)成一個有序的系列短精確的文本。 It is true that antiquity, even the Roman law, did not offer any model different from that of the various collections, that method, however, long since ceased to be useful or possible in canon law.這是真的,古代,即使是羅馬法,並沒有提供任何模型不同的各種集合,方法,然而,早已不再是有用的或可能的教會法。 After the "closing" of the "Corpus Juris" two attempts were made; the first was of little use, not being official; the second, was official, but was not brought to a successful issue.後“關閉”的“法典”進行了兩次嘗試,第一是沒有多大用處,而不是官方,第二次,是正式的,但沒有一個成功的問題。 In 1590 the jurisconsult Pierre Mathieu, of Lyons. 1590年,法學家皮埃爾·馬修,里昂。 published under the title "Liber septimus" a supplement to the "Corpus Juris", divided according to the order of the books and titles of the Decretals.發表的標題是“LIBER塞普蒂默斯”的補充,“法典”,按書的順序和標題的教令。 It includes a selection of papal constitutions, from Sixtus IV to Sixtus V (1471-1590), but not the decrees of the Council of Trent.它包括羅馬教皇的憲法,從西斯四西斯五(1471年至1590年)的選擇,但不是法令,安理會的遄達。 This compilation was of some service, and in a certain number of editions of the "Corpus Juris" was included as an appendix.這本彙編的一些服務,並在若干版本的“法典”被列為附錄。 As soon as the official edition of the "Corpus Juris" was published in 1582, Gregory XIII appointed a commission to bring up to date and complete the venerable collection.只要正式版的“法典”出版於1582年,格里高利十三世任命了一個委員會帶來了最新的和完整古老的集合。 Sixtus V hastened the work and at length Cardinal Pinelli presented to Clement VIII what was meant to be a "Liber septimus".西斯五忙不迭的工作和長度,庇尼樞機提出克萊門特八,這是什麼意思是一個“LIBER塞普蒂默斯”。 For the purpose of further studies the pope had it printed in 1598: the pontifical constitutions and the decrees of the Council of Trent were inserted in it in the order of the Decretals.為了進一步研究教皇它印在1598年羅馬教皇的憲法和法令,安理會的遄達中插入的順序的教令。 For several reasons Clement VIII refused to approve this work and the project was definitively abandoned.有幾個原因克萊門特八,拒絕批准這項工作,該項目被徹底廢棄。 Had this collection been approved it would have been as little used today as the others, the situation continuing to grow worse.如果這個集合被批准,那將是其他很少使用的今天,局勢繼續惡化。

Many times during the nineteenth century, especially at the time of the Vatican Council (Collectio Lacensis, VII, 826), the bishops had urged the Holy See to draw up a complete collection of the laws in force, adapted to the needs of the day.很多時候,在19世紀,特別是在時間的梵蒂岡理事會(名曲精選Lacensis,VII,826),主教們呼籲羅馬教廷制定一個完整的集合力的法律,適應了一天的需要。 It is true, their requests were complied with in regard to certain matters; Pius X in his "Motu proprio" of 19 March, 1904, refers to the constitution "Apostolicae Sedis" limiting and cataloguing the censures "latae sententie", the Constitution "Officiorum", revising the laws of the Index; the Constitution "Conditre" on the religious congregations with simple vows.這是真的,他們的要求就某些事項遵守庇護十世在他的“莫圖PROPRIO”的,1904年3月19日,是指憲法的“Apostolicae位置未定”限制和編目的譴責的“latae sententie”,“憲法”“ Officiorum“,修改法律的指數;誓言簡單的宗教團體憲法”Conditre“。 These and several other documents were, moreover, drawn up in short precise articles, to a certain extent a novelty, and the beginning of a codification.這些和其他一些文件,而且,制定了在短精確的文章,在一定程度上新奇的事物,並開始編纂。 Pius later officially ordered a codification, in the modern sense of the word, for the whole canon law.庇護後正式下令編纂,在現代意義上的字,為整個教會法。 In the first year of his pontificate he issued the Tutu Proprio "Arduum", (De Ecclesiae legibus in unum redigendis); it treats of the complete codification and reformation of canon law.他在他的第一年,教皇發出的的圖圖PROPRIO“Arduum”(教會legibus在UNUM redigendis)的,它把完整的編纂和改革的教會法。 For this purpose the pope requested the entire episcopate, grouped in provinces, to make known to him the reforms they desired.為了這個目的,教宗要求整個主教,在各省分組,使他的改革,他們想要知道。 At the same time he appointed a commission of consultors, on whom the initial work devolved, and a commission of cardinals, charged with the study and approval of the new texts, subject later to the sanction of the sovereign pontiff.同時,他任命委員會諮,最初的工作移交,並樞機主教的佣金,收取的研究和批准新的文本,以後的主權教宗的批准。 The plans of the various titles were confided to canonists in every country.私下對每一個國家的聖教法典中的各種職稱的計劃。 The general idea of the Code that followed includes (after the preliminary section) four main divisions: persons, things (with subdivisions for the sacraments, sacred places and objects, etc.).守則“的總體思路,其次包括(經初步節)四個主要部門:人,事(細分為聖禮,神聖的場所和對象等)。 trials, crimes and penalties.試驗中,犯罪和刑罰。 It is practically the plan of the "Institutiones", or manuals of canon law.它實際上是計劃的“Institutiones”,或手冊,教會法。 The articles were numbered consecutively.的文章進行連續編號。 This great work was finished in 1917.在1917年完成這項偉大的工作。

VI. VI。 ECCLESIASTICAL LAW教會法

The sources of canon law, and the canonical writers.教會法的來源和規範的作家。 give us, it is true, rules of action, each with its specific object.給我們,這是事實,規則的動作,每一個與它的具體對象。 We have now to consider all these laws in their common abstract element, in other words Ecclesiastical Law, its characteristics and its practice.我們現在要考慮所有這些法律在他們共同的抽象元素,換句話說,教會法,其特點與實踐。 According to the excellent definition of St. Thomas (I-II:90:1) a law is a reasonable ordinance for the common good promulgated by the head of the community.據聖托馬斯優秀的定義(I-II:90:1)的法律是合理的條例頒布的頭社會的共同利益。 Ecclesiastical law therefore has for its author the head of the Christian community over which he has jurisdiction strictly so called; its object is the common welfare of that community, although it may cause inconvenience to individuals; it is adapted to the obtaining of the common welfare, which implies that it is physically and morally possible for the majority of the community to observe it; the legislator must intend to bind his subjects and must make known that intention clearly; finally he must bring the law under the notice of the community.因此,教會法為它的作者的基督教社區的負責人,他有嚴格所謂的管轄權,它的目的是共同福利,社區,雖然它可能對個人造成不便,它是適用於取得共同福利這意味著它是肉體上和精神上可能為廣大的社會觀察,立法者必須打算結合自己的臣民,一定要知道的意圖明顯,最後他必須使法律根據通知社會。 A law is thus distinguished from a counsel, which is optional not obligatory; from a precept, which is imposed not on the community but on individual members; and from a regulation or direction, which refers to accessory matters.一項法律,從而區別於大律師,這是可選的不是強制性的,從一言教,這是對社會,但個別成員徵收,從調控方向,它指的是配件事項。

The object therefore of ecclesiastical law is all that is necessary or useful in order that the society may attain its end, whether there be question of its organization, its working, or the acts of its individual members; it extends also to temporal things, but only indirectly.因此,對象的教會法是必要的或有用的,社會可能實現其目的,是否有問題的組織,其工作,其個別成員的行為;它也延伸到時間的事情,但只有間接的影響。 With regard to acts, the law obliges the individual either to perform or to omit certain acts; hence the distinction into "affirmative or preceptive" laws and "negative or prohibitory" laws; at times it is forced to allow certain things to be done, and we have "permissive" laws or laws of forbearance; finally, the law in addition to forbidding a given act may render it, if performed, null and void; these are "irritant" laws.方面的行為,法律規定,個人履行或省略某些行為,因此為“肯定或教訓人的”法律和“負或禁止的”法律的區別;有時是被迫允許某些事情要做,我們有“寬容”的法律或法律的寬容;最後,除了禁止一個特定行為的法律可能會導致它,如果執行的,無效的,這些“刺激性”的法律。 Laws in general, and irritant laws in particular, are not retroactive, unless such is expressly declared by the legislator to be the case.一般情況下,法律和刺激性的法律,特別是不具有追溯力,除非是明確宣布由立法會議員的情況下。 The publication or promulgation of the law has a double aspect: law must be brought to the knowledge of the community in order that the latter may be able to observe it, and in this consists the publication.出版或頒布的法律一個雙倍方面:法律必須被帶到社會的知識,以便後者可能是能夠觀察到它,並在此包含的出版。 But there may be legal forms of publication, requisite and necessary, and in this consists the promulgation properly so called (see PROMULGATION).但也有可能是合法的形式出版的,必要的和必要的,這包括所謂的正確(見頒布)頒布。 Whatever may be said about the forms used in the past, today the promulgation of general ecclesiastical laws is effected exclusively by the insertion of the law in the official publication of the Holy See, the "Acta Apostolical Sedis", in compliance with the Constitution "Promulgandi", of Pius X, dated 29 September, 1908, except in certain specifically mentioned cases.可以說,不管約在過去的形式,今天一般教會的法律的頒布,影響只在官方公佈的神聖的法律插入,“學報使徒位置未定”,符合“憲法”“ Promulgandi“,庇護X 9月29日,1908年,但在某些具體提及的情況下除外。 The law takes effect and is binding on all members of the community as soon as it is promulgated, allowing for the time morally necessary for it to become known, unless the legislator has fixed a special time at which it is to come into force.在法律生效和社會的所有成員具有約束力,只要它的頒布,使道德上是必要的,因為它成為已知的,,除非立法者固定一個特殊的時刻,它是生效。

No one is presumed to be ignorant of the law; only ignorance of fact.沒有人被推定為不懂法律,只有無知的事實。 not ignorance of law, is excusable (Reg. 1:3 jur. in VI).沒有法律的無知,是可以原諒的(註冊1:3 JUR。VI)。 Everyone subject to the legislator is bound in conscience to observe the law.每個人都受到立法者的良心遵守法律的約束。 A violation of the law, either by omission or by act, is punishable with a penalty (qv).一,違反法律,無論是疏忽或行為,被處以罰款(請參閱)。 These penalties may be settled beforehand by the legislator, or they may be left to the discretion of the judge who imposes them.這些懲罰可能由立法者事先得到解決,或者他們可能會留到法官規定的自由裁量權。 A violation of the moral law or what one's conscience judges to be the moral law is a sin; a violation of the exterior penal law, in addition to the sin, renders one liable to a punishment or penalty; if the will of the legislator is only to oblige the offender to submit to the penalty, the law is said to be "purely penal"; such are some of the laws adopted by civil legislatures, and it is generally admitted that some ecclesiastical laws are of this kind.違反了道德法律或什麼人的良知的法官到是道德律的行為是一種罪過;的外觀刑事法律的侵犯,除的罪,使被一個處罰或處罰;如果立法者的意志是罪犯必須提交的懲罰,法律說成是“純粹刑法”,如一些民事立法機構通過的法律,它是普遍承認,一些教會的法律,這種。 As baptism is the gate of entrance to the ecclesiastical society, all those who are baptized, even non-Catholics, are in principle subject to the laws of the Church; in practice the question arises only when certain acts of heretics and schismatics come before Catholic tribunals; as a general rule an irritant law is enforced in such a case, unless the legislator has exempted them from its observance, for instance, for the form of marriage.洗禮的門進入教會的社會,所有這些人受洗,甚至非天主教的教會的法律原則,在實踐中出現的問題只有當某種行為來之前,天主教的異端和schismatics法庭;在這樣的情況下,作為一般規則,刺激性執行法律,,除非立法者豁免遵守,例如,婚姻的形式。 General laws therefore, bind all Catholics wherever they may be.因此,一般法律約束所有天主教徒,無論他們在哪裡。 In the case of particular laws as one is subject to them in virtue of one's domicile, or even quasi-domicile, passing strangers are not subject to them, except in the case of acts performed within the territory.在具體法律的情況下,因為一個是他們憑藉一個人的住所,甚至準住所,路過的陌生人是不是受他們的,除了在境內進行的行為的情況下。

The role of the legislator does not end with the promulgation of the law; it is his office to explain and interpret it (declaratio, interpretatio legis).的作用,立法者頒布的法律並沒有結束,這是他的辦公室,解釋和說明(聲明我們口譯的立法理由)。 The interpretation is "official" (authentica) or even "necessary", when it is given by the legislator or by some one authorized by him for that purpose; it is "customary", when it springs from usage or habit; it is "doctrinal", when it is based on the authority of the learned writers or the decisions of the tribunals.的解釋是“官方​​”(身份驗證),甚至是“必要的”,它是由立法者或一些人授權的人,目的是“習慣”,當它從使用習慣,這是“教義“,當它是基於博學的作家或法庭的決定的權威。 The official interpretation alone has the force of law.官方的解釋具有法律效力。 According to the result, the interpretation is said to be "comprehensive, extensive, restrictive, corrective," expressions easily understood.根據研究結果,解釋說是“全面,廣泛,限制性,糾正”的表達很容易理解。 The legislator, and in the case of particular laws the superior, remains master of the law; he can suppress it either totally (abrogation), or partially (derogation), or he can combine it with a new law which suppresses in the first law all that is incompatible with the second (abrogation).立法者,和優越的具體法律的情況下,仍精通法律,他可以抑制它完全(廢除)或部分(偏離),或者他可以把它與一個新的法律抑制的第一部法律所有這些都是不符合第二個(廢除)。 Laws co-exist as far as they are reconcilable; the more recent modifies the more ancient, but a particular law is not suppressed by a general law, unless the fact is stated expressly.法律並存,只要他們是可以和解的,最近修改的更古老的,但不抑制特定的法律的一般規律,除非是明確的事實。 A law can also cease when its purpose and end cease, or even when it is too difficult to be observed by the generality of the subjects; it then falls into desuetude (see CUSTOM).一項法律時,也可以停止其目的和最終停止,甚至時必須遵守的一般性的主題,實在是太難了,然後落入廢止(CUSTOM)。

In every society, but especially in a society so vast and varied as the Church, it is impossible for every law to be applicable always and in all cases.在每一個社會中,尤其是在如此巨大的社會和多變的教會,這是不可能的,每一種法律適用,總是在任何情況下。 Without suppressing the law, the legislator can permanently exempt from it certain persons or certain groups, or certain matters, or even extend the rights of certain subjects; all these concessions are known as privileges.立法者沒有抑制的法律,可以永久豁免某些人或某些群體或某些事項,或者甚至可以延長某些科目的權利,所有這些優惠被稱為權限。 In the same manner the legislator can derogate from the law in special cases; this is called a dispensation.以同樣的方式,立法者在特殊情況下可以減損的法律,這就是所謂的豁免。 Indults or the powers that the bishops of the Catholic world receive from the Holy See, to regulate the various cases that may arise in the administration of their dioceses, belong to the category of privileges; together with the dispensations granted directly by the Holy See, they eliminate any excessive rigidity of the law, and ensure to ecclesiastical legislation a marvellous facility of application. Indults,全世界天主教的主教們收到來自羅馬教廷,規範可能出現的各種情況,在管理他們的教區,屬於該類別的權限​​,連同由羅馬教廷直接授予特許的權力,他們消除過度剛性的法律,並確保一個了不起的宗教立法機構的應用。 Without imperilling the rights and prerogatives of the legislator, but on the contrary strengthening them, indults impress more strongly on the law of the Church that humane, broad, merciful character, mindful of the welfare of souls, but also of human weakness, which likens it to the moral law and distinguishes it from civil legislation, which is much more external and inflexible.在不危及立法者的權利和特權,但他們相反的加強,indults留下深刻的印象更強烈的教會的法律,人性化的,廣泛的,仁慈的性格,關注靈魂的福利,但也是人性的弱點,這比喻它的道德律,從民事立法,這是更為外部和缺乏靈活性。

VII. VII。 THE PRINCIPAL CANONISTS的主要聖典

It is impossible to draw up a detailed and systematic catalogue of all the works of special value in the study of canon law; the most distinguished canonists are the subject of special articles in this Encyclopedia.這是不可能制定一個詳細和系統目錄的所有作品教會法的研究具有特殊價值的最傑出的聖典的主題,特別在本百科全書的文章。 Those we have mentioned as commentators of the ancient canonical collections are now of interest only from an historical point of view; but the authors who have written since the Council of Trent are still read with profit; it is in their great works that we find our practical canon law.現在,我們已經提到,因為評論家的古代典型藏品的利益,只有從歷史的角度來看,但作者還在讀與寫,因為安理會的遄達利潤,這是他們的偉大工程,我們發現我們實用的教會法。 Among the authors who have written on special chapters of the "Corpus Juris", we must mention (the date refers to the first edition of the works):在作者寫的“法典”特別的章節中,我們必須提到(日期是指工程的第一個版本):

Prospero Fagnani, the distinguished secretary of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, "Jus canonicum seu commentaria absolutissima in quinque libros Decretalium" (Rome, 1661), Manuel González Téllez (d. 1649), "Commentaria perpetua in singulos textus juris canonici" (Lyons, 16, 3); the Jesuit Paul Laymann, better known as a moral theologian, "Jus canonicum seu commentaria in libros Decretalium" (Dillingen, 1666); Ubaldo Giraldi, Clerk Regular of the Pious Schools, "Expositio juris pontificii juxta re centiorem Ecclesiae disciplinam" (Rome, 1769).普洛斯彼羅Fagnani,尊敬的書記,理事會神聖的會眾,的“物權canonicum SEU commentaria absolutissima在西洋參LIBROS的Decretalium”(羅馬,1661年),曼努埃爾·岡薩雷斯·特列斯(卒於1649年),的“Commentaria perpetua”(在singulos Web網站的法律canonici里昂,16日,3);耶穌會士保羅Laymann,更好地稱為道德神學家,“物權法canonicum的SEU commentaria在LIBROS Decretalium”(迪林根,1666年);烏巴爾多Giraldi,文員定期的虔誠學校,的“Expositio法學pontificii JUXTA重centiorem該書disciplinam“(羅馬,1769年)。

Among the canonists who have followed the order of the titles of the Decretals:在聖教法典的教令的標題依次為:

the Benedictine Louis Engel, professor at Salzburg, "Universum jus canonicum secundum titulos libr. Decretalium" (Salzburg, 1671); the Jesuit Ehrenreich Pirhing, "Universum jus canonicum" etc. (Dillingen, 1645); the Franciscan Anaclet Reiffenstuel, "Jus canonicum universum" (Freising, 170O); the Jesuit James Wiestner, "Institutiones canonical" (Munich, 1705); the two brothers Francis and Benedict Schmier, both Benedictines and professors at Salzburg; Francis wrote "Jurisprudentia canonico-civilis" (Salzburg, 1716); Benedict: "Liber I Decretalium; Lib. II etc."本篤路易斯·恩格爾教授在薩爾茨堡,“宇宙強制canonicum繼發孔型titulos溴化鋰。Decretalium”(薩爾茨堡,1671年);耶穌會埃倫賴希Pirhing,“宇宙絕對canonicum”等。(迪林根,1645年);的方濟Anaclet Reiffenstuel,“物權法canonicum宇宙“(弗萊辛,170O)”;耶穌會雅各Wiestner的,的“Institutiones規範”(慕尼黑,1705年);兩兄弟弗朗西斯和本篤十六世Schmier,本篤會士和教授在薩爾茨堡,弗朗西斯寫道:“Jurisprudentia canonico civilis”(薩爾茨堡, 1716);本篤十六世:“LIBER我Decretalium圖書館等。” (Salzburg, 1718); the Jesuit Francis Schmalzgrueber, "Jus ecclésiasticum universum" (Dillingen, 1717); Peter Leuren, also a Jesuit, "Forum ecclesiasticum" etc. (Mainz, 1717); Vitus Pichler, a Jesuit, the successor of Schmalzgrueber, "Summa jurisprudential sacrae" (Augsburg, 1723); Eusebius Amort, a Canon Regular, "Elementa juris canonici veteris et modern)" (Ulm, 1757); Amort wrote also among other works of a very personal character; "De origine, progressu . . . indulgentiarum" (Augsburg, 1735); Carlo Sebastiano Berardi, "Commentaria in jus canonicum universum" (Turin, 1766); also his "Institutiones" and his great work "Gratiani canonesgenuini ab apocryphis discreti", (Turin, 1752); James Anthony Zallinger, a Jesuit, "Institutiones juris ecclesiastici maxime privati" (Augsburg, 1791), not so well known as his "Institutionum juris naturalis et ecclesiastici publici libri quinque" (Augsburg, 1784). ;耶穌弗朗西斯Schmalzgrueber的(薩爾茨堡,1718年),“物權法ecclésiasticum宇宙”(迪林根,1717年);彼得Leuren,耶穌會士,“論壇ecclesiasticum”等(美因茨,1717年);聖維特皮希勒,耶穌會的繼任者Schmalzgrueber,的“總結法理sacrae”(奧格斯堡,1723年);尤西比烏斯攤銷,佳能定期,“Elementa法學canonici veteris等現代)”(烏爾姆,1757年);攤銷也寫了一個非常個人的性格等作品之間的“起源” progressu ... indulgentiarum“(奧格斯堡,1735),”絕對canonicum UNIVERSUM Commentaria“(都靈,1766),也是他的”Institutiones“和他的偉大工作”Gratiani canonesgenuini AB apocryphis discreti“,卡羅SEBASTIANO貝拉爾迪(都靈, 1752年),詹姆斯·安東尼Zallinger,耶穌會,的“Institutiones法學ecclesiastici MAXIME私有化”(奧格斯堡,1791),而不是那麼廣為人知他的“Institutionum法學自然等ecclesiastici publici利布里西洋參”(奧格斯堡,1784年)。 This same method was followed again in the nineteenth century by Canon Filippo de Angelis, "Praelectiones juris canonici", (Rome, 1877); by his colleague Francesco Santi, "Praelectiones", (Ratisbon, 1884; revised by Martin Leitner, 1903); and E. Grand claude, "Jus canonicum" (Paris, 1882).佳能菲利波de Angelis的,同樣的方法再其次,在19世紀,“Praelectiones法學canonici”(羅馬,1877年);由他的同事弗朗西斯桑蒂,的“Praelectiones”,(拉蒂斯邦,1884年,由馬丁·萊特納修訂,1903年)和E.大克勞德,“物權法的(巴黎canonicum”,1882年)。

The plan of the "Institutiones", in imitation of Lancelotti (Perugia, 1563), has been followed by very many canonists, among whom the principal are: “Institutiones”,在模仿的Lancelotti(佩魯賈,1563年),該計劃的一直跟著很多聖教法典,其中主要有:

the learned Antonio Agustin, Archbishop of Tarragona, "Epitome jurispontificu veteris" (Tarragona, 1587); his "De emendatione Gratiani dialogorum libri duo" (Tarragona, 1587), is worthy of mention; Claude Fleury, "Institution au droit ecclésiastique" (Paris, 1676); Zeger Bernard van Espen, "Jus ecclesiasticum universum" (Cologne, 1748); the Benedictine Dominic Schram, "Institutiones juris ecclesiastici" (Augsburg, 1774); Vincenzo Lupoli, "Juris ecclesiastici praelectiones" (Naples, 1777); Giovanni Devoti, titular Archbishop of Carthage, "Institutionum canonicarum libri quatuor" (Rome, 1785); his "Commentary on the Decretals" has only the first three books (Rome, 1803); Cardinal Soglia, "Institutiones juris privati et publici ecclesiastici" (Paris, 1859) and "Institutiones juris publici", (Loreto, 1843); D. Craisson, Vicar-General of Valence, "Manuale compendium totius juris canonici" (Poitiers, 1861).了解到,的“縮影jurispontificu veteris”(塔拉戈納,1587年),塔拉戈納(Tarragona)的大主教安東尼奧·奧古斯丁,他的“德emendatione Gratiani dialogorum利布里二人組”(塔拉戈納,1587年),值得一提的克勞德·弗勒裡,“機構金所有權ecclésiastique”(巴黎,1676),伯納德·埃斯彭Zeger,“物權法ecclesiasticum宇宙”(科隆,1748年);本篤多米尼克·施拉姆,的“Institutiones法學ecclesiastici”(奧格斯堡,1774),文森佐盧波利,“法學ecclesiastici praelectiones”(那不勒斯,1777) ;的迦太基主教喬瓦尼德沃蒂,名義上,“Institutionum canonicarum利布里QUATUOR”(羅馬,1785年),他的“評上的教令”只有前三本書(羅馬,1803年);樞機主教Soglia,“Institutiones法學私有化等publici ecclesiastici “(巴黎,1859年)和”Institutiones法學publici“,(洛雷托,1843年); D. Craisson,牧師的價,的”MANUALE綱要totius法學canonici“(普瓦捷,1861)。

School manuals in one or two volumes are very numerous and it is impossible to mention all.在一或兩卷是非常眾多的學校手冊提及的所有是不可能的。

We may cite in Italy those of GC Ferrari (1847); Vecchiotti (Turin, 1867); De Camillis, (Rome, 1869); Sebastiano Sanguinetti, SJ (Rome, 1884); Carlo Lombardi (Rome, 1898); Guglielmo Sebastianelli (Rome, 1898), etc. For German speaking countries, Ferdinand Walter (Bonn, 1822); FM Permaneder, 1846; Rosshirt, 1858; George Phillips (Ratisbon, 1859: in addition to his large work in eight volumes, 1845 sq.); J. Winckler, 1862 (specially for Switzerland); S. Aichner (Brixen, 1862) specially for Austria; JF Schulte (Geissen, 1863); FH Vering (Freiburg-im-B., 1874); Isidore Silbernagl (Ratisbon, 1879); H. Laemmer (Freiburg-im-B., 188fi); Phil.我們可以舉在意大利GC法拉利(1847年); Vecchiotti(都靈,1867年); Camillis,(羅馬,1869年); SEBASTIANO桑吉內蒂,SJ(羅馬,1884年);卡羅隆巴迪(羅馬,1898年);人馬Sebastianelli(羅馬,1898年),講德語的國家,費迪南德·沃爾特(波恩,1822); FM Permaneder,1846年,Rosshirt,1858年,喬治·菲利浦斯(1859年:拉蒂斯邦,除了他的工作在8卷,1845平方米) J.溫克勒,1862年(專門瑞士);布利克森,:S. Aichner(1862年),專為奧地利,JF舒爾特(Geissen,1863);:FH Vering(Freiburg-im-B.,1874年),伊西多爾Silbernagl,(拉蒂斯邦, 1879年);:H. Laemmer(Freiburg-im-B.,188fi);菲爾。 Hergenröther (Freiburg-im-B., 1888); T. Hollweck (Freiburg-im-B.. 1905); J. Laurentius (Freiburg-im-B., 1903); DM Prummer, 1907; JB Sägmüller (Freiburg-im-B., 1904). Hergenröther(Freiburg-im-B.,1888年); T. Hollweck(Freiburg-im-B. 1905年); J. Laurentius(Freiburg-im-B.,1903年),DM 1907年prümmer,前引書,第38頁; JBSägmüller(弗賴堡IM-B,1904年)。

For France: H. Icard, Superior of Saint-Sulpice (Paris, 1867); M. Bargilliat (Paris, 1893); F. Deshayes, "Memento juris ecclesiastici" (Paris, 1897).在法國,高級聖敘爾皮斯H. ICARD(巴黎,1867年);:M. Bargilliat(巴黎,1893年);樓Deshayes,:“紀念品法學ecclesiastici”(巴黎,1897年)。 In Belgium: De Braban dere (Bruges, 1903).在比利時:的德Braban代雷(布魯日,1903年)。 For English-speaking countries: Smith (New York, 1890); Gignac (Quebec, 1901); Taunton (London, 1906).對於英語為母語的國家:史密斯(紐約,1890年),吉尼亞克(魁北克,1901年);頓(倫敦,1906年)。 For Spain: Marian Aguilar (Santo Domingo de la Calzada, 1904); Gonzales Ibarra (Valladolid, 1904).對於西班牙:聖母瑪麗亞的阿吉拉爾(聖多明各德拉卡爾薩達,1904年);岡薩雷斯·伊巴拉(巴利亞多利德,1904年)。

There are also canonists who have written at considerable length either on the whole canon law, or on special parts of it, in their own particular manner; it is difficult to give a complete list, but we will mention:是誰寫無論是對整個教會法,或在特殊部位,在自己特定的方式在相當長的也聖教法典,它是很難給出一個完整的清單,但我們會提到:

Agostino Barbosa (d. 1639), whose works fill at least 30 volumes; JB Cardinal Luca (d. 1683), whose immense "Theatrum veritatis" and "Relatio curiae romance" are his most important works; Pignatelli, who has touched on all practical questions in his "Consultationes canoniccae", 11 folio volumes, Geneva, 1668; Prospero Lambertini (Pope Benedict XIV), perhaps the greatest canonist since the Council of Trent; in the nineteenth century we must mention the different writings of Dominique Bouix, 15 volumes, Paris, 1852 sq.; the "Kirchenrecht" of JF Schulte, 1856 and of Rudolf v. Scherer, 1886; and above all the great work of Franz Xavier Wernz, General of the Society of Jesus, "Jus decretalium" (Rome, 1898 sq.).阿戈斯蒂諾巴博薩(卒於1639年),他的作品填補至少30卷,JB樞機主教盧卡(卒於1683年),其巨大的“Theatrum veritatis”和“Relatio之友”浪漫“是他最重要的作品;波尼亞蒂,已觸及在他的“Consultationes canoniccae”,11對開卷,日內瓦,1668;普洛斯彼羅藍波提尼(教皇本篤十四),也許最大的canonist因為安理會的遄達,在19世紀,我們不得不提的是不同的著作的多米尼克Bouix的15的實際問題卷,巴黎,1852平方米的“Kirchenrecht”JF舒爾特,1856年,魯道夫訴舍雷爾,1886年和以上所有偉大的工作,弗朗茨·澤維爾Wernz,一般社會上的耶穌,“物權法decretalium”的(羅馬1898平方米)。

It is impossible to enumerate the special treatises.這是不可能列舉的特殊論文。 Among repertoires and dictionaries, it will suffice to cite the "Prompta Bibliotheca" of the Franciscan Ludovico Ferraris (Bologna, 1746); the "Dictionnaire de droit canonique" of Durand de Maillane (Avignon, 1761), continued later by Abbé Andre (Paris, 1847) etc.; finally the other encyclopedias of ecclesiastical sciences wherein canon law has been treated.在曲目及字典,這就夠了,舉的方濟各盧多維科法拉利的“PROMPTA書目”(博洛尼亞,1746年),“Dictionnaire”卡農“的杜蘭德的Maillane(亞維儂,1761),繼續由阿貝·安德烈(巴黎,1847)等;最後百科全書的教會的科學,其中教會法處理過的。

On ecclesiastical public law, the best-known hand books are, with Soglia,教會公法,最有名的舊書,Soglia

TM Salzano, "Lezioni di diritto canonico pubblico et private" (Naples, 1845); Camillo Cardinal Tarquini, "Juris ecclesiastici publici institutiones" (Rome, 1860); Felice Cardinal Cavagrus, "Institutiones juris publici ecclesiastici" (Rome, 1888); Msgr. TM薩爾扎諾,“Lezioni二diritto canonico pubblico等私人”(那不勒斯,1845年);卡米洛樞機主教泰基尼,的“法學ecclesiastici publici institutiones”(羅馬,1860年);菲菲樞機主教Cavagrus,的“Institutiones法學publici ecclesiastici”(羅馬,1888年);主教。 Adolfo Giobbio, "Lezioni di diplomazia ecclesiastics" (Rome, 1899); Emman.阿道夫Giobbio,的“Lezioni二diplomazia教士”(羅馬,1899年); Emman。 de la Peña y Fernéndez, "Jus publicum ecclesiasticum" (Seville, 1900).德拉佩納ŸFernéndez,的“物權publicum ecclesiasticum”(塞維利亞,1900年)。 For an historical view, the chief work is that of Pierre de Marco, Archbishop of Toulouse, "De concordia sacerdotii et imperi" (Paris, 1641).對於歷史的觀點,主要的工作是,馬可,皮埃爾·德·圖盧茲大主教,“諧和sacerdotii等imperi”(巴黎,1641年)。

For the history of canon law considered in its sources and collections, we must mention教會法考慮其來源和收藏的歷史,我們不得不提

the brothers Pietro and Antonio Ballerini of Verona, "De antiquis collectionibus et collectoribus canonum" (Venice, 1757); among the works of St. Leo I, in PL LIII; the matter has been recast and completed by Friedrich Maassen, "Geschichte der Quellen und der Literatur des kanonischen Rechts im Abendland", I, (Graz, 1870); for the history from the time of Gratian see JF Schulte, "Geschichte der Quellenund der Literatur des kanonischen Rechts von Gratian his zum Gegenwart" (Stuttgart, 1875 sq.), and "Die Lehre von der Quellen des katholiscen Kirchen rechts" (Giessen, 1860); Philip Schneider, "Die Lehre van den Kirchenrechtsquellen" (Ratisbon, 1892), Adolphe Tardif, "Histoire des sources du droit canonique" (Paris, 1887); Franz Laurin, "Introduc tio in Corpus Juris canonici" (Freiburg, 1889).兄弟彼得和安東尼奧巴萊里尼的維羅納,“德antiquis collectionibus等collectoribus canonum”(威尼斯,1757年);聖利奧我的作品中,PL LIII,此事已經重鑄和弗里德里希·馬森完成,“史德Quellen und明鏡Literatur德kanonischen Rechts IM Abendland“,I,(格拉茨,1870年);的歷史從時間的gratian JF舒爾特,”史德Quellenund德Literatur kanonischen Rechts馮格拉提安他的ZUM Gegenwart“(斯圖加特,1875年平方米),和“Lehre馮der Quellen德katholiscen Kirchen的rechts”(吉森1860年);“模具Lehre范登Kirchenrechtsquellen的”(拉蒂斯邦,1892年),菲利普·施耐德,阿道夫Tardif,“HISTOIRE來源杜所有權卡農”(巴黎,1887年);弗朗茨·勞林“,”萬種植物園TIO在法典canonici“的(弗賴堡,1889年)。 On the history of ecclesiastical discipline and institutions, the principal work is "Ancienne et nouvelle discipline de l'Eglise" by the Oratorian Louis Thomassin (Lyons, 1676), translated into Latin by the author, "Vetus et nova discipline" (Paris, 1688).在教會的紀律和制度的歷史,其主要工作是“安西安娜等新式學科l'Eglise地區”的Oratorian路易·湯瑪森(里昂,1676)的作者,“老等新星紀律”(巴黎,翻譯成拉丁文, 1688)。 One may consult with profit AJ Binterim, "Die vorzüglich sten Denkwurdigkeiten der christkatolischen Kirche" (Mainz, 1825); the "Dizionario di erudizione storico ecclesiastica" by Moroni (Venice, 1840 sq.); also JW Bickell, "Geschichte des Kirchenrechts" (Gies sen, 1843); E. Loening, "Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechts (Strasburg, 1878); R. Sohm, "Kirchenrecht, I: Die geschichtliche Grundlagen" (1892).有人可能會諮詢以AJ Binterim利潤,“vorzüglich斯登Denkwurdigkeiten德christkatolischen KIRCHE”(美因茨,1825);“寫字!重寫2nd二erudizione Storico酒店ecclesiastica”莫羅尼(威尼斯,1840平方米),也JW Bickell“的歷史Kirchenrechts” “(吉斯仙,1843年); E.洛寧,”歷史館萬deutschen Kirchenrechts(斯特拉斯堡,1878年); R.佐姆:“Kirchenrecht,我:模具geschichtliche Grundlagen”(1892年)。

Publication information出版信息
Written by A. Boudinhon.作者:A. Boudinhon。 Transcribed by David K. DeWolf.轉錄由大衛K. DeWolf。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IX.天主教百科全書,體積九。 Published 1910.發布時間1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特·阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.人頭馬lafort,檢查員。 Imprimatur.的認可。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰M法利,大主教紐約


Canon of the Old Testament佳能的舊約

Catholic Information 天主教信息

Overview概觀

The word canon as applied to the Scriptures has long had a special and consecrated meaning.佳能適用於“聖經”這個詞早已有一個特殊而神聖的意義。 In its fullest comprehension it signifies the authoritative list or closed number of the writings composed under Divine inspiration, and destined for the well-being of the Church, using the latter word in the wide sense of the theocratic society which began with God's revelation of Himself to the people of Israel, and which finds its ripe development and completion in the Catholic organism.在其充分理解它表示的權威列表或封閉數的著作由神的啟示下,和注定的好,是教會的,使用的後期詞的廣泛意義上的神權政治的社會中與神的啟示,他自己開始以色列的人,認定其成熟的開發和完成的天主教生物。 The whole Biblical Canon therefore consists of the canons of the Old and New Testaments.因此,整個聖經的佳能的舊約和新約的大砲。 The Greek kanon means primarily a reed, or measuring-rod: by a natural figure it was employed by ancient writers both profane and religious to denote a rule or standard.希臘KANON主要是指一根蘆葦,或測量桿:由天然的數字,它採用古代文人的世俗和宗教來表示一個規則或標準。 We find the substantive first applied to the Sacred Scriptures in the fourth century, by St. Athanasius; for its derivatives, the Council of Laodicea of the same period speaks of the kanonika biblia and Athanasius of the biblia kanonizomena.我們發現實質性的首次應用在第四世紀的聖經,聖亞他那修及其衍生物,理事會勞迪西亞同期biblia的kanonika和的biblia kanonizomena的亞他那修說。 The latter phrase proves that the passive sense of canon -- that of a regulated and defined collection -- was already in use, and this has remained the prevailing connotation of the word in ecclesiastical literature.後者句話證明了被動的意義 - 佳能的規範和定義的集合 - 已經在使用中,這仍然是當時在教會文學這個詞的內涵。

The terms protocanonical and deuterocanonical, of frequent usage among Catholic theologians and exegetes, require a word of caution.的條款protocanonical經的,是天主教神學家和exegetes的頻繁使用,需要一個字謹慎。 They are not felicitous, and it would be wrong to infer from them that the Church successively possessed two distinct Biblical Canons.他們是不恰當的,這將是錯誤的推斷,教會先後擁有了兩個不同的聖經大砲。 Only in a partial and restricted way may we speak of a first and second Canon.只有在局部和限制的方式,我們可以說佳能的第一和第二。 Protocanonical (protos, "first") is a conventional word denoting those sacred writings which have been always received by Christendom without dispute. Protocanonical(PROTOS,“第一”)是一個傳統的詞指的神聖的著作,其中一直收到由基督教的毫無爭議的。 The protocanonical books of the Old Testament correspond with those of the Bible of the Hebrews, and the Old Testament as received by Protestants. protocanonical書籍與那些希伯來人的“聖經”的“舊約”,和舊約所收到的新教徒。 The deuterocanonical (deuteros, "second") are those whose Scriptural character was contested in some quarters, but which long ago gained a secure footing in the Bible of the Catholic Church, though those of the Old Testament are classed by Protestants as the "Apocrypha".本次經(deuteros,“秒”)是那些聖經人物是有爭議的,在某些方面,但是,雖然不久前獲得了一個安全的地位的天主教教會在聖經中的舊約被歸類為“偽經的新教徒“。 These consist of seven books: Tobias, Judith, Baruch, Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom, First and Second Machabees; also certain additions to Esther and Daniel.這些包括七本書:托比亞斯,朱迪思,巴魯克,傳道書,智慧,第一和第二Machabees;以斯帖和丹尼爾也有一定的增加。

It should be noted that protocanonical and deuterocanonical are modern terms, not having been used before the sixteenth century.應該指出的是,protocanonical和次經現代術語來說,沒有被使用過十六世紀。 As they are of cumbersome length, the latter (being frequently used in this article) will be often found in the abbreviated form deutero.因為他們是繁瑣的長度,將經常發現後者(在這篇文章中經常使用)的縮寫形式的含氘。

The scope of an article on the sacred Canon may now be seen to be properly limited regarding the process of現在可以看到的過程中,進行適當的限制的神聖佳能的一篇文章的範圍

what may be ascertained regarding the process of the collection of the sacred writings into bodies or groups which from their very inception were the objects of a greater or less degree of veneration;什麼可以被確定的就收集成機構或團體,從他們一開始是對象的一個或大或小的程度的尊敬神聖的著作的過程中;

the circumstances and manner in which these collections were definitely canonized, or adjudged to have a uniquely Divine and authoritative quality; the vicissitudes which certain compositions underwent in the opinions of individuals and localities before their Scriptural character was universally established.的情況下在這些集合肯定冊封,或裁定有一個獨特的神聖和權威的質量和方式;某些成分進行個人和地方的意見之前,普遍建立了他們的聖經人物的滄桑。

It is thus seen that canonicity is a correlative of inspiration, being the extrinsic dignity belonging to writings which have been officially declared as of sacred origin and authority.由此可以看出,正規是一個相互關聯的靈感,屬於已被正式宣布為神聖的起源和權威的著作,其中的外在的尊嚴。 It is antecedently very probable that according as a book was written early or late it entered into a sacred collection and attained a canonical standing.這是先行很可能的,根據被寫了一本書,作為早期或晚期進入一個神聖的收集,並取得了一個典型的地位。 Hence the views of traditionalist and critic (not implying that the traditionalist may not also be critical) on the Canon parallel, and are largely influenced by, their respective hypotheses on the origin of its component members.因此,傳統主義者和評論家的意見(不是在暗示,傳統的,也可能不是關鍵)佳能平行,並在很大程度上受到其各自的假設,其組成人員的起源。

THE CANON AMONG THE PALESTINIAN JEWS (PROTOCANONICAL BOOKS)在巴勒斯坦的猶太人佳能(protocanonical書籍)

It has already been intimated that there is a smaller, or incomplete, and larger, or complete, Old Testament.它已經暗示,有一個較小的,或不完整的,和更大的,或完整,舊約。 Both of these were handed down by the Jews; the former by the Palestinian, the latter by the Alexandrian, Hellenist, Jews.這些都被流傳下來的猶太人,前者由巴勒斯坦,後者的亞歷山大,人Hellenist,猶太人。 The Jewish Bible of today is composed of three divisions, whose titles combined from the current Hebrew name for the complete Scriptures of Judaism: Hat-Torah, Nebiim, wa-Kéthubim, ie The Law, the Prophets, and the Writings.今天的猶太人的聖經是由三個部門,其標題結合完整的聖經猶太教:Hat的誦讀經文,Nebiim,WA-Kéthubim,即法律,先知,和著作從目前的希伯來文的名字。 This triplication is ancient; it is supposed as long-established in the Mishnah, the Jewish code of unwritten sacred laws reduced to writing, c.這三胞胎是古老的,它應該是建立在mishnah減少到寫作,C不成文的神聖的法律,猶太人的代碼。 AD 200.公元200年。 A grouping closely akin to it occurs in the New Testament in Christ's own words, Luke 24:44: "All things must needs be fulfilled, which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".它相近的一組發生在新約中基督自己的話來說,路加福音24:44:“所有的事情必須得到滿足,這是寫在摩西的律法,和先知,並在詩篇關於我” 。 Going back to the prologue of Ecclesiasticus, prefixed to it about 132 BC, we find mentioned "the Law, and the Prophets, and others that have followed them".回到序幕的Ecclesiasticus公元前約132年,它的前綴,我們發現提到的“法”,和先知,和其他人也都跟著他們“。 The Torah, or Law, consists of the five Mosaic books, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy.誦讀經文,或法律,包括馬賽克的書籍,創世記,出埃及記,利未記,民數記,申命記。 The Prophets were subdivided by the Jews into the Former Prophets [ie the prophetico-historical books: Josue, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel (I and II Kings), and 1 and 2 Kings (III and IV Kings)] and the Latter Prophets (Isaias, Jeremias, Ezechiel, and the twelve minor Prophets, counted by the Hebrews as one book).從前的先知即的prophetico歷史的書:若蘇埃,法官,1和2塞繆爾(I和II國王),1和2國王(III和IV國王),而後者先知的預言是細分的猶太人到(伊薩亞斯說是耶利米,埃策希爾,和十二小先知,計數希伯來書一本書)。 The Writings, more generally known by a title borrowed from the Greek Fathers, Hagiographa (holy writings), embrace all the remaining books of the Hebrew Bible.的著作,一般人都知道的標題借用希臘的父親,Hagiographa(神聖的著作),包括所有的書籍,其餘的希伯來文聖經。 Named in the order in which they stand in the current Hebrew text, these are: Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticle of Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Esdras, Nehemias, or II Esdras, Paralipomenon.他們站在目前的希伯來文中的順序命名,它們是:詩篇,箴言,工作,canticle的canticles,路得記,耶利米哀歌,傳道書,以斯帖記,丹尼爾,埃斯德拉斯,內赫米亞斯,或II埃斯德拉斯,aralipomenon是。

1. 1。 Traditional view of the Canon of the Palestinian Jews傳統觀點認為,巴勒斯坦的猶太人佳能的

Proto-Canon原佳能

In opposition to scholars of more recent views, conservatives do not admit that the Prophets and the Hagiographa represent two successive stages in the formation of the Palestinian Canon.在更近的觀點的學者反對,保守派不承認,先知和hagiographa代表在巴勒斯坦佳能形成的兩個連續的階段。 According to this older school, the principle which dictated the separation between the Prophets and the Hagiographa was not of a chronological kind, but one found in the very nature of the respective sacred compositions.根據到這個老年學校,先知和Hagiographa之間的分離的原則,決定是不是按時間順序排列的一種,但發現很自然的各自神聖的組合物。 That literature was grouped under the Ké-thubim, or Hagiographa, which neither was the direct product of the prophetical order, namely, that comprised in the Latter Prophets, nor contained the history of Israel as interpreted by the same prophetic teachers--narratives classed as the Former Prophets.這文學分組KE-thubim,或Hagiographa,這既不是prophetical秩序的直接產物,即包括了後期先知,也包含了以色列歷史上的演繹,同樣的預言教師 - 敘事類從前的先知。 The Book of Daniel was relegated to the Hagiographa as a work of the prophetic gift indeed, but not of the permanent prophetic office.但以理書確實預言的恩賜,但不是永久的預言辦公室的工作被轉移的Hagiographa。 These same conservative students of the Canon--now scarcely represented outside the Church--maintain, for the reception of the documents composing these groups into the sacred literature of the Israelites, dates which are in general much earlier than those admitted by critics.這些相同的保守,佳能的學生 - 現在幾乎沒有教會之外 - 維護,接收的文件組成這些群體的神聖文學的以色列人,在一般的日期遠遠早於那些承認批評。 They place the practical, if not formal, completion of the Palestinian Canon in the era of Esdras (Ezra) and Nehemias, about the middle of the fifth century BC, while true to their adhesion to a Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, they insist that the canonization of the five books followed soon after their composition.他們把實際的,如果不正規,完成巴勒斯坦佳能埃斯德拉斯(以斯拉)和內赫米亞斯的時代,約公元前五世紀中,而真正的附著力一個馬賽克著作權的五,他們堅持隨後不久之後,他們組成冊封的五本書。

Since the traditionalists infer the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch from other sources, they can rely for proof of an early collection of these books chiefly on Deuteronomy 31:9-13, 24-26, where there is question of a books of the law, delivered by Moses to the priests with the command to keep it in the ark and read it to the people on the feast of Tabernacles.由於傳統主義者推斷的馬賽克著作權的五從其他來源,他們可以依靠的早期收集的這些書證明申命記31:9-13,24日至26日,主要是對有問題的法律書籍,交付摩西祭司的命令,以保持其在方舟,並閱讀它的人住棚節。 But the effort to identify this book with the entire Pentateuch is not convincing to the opponents of Mosaic authorship.但與整個五的努力,以確定這本書,花葉作者的對手是不能令人信服的。

The Remainder of the Palestinian-Jewish Canon巴勒斯坦猶太佳能的其餘部分

Without being positive on the subject, the advocates of the older views regard it as highly probable that several additions were made to the sacred repertory between the canonization of the Mosaic Torah above described and the Exile (598 BC).如果沒有積極的主題上了年紀的意見,主張把它極有可能作了一些補充的神聖的劇目之間的上述摩西的律法書封和流亡(598 BC)。 They cite especially Isaias, xxxiv, 16; II Paralipomenon, xxix, 30; Proverbs, xxv, 1; Daniel, ix, 2.他們援引特別是伊薩亞斯,三十四,16,II Paralipomenon是,第29,30;箴言,二十五,1,丹尼爾,九,2。 For the period following the Babylonian Exile the conservative argument takes a more confident tone.之後的一段時間,巴比倫的流亡保守的參數需要一個更加自信的語調。 This was an era of construction, a turning-point in the history of Israel.這是一個時代的建築,在以色列歷史上的一個轉折點。 The completion of the Jewish Canon, by the addition of the Prophets and Hagiographa as bodies to the Law, is attributed by conservatives to Esdras, the priest-scribe and religious leader of the period, abetted by Nehemias, the civil governor; or at least to a school of scribes founded by the former.猶太佳能,完成增加的先知和hagiographa機構的法律,是由於保守派埃斯德拉斯,祭司,文士和宗教領袖的時期,教唆內赫米亞斯,民用州長,或者至少到一所學校的文士成立由前。 (Cf. Nehemiah 8-10; 2 Maccabees 2:13, in the Greek original.) Far more arresting in favour of an Esdrine formulation of the Hebrew Bible is a the much discussed passage from Josephus, "Contra Apionem", I, viii, in which the Jewish historian, writing about AD 100, registers his conviction and that of his coreligionists--a conviction presumably based on tradition--that the Scriptures of the Palestinian Hebrews formed a closed and sacred collection from the days of the Persian king, Artaxerxes Longiamanus (465-425 BC), a contemporary of Esdras. (參見尼希米記8-10; 2馬加比2:13,在希臘原文。)遠東逮捕在贊成一個Esdrine制定的希伯來文聖經是一個多討論通過由約瑟夫,“魂斗羅Apionem”,我,八,書面約公元100年,猶太歷史學家,他的信念,他的教友註冊的人 - 大概是基於傳統 - 從波斯國王的日子裡,巴勒斯坦希伯來人的“聖經”,形成一個封閉的和神聖的收集Longiamanus(465-425 BC),亞達薛西,當代的埃斯德拉斯。 Josephus is the earliest writer who numbers the books of the Jewish Bible.約瑟夫是最早的作家誰的數字,猶太聖經的書籍。 In its present arrangement this contains 40; Josephus arrived at 22 artificially, in order to match the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet, by means of collocations and combinations borrowed in part from the Septuagint.在其目前的安排,這包含40個;約瑟夫到達22人為數相匹配的希伯來文字母表中的字母,通過借用部分從七十的搭配和組合。 The conservative exegetes find a confirmatory argument in a statement of the apocryphas Fourth Book of Esdras (xiv, 18-47), under whose legendary envelope they see an historical truth, and a further one in a reference in the Baba Bathra tract of the Babylonian Talmud to hagiographic activity on the part of "the men of the Great Synagogue", and Esdras and Nehemias.在第四本書的埃斯德拉斯apocryphas的聲明(14,18-47),傳說中的信封,他們看到了歷史的真相,則再一次在的巴巴Bathra道巴比倫的一個參考,保守的解經家找到一個驗證參數猶太法典,以理想化的活動的一部分,“男人的偉大猶太教堂”,並埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias。

But the Catholic Scripturists who admit an Esdrine Canon are far from allowing that Esdras and his colleagues intended to so close up the sacred library as to bar any possible future accessions.但天主教Scripturists承認一個Esdrine佳能埃斯德拉斯和他的同事們打算如此接近神聖的圖書館,以阻止任何可能的未來加入。 The Spirit of God might and did breathe into later writings, and the presence of the deuterocanonical books in the Church's Canon at once forestalls and answers those Protestant theologians of a preceding generation who claimed that Esdras was a Divine agent for an inviolable fixing and sealing of the Old Testament To this extent at least, Catholic writers on the subject dissent from the drift of the Josephus testimony.上帝的靈沒有呼吸到後來的著作中,和存在的次經書在教會的佳能在一次搶先和回答那些新教神學家的一個前代誰聲稱,埃斯德拉斯是一個神聖的代理人為一個不可侵犯的固定和密封舊約至少在這個意義上,關於這一主題的持不同政見者的天主教作家約瑟夫的證詞的漂移。 And while there is what may be called a consensus of Catholic exegetes of the conservative type on an Esdrine or quasi-Esdrine formulation of the canon so far as the existing material permitted it, this agreement is not absolute; Kaulen and Danko, favouring a later completion, are the notable exceptions among the above-mentioned scholars.同時,有可能是所謂的天主教exegetes一個Esdrine或準Esdrine制定的佳能到目前為止,現有的材料允許的保守型的共識,該協議是不是絕對的,考倫和丹科,有利於以後的完成後,上述學者之間的顯著的例外。

2. 2。 Critical views of the formation of the Palestinian Canon批評意見形成的巴勒斯坦佳能

Its three constituent bodies, the Law, Prophets, and Hagiographa, represent a growth and correspond to three periods more or less extended.它的三個組成機構,法律,先知和hagiographa,代表了增長,或多或少擴展到三個週期相對應。 The reason for the isolation of the Hagiographa from the Prophets was therefore mainly chronological.因此,隔離的Hagiographa,從先知的原因主要是按時間順序的。 The only division marked off clearly by intrinsic features is the legal element of the Old Testament, viz., the Pentateuch.只有分工明確標誌著由內在功能的舊約,即,五是法律因素。

The Torah, or Law誦讀經文,或法

Until the reign of King Josias, and the epoch-making discovery of "the book of the law" in the Temple (621 BC), say the critical exegetes, there was in Israel no written code of laws or other work, universally acknowledged as of supreme and Divine authority.直到王約西亞在位,具有劃時代意義的發現,在聖殿(公元前621)“一書的法律”,說解經的關鍵,在以色列沒有任何書面法律或其他代碼的工作,舉世公認至高無上的,神聖的權威。 This "book of the law" was practically identical with Deuteronomy, and its recognition or canonization consisted in the solemn pact entered into by Josias and the people of Juda, described in 2 Kings 23.這本“書”的法律幾乎相同的申命記,,承認或冊封包括在莊嚴的協議訂立約西亞和人民的猶大,在2國王23。 That a written sacred Torah was previously unknown among the Israelites, is demonstrated by the negative evidence of the earlier prophets, by the absence of any such factor from the religious reform undertaken by Ezechias (Hezekiah), while it was the mainspring of that carried out by Josias, and lastly by the plain surprise and consternation of the latter ruler at the finding of such a work.一個神聖的托拉在以色列人中是前所未知的,表現出的負面證據較早的先知,從宗教的改革埃澤希亞甚(希西家)任何上述因素的情況下進行的主要動力,而這是約西亞,最後由簡單的驚訝和震驚,後者統治者在發現這樣的工作。 This argument, in fact, is the pivot of the current system of Pentateuchal criticism, and will be developed more at length in the article on the Pentateuch, as also the thesis attacking the Mosaic authorship and promulgation of the latter as a whole.其實,這樣的說法,是pentateuchal的批評,現行制度的支點,將發展更多的篇幅對五的文章中,攻擊後者作為一個整體的的馬賽克著作權和頒布的論文。 The actual publication of the entire Mosaic code, according to the dominant hypothesis, did not occur until the days of Esdras, and is narrated in chapters viii-x of the second book bearing that name.整個花葉代碼的實際發布的,佔主導地位的假設,並沒有出現,直到天的埃斯德拉斯,並在第八至第十章的第二本書考慮到這名敘述。 In this connection must be mentioned the argument from the Samaritan Pentateuch to establish that the Esdrine Canon took in nothing beyond the Hexateuch, ie the Pentateuch plus Josue.在這方面,必須提及的說法,從撒瑪利亞五Esdrine佳能建立了在什麼超越的hexateuch,即五加若蘇埃。 (See PENTATEUCH; SAMARITANS.) (五;撒瑪利亞人)。

The Nebiim, or Prophets的Nebiim或先知

There is no direct light upon the time or manner in which the second stratum of the Hebrew Canon was finished.沒有直接的光後的時間或方式完成第二層的希伯來語佳能。 The creation of the above-mentioned Samaritan Canon (c. 432 BC) may furnish a terminus a quo; perhaps a better one is the date of the expiration of prophecy about the close of the fifth century before Christ.上述撒瑪利亞佳能(約432 BC)的創建提供一個總站一現狀,也許是一個更好的預言期滿之日起的第五個世紀前基督的密切。 For the other terminus the lowest possible date is that of the prologue to Ecclesiasticus (c. 132 BC), which speaks of "the Law", and the Prophets, and the others that have followed them". But compare Ecclesiasticus itself, chapters xlvi-xlix, for an earlier one.對於其他總站盡可能最低的日期是傳道書(公元前132年),其中提到的“法”,和先知,和其他人也都跟著他們“的序幕。但比較傳道書,章四十六XLIX,較早的一個。

The Kéthubim, or Hagiographa Completes of the Jewish Canon Kéthubim,或Hagiographa完成的猶太佳能

Critical opinion as to date ranged from c.到目前為止,範圍從C的批評意見。 165 BC to the middle of the second century of our era (Wildeboer).公元前165到中間的第二個世紀,我們的時代(Wildeboer的)。 The Catholic scholars Jahn, Movers, Nickes, Danko, Haneberg, Aicher, without sharing all the views of the advanced exegetes, regard the Hebrew Hagiographa as not definitely settled till after Christ.天主教學者雅恩,推動者,Nickes,丹科,漢尼伯格,艾舍,不共享先進的解經各方面的意見,把希伯來文Hagiographa,直到基督沒有明確的解決。 It is an incontestable fact that the sacredness of certain parts of the Palestinian Bible (Esther, Ecclesiastes, Canticle of Canticles) was disputed by some rabbis as late as the second century of the Christian Era (Mishna, Yadaim, III, 5; Babylonian Talmud, Megilla, fol. 7).這是一個不爭的事實,神聖的巴勒斯坦聖經(以斯帖記,傳道書,canticle的canticles)的某些部分有爭議的一些拉比的第二個世紀的基督教時代後期(密西拿,Yadaim,三,五,巴比倫猶太法典Megilla,隨後7)。 However differing as to dates, the critics are assured that the distinction between the Hagiographa and the Prophetic Canon was one essentially chronological.但不同的日期,評論家們放心,該hagiographa和預言佳能之間的區別是一個基本上按時間順序。 It was because the Prophets already formed a sealed collection that Ruth, Lamentations, and Daniel, though naturally belonging to it, could not gain entrance, but had to take their place with the last-formed division, the Kéthubim.這是因為先知已經形成了一個密封的收集露絲,悲嘆,和丹尼爾,雖然自然屬於它的,不能獲得入口,但最後形成的分工,Kéthubim取代他們的位置。

3. 3。 The Protocanonical Books and the New Testament protocanonical書籍和新約

The absence of any citations from Esther, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles may be reasonably explained by their unsuitability for New Testament purposes, and is further discounted by the non-citation of the two books of Esdras.沒有任何引用從以斯帖記,傳道書,和canticles合理的解釋,他們不適合於新約聖經的目的,是進一步貼現的非引用的兩本書的埃斯德拉斯。 Abdias, Nahum, and Sophonias, while not directly honoured, are included in the quotations from the other minor Prophets by virtue of the traditional unity of that collection. ,雖然沒有直接榮幸Abdias,那鴻,Sophonias的,包括從其他未成年人的先知的報價由於該集合了傳統的統一。 On the other hand, such frequent terms as "the Scripture", the "Scriptures", "the holy Scriptures", applied in the New Testament to the other sacred writings, would lead us to believe that the latter already formed a definite fixed collection; but, on the other, the reference in St. Luke to "the Law and the Prophets and the Psalms", while demonstrating the fixity of the Torah and the Prophets as sacred groups, does not warrant us in ascribing the same fixity to the third division, the Palestinian-Jewish Hagiographa.另一方面,這種頻繁的“聖經”,“聖經”,“聖經”,應用在新約中的其他神聖的著作,會導致我們相信,後者已經形成了一定的固定集合但另一方面,在聖路加法“和先知和詩篇”的參考,同時展示的律法和先知的道理是神聖的群體的固定性,不保證我們的指稱,相同的固定性第三師,巴勒斯坦猶太人的Hagiographa。 If, as seems certain, the exact content of the broader catalogue of the Old Testament Scriptures (that comprising the deutero books) cannot be established from the New Testament, a fortiori there is no reason to expect that it should reflect the precise extension of the narrower and Judaistic Canon.如果作為似乎是一定的,的確切內容的更廣泛的目錄舊約聖經(,包括deutero書籍)可以不被建立的新的約聖經的,更何況有是沒有理由以期望,它應該反映的精確擴展的佳能窄,Judaistic。 We are sure, of course, that all the Hagiographa were eventually, before the death of the last Apostle, divinely committed to the Church as Holy Scripture, but we known this as a truth of faith, and by theological deduction, not from documentary evidence in the New Testament The latter fact has a bearing against the Protestant claim that Jesus approved and transmitted en bloc an already defined Bible of the Palestinian Synagogue.當然,我們相信,最終,所有的Hagiographa去世前的最後使徒,神作為聖經的教會,但我們知道這是一個真理的信仰,神學扣除,而不是從書面證據在新約中,後者其實對新教宣稱耶穌批轉整塊已定義的聖經的巴勒斯坦猶太教堂有關係。

4. 4。 Authors and Standards of Canonicity among the Jews在猶太人中間,作者和標準的正規

Though the Old Testament reveals no formal notion of inspiration, the later Jews at least must have possessed the idea (cf. 2 Timothy 3:16; 2 Peter 1:21). ,雖然舊約揭示沒有正式的概念的靈感,後來猶太人至少必須具備的想法(參見提摩太後書3:16;彼得後書1:21)。 There is an instance of a Talmudic doctor distinguishing between a composition "given by the wisdom of the Holy Spirit" and one supposed to be the product of merely human wisdom.有一個實例的塔木德醫生的一個組成“聖靈”,應該是只是人類智慧的產物,智慧的區別。 But as to our distinct concept of canonicity, it is a modern idea, and even the Talmud gives no evidence of it.但是,以我們獨特的正規概念,它是一個現代的想法,甚至在塔木德給沒有證據證明它。 To characterize a book which held no acknowledged place in the divine library, the rabbis spoke of it as "defiling the hands", a curious technical expression due probably to the desire to prevent any profane touching of the sacred roll.為了描述在神聖的圖書館舉行了一本書,沒有人承認的地方,拉比談到了它作為“玷污的手”,一個奇怪的技術表現,可能是由於的願望,以防止任何褻瀆的神聖輥感人的。 But though the formal idea of canonicity was wanting among the Jews the fact existed.不過,雖然正式的正規的想法是想在猶太人中間,存在的事實。 Regarding the sources of canonicity among the Hebrew ancients, we are left to surmise an analogy.關於之間的希伯來語古人的經典性的來源,我們剩下,推測的比喻。 There are both psychological and historical reasons against the supposition that the Old Testament canon grew spontaneously by a kind of instinctive public recognition of inspired books.對舊約佳能增長的假設,自發地產生一種本能的公開承認靈感的書都是心理和歷史的原因。 True, it is quite reasonable to assume that the prophetic office in Israel carried its own credentials, which in a large measure extended to its written compositions.誠然,這是很有道理的假設先知的職分,在以色列進行其自己的證書,這在很大程度上延長其書面成分。 But there were many pseduo-prophets in the nation, and so some authority was necessary to draw the line between the true and the false prophetical writings.但也有許多先知在全國pseduo,所以一些權威是必要的真與假先知的著作之間劃清界線。 And an ultimate tribunal was also needed to set its seal upon the miscellaneous and in some cases mystifying literature embraced in the Hagiographa.最終法庭後,雜項和神秘的文學接受中的Hagiographa在某些情況下,也需要設置它的密封。 Jewish tradition, as illustrated by the already cited Josephus, Baba Bathra, and pseudo-Esdras data, points to authority as the final arbiter of what was Scriptural and what not.猶太人的傳統,說明已經提到的約瑟夫,巴巴Bathra,和偽埃斯德拉斯數據的權威,什麼是聖經並沒有什麼作為最後仲裁者。 The so-called Council of Jamnia (c. AD 90) has reasonably been taken as having terminated the disputes between rival rabbinic schools concerning the canonicity of Canticles.所謂的理事會合理的雅麥尼亞(約公元90年)終止對手的Canticles正規的猶太法學博士的學校之間的糾紛。 So while the intuitive sense and increasingly reverent consciousness of the faithful element of Israel could, and presumably did, give a general impulse and direction to authority, we must conclude that it was the word of official authority which actually fixed the limits of the Hebrew Canon, and here, broadly speaking, the advanced and conservative exegetes meet on common ground.因此而直觀的感覺和意識越來越虔誠的信徒元素的以色列,大概沒有,一般的衝動和方向的權威,我們可以得出結論,這是官方的權威的話,實際上固定的希伯來語佳能的限制,在這裡,從廣義上講,先進的和保守的exegetes滿足共同點。 However the case may have been for the Prophets, the preponderance of evidence favours a late period as that in which the Hagiographa were closed, a period when the general body of Scribes dominated Judaism, sitting "in the chair of Moses", and alone having the authority and prestige for such action.然而,情況可能已經為先知,佔優勢的證據有利於後期的Hagiographa關閉期間,當身體的文士為主猶太教,坐“在椅子上的摩西”,和單獨的採取這種行動的權威和威望。 The term general body of Scribes has been used advisedly; contemporary scholars gravely suspect, when they do not entirely reject, the "Great Synagogue" of rabbinic tradition, and the matter lay outside the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim.書吏的一般身體已深思熟慮,當代學者嚴重懷疑時,他們並不完全拒絕,“偉大的猶太教堂”拉比的傳統,問題在於管轄範圍以外的公會。

As a touchstone by which uncanonical and canonical works were discriminated, an important influence was that of the Pentateuchal Law.明顯不規範,規範的工程被歧視的試金石,一個重要的影響是,該pentateuchal“。 This was always the Canon par excellence of the Israelites.這一直是佳能卓越的以色列人。 To the Jews of the Middle Ages the Torah was the inner sanctuary, or Holy of Holies, while the Prophets were the Holy Place, and the Kéthubim only the outer court of the Biblical temple, and this medieval conception finds ample basis in the pre-eminence allowed to the Law by the rabbis of the Talmudic age.中世紀的猶太人的律法是內殿,或至聖所,而先知的聖地,和Kéthubim外院的聖經寺,這個中世紀的概念得到了充足的基礎,在預卓越允許猶太教的“塔木德年齡。 Indeed, from Esdras downwards the Law, as the oldest portion of the Canon, and the formal expression of God's commands, received the highest reverence.事實上,從埃斯德拉斯向下“,作為最古老的部分,佳能,正式表達上帝的命令,獲得了最高的崇敬。 The Cabbalists of the second century after Christ, and later schools, regarded the other section of the Old Testament as merely the expansion and interpretation of the Pentateuch. Cabbalists的第二個世紀後,基督,和以後的學校,認為只是擴展和解釋摩西五經“舊約”的其他部分。 We may be sure, then, that the chief test of canonicity, at least for the Hagiographa, was conformity with the Canon par excellence, the Pentateuch.然後,我們可以肯定的,正規的首席試飛,至少在該hagiographa,符合佳能卓越,五經。 It is evident, in addition, that no book was admitted which had not been composed in Hebrew, and did not possess the antiquity and prestige of a classic age, or name at least.此外,很顯然,沒有一本書是承認並未組成的希伯來文,不具備古代和威望的一個經典的年齡,或至少名稱。 These criteria are negative and exclusive rather than directive.這些標準是消極的,獨特的,而不是指令。 The impulse of religious feeling or liturgical usage must have been the prevailing positive factors in the decision.宗教感情的衝動或禮儀的使用必須已被普遍積極因素決定。 But the negative tests were in part arbitrary, and an intuitive sense cannot give the assurance of Divine certification.但試驗陰性的任意部分,一個直觀的感覺,不能給神聖的認證保證。 Only later was the infallible voice to come, and then it was to declare that the Canon of the Synagogue, though unadulterated indeed, was incomplete.只是後來犯錯的聲音來,然後宣布,佳能的猶太教堂,但確實是純粹的,是不完整的。

THE CANON AMONG THE ALEXANDRIAN JEWS (DEUTEROCANONICAL BOOKS)亞歷山大猶太人之間的佳能(經書)

The most striking difference between the Catholic and Protestant Bibles is the presence in the former of a number of writings which are wanting in the latter and also in the Hebrew Bible, which became the Old Testament of Protestantism.在天主教和基督教“聖經”的最顯著的區別是在以前的著作,希望後者也成為舊約的新教在希伯來文聖經,一些存在。 These number seven books: Tobias (Tobit), Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, I and II Machabees, and three documents added to protocanonical books, viz., the supplement to Esther, from x, 4, to the end, the Canticle of the Three Youths (Song of the Three Children) in Daniel, iii, and the stories of Susanna and the Elders and Bel and the Dragon, forming the closing chapters of the Catholic version of that book.這些數字七本書:托比亞斯(托比書),朱迪,智慧,傳道書,巴魯克,I和II Machabees,和三個文件添加到protocanonical書籍,即,補充埃絲特,從X,4月底,頌歌三個年輕人(宋的三個孩子),丹尼爾,三,蘇珊娜與長老和貝爾和龍的故事,形成關閉的天主教版本的這本書的章節。 Of these works, Tobias and Judith were written originally in Aramaic, perhaps in Hebrew; Baruch and I Machabees in Hebrew, while Wisdom and II Machabees were certainly composed in Greek.在這些作品中,托比亞斯和Judith原本在阿拉姆語寫的,也許是在希伯來文,巴魯克,我Machabees在希伯來文,智慧和II Machabees,當然由在希臘。 The probabilities favour Hebrew as the original language of the addition to Esther, and Greek for the enlargements of Daniel.的概率贊成希伯來語的原始語言除了以斯帖,希臘丹尼爾擴大。

The ancient Greek Old Testament known as the Septuagint was the vehicle which conveyed these additional Scriptures into the Catholic Church.古希臘文的舊約被稱為七十轉達了這些額外的聖經天主教會的車輛。 The Septuagint version was the Bible of the Greek-speaking, or Hellenist, Jews, whose intellectual and literary centre was Alexandria (see SEPTUAGINT).七十士譯本“聖經”的希臘講的,或人Hellenist的猶太人,他們的智力和文學的中心是亞歷山大(見七十)。 The oldest extant copies date from the fourth and fifth centuries of our era, and were therefore made by Christian hands; nevertheless scholars generally admit that these faithfully represent the Old Testament as it was current among the Hellenist or Alexandrian Jews in the age immediately preceding Christ.現存最古老的副本日期從第四和第五世紀,我們的時代,並因此取得了基督徒手中,但學者普遍承認,這些忠實代表,舊約的年齡,因為它是電流之間的在人Hellenist或亞歷山大的猶太人緊接基督。 These venerable manuscripts of the Septuagint vary somewhat in their content outside the Palestinian Canon, showing that in Alexandrian-Jewish circles the number of admissible extra books was not sharply determined either by tradition or by authority.這些古老的手稿的septuagint略有不同,其內容以外的巴勒斯坦佳能,在亞歷山大的猶太圈容許課外書的數量沒有明顯確定由傳統或由權威。 However, aside from the absence of Machabees from the Codex Vaticanus (the very oldest copy of the Greek Old Testament), all the entire manuscripts contain all the deutero writings; where the manuscript Septuagints differ from one another, with the exception noted, it is in a certain excess above the deuterocanonical books.然而,除了Machabees的:法典Vaticanus(希臘文的舊約歷史最悠久的副本)的情況下,所有的整個手稿包含所有deutero著作,其中的手稿Septuagints不同的彼此,除了指出,這是在一定的超額以上的經書。 It is a significant fact that in all these Alexandrian Bibles the traditional Hebrew order is broken up by the interspersion of the additional literature among the other books, outside the law, thus asserting for the extra writings a substantial equality of rank and privilege.亞歷山大聖經所有這些傳統的希伯來秩序被打破了額外的法律以外的其他書籍,文獻中,由interspersion,從而斷言額外的著作的一個實質性平等的地位和特權,這是一個顯著的事實。

It is pertinent to ask the motives which impelled the Hellenist Jews to thus, virtually at least, canonize this considerable section of literature, some of it very recent, and depart so radically from the Palestinian tradition.這是中肯問的動機,其中驅使的人Hellenist的猶太人因此,實際上,至少,推崇這相當部分的文學,它的一些非常最近,和巴勒斯坦的傳統出發,從根本。 Some would have it that not the Alexandrian, but the Palestinian, Jews departed from the Biblical tradition.有些人希望它不是亞歷山大,但巴勒斯坦,猶太人離開“聖經”的傳統。 The Catholic writers Nickes, Movers, Danko, and more recently Kaulen and Mullen, have advocated the view that originally the Palestinian Canon must have included all the deuterocanonicals, and so stood down to the time of the Apostles (Kaulen, c. 100 BC), when, moved by the fact that the Septuagint had become the Old Testament of the Church, it was put under ban by the Jerusalem Scribes, who were actuated moreover (thus especially Kaulen) by hostility to the Hellenistic largeness of spirit and Greek composition of our deuterocanonical books.天主教作家Nickes,搬家,丹科,以及最近考倫和馬倫的觀點,主張,原本巴勒斯坦佳能必須有包括所有的deuterocanonicals,所以站在了當時的使徒(考倫,C。公元前100年)時,感動的事實,七十已成為舊約聖經的教會,它被取締的驅動而且(尤其考倫)的敵意希臘文化的博大的精神和希臘組成的耶路撒冷文士,我們的經書。 These exegetes place much reliance on St. Justin Martyr's statement that the Jews had mutilated Holy Writ, a statement that rests on no positive evidence.這些解經家將倚重,聖賈斯汀烈士的聲明說,猶太人已經被肢解聖經,沒有積極的證據建立在一份聲明中。 They adduce the fact that certain deutero books were quoted with veneration, and even in a few cases as Scriptures, by Palestinian or Babylonian doctors; but the private utterances of a few rabbis cannot outweigh the consistent Hebrew tradition of the canon, attested by Josephus--although he himself was inclined to Hellenism--and even by the Alexandrian-Jewish author of IV Esdras.他們援引的事實,一定含氘書引述與尊敬,甚至在一個少數情況下,如聖經,巴勒斯坦和巴比倫的醫生,但在私人話語的一個數拉比可以不超過的一致希伯來文傳統,佳能,證實了約瑟夫 - 雖然他本人傾向於希臘 - 甚至四埃斯德拉斯的亞歷山大猶太人的作者的。 We are therefore forced to admit that the leaders of Alexandrian Judaism showed a notable independence of Jerusalem tradition and authority in permitting the sacred boundaries of the Canon, which certainly had been fixed for the Prophets, to be broken by the insertion of an enlarged Daniel and the Epistle of Baruch.因此,我們不得不承認,亞歷山大猶太教的領導人在耶路撒冷的傳統和權威表現出顯著的獨立性,允許神聖的界限被打破的佳能,這當然已被固定的先知,通過插入一個擴大的丹尼爾和巴魯克的書信。 On the assumption that the limits of the Palestinian Hagiographa remained undefined until a relatively late date, there was less bold innovation in the addition of the other books, but the wiping out of the lines of the triple division reveals that the Hellenists were ready to extend the Hebrew Canon, if not establish a new official one of their own.假設的巴勒斯坦Hagiographa的限制仍然是不確定的,直到一個相對較晚的日期,大膽創新少,在此外的其他書籍,但消滅的三重分裂的線條顯示的hellenists準備擴大希伯來文的佳能,如果沒有建立一個屬於自己的新官。

On their human side these innovations are to be accounted for by the free spirit of the Hellenist Jews.其人性化的一面,這些創新的自由精神的人Hellenist猶太人進行核算。 Under the influence of Greek thought they had conceived a broader view of Divine inspiration than that of their Palestinian brethren, and refused to restrict the literary manifestations of the Holy Ghost to a certain terminus of time and the Hebrew form of language.希臘的影響下認為他們已經設想了一個更廣闊的視野比他們的巴勒斯坦兄弟,神的啟示,並拒絕聖靈在一定的時間和希伯來文的語言形式總站限制的文學表現。 The Book of Wisdom, emphatically Hellenist in character, presents to us Divine wisdom as flowing on from generation to generation and making holy souls and prophets (vii, 27, in the Greek).這本書的智慧,強調人Hellenist的字符,呈現給我們的神聖智慧,流過一代又一代,聖潔的靈魂和先知(七,27日,在希臘文)。 Philo, a typical Alexandrian-Jewish thinker, has even an exaggerated notion of the diffusion of inspiration (Quis rerum divinarum hæres, 52; ed. Lips., iii, 57; De migratione Abrahæ, 11,299; ed. Lips. ii, 334).斐洛,一個典型的亞歷山大的猶太思想家,甚至是誇張的概念,靈感的擴散(QUIS rerum divinarumhæres,52版,嘴唇,三,57;時點migrationeAbrahæ,11,299;版的嘴唇。二,334) 。 But even Philo, while indicating acquaintance with the deutero literature, nowhere cites it in his voluminous writings.但即使是斐洛,同時表示熟人的氘文學,無處引用在他的大部頭著作。 True, he does not employ several books of the Hebrew Canon; but there is a natural presumption that if he had regarded the additional works as being quite on the same plane as the others, he would not have failed to quote so stimulating and congenial a production as the Book of Wisdom.的確,他沒有聘請一些書籍的希伯來語佳能,但有一種天然的假設,如果他把額外的工作,是在同一平面上的其他人,他就不會失敗引述刺激和投機的一個生產作為這本書的智慧。 Moreover, as has been pointed out by several authorities, the independent spirit of the Hellenists could not have gone so far as to setup a different official Canon from that of Jerusalem, without having left historical traces of such a rupture.此外,正如已經指出的那樣由幾個部門,不能獨立精神的hellenists已經走了這麼遠來設置不同的官方佳能的耶路撒冷,不會有這樣的破裂留下的歷史痕跡。 So, from the available data we may justly infer that, while the deuterocanonicals were admitted as sacred by the Alexandrian Jews, they possessed a lower degree of sanctity and authority than the longer accepted books, ie, the Palestinian Hagiographa and the Prophets, themselves inferior to the Law.因此,從現有的數據中,我們可以理直氣壯地推斷,而被接納為神聖的deuterocanonicals了亞歷山大的猶太人,他們擁有一個較低的程度比不再接受書,即巴勒斯坦Hagiographa和先知的神聖性和權威性,自己的劣勢該法。

THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH在天主教教會,佳能的舊約

The most explicit definition of the Catholic Canon is that given by the Council of Trent, Session IV, 1546.最明確​​的定義,天主教佳能的是,安理會的遄達,第四次會議,1546。 For the Old Testament its catalogue reads as follows: “舊約”的目錄內容如下:

The five books of Moses (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy), Josue, Judges, Ruth, the four books of Kings, two of Paralipomenon, the first and second of Esdras (which latter is called Nehemias), Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, the Davidic Psalter (in number one hundred and fifty Psalms), Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Jeremias, with Baruch, Ezechiel, Daniel, the twelve minor Prophets (Osee, Joel, Amos, Abdias, Jonas, Micheas, Nahum, Habacue, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Malachias), two books of Machabees, the first and second.的摩西五書(創世記,出埃及記,利未記,民數記,申命記),若蘇埃,法官露絲,四書之王的Paralipomenon,在第一和第二的的埃斯德拉斯(其中後者被稱為內赫米亞斯,),托比亞斯,朱迪思,以斯帖記,工作(150詩篇),大衛的詩篇,箴言,傳道書,canticle的canticles,智慧,傳道書,伊薩亞斯說是耶利米,巴魯克,埃策希爾,丹尼爾,十二小先知(時代奧視,喬爾,阿莫斯,Abdias,喬納斯,Micheas,那鴻,Habacue,Sophonias,Aggeus,撒迦利亞,瑪拉基亞亞),兩本書的Machabees,第一和第二。

The order of books copies that of the Council of Florence, 1442, and in its general plan is that of the Septuagint.書的順序複製的佛羅倫薩,1442委員會,並在其總體規劃是在七十。 The divergence of titles from those found in the Protestant versions is due to the fact that the official Latin Vulgate retained the forms of the Septuagint.從那些在新教版本的標題的分歧,是由於這樣的事實,正式的拉丁文聖經的譯本保留了形式。

A. THE OLD TESTAMENT CANON (INCLUDING THE DEUTEROS) IN THE NEW TESTAMENT答:新約聖經中的舊約正典(包括本DEUTEROS)

The Tridentine decrees from which the above list is extracted was the first infallible and effectually promulgated pronouncement on the Canon, addressed to the Church Universal.從上面的列表中提取的Tridentine法令頒布宣言是第一個絕對可靠,有效地對佳能,給普世教會。 Being dogmatic in its purport, it implies that the Apostles bequeathed the same Canon to the Church, as a part of the depositum fedei.在其主旨教條,它意味著遺留下來的使徒的教會,相同的佳能的depositum fedei的一部分。 But this was not done by way of any formal decision; we should search the pages of the New Testament in vain for any trace of such action.但是,這並沒有通過任何正式的決定,我們應該尋找的“新約”中的頁面徒勞的,任何這樣的行動的痕跡。 The larger Canon of the Old Testament passed through the Apostles' hands to the church tacitly, by way of their usage and whole attitude toward its components; an attitude which, for most of the sacred writings of the Old Testament, reveals itself in the New, and for the rest, must have exhibited itself in oral utterances, or at least in tacit approval of the special reverence of the faithful.較大的佳能的舊約的教會,通過使徒的手默許,它們的用法和其組件的整個態度的態度,大部分的舊約神聖的著作,揭示了在新和休息,必須表現出自己在口頭話語,或至少是默許的忠實特殊的崇敬。 Reasoning backward from the status in which we find the deutero books in the earliest ages of post-Apostolic Christianity, we rightly affirm that such a status points of Apostolic sanction, which in turn must have rested on revelation either by Christ or the Holy Spirit.推理落後的狀態中,我們發現deutero書籍後使徒基督教最早的年齡,我們理所當然地肯定,這樣的狀態點的使徒制裁,而這又必須休息啟示上的基督或聖靈。 For the deuterocanonicals at least, we needs must have recourse to this legitimate prescriptive argument, owing to the complexity and inadequacy of the New Testament data.至少,我們需要的deuterocanonicals必須有追索權這種合法的規定的參數,因為新約聖經數據的複雜性和不足之處。

All the books of the Hebrew Old Testament are cited in the New except those which have been aptly called the Antilegomena of the Old Testament, viz., Esther, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles; moreover Esdras and Nehemias are not employed.所有的書的希伯來文舊約的引用在新除了那些已形象地稱為Antilegomena,不使用的舊約,即,以斯帖記,傳道書,和canticles,而且埃斯德拉斯和內赫米亞斯的。 The admitted absence of any explicit citation of the deutero writings does not therefore prove that they were regarded as inferior to the above-mentioned works in the eyes of New Testament personages and authors.承認沒有任何顯式引用的deutero著作,因此並不證明他們被視為不如在新約聖經人物和作者的眼睛上述作品。 The deutero literature was in general unsuited to their purposes, and some consideration should be given to the fact that even at its Alexandrian home it was not quoted by Jewish writers, as we saw in the case of Philo.氘代文學一般不適合他們的目的,和一些應該考慮到的事實,即使在亞歷山大家沒有報價,由猶太裔作家,因為我們看到在斐洛的情況下。 The negative argument drawn from the non-citation of the deuterocanonicals in the New Testament is especially minimized by the indirect use made of them by the same Testament.特別是最大限度地減少對它們進行間接使用相同約的負面說法來自非引用新約聖經中的deuterocanonicals。 This takes the form of allusions and reminiscences, and shows unquestionably that the Apostles and Evangelists were acquainted with the Alexandrian increment, regarded its books as at least respectable sources, and wrote more or less under its influence.的典故和回憶的形式,無疑顯示的使徒和福音的人熟悉亞歷山大增量至少可敬的來源,認為其書,並寫了或多或少在其影響下。 A comparison of Hebrews, xi and II Machabees, vi and vii reveals unmistakable references in the former to the heroism of the martyrs glorified in the latter.比較希伯來書,xi和II的Machabees,第六和第七揭示了明白無誤的,在前者向後者榮耀的烈士的英雄主義。 There are close affinities of thought, and in some cases also of language, between 1 Peter 1:6-7, and Wisdom 3:5-6; Hebrews 1:3, and Wisdom 7:26-27; 1 Corinthians 10:9-10, and Judith 8:24-25; 1 Corinthians 6:13, and Ecclesiasticus 36:20.思想有密切的親緣關係,在某些情況下也之間的語言,彼得前書1:6-7,智慧3:5-6;希伯來書1:3,和智慧7:26-27,哥林多前書10:9 -10和Judith 8:24-25,哥林多前書6:13,傳道書36:20。

Yet the force of the direct and indirect employment of Old Testament writings by the New is slightly impaired by the disconcerting truth that at least one of the New Testament authors, St. Jude, quotes explicitly from the "Book of Henoch", long universally recognized as apocryphal, see verse 14, while in verse 9 he borrows from another apocryphal narrative, the "Assumption of Moses".然而,稍微影響力的直接和間接就業的新舊約的著作的新約聖經的作者,聖猶達,報價至少有一個明確過敏的“書”令人不安的真相,長期公認的作為未經證實的信息,請參閱第14節,而在第9節,他借用從另一個未經證實的敘述中,“摩西升天”。 The New Testament quotations from the Old are in general characterized by a freedom and elasticity regarding manner and source which further ten to diminish their weight as proofs of canonicity.從舊新約聖經報價一般特徵的自由和彈性的方式和來源,另外十來降低其重量的正規證明。 But so far as concerns the great majority of the Palestinian Hagiographa--a fortiori, the Pentateuch and Prophets--whatever want of conclusiveness there may be in the New Testament, evidence of their canonical standing is abundantly supplemented from Jewish sources alone, in the series of witnesses beginning with the Mishnah and running back through Josephus and Philo to the translation of the above books for the Hellenist Greeks.但到目前為止,涉及絕大多數巴勒斯坦Hagiographa - 更何況,摩西五經和先知 - 任何想要的結論性有可能會在新約聖經,他們的規範地位的證據是充分補充猶太人的來源,僅在系列開始的mishnah和運行通過上述書籍的翻譯的人Hellenist希臘人約瑟夫和斐洛的證人。 But for the deuterocanonical literature, only the last testimony speaks as a Jewish confirmation.但次經文學,只有最後的證詞說作為一個猶太確認。 However, there are signs that the Greek version was not deemed by its readers as a closed Bible of definite sacredness in all its parts, but that its somewhat variable contents shaded off in the eyes of the Hellenists from the eminently sacred Law down to works of questionable divinity, such as III Machabees.然而,有跡象表明,希臘的版本,它的讀者不被視為一個封閉的聖經在其所有部件明確的神聖,但是,有些變量的內容陰影的hellenists的眼睛顯然神聖的法律作品可疑的神性,如第三Machabees。

This factor should be considered in weighing a certain argument.在稱量一定的參數,應考慮這一因素。 A large number of Catholic authorities see a canonization of the deuteros in a supposed wholesale adoption and approval, by the Apostles, of the Greek, and therefore larger, Old Testament The argument is not without a certain force; the New Testament undoubtedly shows a preference for the Septuagint; out of the 350 texts from the Old Testament, 300 favour the language of the Greek version rather than that of the Hebrew.大量的天主教當局看到一個封的deuteros的在一個假想的批發通過和批准,由使徒,在希臘,因此較大,舊約的說法是不無一定的力量,“新約”無疑是有偏好七十滿分350從舊約,300有利於希臘的版本,而不是希伯來文的語言的文本。 But there are considerations which bid us hesitate to admit an Apostolic adoption of the Septuagint en bloc.但也有考慮,叫我們毫不猶豫地承認使徒的譯本採用整塊。 As remarked above, there are cogent reasons for believing that it was not a fixed quantity at the time.正如上面所說的,有令人信服的理由相信,這是不是一個固定的數量的時候。 The existing oldest representative manuscripts are not entirely identical in the books they contain.代表現有的最古老的手稿是不完全等同於它們所包含的書籍。 Moreover, it should be remembered that at the beginning of our era, and for some time later, complete sets of any such voluminous collection as the Septuagint in manuscript would be extremely rare; the version must have been current in separate books or groups of books, a condition favourable to a certain variability of compass.此外,還應該記住,在我們這個時代的開始,並在一段時間後,成套的任何譯本的手稿等大量收集是非常罕見的版本必須已經在不同的書籍或團體的書籍有利的條件,以一定的變異性指南針。 So neither a fluctuating Septuagint nor an inexplicit New Testament conveys to us the exact extension of the pre-Christian Bible transmitted by the Apostles to the Primitive Church.因此,既不是波動的譯本,也不是不清楚的新約聖經傳達給我們的原始教會的使徒 - 基督教聖經的精確擴展的傳輸。 It is more tenable to conclude to a selective process under the guidance of the Holy Ghost, and a process completed so late in Apostolic times that the New Testament fails to reflect its mature result regarding either the number or note of sanctity of the extra-Palestinian books admitted.這是站得住腳的結論聖靈的指導下,有選擇性的過程,一個過程完成這麼晚在使徒時代的新約聖經,以反映其成熟的結果,無論是數量或票據的額外神聖的巴勒斯坦失敗書承認。 To historically learn the Apostolic Canon of the Old Testament we must interrogate less sacred but later documents, expressing more explicitly the belief of the first ages of Christianity.到歷史學習使徒佳能的舊約我們必須審問少神聖的,但後來的文件,更明確地表達信仰基督教的第一個年齡段的。

B. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHURCH OF THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES B.佳能舊約中的教會最初的三個世紀

The sub-Apostolic writings of Clement, Polycarp, the author of the Epistle of Barnabas, of the pseudo-Clementine homilies, and the "Shepherd" of Hermas, contain implicit quotations from or allusions to all the deuterocanonicals except Baruch (which anciently was often united with Jeremias) and I Machabees and the additions to David.子使徒著作的克萊門特,波利卡普,巴拿巴書的作者,偽克萊門汀講道,“牧羊人”的書,包含隱報價或典故的deuterocanonicals的除了巴魯克(這在古代往往是與赫雷米亞斯),我Machabees,並加大衛。 No unfavourable argument can be drawn from the loose, implicit character of these citations, since these Apostolic Fathers quote the protocanonical Scriptures in precisely the same manner.沒有不利的說法,可以從這些引文,鬆散的,含蓄的性格,因為這些使徒父親引用protocanonical的聖經在完全相同的方式。 Coming down to the next age, that of the apologists, we find Baruch cited by Athenagoras as a prophet.下樓到下一個時代的辯護士,我們發現巴魯克引用哥拉為先知。 St. Justin Martyr is the first to note that the Church has a set of Old Testament Scriptures different from the Jews', and also the earliest to intimate the principle proclaimed by later writers, namely, the self-sufficiency of the Church in establishing the Canon; its independence of the Synagogue in this respect.聖賈斯汀烈士是第一個需要注意的是,教會有一組從猶太人的舊約聖經不同的,同時也是國內最早貼心的原則,即後來的作家宣稱,自給自足的教會在建立佳能,其獨立的猶太教堂在這方面。 The full realization of this truth came slowly, at least in the Orient, where there are indications that in certain quarters the spell of Palestinian-Jewish tradition was not fully cast off for some time.全面實現了這個道理慢慢地,至少在世界的東方,有跡象表明,在某些方面的法術巴勒斯坦猶太人的傳統是不完全擺脫了一段時間。 St. Melito, Bishop of Sardis (c. 170), first drew up a list of the canonical books of the Old Testament While maintaining the familiar arrangement of the Septuagint, he says that he verified his catalogue by inquiry among Jews; Jewry by that time had everywhere discarded the Alexandrian books, and Melito's Canon consists exclusively of the protocanonicals minus Esther.聖梅利托,,主教撒狄(約170),第一起草了一份名單,在保持典型的書籍的舊約的七十熟悉的安排,他說,他驗證了他的目錄由該調查在猶太人,猶太人時間已經隨處丟棄的亞歷山大書籍,,梅利托的佳能純粹由以斯帖的protocanonicals減。 It should be noticed, however, that the document to which this catalogue was prefixed is capable of being understood as having an anti-Jewish polemical purpose, in which case Melito's restricted canon is explicable on another ground.然而,應該注意到,這個目錄前綴的文件是可以被理解為一個反猶太人的辯論的目的,在這種情況下,梅利托的限制佳能在另一地解釋。 St. Irenæus, always a witness of the first rank, on account of his broad acquaintance with ecclesiastical tradition, vouches that Baruch was deemed on the same footing as Jeremias, and that the narratives of Susanna and Bel and the Dragon were ascribed to Daniel.聖irenæus,始終排名第一的證人,巴魯克被視為相同的立足點,作為赫雷米亞斯,蘇珊娜和貝爾和龍的敘述,他的廣泛的熟人與教會的傳統,先天不足,歸因於丹尼爾。 The Alexandrian tradition is represented by the weighty authority of Origen.亞歷山大的傳統表示沉重的權威淵源。 Influenced, doubtless, by the Alexandrian-Jewish usage of acknowledging in practice the extra writings as sacred while theoretically holding to the narrower Canon of Palestine, his catalogue of the Old Testament Scriptures contains only the protocanonical books, though it follows the order of the Septuagint.的影響,毫無疑問,在實踐中,額外的著作作為神聖的承認,雖然在理論上持有的窄佳能的巴勒斯坦的亞歷山大猶太人使用的,他的舊約聖經目錄只包含protocanonical書籍,但它遵循的順序七十。 Nevertheless Origen employs all the deuterocanonicals as Divine Scriptures, and in his letter of Julius Africanus defends the sacredness of Tobias, Judith, and the fragments of Daniel, at the same time implicitly asserting the autonomy of the Church in fixing the Canon (see references in Cornely).然而俄利根員工所有的deuterocanonicals,,神聖的經文,並在他的信朱利葉斯·非洲種捍衛了神聖的托比亞斯,朱迪思,和丹尼爾的片段,同時含蓄地主張自治的教會在固定的佳能(請參閱參考資料中Cornely)。 In his Hexaplar edition of the Old Testament all the deuteros find a place.以他的Hexaplar版的“舊約”,所有的deuteros找到的地方。 The sixth-century Biblical manuscript known as the "Codex Claromontanus" contains a catalogue to which both Harnack and Zahn assign an Alexandrian origin, about contemporary with Origen.六世紀的聖經手稿被稱為“食品法典Claromontanus”包含一個目錄哈納克和贊恩分配亞歷山大的起源,對當代奧利的。 At any rate it dates from the period under examination and comprises all the deuterocanonical books, with IV Machabees besides.無論如何,它可以追溯到在審查期間,除了包括所有的經書,與IV Machabees。 St. Hippolytus (d. 236) may fairly be considered as representing the primitive Roman tradition.聖西波呂(卒於236年)可能相當被認為是較原始的羅馬傳統。 He comments on the Susanna chapter, often quotes Wisdom as the work of Solomon, and employs as Sacred Scripture Baruch and the Machabees.他的蘇珊娜章的評論,經常引用的工作所羅門的智慧,並擁有神聖的經文,巴魯克和Machabees。 For the West African Church the larger canon has two strong witnesses in Tertullian and St. Cyprian.西非教會佳能有兩個強大的證人在德爾圖良和聖塞浦路斯。 All the deuteros except Tobias, Judith, and the addition to Esther, are Biblically used in the works of these Fathers.托比亞斯,朱迪思和以斯帖,deuteros除了在聖經中使用這些父親的作品。 (With regard to the employment of apocryphal writings in this age see under APOCRYPHA.) (關於在這個年齡段的就業猜測的著作,請參閱下偽經)。

C. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT DURING THE FOURTH, AND FIRST HALF OF THE FIFTH, CENTURY佳能舊約在第四,第五,世紀和上半年

In this period the position of the deuterocanonical literature is no longer as secure as in the primitive age.在此期間,經的文學位置的不再是安全的,因為在原始時代。 The doubts which arose should be attributed largely to a reaction against the apocryphal or pseudo-Biblical writings with which the East especially had been flooded by heretical and other writers.主要應歸功於對猜測或偽聖經的著作與東方,特別是被洪水淹沒的異端邪說和其他作家的反應產生的疑慮。 Negatively, the situation became possible through the absence of any Apostolic or ecclesiastical definition of the Canon.負的情況成為可能,沒有任何使徒或教會的定義的佳能。 The definite and inalterable determination of the sacred sources, like that of all Catholic doctrines, was in the Divine economy left to gradually work itself out under the stimulus of questions and opposition.的神聖來源的明確和不變的決心,像,所有天主教教義,是在神的左逐步解決自己的問題和反對的刺激下,經濟。 Alexandria, with its elastic Scriptures, had from the beginning been a congenial field for apocryphal literature, and St. Athanasius, the vigilant pastor of that flock, to protect it against the pernicious influence, drew up a catalogue of books with the values to be attached to each.亞歷山德里亞,其彈性聖經,從一開始就被一個適宜的猜測文學領域,與聖亞他那修,警惕的牧師,羊群,保護它反對的流毒和影響,制定了圖書目錄的值連接到每個。 First, the strict canon and authoritative source of truth is the Jewish Old Testament, Esther excepted.首先,嚴格的教規和權威來源的真相是猶太人的舊約聖經以斯帖除外。 Besides, there are certain books which the Fathers had appointed to be read to catechumens for edification and instruction; these are the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Esther, Judith, Tobias, the Didache, or Doctrine of the Apostles, the Shepherd of Hermas.此外,還有某些書籍的父親被指定為閱讀慕道者的熏陶和指導,這是所羅門的智慧,智慧西拉奇(ecclesiasticus),以斯帖,朱迪思,托比亞斯,在didache,或學說的使徒牧人書。 All others are apocrypha and the inventions of heretics (Festal Epistle for 367).所有的人都apocrypha和異教徒(367)節日的書信的發明。 Following the precedent of Origen and the Alexandrian tradition, the saintly doctor recognized no other formal canon of the Old Testament than the Hebrew one; but also, faithful to the same tradition, he practically admitted the deutero books to a Scriptural dignity, as is evident from his general usage.淵源和亞歷山大傳統的先例,聖潔的醫生確認沒有其他正式的希伯來文舊約比1的佳能,但也忠實於相同的傳統,他實際上承認deutero書籍,一個聖經的尊嚴,這是顯而易見的從他的一般用法。 At Jerusalem there was a renascence, perhaps a survival, of Jewish ideas, the tendency there being distinctly unfavourable to the deuteros.在耶路撒冷有一個重生,也許是生存,猶太人的觀念,這種趨勢有明顯不利的deuteros。 St. Cyril of that see, while vindicating for the Church the right to fix the Canon, places them among the apocrypha and forbids all books to be read privately which are not read in the churches.圣西里爾的,看到的,教會的權利,解決的佳能平反時,會將它們之間的偽經,並禁止所有私人書要讀,不讀,在教堂。 In Antioch and Syria the attitude was more favourable.在安提阿和敘利亞的態度是更有利的。 St. Epiphanius shows hesitation about the rank of the deuteros; he esteemed them, but they had not the same place as the Hebrew books in his regard.聖epiphanius顯示排名的deuteros毫不猶豫地,他尊敬他們,但他們有不一樣的地方的希伯來書在他的方面。 The historian Eusebius attests the widespread doubts in his time; he classes them as antilegomena, or disputed writings, and, like Athanasius, places them in a class intermediate between the books received by all and the apocrypha.歷史學家優西比烏在他的時間證明的廣泛質疑,他類的antilegomena,或有爭議的著作,如亞他那修,把它們之間收到的所有書籍和偽類中間。 The 59th (or 60th) canon of the provincial Council of Laodicea (the authenticity of which however is contested) gives a catalogue of the Scriptures entirely in accord with the ideas of St. Cyril of Jerusalem.省議會的勞迪西亞(但其中的真實性是有爭議的)第59(或60)佳能給出了一個目錄完全符合“聖經”的想法,圣西里爾耶路撒冷。 On the other hand, the Oriental versions and Greek manuscripts of the period are more liberal; the extant ones have all the deuterocanonicals and, in some cases, certain apocrypha.另一方面,的東方版本和希臘文手抄本期間更為寬鬆現存的有所有的deuterocanonicals,,在某些情況下,某些偽經。

The influence of Origen's and Athanasius's restricted canon naturally spread to the West.自然的淵源和亞他那修的限制佳能的影響傳播到西方。 St. Hilary of Poitiers and Rufinus followed their footsteps, excluding the deuteros from canonical rank in theory, but admitting them in practice.聖希拉里的普瓦捷和Rufinus跟著他們的腳步聲,從典型的排名在理論上不包括deuteros,但承認他們在實踐中。 The latter styles them "ecclesiastical" books, but in authority unequal to the other Scriptures.後者的風格他們“教會”的書,但在權力不平等的其他經文。 St. Jerome cast his weighty suffrage on the side unfavourable to the disputed books.圣杰羅姆投了沉重的普選方不利的有爭議的書籍。 In appreciating his attitude we must remember that Jerome lived long in Palestine, in an environment where everything outside the Jewish Canon was suspect, and that, moreover, he had an excessive veneration for the Hebrew text, the Hebraica veritas as he called it.在欣賞他的態度,我們必須記住,杰羅姆長期居住在巴勒斯坦之外的所有猶太佳能的環境下,犯罪嫌疑人,並說,而且,他有一個過度崇拜的希伯來文,Hebraica真理,因為他把它叫做。 In his famous "Prologus Galeatus", or Preface to his translation of Samuel and Kings, he declares that everything not Hebrew should be classed with the apocrypha, and explicitly says that Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobias, and Judith are not on the Canon.在他著名的“Prologus Galeatus”,或前言,他的翻譯塞繆爾和國王,他宣稱,一切都沒有希伯來文應該被歸類與偽經,並明確地說,智慧,傳道書“,托比亞斯,朱迪思在佳能。 These books, he adds, are read in the churches for the edification of the people, and not for the confirmation of revealed doctrine. ,他補充說,讀這些書的人在教會的熏陶,而不是為了顯示理論的確認。 An analysis of Jerome's expressions on the deuterocanonicals, in various letters and prefaces, yields the following results: first, he strongly doubted their inspiration; secondly, the fact that he occasionally quotes them, and translated some of them as a concession to ecclesiastical tradition, is an involuntary testimony on his part to the high standing these writings enjoyed in the Church at large, and to the strength of the practical tradition which prescribed their readings in public worship.杰羅姆的表達式的deuterocanonicals的分析,在不同的字母和序言,得到下面的結果:第一,他強烈懷疑他們的靈感;其次,在事實上,他偶爾會引用他們,並翻譯其中的一些教會的傳統的讓步,是不由自主的證詞,他享受崇高的地位,這些著作在教會中,並在大強度的實際的傳統規定在公眾崇拜他們的閱讀。 Obviously, the inferior rank to which the deuteros were relegated by authorities like Origen, Athanasius, and Jerome, was due to too rigid a conception of canonicity, one demanding that a book, to be entitled to this supreme dignity, must be received by all, must have the sanction of Jewish antiquity, and must moreover be adapted not only to edification, but also to the "confirmation of the doctrine of the Church", to borrow Jerome's phrase.顯然,優劣被降級的deuteros的俄,亞他那修,杰羅姆,當局是因為太死板正規的構想,要求一本書,有資格獲得這至高無上的尊嚴,必須在收到,必須具備的猶太人古代的制裁,而且不僅要造就適應,但也“確認”的教會的教義,借用杰羅姆的話。

But while eminent scholars and theorists were thus depreciating the additional writings, the official attitude of the Latin Church, always favourable to them, kept the majestic tenor of its way.不過,雖然著名學者和理論家貶值的其他著作,官方的態度,在拉丁美洲教會,總是對他們有利的方式,保持了雄偉的男高音。 Two documents of capital importance in the history of the canon constitute the first formal utterance of papal authority on the subject.資本的重要性在歷史上的經典的兩份文件構成了第一個正式的話語教皇權威的人士。 The first is the so-called "Decretal of Gelasius", de recipiendis et non recipiendis libris, the essential part of which is now generally attributed to a synod convoked by Pope Damasus in the year 382.的recipiendis等非recipiendis藏書票的重要組成部分,其中首先是所謂的“法令的蓋拉西厄斯”,現在一般主教會議召集由教皇達瑪斯在今年382。 The other is the Canon of Innocent I, sent in 405 to a Gallican bishop in answer to an inquiry.另一種是無辜的,我在405發送到一個gallican主教在回答一個詢問佳能的。 Both contain all the deuterocanonicals, without any distinction, and are identical with the catalogue of Trent.這兩個包含所有的deuterocanonicals的,沒有任何區別,而與目錄的遄達是相同的。 The African Church, always a staunch supporter of the contested books, found itself in entire accord with Rome on this question.非洲教會,始終堅定支持有爭議的書,發現自己在這個問題上與羅馬在整個協議。 Its ancient version, the Vetus Latina (less correctly the Itala), had admitted all the Old Testament Scriptures. VETUS拉丁(不太正確的伊泰萊),其古老的版本,已經承認舊約聖經。 St. Augustine seems to theoretically recognize degrees of inspiration; in practice he employs protos and deuteros without any discrimination whatsoever.聖奧古斯丁似乎從理論上認識程度的靈感,在實踐中,他採用PROTOS和deuteros沒有任何歧視。 Moreover in his "De Doctrinâ Christianâ" he enumerates the components of the complete Old Testament.此外,在他的“德Doctrinâ克里斯蒂娜”,他列舉了完整的舊約的組成部分。 The Synod of Hippo (393) and the three of Carthage (393, 397, and 419), in which, doubtless, Augustine was the leading spirit, found it necessary to deal explicitly with the question of the Canon, and drew up identical lists from which no sacred books are excluded.主教的河馬(393)和迦太基(393,397,419),其中,毫無疑問,奧古斯丁是領先的精神,認為有必要明確處理的問題,佳能,並制定了相同的列表神聖的書籍,也從沒有被排除在外。 These councils base their canon on tradition and liturgical usage.這些委員會的基礎佳能的傳統和禮儀的使用。 For the Spanish Church valuable testimony is found in the work of the heretic Priscillian, "Liber de Fide et Apocryphis"; it supposes a sharp line existing between canonical and uncanonical works, and that the Canon takes in all the deuteros.西班牙教會寶貴的證詞發現,在工作的邪教普里西利安,“LIBER信部等Apocryphis”;,設一個尖銳的線之間存在典型和明顯不規範的作品,佳能會在所有的deuteros。

D. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTH TO THE CLOSE OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY從中間的第五,佳能的舊約的密切七世紀

This period exhibits a curious exchange of opinions between the West and the East, while ecclesiastical usage remained unchanged, at least in the Latin Church.這期間表現出了一個奇怪的西方和東方之間的意見交流,而教會使用基本保持不變,至少在拉丁美洲教會。 During this intermediate age the use of St. Jerome's new version of the Old Testament (the Vulgate) became widespread in the Occident.在這中間年齡的圣杰羅姆的新版本的舊約(拉丁文)成為使用廣泛存在於西方。 With its text went Jerome's prefaces disparaging the deuterocanonicals, and under the influence of his authority the West began to distrust these and to show the first symptoms of a current hostile to their canonicity.憑藉其文字去了杰羅姆的序言詆毀的deuterocanonicals,和西方的影響下,他的權力開始不信任這些,並顯示當前的敵視他們canonicity的最初症狀。 On the other hand, the Oriental Church imported a Western authority which had canonized the disputed books, viz., the decree of Carthage, and from this time there is an increasing tendency among the Greeks to place the deuteros on the same level with the others--a tendency, however, due more to forgetfulness of the old distinction than to deference to the Council of Carthage.另一方面,東方教會引進了西方權威冊封有爭議的書籍,即,迦太基的法令,從這個時候有增加的趨勢,在希臘人將deuteros在同一水平上與其他 - 一個趨勢,但是,由於健忘老的區別,而不是尊重安理會的迦太基。

E. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT DURING THE MIDDLE AGES E.在中世紀,佳能的舊約

The Greek Church希臘教會

The result of this tendency among the Greeks was that about the beginning of the twelfth century they possessed a canon identical with that of the Latins, except that it took in the apocryphal III Machabees.這一趨勢在希臘人的結果是,開始的12世紀,他們擁有的佳能與拉丁人相同,不同的是它在猜測,第三Machabees了。 That all the deuteros were liturgically recognized in the Greek Church at the era of the schism in the ninth century, is indicated by the "Syntagma Canonum" of Photius. ,所有的deuteros liturgically在希臘教會的分裂,在第九世紀的時代確認,表示的的“憲法Canonum”的photius。

The Latin Church拉丁美洲教會

In the Latin Church, all through the Middle Ages we find evidence of hesitation about the character of the deuterocanonicals.在拉丁美洲教會,所有通過中世紀,我們的猶豫有關的deuterocanonicals的性格找到證據。 There is a current friendly to them, another one distinctly unfavourable to their authority and sacredness, while wavering between the two are a number of writers whose veneration for these books is tempered by some perplexity as to their exact standing, and among those we note St. Thomas Aquinas.有一個友好,另一個明顯不利於他們的權威和神聖,而搖擺不定兩者之間的一些作家的尊敬一些困惑,這些書是鍛煉他們的確切地位,並在那些我們注意到聖托馬斯·阿奎那。 Few are found to unequivocally acknowledge their canonicity.很少有人毫不含糊地承認自己的正規。 The prevailing attitude of Western medieval authors is substantially that of the Greek Fathers.西方中世紀的作家普遍的態度是顯著的希臘教父。 The chief cause of this phenomenon in the West is to be sought in the influence, direct and indirect, of St. Jerome's depreciating Prologus.這種現象的主要原因是要尋求在西方的影響,直接和間接,圣杰羅姆的貶值Prologus的。 The compilatory "Glossa Ordinaria" was widely read and highly esteemed as a treasury of sacred learning during the Middle Ages; it embodied the prefaces in which the Doctor of Bethlehem had written in terms derogatory to the deuteros, and thus perpetuated and diffused his unfriendly opinion.編纂的“GLOSSA Ordinaria”被廣泛閱讀和高度評價神聖​​的學習的寶庫,在中世紀,它體現在伯利恆的醫生寫了序言在貶損的deuteros條款,從而延續和擴散,他的不友好的意見。 And yet these doubts must be regarded as more or less academic.然而,這些疑慮必須被視為作為或多或少學術。 The countless manuscript copies of the Vulgate produced by these ages, with a slight, probably accidental, exception, uniformly embrace the complete Old Testament Ecclesiastical usage and Roman tradition held firmly to the canonical equality of all parts of the Old Testament There is no lack of evidence that during this long period the deuteros were read in the churches of Western Christendom.這個年齡段,有輕微的,可能是偶然的,例外的武加大無數的手抄本,均勻地擁抱完​​整的舊約聖經教會使用和羅馬的傳統,堅守規範的平等,所有的舊約部分是不缺乏的的證據表明,在這漫長的deuteros閱讀西方基督教的教堂。 As to Roman authority, the catalogue of Innocent I appears in the collection of ecclesiastical canons sent by Pope Adrian I to Charlemagne, and adopted in 802 as the law of the Church in the Frankish Empire; Nicholas I, writing in 865 to the bishops of France, appeals to the same decree of Innocent as the ground on which all the sacred books are to be received.至於羅馬當局,無辜的,我會出現在教皇阿德里安派我到查理曼,並通過802法律在法蘭克帝國的教會,教會的大砲收集的目錄,尼古拉一世的主教,寫在865法國,上訴天真如要接收的地面上,所有神聖的書籍,以同樣的法令。

F. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE GENERAL COUNCILS F.佳能,舊約和一般的議會

The Council of Florence (1442)安理會的佛羅倫薩(1442年)

In 1442, during the life, and with the approval, of this Council, Eugenius IV issued several Bulls, or decrees, with a view to restore the Oriental schismatic bodies to communion with Rome, and according to the common teaching of theologians these documents are infallible states of doctrine.在1442年,在生活中,並與批准,本會,葉夫根尼IV發出幾個公牛隊,或法令,東方分裂組織,以恢復與羅馬的共融,和共同教學的神學家,這些文件是根據萬無一失的國家學說。 The "Decretum pro Jacobitis" contains a complete list of the books received by the Church as inspired, but omits, perhaps advisedly, the terms canon and canonical. “Decretum親Jacobitis”包含了一個完整的教會作為靈感的書籍列表,但忽略了,可能是經過深思熟慮的,佳能和規範的條款。 The Council of Florence therefore taught the inspiration of all the Scriptures, but did not formally pass on their canonicity.因此,安理會的佛羅倫薩教導的靈感,所有的經文,但並未正式通過他們的正規。

The Council of Trent's Definition of the Canon (1546)理事會的Trent的定義,佳能(1546)

It was the exigencies of controversy that first led Luther to draw a sharp line between the books of the Hebrew Canon and the Alexandrian writings.這是迫切需要的爭議,第一個LED路德劃清界線之間的希伯來語佳能的書籍和亞歷山大的著作。 In his disputation with Eck at Leipzig, in 1519, when his opponent urged the well-known text from II Machabees in proof of the doctrine of purgatory, Luther replied that the passage had no binding authority since the books was outside the Canon.在他的爭議與埃克在萊比錫,1519年,當他的對手敦促著名的文本II Machabees證明煉獄的教義,路德說,通過沒有約束力的權威,因為書裡以外的佳能。 In the first edition of Luther's Bible, 1534, the deuteros were relegated, as apocrypha, to a separate place between the two Testaments.在路德的聖經,1534年第一版,deuteros被轉移了,偽經,兩者之間約到一個單獨的地方。 To meet this radical departure of the Protestants, and as well define clearly the inspired sources from which the Catholic Faith draws its defence, the Council of Trent among its first acts solemnly declared as "sacred and canonical" all the books of the Old and New Testaments "with all their parts as they have been used to be read in the churches, and as found in the ancient vulgate edition".為了滿足這種激進的新教徒離開,以及明確界定的天主教信仰提請其防禦的靈感來源,其中,安理會的遄達在其第一行為鄭重聲明:“神聖的和規範的”所有的舊的和新的書籍所有的部分,因為他們已經在教會中被讀取,並在古武加大版“舊約”。 During the deliberations of the Council there never was any real question as to the reception of all the traditional Scripture.理事會在審議過程中,從來沒有任何真正的問題,所有的傳統聖經接收。 Neither--and this is remarkable--in the proceedings is there manifest any serious doubt of the canonicity of the disputed writings.無論是 - 這是顯著的 - 在程序中是有正規的有​​爭議的著作表現出任何嚴重的疑問。 In the mind of the Tridentine Fathers they had been virtually canonized, by the same decree of Florence, and the same Fathers felt especially bound by the action of the preceding ecumenical synod.的德律但丁的父親在他心中,他們已經幾乎被冊封的,由同一法令的佛羅倫薩,和相同的父親認為,尤其是前基督教主教的行動的約束。 The Council of Trent did not enter into an examination of the fluctuations in the history of the Canon.安理會的遄達不進入考試的波動在歷史上的佳能。 Neither did it trouble itself about questions of authorship or character of contents.沒有麻煩內容的著作權或字符的問題。 True to the practical genius of the Latin Church, it based its decision on immemorial tradition as manifested in the decrees of previous councils and popes, and liturgical reading, relying on traditional teaching and usage to determine a question of tradition.真正的天才的拉丁教會的實際,根據其表現決定遠古傳統在以前的議會和教皇,和禮儀讀的法令,依靠傳統的教學和使用情況,以確定問題的傳統。 The Tridentine catalogue has been given above.給予了上述的Tridentine目錄。

The Vatican Council (1870)梵蒂岡會議(1870年)

The great constructive Synod of Trent had put the sacredness and canonicity of the whole traditional Bible forever beyond the permissibility of doubt on the part of Catholics.偉大的建設性主教的遄達超出了允許的疑問,永遠把整個傳統聖經的神聖性和正規的天主教徒的部分。 By implication it had defined that Bible's plenary inspiration also.它的內在含義,聖經的全體會議靈感也已確定。 The Vatican Council took occasion of a recent error on inspiration to remove any lingering shadow of uncertainty on this head; it formally ratified the action of Trent and explicitly defined the Divine inspiration of all the books with their parts.梵蒂岡理事會最近的一個錯誤的靈感之際,在這頭,正式批准了該行動的遄達,並明確定義了神的啟示及其零部件的所有書籍,以消除任何不確定性揮之不去的陰影。

THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT OUTSIDE THE CHURCH在教堂外,佳能的舊約

A. AMONG THE EASTERN ORTHODOX A.東正教之間

The Greek Orthodox Church preserved its ancient Canon in practice as well as theory until recent times, when, under the dominant influence of its Russian offshoot, it is shifting its attitude towards the deuterocanonical Scriptures.希臘東正教教堂保留了其古老的佳能以及在實踐中的理論,直到最近一個時期,時,根據其在俄羅斯的分支支配性影響力,它正在改變其態度對經的經文。 The rejection of these books by the Russian theologians and authorities is a lapse which began early in the eighteenth century.由俄羅斯神學家和當局拒絕這些書是一個早在18世紀就開始失效。 The Monophysites, Nestorians, Jacobites, Armenians, and Copts, while concerning themselves little with the Canon, admit the complete catalogue and several apocrypha besides.該monophysites,景教,詹姆斯黨,亞美尼亞人,和科普特人,而關於自己的佳能小,除了承認的完整目錄和一些偽經。

B. AMONG PROTESTANTS B.在新教徒

The Protestant Churches have continued to exclude the deutero writings from their canons, classifying them as "Apocrypha".新教教會繼續排除deutero著作,他們的大砲,把這些“偽經”。 Presbyterians and Calvinists in general, especially since the Westminster Synod of 1648, have been the most uncompromising enemies of any recognition, and owing to their influence the British and Foreign Bible Society decided in 1826 to refuse to distribute Bibles containing the Apocrypha.特別是1648年以來,威斯敏斯特主教,長老會和加爾文主義者一般,一直最不妥協的敵人的認可,並且由於他們的影響力,英國和外國聖經協會決定於1826年拒絕分發聖經偽經。 Since that time the publication of the deuterocanonicals as an appendix to Protestant Bibles has almost entirely ceased in English-speaking countries.自那時以來,作為附錄,以基督教的聖經出版的deuterocanonicals幾乎完全停止在講英語的國家。 The books still supply lessons for the liturgy of the Church of England, but the number has been lessened by the hostile agitation.書籍仍然提供經驗教訓的英格蘭教會的禮儀,但,由敵對攪拌的數量已經減少。 There is an Apocrypha appendix to the British Revised Version, in a separate volume.有一個偽經附錄修訂版的英國,在一個單獨的卷。 The deuteros are still appended to the German Bibles printed under the auspices of the orthodox Lutherans.該deuteros仍然會附加到正統的路德會的主持下,德國的“聖經”印刷。

Publication information Written by George J. Reid.出版信息的書面由喬治·J.里德。 Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.轉錄的厄尼Stefanik。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume III.天主教百科全書,第三卷。 Published 1908.發布時間1908年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特·阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, November 1, 1908. Nihil Obstat,一九○八年十一月一日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人頭馬lafort,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur.的認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約


Canon of the New Testament佳能的新約

Catholic Information 天主教信息

The Catholic New Testament, as defined by the Council of Trent, does not differ, as regards the books contained, from that of all Christian bodies at present.天主教新約聖經的定義,安理會的遄達,沒有什麼不同,至於本書所載的,從目前所有的基督教團體。 Like the Old Testament, the New has its deuterocanonical books and portions of books, their canonicity having formerly been a subject of some controversy in the Church.新舊約一樣,有其經書籍和部分書籍,他們canonicity以前一直在教會中的一些爭議的主題。 These are for the entire books: the Epistle to the Hebrews, that of James, the Second of St. Peter, the Second and Third of John, Jude, and Apocalypse; giving seven in all as the number of the New Testament contested books.這些都為整個圖書:書信的希伯來人,是詹姆斯的聖彼得大教堂,第二,第二和第三的約翰,裘德和啟示,給七中所有的新約聖經有爭議的書的數量。 The formerly disputed passages are three: the closing section of St. Mark's Gospel, xvi, 9-20 about the apparitions of Christ after the Resurrection; the verses in Luke about the bloody sweat of Jesus, xxii, 43, 44; the Pericope Adulteræ, or narrative of the woman taken in adultery, St. John, vii, 53 to viii, 11.以前有爭議的通道有三:有關的聖馬克福音,十六9日至20日,最後一節的幽靈,基督復活後的盧克流血流汗的耶穌,二十二,43,44的經文,PericopeAdulteræ ,或敘事的女人通姦,聖約翰,53歲的七,八,11。 Since the Council of Trent it is not permitted for a Catholic to question the inspiration of these passages.由於安理會的遄達不允許天主教質疑的靈感,這些通道。

A. THE FORMATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON (AD 100-220) A.新約正典的形成(公元100-220)

The idea of a complete and clear-cut canon of the New Testament existing from the beginning, that is from Apostolic times, has no foundation in history.一個完整的和明確的存在的開始,也就是從使徒時代的新約正典的想法,在歷史上就沒有基礎。 The Canon of the New Testament, like that of the Old, is the result of a development, of a process at once stimulated by disputes with doubters, both within and without the Church, and retarded by certain obscurities and natural hesitations, and which did not reach its final term until the dogmatic definition of the Tridentine Council.佳能的新約聖經,如舊,是一個發展的結果,在一次刺激的糾紛持懷疑態度,並沒有教會內,並通過一定的朦朧和自然的猶豫遲緩的一個過程,並做沒有達到其最終期限的Tridentine會,直到教條式的定義。

1. 1。 The witness of the New Testament to itself: The first collections Those writings which possessed the unmistakable stamp and guarantee of Apostolic origin must from the very first have been specially prized and venerated, and their copies eagerly sought by local Churches and individual Christians of means, in preference to the narratives and Logia, or Sayings of Christ, coming from less authorized sources.新約聖經本身的見證:第一個集合的那些著作,其中具有明確無誤的郵票和使徒的起源保證必須從一開始已特別珍視和崇敬,並急切尋求自己的一份當地的教會和基督徒個人的手段,在優先的敘述和總互濟會,或熟語基督,不經授權的來源。 Already in the New Testament itself there is some evidence of a certain diffusion of canonical books: II Peter, iii, 15, 16, supposes its readers to be acquainted with some of St. Paul's Epistles; St. John's Gospel implicitly presupposes the existence of the Synoptics (Matthew, Mark, and Luke).在新約聖經本身已經有一些證據表明,典型的書籍:二彼得,三,15,16,假設讀者熟悉與聖保羅的書信有一定的擴散;約翰福音隱含的前提是存在的對觀福音(馬太,馬可,路加)。 There are no indications in the New Testament of a systematic plan for the distribution of the Apostolic compositions, any more than there is of a definite new Canon bequeathed by the Apostles to the Church, or of a strong self-witness to Divine inspiration.在新約的使徒組成,多有一個明確的新的佳能有系統有計劃的分配沒有跡象表明遺留下來的使徒教會,或強烈的自我見證神的啟示。 Nearly all the New Testament writings were evoked by particular occasions, or addressed to particular destinations.幾乎所有的新約書卷被誘發特定的場合,或針對特定目標。 But we may well presume that each of the leading Churches--Antioch, Thessalonica, Alexandria, Corinth, Rome--sought by exchanging with other Christian communities to add to its special treasure, and have publicly read in its religious assemblies all Apostolic writings which came under its knowledge.但是我們可以假設的領導教會 - 安提阿,薩洛尼卡,亞歷山大,科林斯,羅馬 - 尋求與其他基督信仰團體的交流,添加到其特別珍惜,並公開宣讀在其宗教集會使徒的著作,其中根據其知識。 It was doubtless in this way that the collections grew, and reached completeness within certain limits, but a considerable number of years must have elapsed (and that counting from the composition of the latest book) before all the widely separated Churches of early Christendom possessed the new sacred literature in full.這是毫無疑問,在這樣的集合的增長,並在一定範圍內達到完整,但有相當數量的兩年,必須經過(從最新的書組成的,計數)之前,所有的相距甚遠的早期基督教教會擁有全面的新的神聖的文學。 And this want of an organized distribution, secondarily to the absence of an early fixation of the Canon, left room for variations and doubts which lasted far into the centuries.而這需要一個有組織的分佈,其次為早期固定的情況下,佳能,持續到世紀以來的變化和懷疑的餘地。 But evidence will presently be given that from days touching on those of the last Apostles there were two well defined bodies of sacred writings of the New Testament, which constituted the firm, irreducible, universal minimum, and the nucleus of its complete Canon: these were the Four Gospels, as the Church now has them, and thirteen Epistles of St. Paul--the Evangelium and the Apostolicum.但證據將目前給予天接觸的最後使徒有兩個明確的機構,其行為均已構成其完整的佳能公司,束縛,普遍的最低,而核新約聖經的神聖的著作,這些都是四福音書,現在教會他們,和13書信的聖保羅教堂 - Evangelium的Apostolicum的。

2. 2。 The principle of canonicity的原則,正規

Before entering into the historical proof for this primitive emergence of a compact, nucleative Canon, it is pertinent to briefly examine this problem: During the formative period what principle operated in the selection of the New Testament writings and their recognition as Divine?--Theologians are divided on this point.之前進入到歷史證明,這種原始的出現結構緊湊,nucleative的佳能,它是相關的簡要分析一下這個問題:在形成什麼樣的原則運行在新約聖經的著作,並認識到作為神聖的選擇 - 神學家在這個問題上。 This view that Apostolicity was the test of the inspiration during the building up of the New Testament canon, is favoured by the many instances where the early Fathers base the authority of a book on its Apostolic origin, and by the truth that the definitive placing of the contested books on the New Testament catalogue coincided with their general acceptance as of Apostolic authorship.這種觀點,使徒性的測試過程中建立的新約正典的靈感,青睞的的早期教父基礎的權威的一本書,在其使徒的起源在許多情況下,真相最終配售有爭議的書的新約全書目錄恰逢他們普遍接受的使徒著作權。 Moreover, the advocates of this hypothesis point out that the Apostles' office corresponded with that of the Prophets of the Old Law, inferring that as inspiration was attached to the munus propheticum so the Apostles were aided by Divine inspiration whenever in the exercise of their calling they either spoke or wrote.此外,支持這一假設點的使徒辦公室與先知的舊法,推斷為靈感被連接到的munus propheticum,所以,使徒們的幫助下在行使他們的呼召神的啟示時,他們說話或寫。 Positive arguments are deduced from the New Testament to establish that a permanent prophetical charisma (see CHARISMATA) was enjoyed by the Apostles through a special indwelling of the Holy Ghost, beginning with Pentecost: Matth., x, 19, 20; Acts, xv, 28; I Cor., ii, 13; II Cor., xiii, 3; I Thess., ii, 13, are cited.正參數推導出“新約”,以建立一個永久的預言魅力(見的charismata)所享有的使徒,通過一個特殊的聖靈內住,與五旬節開始:Matth。,X,19,20;使徒行傳十五, 28,我肺心病。,二,13二,肺心病。,十三,3,我帖前,II,13,被引用。 The opponents of this theory allege against it that the Gospels of Mark and of Luke and Acts were not the work of Apostles (however, tradition connects the Second Gospel with St. Peter's preaching and St. Luke's with St. Paul's); that books current under an Apostle's name in the Early Church, such as the Epistle of Barnabas and the Apocalypse of St. Peter, were nevertheless excluded from canonical rank, while on the other hand Origen and St. Dionysius of Alexandria in the case of Apocalypse, and St. Jerome in the case of II and III John, although questioning the Apostolic authorship of these works, unhesitatingly received them as Sacred Scriptures.這一理論的反對者聲稱對馬克和盧克和行為,福音的使徒的工作(但是,傳統連接第二個福音與聖彼得的講道和聖路加的聖保羅);,書籍電流根據使徒的名字,在早期教會,,如巴拿巴書信和啟示的聖彼得大教堂,還是被排除在外從典型的排名,而在另一方面,奧利和狄奧尼修斯的亞歷山德里亞市的啟示的情況下,和聖杰羅姆在第二和第三約翰的情況下,雖然質疑的使徒,這些作品的作者,毫不猶豫地接待了他們神聖的經文。 An objection of a speculative kind is derived from the very nature of inspiration ad scribendum, which seems to demand a specific impulse from the Holy Ghost in each case, and preclude the theory that it could be possessed as a permanent gift, or charisma.異議的投機類是來自很自然的的靈感的廣告scribendum,這似乎要求一個特定的的衝動聖靈在每一種情況下,排除的理論,它可以擁有一個永久的禮物,或魅力。 The weight of Catholic theological opinion is deservedly against mere Apostolicity as a sufficient criterion of inspiration.天主教神學認為是當之無愧的重量對單純的使徒性的充分依據的靈感。 The adverse view has been taken by Franzelin (De Divinâ Traditione et Scripturâ, 1882), Schmid (De Inspirationis Bibliorum Vi et Ratione, 1885), Crets (De Divinâ Bibliorum Inspiratione, 1886), Leitner (Die prophetische Inspiration, 1895--a monograph), Pesch (De Inspiratione Sacræ, 1906).不利的觀點已採取的Franzelin(DIVINA Traditione聖經,1882年),施密德(德Inspirationis Bibliorum六等理由,1885年),Crets(DIVINA Bibliorum Inspiratione,1886年),萊特納(模具prophetische靈感,1895年 - 一個專著),佩施(InspirationeSacræ,1906年)的。 These authors (some of whom treat the matter more speculatively than historically) admit that Apostolicity is a positive and partial touchstone of inspiration, but emphatically deny that it was exclusive, in the sense that all non-Apostolic works were by that very fact barred from the sacred Canon of the New Testament They hold to doctrinal tradition as the true criterion.這些作者(其中一些人對待此事的投機性比歷史)承認,使徒性是一個積極的和局部的試金石靈感,但斷然否認它是獨特的,在這個意義上,所有非使徒的作品,張女士禁止佳能的神聖,他們認為新約聖經教義傳統,真正的標準。

Catholic champions of Apostolicity as a criterion are: Ubaldi (Introductio in Sacram Scripturam, II, 1876); Schanz (in Theologische Quartalschrift, 1885, pp. 666 sqq., and A Christian Apology, II, tr. 1891); Székely (Hermeneutica Biblica, 1902).天主教冠軍的使徒性的標準是:Ubaldi(導論在Sacram Scripturam,II,1876); Schanz(在1885年,Theologische Quartalschrift,第666 SQQ。,是一個基督教道歉,II,TR 1891);塞克利(Hermeneutica Biblica,1902年)。 Recently Professor Batiffol, while rejecting the claims of these latter advocates, has enunciated a theory regarding the principle that presided over the formation of the New Testament canon which challenges attention and perhaps marks a new stage in the controversy.最近Batiffol教授,而拒絕索賠,後者的主張,已闡述了一個理論的原則,主持新約正典的形成挑戰注意,也許標誌著一個新階段的爭議中。 According to Monsignor Batiffol, the Gospel (ie the words and commandments of Jesus Christ) bore with it its own sacredness and authority from the very beginning.據主教Batiffol的福音(即詞和耶穌基督的誡命)孔與它自己的神聖性和權威性,從一開始。 This Gospel was announced to the world at large, by the Apostles and Apostolic disciples of Christ, and this message, whether spoken or written, whether taking the form of an evangelic narrative or epistle, was holy and supreme by the fact of containing the Word of Our Lord.這福音向世界宣布:在大的基督的使徒和使徒的弟子,這個消息,無論是口頭或書面的,無論是一個福音敘事或書信的形式,是神聖的,至上的事實的話我們的主。 Accordingly, for the primitive Church, evangelical character was the test of Scriptural sacredness.因此,原始的教會,福音派的性格是聖經的神聖的考驗。 But to guarantee this character it was necessary that a book should be known as composed by the official witnesses and organs of the Evangel; hence the need to certify the Apostolic authorship, or at least sanction, of a work purporting to contain the Gospel of Christ.但要保證這種性格,一本書組成的播道的官方證人和器官,被稱為是必要的,因此需要證明使徒的作者,或者至少是制裁,看來是載有基督的福音工作。 In Batiffol's view the Judaic notion of inspiration did not at first enter into the selection of the Christian Scriptures. Batiffol的觀點,猶太人的概念沒有在第一次進入到選擇的基督教聖經的靈感。 In fact, for the earliest Christians the Gospel of Christ, in the wide sense above noted, was not to be classified with, because transcending, the Old Testament.事實上,最早的基督徒基督的福音,以上提到的在廣泛的意義上說,沒有進行分類,因為超越“舊約”。 It was not until about the middle of the second century that under the rubric of Scripture the New Testament writings were assimilated to the Old; the authority of the New Testament as the Word preceded and produced its authority as a New Scripture.但直到中間的第二個世紀,聖經的名義下被同化的新約書卷的舊新約聖經的權威的話之前,並產生一個新的聖經的權威,。 (Revue Biblique, 1903, 226 sqq.) Monsignor Batiffol's hypothesis has this in common with the views of other recent students of the New Testament canon, that the idea of a new body of sacred writings became clearer in the Early Church as the faithful advanced in a knowledge of the Faith. (諷刺時事的滑稽劇Biblique,1903年,226 SQQ。)主教Batiffol的假設有此同其他最近學生的新約正典的意見,,一個新的身體的神聖著作的想法變得更加清晰,在早期教會的忠實先進在知識的信仰。 But it should be remembered that the inspired character of the New Testament is a Catholic dogma, and must therefore in some way have been revealed to, and taught by, Apostles.--Assuming that Apostolic authorship is a positive criterion of inspiration, two inspired Epistles of St. Paul have been lost.但也應記住,激勵著特徵的“新約”是一個天主教教條,因此,必須以某種方式透露,和教導,使徒 - 假設使徒著作權是一個積極的標準,兩個啟發的靈感聖保羅的書信已丟失。 This appears from I Cor., v, 9, sqq.; II Cor., ii, 4, 5.這似乎從我肺心病,V,9時12 sqq;二肺心病。,II,4,5。

3. 3。 The formation of the Tetramorph, or Fourfold Gospel形成的Tetramorph,或四福音

Irenæus, in his work "Against Heresies" (AD 182-88), testifies to the existence of a Tetramorph, or Quadriform Gospel, given by the Word and unified by one Spirit; to repudiate this Gospel or any part of it, as did the Alogi and Marcionites, was to sin against revelation and the Spirit of God.依,在他的作品“對異端邪說”(公元182-88),證明了存在的Tetramorph,或由Word和統一quadriform福音,被一個聖靈所推翻這個福音,或它的任何部分,也Alogi和Marcionites,是得罪神的啟示和精神。 The saintly Doctor of Lyons explicitly states the names of the four Elements of this Gospel, and repeatedly cites all the Evangelists in a manner parallel to his citations from the Old Testament.里昂聖潔的醫生明確指出的四大要素,這是福音的名字,並反复引用的方式並行,以他的引文從“舊約”的所有福音。 From the testimony of St. Irenæus alone there can be no reasonable doubt that the Canon of the Gospel was inalterably fixed in the Catholic Church by the last quarter of the second century.從聖irenæus單獨的證詞中可以有合理懷疑,佳能不可逆轉地固定在最後一個季度的第二個世紀的天主教教會的福音。 Proofs might be multiplied that our canonical Gospels were then universally recognized in the Church, to the exclusion of any pretended Evangels.證明可能會被乘以我們的典型福​​音,然後在教會中公認的的任何虛假的Evangels,排除。 The magisterial statement of Irenæus may be corroborated by the very ancient catalogue known as the Muratorian Canon, and St. Hippolytus, representing Roman tradition; by Tertullian in Africa, by Clement in Alexandria; the works of the Gnostic Valentinus, and the Syrian Tatian's Diatessaron, a blending together of the Evangelists' writings, presuppose the authority enjoyed by the fourfold Gospel towards the middle of the second century.愛任紐權威性的聲明證實了非常古老的目錄,稱為穆拉多利佳能,聖希波呂托斯,羅馬的傳統,由良在非洲,克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞的作品的諾斯底瓦倫廷,和敘利亞塔蒂安的Diatessaron人們,融合在一起的福音派的著作,前提是向中間的第二個世紀四福音所享有的權力。 To this period or a little earlier belongs the pseduo-Clementine epistle in which we find, for the first time after II Peter, iii, 16, the word Scripture applied to a New Testament book.屬於這一時期或更早一點的pseduo克萊門汀的書信中,我們發現,二彼得,三,16字聖經新約書後的第一次。 But it is needless in the present article to array the full force of these and other witnesses, since even rationalistic scholars like Harnack admit the canonicity of the quadriform Gospel between the years 140-175.在目前的文章,但它是不必要的,因為即使是理性的學者,如哈納克陣列的全部力量,這些和其他證人承認的正規的quadriform福音之間的140-175。

But against Harnack we are able to trace the Tetramorph as a sacred collection back to a more remote period.但對哈納克,我們能夠跟踪Tetramorph作為一種神聖的集合恢復到一個比較偏遠的時期。 The apocryphal Gospel of St. Peter, dating from about 150, is based on our canonical Evangelists.猜測福音的聖彼得大教堂,歷史可追溯至約150,是基於我們的典型福​​音。 So with the very ancient Gospel of the Hebrews and Egyptians (see APOCRYPHA).因此,非常古老的希伯來人,埃及人(見偽經)的福音。 St. Justin Martyr (130-63) in his Apology refers to certain "memoirs of the Apostles, which are called gospels", and which "are read in Christian assemblies together with the writings of the Prophets".聖賈斯汀烈士(130-63)在他的道歉是指一定的“回憶錄中的使徒,被稱為福音”,“基督教集會,一起閱讀的著作的先知”。 The identity of these "memoirs" with our Gospels is established by the certain traces of three, if not all, of them scattered through St. Justin's works; it was not yet the age of explicit quotations.這些“回憶錄”與我們的福音的身份建立三個以一定的痕跡,如果不是全部,他們分散在聖賈斯汀的作品,這是尚未明確的報價單的年齡。 Marcion, the heretic refuted by Justin in a lost polemic, as we know from Tertullian, instituted a criticism of Gospels bearing the names of the Apostles and disciples of the Apostles, and a little earlier (c. 120) Basilides, the Alexandrian leader of a Gnostic sect, wrote a commentary on "the Gospel" which is known by the allusions to it in the Fathers to have comprised the writings of the Four Evangelists.邪教馬吉安,駁斥了由Justin在失去的論戰,因為我們知道從戴爾都良,建立了一個批評的福音的使徒和弟子的使徒軸承的名字,早一點(約120),里德,亞歷山大領導人的諾斯替教派的“福音”,寫了一篇評論,這是眾所周知的典故,它在父親的著作“四福音已組成。

In our backward search we have come to the sub-Apostolic age, and its important witnesses are divided into Asian, Alexandrian, and Roman:在我們向後搜索,我們來分使徒時代,其重要證人被分為亞洲,亞歷山大,羅馬:

St. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, and St. Polycarp, of Smyrna, had been disciples of Apostles; they wrote their epistles in the first decade of the second century (100-110).聖依納爵的安提阿主教,並聖波利卡普的士麥那,弟子的使徒,他們寫書信的第二個世紀的第一個十年(100-110)。 They employ Matthew, Luke, and John.他們採用馬太,路加,和約翰。 In St. Ignatius we find the first instance of the consecrated term "it is written" applied to a Gospel (Ad Philad., viii, 2).在聖依納爵,我們找到的第一個實例的神聖的長期“,這是寫”福音(廣告Philad,八,2)。 Both these Fathers show not only a personal acquaintance with "the Gospel" and the thirteen Pauline Epistles, but they suppose that their readers are so familiar with them that it would be superfluous to name them.這兩個父親不僅是個人的熟人“福音”和保羅書信13,但他們想,他們的讀者是如此熟悉他們,這將是多餘的,以他們的名字。 Papias, Bishop of Phrygian Hierapolis, according to Irenæus a disciple of St. John, wrote about AD 125.帕皮亞,主教的弗里吉亞希拉波利斯,根據愛任紐聖約翰的弟子,寫了約公元125。 Describing the origin of St. Mark's Gospel, he speaks of Hebrew (Aramaic) Logia, or Sayings of Christ, composed by St. Matthew, which there is reason to believe formed the basis of the canonical Gospel of that name, though the greater part of Catholic writers identify them with the Gospel.的聖馬克福音描述的起源,他說的是希伯來文(阿拉姆)總互濟會,或熟語基督的聖馬太組成,其中有理由相信該名稱的典型福音的基礎上形成的,雖然大部份天主教作家找出他們的福音。 As we have only a few fragments of Papias, preserved by Eusebius, it cannot be alleged that he is silent about other parts of the New Testament.由於我們只有少數幾個片段帕皮亞,保存優西比烏,它可以不被指控其他部分的新約,他是沉默的。

The so-called Epistle of Barnabas, of uncertain origin, but of highest antiquity, cites a passage from the First Gospel under the formula "it is written".所謂的書信巴拿巴,來源不明的,但最古老的第一福音“,這是寫”根據上述公式中引用的一段話。 The Didache, or Teaching of the Apostles, an uncanonical work dating from c.的遺訓,或教學的使徒,從C明顯不規範的工作,約會。 110, implies that "the Gospel" was already a well-known and definite collection. 110,意味著“福音”,已經是一個著名的定義的集合。

St. Clement, Bishop of Rome, and disciple of St. Paul, addressed his Letter to the Corinthian Church c.聖克萊門特,羅馬的主教,和聖保羅的弟子,他寫信給哥林多教會C的。 AD 97, and, although it cites no Evangelist explicitly, this epistle contains combinations of texts taken from the three synoptic Gospels, especially from St. Matthew. AD 97,雖然它明確地引用沒有傳播者,這封書信包含從三個天氣福音,特別是從聖馬太的文本的組合。 That Clement does not allude to the Fourth Gospel is quite natural, as it was not composed till about that time.克萊門特沒有提到的第四個福音,是很自然的,因為它不是由,直到大約在那個時候。

Thus the patristic testimonies have brought us step by step to a Divine inviolable fourfold Gospel existing in the closing years of the Apostolic Era.因此,教父的證詞給我們帶來了一個神聖的不可侵犯的四福音中存在的使徒時代的最後幾年裡一步一步。 Just how the Tetramorph was welded into unity and given to the Church, is a matter of conjecture.就如何Tetramorph焊接成團結,給教會,是一個猜想的問題。 But, as Zahn observes, there is good reason to believe that the tradition handed down by Papias, of the approval of St. Mark's Gospel by St. John the Evangelist, reveals that either the latter himself of a college of his disciples added the Fourth Gospel to the Synoptics, and made the group into the compact and unalterable "Gospel", the one in four, whose existence and authority left their clear impress upon all subsequent ecclesiastical literature, and find their conscious formulation in the language of Irenæus.但是,作為贊恩指出,有充分的理由相信,傳統流傳下來的帕皮亞,聖馬可的福音傳道者聖約翰的批准,揭示了後者自己的一所大學,他的弟子增加了四對觀福音傳福音,並提出了組,緊湊的和不可改變的“福音”,四分之一,其存在和權威離開了他們的明確後,所有後續的教會文學留下深刻的印象,並找到他們的自覺制定的語言,愛任紐。

4. 4。 The Pauline Epistles保羅書信

Parallel to the chain of evidence we have traced for the canonical standing of the Gospels extends one for the thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, forming the other half of the irreducible kernel of the complete New Testament canon.我們跟踪的典型地位的福音並行的證據鏈延伸的13書信的聖保祿形成束縛的內核的完整的新約正典的另一半。 All the authorities cited for the Gospel Canon show acquaintance with, and recognize, the sacred quality of these letters.當局引用的福音佳能節目相識,並認識到,這些信件的神聖的質量。 St. Irenæus, as acknowledged by the Harnackian critics, employs all the Pauline writings, except the short Philemon, as sacred and canonical.聖irenæus,承認的Harnackian的批評,員工寶蓮著作,除短期腓利門書,作為神聖和規範。 The Muratorian Canon, contemporary with Irenæus, gives the complete list of the thirteen, which, it should be remembered, does not include Hebrews.穆拉多利佳能,現代與愛任紐,給出了13,我們應該記住,不包括希伯來書的完整列表。 The heretical Basilides and his disciples quote from this Pauline group in general.從這個寶蓮集團一般異端里德和他的弟子們引用。 The copious extracts from Marcion's works scattered through Irenæus and Tertullian show that he was acquainted with the thirteen as in ecclesiastical use, and selected his Apostolikon of six from them.馬吉安的豐富提取物通過愛任紐和特土良秀,他在教會使用熟悉的13,,並選擇他的Apostolikon六,從他們的作品散。 The testimony of Polycarp and Ignatius is again capital in this case.在這種情況下,又是資本的證詞波利卡普和伊格內修斯。 Eight of St. Paul's writings are cited by Polycarp; St. Ignatius of Antioch ranked the Apostles above the Prophets, and must therefore have allowed the written compositions of the former at least an equal rank with those of the latter ("Ad Philadelphios", v).八聖保羅的著作被引用的波利卡普,聖依納爵的安提阿以上的使徒先知的排名,因此,必須允許後者前至少一個同等級別的書面組成(“廣告Philadelphios”五)。 St. Clement of Rome refers to Corinthians as at the head "of the Evangel"; the Muratorian Canon gives the same honour to I Corinthians, so that we may rightfully draw the inference, with Dr. Zahn, that as early as Clement's day St. Paul's Epistles had been collected and formed into a group with a fixed order.聖克萊門特的羅馬頭“播道指哥林多前書”;穆拉多利佳能給出了同樣的榮譽,我哥林多前書,所以,我們可以理所當然地得出的推斷,博士贊恩早一天,聖克萊門特的保羅的書信已收集成一組,形成一個固定的順序。 Zahn has pointed out confirmatory signs of this in the manner in which Sts.贊恩曾指出驗證的跡象,其中STS的方式。 Ignatius and Polycarp employ these Epistles.伊格內修斯和波利卡普使用這些書信。 The tendency of the evidence is to establish the hypothesis that the important Church of Corinth was the first to form a complete collection of St. Paul's writings.傾向的證據是建立在假設的重要哥林多教會的第一聖保羅的著作,形成一個完整的集合。

5. 5。 The remaining Books其餘書籍

In this formative period the Epistle to the Hebrews did not obtain a firm footing in the Canon of the Universal Church.在這個形成時期的希伯來人的書信沒有得到佳能的普世教會中站穩了腳跟。 At Rome it was not yet recognized as canonical, as shown by the Muratorian catalogue of Roman origin; Irenæus probably cites it, but makes no reference to a Pauline origin.在羅馬尚未確認為規範,如下所示的羅馬起源的穆拉多利目錄的愛任紐大概列舉了,但並沒有提及到波利娜起源。 Yet it was known at Rome as early as St. Clement, as the latter's epistle attests.然而,它被稱為早在羅馬聖克萊門特,後者的書信證明。 The Alexandrian Church admitted it as the work of St. Paul, and canonical.亞歷山大教會承認它的聖保羅,和規範的工作。 The Montanists favoured it, and the aptness with which vi, 4-8, lent itself to the Montanist and Novatianist rigour was doubtless one reason why it was suspect in the West.孟他努的青睞,和適合性,六,4-8,本身的Montanist Novatianist嚴謹的無疑是原因之一,這是犯罪嫌疑人在西方。 Also during this period the excess over the minimal Canon composed of the Gospels and thirteen epistles varied.另外,在此期間,超過的福音和13書信組成的最小佳能變化。 The seven "Catholic" Epistles (James, Jude, I and II Peter, and the three of John) had not yet been brought into a special group, and, with the possible exception of the three of St. John, remained isolated units, depending for their canonical strength on variable circumstances.七“天主教”的書信(詹姆斯,裘德,I和II彼得和約翰·三)尚未被納入一個特殊的群體,而且,可能是個例外的三個聖約翰,依然孤立,單位,根據他們的規範力量變的情況下。 But towards the end of the second century the canonical minimum was enlarged and, besides the Gospels and Pauline Epistles, unalterably embraced Acts, I Peter, I John (to which II and III John were probably attached), and Apocalypse.但在接近年底的第二個世紀的規範最低擴大,除了福音書和保羅書信,不可改變地擁抱行為,我彼得,約翰一書(第二和第三約翰很可能是附後),與啟示。 Thus Hebrews, James, Jude, and II Peter remained hovering outside the precincts of universal canonicity, and the controversy about them and the subsequently disputed Apocalypse form the larger part of the remaining history of the Canon of the New Testament However, at the beginning of the third century the New Testament was formed in the sense that the content of its main divisions, what may be called its essence, was sharply defined and universally received, while all the secondary books were recognized in some Churches.因此,希伯來人,詹姆斯,裘德和II彼得仍然普遍正規場地外徘徊,他們隨後有爭議的啟示,形成了較大的一部分,佳能的新約聖經,但其餘的歷史,在開始的爭議第三個世紀,新約聖經的內容,其主要部門,有什麼可以被稱為它的本質在這個意義上,形成清晰的和普遍好評,在一些教會的認可,而所有輔助書籍。 A singular exception to the universality of the above-described substance of the New Testament was the Canon of the primitive East Syrian Church, which did not contain any of the Catholic Epistles or Apocalypse. “新約”的上述物質的普遍性一個唯一的例外是佳能的原始的東方敘利亞教會,不含有任何的天主教教會或啟示。

6. 6。 The idea of a New Testament新約的想法

The question of the principle that dominated the practical canonization of the New Testament Scriptures has already been discussed under (b).已經討論過的問題佔主導地位的實際冊封新約聖經的原則,(b)項。 The faithful must have had from the beginning some realization that in the writings of the Apostles and Evangelists they had acquired a new body of Divine Scriptures, a New written Testament destined to stand side by side with the Old.信徒們必須有從一開始,他們獲得了一個新的機構,神聖的經文和福音的使徒的著作中,新舊約注定要肩並肩與舊一些實現。 That the Gospel and Epistles were the written Word of God, was fully realized as soon as the fixed collections were formed; but to seize the relation of this new treasure to the old was possible only when the faithful acquired a better knowledge of the faith.福音和書信的書面神的話語,,盡快固定的集合形成完全實現;但抓住這個新寶的老關係是可能的,只有當忠實的信念獲得了更好的知識。 In this connection Zahn observes with much truth that the rise of Montanism, with its false prophets, who claimed for their written productions--the self-styled Testament of the Paraclete--the authority of revelation, around the Christian Church to a fuller sense that the age of revelation had expired with the last of the Apostles, and that the circle of sacred Scripture is not extensible beyond the legacy of the Apostolic Era.在這方面贊恩觀察到,很有道理的孟他努的崛起,假先知,誰聲稱他們的書面作品 - 自封約的聖靈 - 的權威,啟示,各地的基督教堂,以更充分地意識到的啟示,年齡已屆滿的最後的使徒,超越使徒時代遺留下來的,圓的“聖經”是不可擴展的。 Montanism began in 156; a generation later, in the works of Irenæus, we discover the firmly-rooted idea of two Testaments, with the same Spirit operating in both.孟他努開始在156個;一代人以後,在愛任紐的作品中,我們發現兩個約牢牢紮根的想法,本著同樣的精神在這兩個操作。 For Tertullian (c. 200) the body of the New Scripture is an instrumentum on at least an equal footing and in the same specific class as the instrumentum formed by the Law and the Prophets.為良(公元前200)的新經文的身體是的文書至少在平等協商,在相同的特定類的文書由律法和先知。 Clement of Alexandria was the first to apply the word "Testament" to the sacred library of the New Dispensation.克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞的第一個“約”字的神聖庫,新的豁免申請。 A kindred external influence is to be added to Montanism: the need of setting up a barrier, between the genuine inspired literature and the flood of pseudo-Apostolic apocrypha, gave an additional impulse to the idea of a New Testament canon, and later contributed not a little to the demarcation of its fixed limits.類似的外部影響被添加到孟他努的需要,設置了一道屏障,之間的真正靈感的文學和洪水的偽使徒偽經,給了一個額外的新約正典的想法的衝動,後來貢獻不一點點地劃分其固定的限制。

B. THE PERIOD OF DISCUSSION (AD 220-367) B.討論的時期(公元220-367)

In this stage of the historical development of the Canon of the New Testament we encounter for the first time a consciousness reflected in certain ecclesiastical writers, of the differences between the sacred collections in divers sections of Christendom.在佳能的新約裡,我們遇到的第一次有意識反映在某些神聖的集合之間的差異在潛水員部分的基督教教會作家,歷史發展的這個階段。 This variation is witnessed to, and the discussion stimulated by, two of the most learned men of Christian antiquity, Origen, and Eusebius of Cæsarea, the ecclesiastical historian.這種變化是有目共睹,討論的刺激下,兩個最有學問的人的基督教古物,俄,尤西比烏斯的cæsarea,教會歷史學家。 A glance at the Canon as exhibited in the authorities of the African, or Carthaginian, Church, will complete our brief survey of this period of diversity and discussion:-在佳能所展示的一瞥當局的非洲,迦太基人,教會,或將完成這一時期的多樣性與討論:我們的簡短調查 -

1. 1。 Origen and his school奧利和他的學校

Origen's travels gave him exception opportunities to know the traditions of widely separated portions of the Church and made him very conversant with the discrepant attitudes toward certain parts of the New Testament He divided books with Biblical claims into three classes:奧利的旅行給了他異常的機會,知道了廣泛分離的部分的教會的傳統,他非常熟悉不一致的態度,對某些部分的新約,他將與聖經索賠的書籍分為三類:

those universally received;那些普遍接受;

those whose Apostolicity was questions;那些使徒性的問題;

apocryphal works.未經證實的作品。

In the first class, the Homologoumena, stood the Gospels, the thirteen Pauline Epistles, Acts, Apocalypse, I Peter, and I John.在第一類中,Homologoumena,經受住了福音,13寶蓮書信,使徒行傳,啟示,彼得,約翰。 The contested writings were Hebrews, II Peter, II and III John, James, Jude, Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache, and probably the Gospel of the Hebrews.有爭議的著作是希伯來書彼得,II,II和III約翰,詹姆斯,裘德,巴拿巴,牧人書的十二使徒遺訓,可能是希伯來人的福音。 Personally, Origen accepted all of these as Divinely inspired, though viewing contrary opinions with toleration.個人,俄接受了所有這些神聖的,但看到相反的意見,容忍。 Origen's authority seems to have given to Hebrews and the disputed Catholic Epistles a firm place in the Alexandrian Canon, their tenure there having been previously insecure, judging from the exegetical work of Clement, and the list in the Codex Claromontanus, which is assigned by competent scholars to an early Alexandrian origin.淵源的權威似乎以已給定的希伯來書,並在爭議天主教書信,一個公司地點的亞歷山大佳能,他們的任期內有已被以前不安全,從訓詁工作的克萊門特,在名單中的食品法典委員會Claromontanus,這是分配由主管學者早在亞歷山大的起源。

2. 2。 Eusebius尤西比烏斯

Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, was one of Origen's most eminent disciples, a man of wide erudition.尤西比烏斯,主教cæsarea在巴勒斯坦,奧利最傑出的弟子之一,廣泛博學的人。 In imitation of his master he divided religious literature into three classes:在模仿他的主人,他劃分了宗教文學分為三個等級:

Homologoumena, or compositions universally received as sacred, the Four Gospels, thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, Hebrews, Acts, I Peter, I John, and Apocalypse. Homologoumena,或化學成分,普遍收到了神聖,四福音書,13書信的聖保羅,希伯來書,使徒行傳,彼得,約翰,和啟示。 There is some inconsistency in his classification; for instance, though ranking Hebrews with the books of universal reception, he elsewhere admits it is disputed.在他的分類有一些不一致,例如,雖然排名希伯來人的普遍接收的書籍,他在其他地方也承認這是有爭議的。

The second category is composed of the Antilegomena, or contested writings; these in turn are of the superior and inferior sort.第二類是由的Antilegomena,或有爭議的著作,這些優劣的排序依次是。 The better ones are the Epistles of St. James and St. Jude, II Peter, II and III John; these, like Origen, Eusebius wished to be admitted to the Canon, but was forced to record their uncertain status; the Antilegomena of the inferior sort were Barnabas, the Didache, Gospel of the Hebrews, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Apocalypse of Peter.更好的是聖雅各福群會和聖猶大,彼得,II和III約翰的書信,這些,像俄利根,優西比烏希望被接納為佳能的,但​​被迫記錄他們的地位不明確的Antilegomena劣排序為巴拿巴,在didache,希伯來人的福音,使徒行傳的牧者,保羅,彼得的啟示。

All the rest are spurious (notha).其餘的全部是假的(notha)。

Eusebius diverged from his Alexandrian master in personally rejecting Apocalypse as an un-Biblical, though compelled to acknowledge its almost universal acceptance.尤西比烏斯偏離了他的亞歷山大大師親自拒絕啟示一個未聖經的,但不得不承認它幾乎被普遍接受。 Whence came this unfavourable view of the closing volume of the Christian Testament?--Zahn attributes it to the influence of Lucian of Samosata, one of the founders of the Antioch school of exegesis, and with whose disciples Eusebius had been associated.是從哪裡來的這種不利的視圖的閉合容積的基督教舊約? - ,贊恩的屬性,它的影響Samosata的盧西恩的註釋的安提阿學校的創辦人之一,並與弟子尤西比烏斯相關。 Lucian himself had acquired his education at Edessa, the metropolis of Eastern Syria, which had, as already remarked, a singularly curtailed Canon.盧西恩自己已經獲得了他的教育在埃德薩,敘利亞東部的大都市,已經說過,奇縮減佳能。 Luician is known to have edited the Scriptures at Antioch, and is supposed to have introduced there the shorter New Testament which later St. John Chrysostom and his followers employed--one in which Apocalypse, II Peter, II and III John, and Jude had no place. Luician被稱為有編輯的“聖經”在安提阿,應該引入較短的新約聖經,後來聖約翰金口和他的追隨者 - 一個啟示,II和III II彼得,約翰,和裘德沒有立足之地。 It is known that Theodore of Mopsuestia rejected all the Catholic Epistles.據了解,西奧多的Mopsuestia拒絕所有天主教教會。 In St. John Chrysostom's ample expositions of the Scriptures there is not a single clear trace of the Apocalypse, which he seems to implicitly exclude the four smaller Epistles--II Peter, II and III John, and Jude--from the number of the canonical books.在聖約翰金口充足的“聖經”的論述中有沒有單一清晰的“啟示錄”的痕跡,他似乎含蓄地排除四個更小的書信 - II和III II彼得,約翰,和裘德 - 的數量典型的書籍。 Lucian, then, according to Zahn, would have compromised between the Syriac Canon and the Canon of Origen by admitting the three longer Catholic Epistles and keeping out Apocalypse.盧西恩,然後,根據贊恩,會損害之間的敘利亞佳能和佳能的淵源,承認三個較長的天主教教會和保持啟示。 But after allowing fully for the prestige of the founder of the Antioch school, it is difficult to grant that his personal authority could have sufficed to strike such an important work as Apocalypse from the Canon of a notable Church, where it had previously been received.但在允許完全的安提阿學派的創始人的威望,是很難給予他的個人權威,可以有足夠的罷工這樣一個重要的啟示的工作,從佳能的一個顯著教會,在那裡它此前已收到。 It is more probable that a reaction against the abuse of the Johannine Apocalypse by the Montanists and Chiliasts--Asia Minor being the nursery of both these errors--led to the elimination of a book whose authority had perhaps been previously suspected.這是更可能的Montanists和Chiliasts濫用約翰啟示錄 - 小亞細亞的反應對幼兒園的這兩個錯誤 - 消除了一本書,其權威或許以前懷疑。 Indeed it is quite reasonable to suppose that its early exclusion from the East Syrian Church was an outer wave of the extreme reactionist movement of the Aloges--also of Asia Minor--who branded Apocalypse and all the Johannine writings as the work of the heretic Cerinthus.事實上,這是相當合理的假設,早期排除從東方敘利亞教會外波的的極端反動的Aloges運動的 - 還小亞細亞 - 品牌的啟示和約翰的著作,作為工作的邪教克林妥。 Whatever may have been all the influences ruling the personal Canon of Eusebius, he chose Lucian's text for the fifty copies of the Bible which he furnished to the Church of Constantinople at the order of his imperial patron Constantine; and he incorporated all the Catholic Epistles, but excluded Apocalypse.無論可能已被所有的影響統治的個人佳能的尤西比烏斯,他選擇了盧西恩的文本的50份“聖經”其中他提供的教會君士坦丁堡為他的帝國守護神康斯坦丁;和他納入所有的天主教書信,但不包括啟示。 The latter remained for more than a century banished from the sacred collections as current in Antioch and Constantinople.後者仍然超過一個世紀驅逐出神聖的集合,目前在安提阿和君士坦丁堡。 However, this book kept a minority of Asiatic suffrages, and, as both Lucian and Eusebius had been tainted with Arianism, the approbation of Apocalypse, opposed by them, finally came to be looked upon as a sign of orthodoxy.然而,這本書的少數亞洲投票選舉,盧西恩和尤西比烏斯已經沾染了阿里烏主義,認同,他們反對的啟示,終於來到了被視作為正統的標誌。 Eusebius was the first to call attention to important variations in the text of the Gospels, viz., the presence in some copies and the absence in others of the final paragraph of Mark, the passage of the Adulterous Woman, and the Bloody Sweat.尤西比烏斯是第一個呼籲關注重要的變化在文本的福音,即,存在在一些副本的最後一個段落標記,通過淫婦在其他的情況下,流血流汗。

3. 3。 The African Church非洲教會

St. Cyprian, whose Scriptural Canon certainly reflects the contents of the first Latin Bible, received all the books of the New Testament except Hebrews, II Peter, James, and Jude; however, there was already a strong inclination in his environment to admit II Peter as authentic.聖塞浦路斯,聖經佳能肯定反映的第一個拉丁文聖經的內容,收到了所有的新約聖經的書籍,除了希伯來書,彼得,雅各,和裘德,但已經有一個強大的傾斜在他的環境中承認II彼得為正品。 Jude had been recognized by Tertullian, but, strangely, it had lost its position in the African Church, probably owing to its citation of the apocryphal Henoch.裘德已經被確認的戴爾都良,但是,奇怪的是,它已經失去了它的位置是在非洲教會,這可能是由於其引用的猜測過敏。 Cyprian's testimony to the non-canonicity of Hebrews and James is confirmed by Commodian, another African writer of the period.塞浦路斯非正規的希伯來人,詹姆斯的證詞也證實了,另一個非洲作家Commodian的時期。 A very important witness is the document known as Mommsen's Canon, a manuscript of the tenth century, but whose original has been ascertained to date from West Africa about the year 360.一個非常重要的證人是被稱為蒙森的佳能,在第十個世紀的手稿,但其原已確定可追溯至西非的今年360的文件。 It is a formal catalogue of the sacred books, unmutilated in the New Testament portion, and proves that at its time the books universally acknowledged in the influential Church of Carthage were almost identical with those received by Cyprian a century before.這是一個正式的目錄,神聖的書籍,在新約中部分完整無缺,並證明在其書舉世公認的有影響力的教會的迦太基與那些收到塞浦路斯一個世紀前幾乎相同。 Hebrews, James, and Jude are entirely wanting.希伯來書,雅各,和裘德完全想。 The three Epistles of St. John and II Peter appear, but after each stands the note una sola, added by an almost contemporary hand, and evidently in protest against the reception of these Antilegomena, which, presumably, had found a place in the official list recently, but whose right to be there was seriously questioned.三個書信的聖約翰和II彼得出現,但每UNA索拉代表說明,增加的幾乎是當代的手,明顯抗議,據推測,發現了一個在官方的接收這些Antilegomena,列出最近,但其權利受到嚴重質疑。

C. THE PERIOD OF FIXATION (AD 367-405) C.固定時期(公元367-405)

1. 1。 St. Athanasius聖亞他那修

While the influence of Athanasius on the Canon of the Old Testament was negative and exclusive (see supra), in that of the New Testament it was trenchantly constructive.雖然亞他那修對佳能的舊約的影響是負面的和排他的(見上文),在這新約聖經是trenchantly建設性的。 In his "Epistola Festalis" (AD 367) the illustrious Bishop of Alexandria ranks all of Origen's New Testament Antilegomena, which are identical with the deuteros, boldly inside the Canon, without noticing any of the scruples about them.在他的“書信集Festalis”的(公元367年)傑出的主教亞歷山德里亞居所有俄利根新約的Antilegomena的,是相同的deuteros的,大膽的佳能內部,他們沒有發現任何的顧忌。 Thenceforward they were formally and firmly fixed in the Alexandrian Canon.從此以後,他們正式被牢牢地固定在亞歷山大佳能。 And it is significant of the general trend of ecclesiastical authority that not only were works which formerly enjoyed high standing at broad-minded Alexandria--the Apocalypse of Peter and the Acts of Paul--involved by Athanasius with the apocrypha, but even some that Origen had regarded as inspired--Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache--were ruthlessly shut out under the same damnatory title.它是顯著的總趨勢,教會的權威,不僅是作品以前所享有崇高的地位,心胸寬廣亞歷山大 - 彼得和保羅的行為的啟示 - 亞他那修的偽經,但甚至一些奧利已被視為靈感 - 巴拿巴的牧人的黑馬,在didache - 同樣的指責的標題下被無情地拒之門外。

2. 2。 The Roman Church, the Synod under Damasus, and St. Jerome The Muratorian Canon or Fragment, composed in the Roman Church in the last quarter of the second century, is silent about Hebrews, James, II Peter; I Peter, indeed, is not mentioned, but must have been omitted by an oversight, since it was universally received at the time.羅馬教會,議會根據達瑪斯,和圣杰羅姆穆拉多利佳能或片段,在最後一個季度的第二個世紀的羅馬教會組成的,是沉默的希伯來書,雅各,彼得,彼得,確實是不提到,但必須被省略的監督,因為它被普遍接受的時候。 There is evidence that this restricted Canon obtained not only in the African Church, with slight modifications, as we have seen, but also at Rome and in the West generally until the close of the fourth century.有證據表明,這限制佳能不僅是在非洲教會,一般輕微的修改,正如我們已經看到,但在羅馬和西方,直到第四世紀結束。 The same ancient authority witnesses to the very favourable and perhaps canonical standing enjoyed at Rome by the Apocalypse of Peter and the Shepherd of Hermas.古代的權威證人享受在羅馬的啟示彼得和牧人書非常有利的,也許是典型的地位。 In the middle decades of the fourth century the increased intercourse and exchange of views between the Orient and the Occident led to a better mutual acquaintance regarding Biblical canons and the correction of the catalogue of the Latin Church.在中間幾十年的第四個世紀,在東方和西方之間增加交往和交流意見,導致一個更好的相互了解關於聖經的大砲和修正的拉丁教會的目錄。 It is a singular fact that while the East, mainly through St. Jerome's pen, exerted a disturbing and negative influence on Western opinion regarding the Old Testament, the same influence, through probably the same chief intermediary, made for the completeness and integrity of the New Testament canon.這是一個奇異的事實,而東方,主要是通過圣杰羅姆的筆下,產生了令人不安的和負面的影響,西方輿論關於“舊約”,同樣的影響,可能是通過相同的首席中介的完整性和完整性,新約正典。 The West began to realize that the ancient Apostolic Churches of Jerusalem and Antioch, indeed the whole Orient, for more than two centuries had acknowledged Hebrews and James as inspired writings of Apostles, while the venerable Alexandrian Church, supported by the prestige of Athanasius, and the powerful Patriarchate of Constantinople, with the scholarship of Eusebius behind its judgment, had canonized all the disputed Epistles.西方國家開始認識到,古老的使徒教堂的耶路撒冷和安提阿,乃至整個東方,兩個多世紀以來已經承認希伯來和詹姆斯的使徒著作的啟發,而古老的亞歷山大教會,支持亞他那修的威信,強大的君士坦丁堡,該獎學金的尤西比烏斯背後的判斷,冊封所有的爭議書信。 St. Jerome, a rising light in the Church, though but a simple priest, was summoned by Pope Damasus from the East, where he was pursuing sacred lore, to assist at an eclectic, but not ecumenical, synod at Rome in the year 382.圣杰羅姆,在教會中崛起的光,但一個簡單的神父,被傳喚教皇達瑪斯從東,在那裡他追求神聖的傳說,一個折衷的協助,但不能合一,主教在羅馬在今年382 。 Neither the general council at Constantinople of the preceding year nor that of Nice (365) had considered the question of the Canon.無論是總理事會在君士坦丁堡的前一年,也不是尼斯(365)審議了這個問題,佳能。 This Roman synod must have devoted itself specially to the matter.羅馬主教必須致力於專門的事項。 The result of its deliberations, presided over, no doubt, by the energetic Damasus himself, has been preserved in the document called "Decretum Gelasii de recipiendis et non recipiendis libris", a compilation partly of the sixth century, but containing much material dating from the two preceding ones.其審議的結果,主持,毫無疑問,由充滿活力的達瑪斯自己,一直保存在文件中被稱為“Decretum Gelasii recipiendis等非recipiendis藏書票”,彙編部分的第六個世紀,但含有大量的材料可以追溯到前兩個。 The Damasan catalogue presents the complete and perfect Canon which has been that of the Church Universal ever since. Damasan目錄介紹佳能一直以來的普世教會的健全和完善。 The New Testament portion bears the marks of Jerome's views.新約部分的印記杰羅姆的意見。 St. Jerome, always prepossessed in favour of Oriental positions in matters Biblical, exerted then a happy influence in regard to the New Testament; if he attempted to place any Eastern restriction upon the Canon of the Old Testament his effort failed of any effect.圣杰羅姆,總是好感贊成事宜聖經中的東方位置,然後施加一個幸福的關於“新約”的影響力,如果他試圖把任何東區限制後,佳能的舊約,他的努力沒有任何影響。 The title of the decree--"Nunc vero de scripturis divinis agendum est quid universalis Catholica recipiat ecclesia, et quid vitare debeat"--proves that the council drew up a list of apocryphal as well as authentic Scriptures.該法令的標題 - “Nunc公司維羅scripturis divinis的議程的EST檳榔universalis聖化recipiat教會,等鎊vitare debeat” - 證明了該委員會起草了一份名單的杜撰,以及正宗的聖經。 The Shepherd and the false Apocalypse of Peter now received their final blow.牧羊人和虛假的啟示彼得現在已經收到了他們的最後一擊。 "Rome had spoken, and the nations of the West had heard" (Zahn). “羅馬說,和西方國家早就聽說”(察恩)。 The works of the Latin Fathers of the period--Jerome, Hilary of Poitiers, Lucifer of Sardina, Philaster of Brescia--manifest the changed attitude toward Hebrews, James, Jude, II Peter, and III John.期間的拉丁教父的作品 - 杰羅姆,希拉里的普瓦捷,路西法的沙丁魚,Philaster的布雷西亞 - 體現改變的態度希伯來書,雅各,猶大,彼得,約翰三書。

3. 3。 Fixation in the African and Gallican Churches在非洲和高盧教會固定

It was some little time before the African Church perfectly adjusted its New Testament to the Damasan Canon.這是一些小的前非洲教會的完美調整的Damasan佳能的新約聖經。 Optatus of Mileve (370-85) does not used Hebrews. optatus的Mileve(370-85)不使用希伯來書。 St. Augustine, while himself receiving the integral Canon, acknowledged that many contested this Epistle.聖奧古斯丁,而自己的積分佳能承認,這一有爭議的書信。 But in the Synod of Hippo (393) the great Doctor's view prevailed, and the correct Canon was adopted.但在主教的河馬(393)偉大的醫生的意見佔了上風,並採取正確的佳能。 However, it is evident that it found many opponents in Africa, since three councils there at brief intervals--Hippo, Carthage, in 393; Third of Carthage in 397; Carthage in 419--found it necessary to formulate catalogues.然而,顯而易見的是,它發現了許多在非洲的對手,因為有三個委員會在簡短的時間間隔 - 河馬,迦太基,393;三是迦太基在397迦太基在419 - 認為有必要制定目錄。 The introduction of Hebrews was an especial crux, and a reflection of this is found in the first Carthage list, where the much vexed Epistle, though styled of St. Paul, is still numbered separately from the time-consecrated group of thirteen.希伯來書的介紹是一個特殊的癥結所在,並在第一迦太基的列表,其中非常令人困擾的書信,雖然聖保羅的風格,仍然是分開的時間奉獻的13編號反映了這一發現。 The catalogues of Hippo and Carthage are identical with the Catholic Canon of the present.本與天主教佳能的河馬和迦太基的目錄是相同的。 In Gaul some doubts lingered for a time, as we find Pope Innocent I, in 405, sending a list of the Sacred Books to one of its bishops, Exsuperius of Toulouse.在高盧有些疑惑徘徊了一段時間,我們發現教皇英諾森我,405,發送列表神聖的書籍,的主教,Exsuperius的圖盧茲(Toulouse)。 So at the close of the first decade of the fifth century the entire Western Church was in possession of the full Canon of the New Testament In the East, where, with the exception of the Edessene Syrian Church, approximate completeness had long obtained without the aid of formal enactments, opinions were still somewhat divided on the Apocalypse.因此,在第五世紀的第一個十年的結束,整個西方教會擁有的全部佳能的新約在東方,在那裡,敘利亞教會的Edessene例外,早已獲得近似完整性不借助正式的成文法則,仍有些分歧意見的啟示。 But for the Catholic Church as a whole the content of the New Testament was definitely fixed, and the discussion closed.但新約聖經的天主教教會作為一個整體的內容肯定是固定的,並討論關閉。

The final process of this Canon's development had been twofold: positive, in the permanent consecration of several writings which had long hovered on the line between canonical and apocryphal; and negative, by the definite elimination of certain privileged apocrypha that had enjoyed here and there a canonical or quasi-canonical standing.的最後過程,這個佳能的發展兩方面:積極的,中的永久奉獻的幾個著作它曾長期徘徊規範和未經證實的就行;和負,的明確消除某些特權偽經,已享受在這裡和那裡一個標準或準經典地位。 In the reception of the disputed books a growing conviction of Apostolic authorship had much to do, but the ultimate criterion had been their recognition as inspired by a great and ancient division of the Catholic Church.在接收有爭議的書籍越來越多的信念,使徒著作權很多工作要做,但最終的標準已經被承認為靈感來自於一個偉大而古老的天主教教會的分裂。 Thus, like Origen, St. Jerome adduces the testimony of the ancients and ecclesiastical usage in pleading the cause of the Epistle to the Hebrews (De Viris Illustribus, lix).因此,像淵源,圣杰羅姆引證古人的見證和教會使用,在希伯來人的書信,以懇求的原因(Viris Illustribus,LIX)。 There is no sign that the Western Church ever positively repudiated any of the New Testament deuteros; not admitted from the beginning, these had slowly advanced towards a complete acceptance there.有沒有任何跡象,西方教會積極拒絕接受任何新約聖經deuteros;從一開始不承認,這些已經慢慢前進走向完全接受。 On the other hand, the apparently formal exclusion of Apocalypse from the sacred catalogue of certain Greek Churches was a transient phase, and supposes its primitive reception.另一方面,顯然是正式的啟示排除某些希臘教會的神聖目錄是一個短暫的階段,並設其原始的接待。 Greek Christianity everywhere, from about the beginning of the sixth century, practically had a complete and pure New Testament canon.希臘基督教無處不在,從開始的第六個世紀,幾乎一個完整的,純新約正典。 (See EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS; EPISTLES OF ST. PETER; EPISTLE OF JAMES; EPISTLE OF JUDE; EPISTLES OF JOHN; APOCALYPSE.) (見書信向希伯來書聖彼得的書信書信的裘德;雅各書的約翰書信; APOCALYPSE)。

D. SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON D.後來的歷史新約正典

1. 1。 To the Protestant Reformation新教改革

The New Testament in its canonical aspect has little history between the first years of the fifth and the early part of the sixteenth century.在第一年的第五十六世紀早期的一部分,它的規範方面的新約聖經中有一點歷史。 As was natural in ages when ecclesiastical authority had not reached its modern centralization, there were sporadic divergences from the common teaching and tradition.是很自然的年齡時,教會的權威還沒有達到現代化的集中,有共同的教學和傳統的零星的​​分歧。 There was no diffused contestation of any book, but here and there attempts by individuals to add something to the received collection.論爭的任何一本書有沒有擴散,但在這裡和那裡試圖通過的個人添加一些接收到的集合。 In several ancient Latin manuscripts the spurious Epistle to the Laodiceans is found among the canonical letters, and, in a few instances, the apocryphal III Corinthians.在一些古老的拉丁手稿的老底嘉被發現之間的雜散書信規範的字母,並在少數情況下,猜測III哥林多前書。 The last trace of any Western contradiction within the Church to the Canon of the New Testament reveals a curious transplantation of Oriental doubts concerning the Apocalypse.東方疑慮“啟示錄”的最後一絲佳能的新約教會內的任何西方國家的矛盾揭示了一個奇怪的移植。 An act of the Synod of Toledo, held in 633, states that many contest the authority of that book, and orders it to be read in the churches under pain of excommunication.托萊多,在633舉行,主教的規定的行為,許多比賽的權威,這本書的訂單,並根據疼痛的禁教的教堂被讀取。 The opposition in all probability came from the Visigoths, who had recently been converted from Arianism.在所有的可能性的反對來自西哥特人,誰最近被轉換阿里烏斯教。 The Gothic Bible had been made under Oriental auspices at a time when there was still much hostility to Apocalypse in the East.哥特式的聖經已根據東方主持的時候,仍然有許多的敵意在東方的啟示。

2. 2。 The New Testament and the Council of Trent (1546)新約聖經和安理會的遄達(1546)

This ecumenical synod had to defend the integrity of the New Testament as well as the Old against the attacks of the pseudo-Reformers, Luther, basing his action on dogmatic reasons and the judgment of antiquity, had discarded Hebrews, James, Jude, and Apocalypse as altogether uncanonical.基督教主教捍衛“新約”的完整性以及老對偽改革者,路德的攻擊,根據他的行動,已經拋棄教條的原因和判斷的古代希伯來人,詹姆斯,裘德和啟示完全明顯不規範。 Zwingli could not see in Apocalypse a Biblical book.茨溫利看不到的啟示“聖經”裡的一個書。 (OEcolampadius placed James, Jude, II Peter, II and III John in an inferior rank. Even a few Catholic scholars of the Renaissance type, notably Erasmus and Cajetan, had thrown some doubts on the canonicity of the above-mentioned Antilegomena. As to whole books, the Protestant doubts were the only ones the Fathers of Trent took cognizance of; there was not the slightest hesitation regarding the authority of any entire document. But the deuterocanonical parts gave the council some concern, viz., the last twelve verses of Mark, the passage about the Bloody Sweat in Luke, and the Pericope Adulteræ in John. Cardinal Cajetan had approvingly quoted an unfavourable comment of St. Jerome regarding Mark, xvi, 9-20; Erasmus had rejected the section on the Adulterous Woman as unauthentic. Still, even concerning these no doubt of authenticity was expressed at Trent; the only question was as to the manner of their reception. In the end these portions were received, like the deuterocanonical books, without the slightest distinction. And the clause "cum omnibus suis partibus" regards especially these portions.--For an account of the action of Trent on the Canon, the reader is referred back to the respective section of the article: II. The Canon of the Old Testament in the Catholic Church. (厄科蘭帕迪烏斯放在詹姆斯,裘德,彼得,II和III約翰的優劣。文藝復興時期的類型,尤其是伊拉斯謨和聖卡傑坦的,即使是少數天主教學者把對正規的上述Antilegomena的一些疑慮。至於整本書,新教的疑慮是唯一了父親的遄達認識到,有關於整個文檔的權威,任何沒有絲毫的猶豫,但經的部分有些擔心,即給議會。,去年12節馬克,通過流血流汗的在路加,和約翰Adulteræ在Pericope。樞機cajetan讚許地引用一個不利的評論,圣杰羅姆9日至20日,馬克,十六,伊拉斯謨拒絕了淫婦的部分作為非不過,即使關於這些毫無疑問的真實性表示在特倫特的方式對他們的接待,唯一的問題是,到底這些部分的經書一樣,沒有絲毫的區別。“的條款及綜合性豬partibus“關於特別是這些部分 - 特倫特對佳能的作用的考慮,讀者可以參考相應的文章:II部分。在天主教教會在舊約佳能的。

The Tridentine decree defining the Canon affirms the authenticity of the books to which proper names are attached, without however including this in the definition.德律但丁法令,確定了佳能申明的真實性的書籍,適當的名稱,但不包括本的定義。 The order of books follows that of the Bull of Eugenius IV (Council of Florence), except that Acts was moved from a place before Apocalypse to its present position, and Hebrews put at the end of St. Paul's Epistles.書的順序如下葉夫根尼IV(理事會佛羅倫薩)的公牛,,除了行為感動啟示現在的位置從一個地方之前,在聖保羅的書信和希伯來把。 The Tridentine order has been retained in the official Vulgate and vernacular Catholic Bibles.德律但丁一直保留在的官方vulgate和白話天主教的聖經。 The same is to be said of the titles, which as a rule are traditional ones, taken from the Canons of Florence and Carthage.同樣是這樣說的標題,作為一項規則,是傳統的,從大砲的佛羅倫薩和迦太基。 (For the bearing of the Vatican Council on the New Testament, see Part II above.) (對於軸承的梵蒂岡會在新約聖經,見上文第II部)。

3. 3。 The New Testament canon outside the Church新約正典之外的教會

The Orthodox Russian and other branches of the Eastern Orthodox Church have a New Testament identical with the Catholic.俄羅斯東正教和其他部門的東正教與天主教新舊約相同。 In Syria the Nestorians possess a Canon almost identical with the final one of the ancient East Syrians; they exclude the four smaller Catholic Epistles and Apocalypse.在敘利亞的的景教具備了佳能幾乎相同,最後一個古老的東方敘利亞人,他們排除了四個更小的天主教書信和啟示。 The Monophysites receive all the book.該monophysites收到的所有書籍。 The Armenians have one apocryphal letter to the Corinthians and two from the same.亞美尼亞有一個未經證實的寫信給哥林多前書和兩個從同一個。 The Coptic-Arabic Church include with the canonical Scriptures the Apostolic Constitutions and the Clementine Epistles.阿拉伯語,科普特教會包括典型聖經的使徒憲法和克萊門汀書信的。 The Ethiopic New Testament also contains the so-called "Apostolic Constitutions".埃塞俄比亞的新約也包含了所謂的“使徒憲法”。

As for Protestantism, the Anglicans and Calvinists always kept the entire New Testament But for over a century the followers of Luther excluded Hebrews, James, Jude, and Apocalypse, and even went further than their master by rejecting the three remaining deuterocanonicals, II Peter, II and III John.至於新教​​,英國聖公會教徒和calvinists始終保持整個新約,但排除了一個多世紀的追隨者路德希伯來人,詹姆斯,裘德和啟示,和甚至比他們的主人拒絕剩下的三個deuterocanonicals的,彼得後書,第二和第三約翰。 The trend of the seventeenth century Lutheran theologians was to class all these writings as of doubtful, or at least inferior, authority. 17世紀路德神學的趨勢是類所有這些著作可疑的,或至少遜色,權威。 But gradually the German Protestants familiarized themselves with the idea that the difference between the contested books of the New Testament and the rest was one of degree of certainty as to origin rather than of instrinsic character.但漸漸地,熟悉德國新教之間的差異的“新約”和其他有爭議的書的想法,而不是禀字符的起源是一個度的把握。 The full recognition of these books by the Calvinists and Anglicans made it much more difficult for the Lutherans to exclude the New Testament deuteros than those of the Old.的充分肯定,這些書的加爾文主義和聖公會,路德會更難排除比舊新約聖經deuteros。 One of their writers of the seventeenth century allowed only a theoretic difference between the two classes, and in 1700 Bossuet could say that all Catholics and Protestants agreed on the New Testament canon.在十七世紀,他們的作家之一只允許一個理論的兩個類之間的差異,並在1700年波舒哀可以說,所有的天主教徒和新教徒同意在新約正典。 The only trace of opposition now remaining in German Protestant Bibles is in the order, Hebrews, coming with James, Jude, and Apocalypse at the end; the first not being included with the Pauline writings, while James and Jude are not ranked with the Catholic Epistles.現在留在德國新教聖經是僅有的一絲反對的順序,來,來與詹姆斯,裘德和啟示結束時,第一次沒有被列入寶蓮著作,而詹姆斯和裘德排名並不與天主教書信。

4. 4。 The criterion of inspiration (less correctly known as the criterion of canonicity)靈感的標準(不正確地稱為正規的標準)

Even those Catholic theologians who defend Apostolicity as a test for the inspiration of the New Testament (see above) admit that it is not exclusive of another criterion, viz., Catholic tradition as manifested in the universal reception of compositions as Divinely inspired, or the ordinary teaching of the Church, or the infallible pronouncements of ecumenical councils.即使是那些捍衛使徒性的天主教神學家誰承認它是不是排他性的另一個標準,即,天主教的傳統,表現在普遍接收的組合物,作為神聖的靈感,或為靈感的“新約”(見上文)作為測試普通的教學,教會合一議會,或犯錯的聲明。 This external guarantee is the sufficient, universal, and ordinary proof of inspiration.對外擔保是足夠的,普遍的,普通的靈感證明。 The unique quality of the Sacred Books is a revealed dogma.神聖的書籍的獨特品質,是一個發現的教條。 Moreover, by its very nature inspiration eludes human observation and is not self-evident, being essentially superphysical and supernatural.此外,通過其本身的性質靈感逃避人的觀察力,是不言自明的,是本質上superphysical的和超自然的。 Its sole absolute criterion, therefore, is the Holy inspiring Spirit, witnessing decisively to Itself, not in the subjective experience of individual souls, as Calvin maintained, neither in the doctrinal and spiritual tenor of Holy Writ itself, according to Luther, but through the constituted organ and custodian of Its revelations, the Church.因此,它的唯一的絕對的標準,是神聖的浩然之氣,見證果斷地本身,而不是個人的心靈的主觀感受,因為卡爾文保持,無論是在神聖的教義和精神男高音令狀,根據路德,而是通過合法機構和託管人及其啟示,教會。 All other evidences fall short of the certainty and finality necessary to compel the absolute assent of faith.所有其他證據屬於缺乏必要的確定性和終局性,迫使絕對同意的信心。 (See Franzelin, "De Divinâ Traditione et Scripturâ"; Wiseman, "Lectures on Christian Doctrine", Lecture ii; also INSPIRATION.) (見Franzelin,“DIVINA Traditione聖經”智者“,講座對基督教教義”,講座II,也INSPIRATION)。

Publication information Written by George J. Reid.出版信息的書面由喬治·J.里德。 Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.轉錄的厄尼Stefanik。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume III.天主教百科全書,第三卷。 Published 1908.發布時間1908年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特·阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, November 1, 1908. Nihil Obstat,一九○八年十一月一日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人頭馬lafort,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur.的認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約

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