Epistle to Titus書信以提圖斯

General Information 一般信息

The Epistle to Titus, in the New Testament of the Bible, is one of the Pastoral Epistles (the others being the two Epistles to Timothy).以提圖斯的書信,在新約聖經,是一個田園書信(其他兩個書信正在向霍震霆) 。 It is addressed by Saint Paul to his companion Titus, who has been left in charge in Crete to correct errors and appoint church leaders.這是解決聖保羅向他的同伴提多書,誰一直留在負責在克里特島來糾正錯誤,並任命教會領袖。 Titus is urged to promote sound doctrine, sober behavior, and appropriate submission to those in authority.提圖斯是敦促以促進健全的原則,冷靜的行為,並適當向當權者。 Many scholars think that the epistle was written in AD 100 in Paul's name rather than by Paul himself, because of differences in language, teaching, and church structure.許多學者認為,書信寫於公元100保羅的名字,而不是保羅本人,因為不同的語言,教學和教會結構。

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Bibliography 參考書目
M Dibelius and H Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles (1972); PN Harrison, The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles (1921). M迪貝柳斯和H Conzelmann ,田園書信( 1972年) ;偽哈里森,問題是畜牧書信( 1921年) 。


Epistle to Titus書信以提圖斯

Brief Outline簡要概述

  1. Church administration (1:1-16)教會管理局( 1:1-16 )
  2. Individual conduct (2:1-3:8)個人行為( 2:1-3:8 )
  3. Personal advice (3:9-15)個人意見( 3:9-15 )


Epistle to Titus書信以提圖斯

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The Epistle to Titus was probably written about the same time as the first epistle to Timothy, with which it has many affinities.提圖斯的書信,以書面可能是大約在同一時間作為第一書信向霍震霆,與它有許多的相似性。 "Both letters were addressed to persons left by the writer to preside in their respective churches during his absence. Both letters are principally occupied in describing the qualifications to be sought for in those whom they should appoint to offices in the church; and the ingredients of this description are in both letters nearly the same. Timothy and Titus are likewise cautioned against the same prevailing corruptions, and in particular against the same misdirection of their cares and studies. “這兩個致函人離開的作家主持在各自的教會在他離港期間。字母主要是在描述被佔領的資格所要求提供的那些人,他們應該任命的辦公室設在教堂和成分這說明在這兩個字母是幾乎相同。提摩太和提多也同樣告誡不要同普遍存在的腐敗,特別是對同一錯誤的關心和研究。

This affinity obtains not only in the subject of the letters, which from the similarity of situation in the persons to whom they were addressed might be expected to be somewhat alike, but extends in a great variety of instances to the phrases and expressions.這種親和力獲得不僅在主題的信件,從相似的情況的人,他們討論了可能會有所預期一樣,而且擴展了不同類型的情況和表現形式的詞組。 The writer accosts his two friends with the same salutation, and passes on to the business of his letter by the same transition (comp. 1 Tim. 1:2, 3 with Titus 1:4, 5; 1 Tim.1: 4 with Titus 1:13, 14; 3:9; 1 Tim. 4: 12 with Titus 2:7, 15)." Paley's Horce Paulince. The date of its composition may be concluded from the circumstance that it was written after Paul's visit to Crete (Titus 1:5). That visit could not be the one referred to in Acts 27:7, when Paul was on his voyage to Rome as a prisoner, and where he continued a prisoner for two year.作者accosts他的兩個朋友以同樣的稱呼,並傳遞給他的信業務由同一轉型( comp. 1蒂姆。 1:2 , 3提多書1:4 , 5 ; 1 Tim.1 : 4提圖斯1時13分, 14個; 3點09分; 1蒂姆。 4 : 12提多書2點07分, 15 ) 。 “佩利的Horce Paulince 。日期其組成可以得出結論的情況下,這是寫在保羅的訪問克里特島(提圖斯1:5 ) 。那次訪問不能所指的人的行為27:7 ,當保羅在他的航程羅馬作為一個囚犯,並在那裡繼續囚犯為二年。

We may warrantably suppose that after his release Paul sailed from Rome into Asia and took Crete by the way, and that there he left Titus "to set in order the things that were wanting."我們可能warrantably假設被釋放後,保羅乘船從羅馬到了亞洲和克里特島的方式,因此他離開提多書“確定的事情,以便有希望。 ” Thence he went to Ephesus, where he left Timothy, and from Ephesus to Macedonia, where he wrote First Timothy, and thence to Nicopolis in Epirus, from which place he wrote to Titus, about AD 66 or 67.然後他又到以弗所,在那裡他離開提摩太,從以弗所,馬其頓,他寫道:第一霍震霆,進而以Nicopolis在伊皮魯斯,其中地方,他寫信給提圖斯,約公元66或67 。 In the subscription to the epistle it is said to have been written from "Nicopolis of Macedonia," but no such place is known.在訂購的書信是說已經寫“ Nicopolis的馬其頓共和國” ,但沒有這樣的地方是眾所周知的。 The subscriptions to the epistles are of no authority, as they are not authentic.在訂閱的書信是沒有權力,因為他們是不是真實。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Ti'tus

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Titus, honourable, was with Paul and Barnabas at Antioch, and accompanied them to the council at Jerusalem (Gal. 2: 1-3; Acts 15:2), although his name nowhere occurs in the Acts of the Apostles.提圖斯,尊敬的,是與保羅和巴拿巴在安提阿,並陪同他們到安理會在耶路撒冷( Gal. 2 : 1-3 ;行為的15點02 ) ,儘管他的名字沒有出現在使徒行傳。 He appears to have been a Gentile, and to have been chiefly engaged in ministering to Gentiles; for Paul sternly refused to have him circumcised, inasmuch as in his case the cause of gospel liberty was at stake.他似乎一直是詹蒂萊,並一直主要從事ministering向外邦人;保羅嚴厲拒絕了他的割禮,因為在他的案件的起因福音自由受到威脅。 We find him, at a later period, with Paul and Timothy at Ephesus, whence he was sent by Paul to Corinth for the purpose of getting the contributions of the church there in behalf of the poor saints at Jerusalem sent forward (2 Cor. 8:6; 12:18).我們找到他,在以後期間,保羅和提摩太以弗所,何處,他發出的保羅科林斯,目的是讓捐助教會有代表窮人聖人在耶路撒冷發出著( 2心病。 8 : 6 ; 12時18分) 。

He rejoined the apostle when he was in Macedonia, and cheered him with the tidings he brought from Corinth (7: 6-15).他回到使徒當時在馬其頓和歡呼他的消息,他被從科林斯( 7 : 6月15日) 。 After this his name is not mentioned till after Paul's first imprisonment, when we find him engaged in the organization of the church in Crete, where the apostle had left him for this purpose (Titus 1:5).在這之後他的名字沒有提及到後保羅的第一次入獄,當我們找到他參與組織了教會在克里特島,那裡的使徒離開他為此(提圖斯1:5 ) 。 The last notice of him is in 2 Tim.最後通知他是在2蒂姆。 4:10, where we find him with Paul at Rome during his second imprisonment. 4點10分,我們在那裡找到他在羅馬與保羅在他第二次入獄。 From Rome he was sent into Dalmatia, no doubt on some important missionary errand.來自羅馬,他被送往到達爾馬提亞,毫無疑問,對一些重要的傳教使命。 We have no record of his death.我們沒有任何記錄,他的死亡。 He is not mentioned in the Acts.他沒有提到的行為。


Epistles to Timothy and Titus書信向提摩太和提多

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

(THE PASTORALS STS. TIMOTHY AND TITUS ( STS的PASTORALS 。夏永和提圖斯

Saints Timothy and Titus were two of the most beloved and trusted disciples of St.聖徒提摩太和提多了兩個最親愛的和可信賴的門徒聖 Paul, whom they accompanied in many of his journeys.保羅,他們在許多陪同他的行程。

Timothy is mentioned in蒂莫中提到

Acts, xvi, 1; xvii, 14, 15, 1; xviii, 5; xix, 22; xx, 4; Rom., xvi, 21; I Cor., iv, 17; II Cor., i, 1, 19; Phil., i, 1; ii, 19; Col., i, 1; I Thess., i, 1; iii, 2, 6; II Thess., i, 1; I Tim., i, 2, 18; vi, 20; II Tim., i, 2; Philem., i, 1; Heb., xiii, 23;行為,十六, 1 ; 17 , 14 , 15 , 1 ; 18 , 5 ; 19 , 22 ;二十, 4 ;光盤。 , 16 , 21 ,我心病。 ,四, 17 ;二心病。 ,我, 1 , 19 ;菲爾。 ,我, 1 ;二, 19 ;上校,我, 1 ,我Thess 。 ,我, 1 ;三, 2 , 6 ;二Thess 。 ,我, 1 ,我添。 ,我, 2 , 18 ;六, 20 ;二蒂姆。 ,我, 2 ; Philem 。 ,我, 1 ;希伯來。 , 13 , 23 ;

and Titus in和提圖斯在

II Cor., ii, 13; vii, 6, 13, 14; viii, 6, 16, 23; xii, 18; Gal., ii, 1, 3; II Tim., iv, 10; Tit., i, 4.二心病。 ,二, 13 ;七, 6 , 13 , 14 ;八, 6 , 16 , 23 ;十二, 18歲;半乳糖。 ,二, 1 , 3 ;二蒂姆。 ,四, 10 ;山雀。 ,我, 4 。

St. Timothy has been regarded by some as the "angel of the church of Ephesus", Apoc., ii, 1-17.聖蒂莫一直被一些人稱為“天使的教會以弗所” , Apoc 。 ,二, 1月17日。 According to the ancient Roman martyrology he died Bishop of Ephesus.根據古羅馬主教martyrology他死於以弗所。 The Bollandists (24 Jan.) give two lives of St. Timothy, one ascribed to Polycrates (an early Bishop of Ephesus, and a contemporary of St. Irenæus) and the other by Metaphrastes, which is merely an expansion of the former.該Bollandists ( 24日)給兩個人的生命,聖提摩太,一個為其Polycrates (早期主教以弗所,和當代的聖Irenæus )和其他的Metaphrastes ,這僅僅是一個擴大的情況下進行。 The first states that during the Neronian persecution St. John arrived at Ephesus, where he lived with St. Timothy until he was exiled to Patmos under Domitian. Timothy, who was unmarried, continued Bishop of Ephesus until, when he was over eighty years of age, he was mortally beaten by the pagans.的第一批國家,在聖約翰Neronian迫害來到以弗所,在那裡他住在聖提摩太,直到他被放逐帕特莫斯下多米提安。霍震霆,誰是未婚,繼續,直到以弗所主教,當時他已超過八十年的年齡,他是致命的毆打的異教徒。 According to early tradition Titus continued after St. Paul's death as Archbishop of Crete, and died there when he was over ninety.根據早期的傳統提多書後繼續聖保祿死亡大主教克里特島,並在那裡死亡的時候,他的90 。

EPISTLES TO TIMOTHY AND TITUS - AUTHENTICITY書信給夏永和提圖斯-真實性

I. Internal Evidence一,內部證據

The remainder of this article will be devoted to the important question of authenticity, which would really require a volume for discussion.其餘的這篇文章將討論的重要問題的真實性,這將真正需要批量進行討論。 Catholics know from the universal tradition and infallible teaching of the Church that these Epistles are inspired, and from this follows their Pauline authorship as they all claim to have been written by the Apostle.天主教徒知道的普遍傳統和可靠的教學教會,這些書信的啟發,從在此之前,他們波利娜作者都聲稱,他們已經寫的使徒。 There was no real doubt on this question until the beginning of the nineteenth century; but since that time they have been most bitterly attacked by German and other writers.有沒有真正的懷疑就這個問題,直到19世紀初,但自那時以來,他們一直最強烈的攻擊德國和其他作家。 Their objections are principally based on internal evidence and the alleged difficulty of finding a place for them in the lifetime of St. Paul.他們的反對意見主要是基於內部的證據和指控很難找到一個地方為他們的壽命聖保羅。

A. Objection from the absence of Pauline vocabulary答:反對缺乏波利娜詞彙

Moffatt, a representative writer of this school, writes (Ency. Bib., IV): "Favourite Pauline phrases and words are totally wanting. . . . The extent and significance of this change in vocabulary cannot adequately be explained even when one assigns the fullest possible weight to such factors as change of amanuensis, situation or topic, lapse of time, literary fertility, or senile weakness."莫發特,代表作家的這所學校,寫入( Ency.書目。 ,四) : “我的最愛波利娜詞組和詞是完全想。 。 。 。的範圍和意義,這種變化在詞彙不能充分解釋即使在一個指定盡可能充分的重量等因素的變化amanuensis ,形勢或主題,時間的推移,文學生育率,或老年性的弱點。 “ Let us examine this writer's list of favourite Pauline words of the absence of which so very much is made:讓我們來看看筆者的名單的話最喜歡的波利娜沒有如此非常是:

Adikos (unjust). Adikos (不公正) 。 - This is found in Rom., iii, 5; I Cor., vi, 1, 9, but not in any of the other Pauline epistles, admitted to be genuine by this writer. -這是發現在ROM 。 ,三,五,我心病。 ,六, 1日, 9日,但不是在任何其他波利娜書信,承認這是真正的作家。 If its absence be fatal to the Pastorals, why not also to I and II Thess., II Cor., Gal., Philip., Col., and Philem.?如果缺乏是致命的Pastorals ,為什麼不也第一和第二Thess 。 ,二心病。乳糖。菲利普。上校和Philem 。 ? Moreover, the noun adikia is found in the Pastorals, II Tim., ii, 19.此外,名詞adikia被發現在該Pastorals ,二蒂姆。 ,二, 19 。

Akatharsia (uncleanness) does not occur in First Corinthians, Philippians, Second Thessalonians and Philemon. Akatharsia ( uncleanness )不會出現在第一科林蒂安,腓利,第二撒羅和腓利門書。 If that does not tell against these Epistles why is it quoted against the Pastorals?如果不告訴這些書信為什麼引述對Pastorals ?

Ouiothesia (adoption). Ouiothesia (通過) 。 - This word is three times in Romans, once in Galatians, but it does not occur at all in First and Second Corinthians, First and Second Thessalonians, Philippians, Colossians and Philemon. -這個詞是在羅馬3次,一次在加拉太,但它不會出現在所有的第一和第二科林蒂安,第一屆和第二撒羅,腓利,羅西和腓利門書。 Why its omission should be used against the Pastorals is not easy to understand.為什麼它不應該用來對付Pastorals是不容易理解。

Patre hemon (Our Father). Patre hemon (我們的父親) 。 - Two expressions, God "our Father" and God "the Father" are found in St. Paul's Epistles. -兩個表達式,上帝“我們的父親”上帝“父親”是在聖保羅書信。 The former is frequent in his earlier Epistles, viz., seven times in Thess., while the latter expression is not used. But in Romans "God our Father" appears but once, and "the Father" once.前者是他以前經常在書信,即。 , 7次Thess 。 ,後者則表達沒有使用。但是,在羅馬書“上帝我們的父親” ,但一旦出現,和“父親”一次。 In I Cor.在I心病。 we read God "our Father" once, and "the Father" twice; and the same has to be said of II Cor.我們讀到上帝“我們的父親”一次, “父親”的兩倍;和同不得不說的二心病。 In Gal.在半乳糖。 we have "our Father" once and "the Father" three times.我們有“我們的父親”一旦和“父親”的3倍。 In Phil.在菲爾。 the former occurs twice and the latter once; in Col. the former only once, and the latter three times.前兩次發生,後者一次;在上校前只有一次,而後者的3倍。 "The Father" occurs once in each of the Pastoral Epistles, and from the above it is evident that it is just as characteristic of St. Paul as "our Father", which is found but once in each of the Epistles to the Romans, I and II Cor., Gal., and Col., and it would be absurd to conclude from this that all the remaining chapters were spurious. Diatheke (covenant) occurs twice in Rom., once in I Cor., twice in II Cor., thrice in Gal., and not at all in I and II Thess., Phil., Col., and Philem., admitted to be genuine by Moffatt. “父親”再次出現在每一個田園書信,並從上述顯而易見的是,它只是為特徵的聖保祿為“我們的父親” ,這是一次發現,但在每一個書信到羅馬,第一和第二心病。乳糖。 ,和上校,而且將是荒唐結束本,所有的其餘章節是虛假的。 Diatheke (公約)發生兩次在ROM 。一旦我心病。 ,兩次在二心病。 ,三次半乳糖。 ,而不是在所有的第一和第二Thess 。菲爾。上校和Philem 。承認是真正的顧客莫法特。

Apokalyptein (reveal), a word not found in 2 Corinthians, 1 Thessalonians, Colossians, and Philemon, and only once in Philippians. Apokalyptein (顯示) ,一個字中找不到哥林多後書,帖撒羅尼迦前書,歌羅西書,並腓利門書,只有一次在腓利。

Eleutheros (free), is not in I and II Thess., II Cor., Phil., and Philem., so it is no test of Pauline authorship. Eleutheros (免費) ,是不是在第一和第二Thess 。 ,二心病。菲爾。 ,並Philem 。 ,所以並沒有進行核試驗的波利娜作者。 Its compounds are not met in I and II Thess., Phil., Col., or Philem., and, with the exception of Gal., in the others sparingly.它的化合物不符合在第一和第二Thess 。菲爾。上校,或Philem 。 ,並,除乳糖。 ,在其他節制。

Energein (to be operative) is seen but once in each of Rom., Phil., Col., I and II Thess.; and no one would conclude from its absence from the remaining portions of these Epistles, which are longer than the Pastorals, that they were not written by St. Paul. Energein (待執行) ,但一旦被認為在每一個的ROM 。菲爾。上校,第一和第二Thess 。 ;並沒有人會得出結論,其不在的其餘部分,這些書信,這是長於Pastorals , ,他們沒有書面的聖保羅。

Katergazesthai (perform), though several times in Rom. Katergazesthai (執行) ,但好幾次在ROM 。 and II Cor., and once in I Cor.和二心病。 ,一旦在我心病。 and in Phil.和菲爾。 is wanting in I and II Thess., Gal., Col., and Philem., which are genuine without it.是想在第一和第二Thess 。乳糖。上校和Philem 。 ,這是真正的沒有它。

Kauchasthai (boast), only once in Philippians and in 2 Thessalonians, and not at all in 1 Thessalonians, Colossians, and Philemon. Kauchasthai (自誇) ,只有一次在腓利和帖撒羅尼迦後書,而不是在所有的帖撒羅尼迦前書,歌羅西書,和腓利門書。

Moria (folly) is five times in 1 Corinthians, and nowhere else in St. Paul's Epistles.摩瑞亞(愚蠢)是美國的5倍的哥林多前書,並無處在聖保祿書信。

But we need not weary the reader by going through the entire list.但是,我們不必感到厭倦讀者所經歷的整個列表。 We have carefully examined every word with the like results.我們已仔細檢查每一個字的一樣的結果。 With perhaps a single exception, every word is absent from several of St. Paul's genuine Epistles, and the exceptional word occurs but once in some of them.或許是唯一的例外,每一個字是沒有幾個聖保祿真正的書信,以及特殊的詞,但一旦發生在其中的一些。 The examination shows that this list does not afford the slightest argument against the Pastorals, and that St.審查表明,該清單不承擔絲毫反對的Pastorals ,而且街 Paul wrote a great deal without using such words.保羅寫了大量不使用這樣的話。 The compilation of such lists is likely to leave an erroneous impression on the mind of the unguarded reader.彙編此種清單可能會留下錯誤的印象在人的精神上的無人防守的讀者。 By a similar process, with the aid of a concordance, it could be proved that every Epistle of St. Paul has an appearance of spuriousness.由一個類似的進程,借助一個和諧,也可以證明,每一個使徒聖保羅有一個外觀spuriousness 。 It could be shown that Galatians, for instance, does not contain many words that are found in some of the other Epistles.這可能是表明,加拉太,例如,不包含有許多的話中發現的其他一些書信。 A method of reasoning which leads to such erroneous conclusions should be discredited; and when writers make very positive statements on the strength of such misleading lists in order to get rid of whole books of Scripture, their other assertions should not be readily taken for granted.推理的方法,導致這種錯誤的結論應名譽掃地;和當作家作出非常積極的發言的力量這種誤導性的名單,以便擺脫整個圖書的聖經,他們的其他說法不應輕易認為是理所當然的。

B. Objection from the use of particles灣反對使用顆粒

Certain particles and prepositions are wanting.某些粒子和介詞有希望。 Jülicher in his "Introd. to the New Test.", p. Jülicher在他的“ Introd 。向新的考驗。 ”山口 181, writes: "The fact that brings conviction [against the Pastorals] is that many words which were indispensable to Paul are absent from the Pastoral Epistles, eg ara, dio, dioti." 181 ,寫道: “這一事實,使有罪[對Pastorals ]是,許多話是必不可少的保羅是不在田園書信,如糖,音頻, dioti 。 ” But, as Jacquier points out, nothing can be concluded from the absence of particles, because St. Paul's employment of them is not uniform, and several of them are not found in his unquestioned Epistles.但是,正如Jacquier所指出的那樣,沒有什麼可以得出結論是缺乏粒子,因為聖保祿僱用他們並不統一,而且其中有幾個國家沒有在他身上毫無疑問的書信。 Dr. Headlam, an Anglican writer, pointed out in a paper read at the Church Congress, in 1904, that ara occurs twenty-six times in the four Epistles of the second group, only three times in all the others, but not at all in Col., Phil., or Philem.博士Headlam ,聖公會作家中指出,一份文件上宣讀教會代表大會,於1904年,即阿糖胞苷發生26次4書信中的第二組中,只有3次在所有其他國家,但並非在所有在上校,菲爾。 ,或Philem 。 Dio occurs eighteen times in Rom., Gal.迪奧發生18次在ROM 。乳糖。 and Cor., but not at all in Col. or II Thess.和肺心病。 ,但不是所有的上校或II Thess 。 The word disti does not occur in II Thess., II Cor., Eph., Col., or Philem.這個詞disti不會出現在二Thess 。 ,二心病。中毒症, EPH 。上校,或Philem 。 We find that epeita does not appear at all in Rom., II Cor., Phil., Col., II Thess., and Philem., nor eti in I Thess., Col., and Philem.我們發現, epeita沒有出現在所有在ROM 。 ,二心病。菲爾。上校,二Thess 。 ,並Philem 。 ,也不在我的ETI Thess 。上校,並Philem 。 It is unnecessary to go through the entire catalogue usually given by opponents, for the same phenomenon is discovered throughout.這是不必要的經歷整個目錄通常的對手,同樣的現象是整個發現。 Particles were required in the argumentative portions of St. Paul's Epistles, but they are used very sparingly in the practical parts, which resemble the Pastorals.粒子需要論證部分聖保祿書信,但他們非常有節制地使用中的實際部分,類似於Pastorals 。 Their employment, too, depended greatly on the character of the amanuensis.他們的就業,也較大程度上依賴性質amanuensis 。

C. Objection from Hapax Legomena角反對Hapax Legomena

The great objection to the Pastorals is the admittedly large number of hapax legomena found in them.偉大的反對Pastorals是無可否認大批hapax legomena發現它們。 Workman (Expository Times, VII, 418) taking the term "hapax legomenon" to mean any word used in a particular Epistle and not again occurring in the New Testament, found from Grimm-Thayer's "Lexicon" the following numbers of hapax legomena: Rom.沃克曼(說明性時報,七, 418 )採取“一詞hapax legomenon ”是指任何詞在特定的書信,並沒有再次出現在新約,發現格林-塞耶的“詞典”以下號碼hapax legomena :光盤。 113, I Cor. 113 ,我心病。 110, II Cor. 110 ,二心病。 99, Gal. 99 ,半乳糖。 34, Eph. 34 ,弗。 43 Phil. 43菲爾。 41, Col. 38, I Thess. 41歲,上校38 ,我Thess 。 23, II Thess. 23 ,二Thess 。 11, Philem. 11 , Philem 。 5, i Tim. 5 ,我添。 82, II Tim. 82 ,二蒂姆。 53, Titus 33. 53 ,提多書33 。 The numbers have to he somewhat reduced as they contain words from variant readings.這個數字,他不得不有所減少,因為它們包含由變異讀數。 These figures would suggest to most people, as they did to Dean Farrar, that the number of peculiar words in the Pastorals does not call for any special explanation.這些數字表明對大多數人,因為他們沒有向院長法拉說,一些特殊的詞Pastorals並不要求任何特殊的解釋。 Mr. Workman, however, thinks that for scientific purposes the proportionate length of the Epistles should he taken into account. He calculated the average number of hapax legomena occurring on a page of Westcott and Hort's text with the following results: II Thessalonians 3-6, Philemon 4, Galatians 4.1, I Thessalonians 4.2, Romans 4.3, I Corinthians 4.6, Ephesians 4.9, II Corinthians 6.10, Colossians 6-3, Philippians 6-8, II Timothy 11, Titus and I Timothy 13.沃克曼先生,但認為,為科學目的的比例長度的書信,他應該考慮到。他計算出的平均數目hapax legomena出現在網頁上的Westcott和園藝的文字,結果如下:二撒羅3-6 ,腓利門書4 ,加拉太4月1日,我撒羅4月2日,羅馬3月4日,我哥林多4.6以弗所書4.9哥林多6.10歌羅西書6-3 ,腓利6-8 ,二蒂莫11提圖斯和提摩太13 。 The proportion of hapax legomena in the Pastorals is large, but when compared with Phil., it is not larger than that between II Cor, and II Thess.的比例hapax legomena在Pastorals很大,但相比菲爾。 ,這不是大於二心病之間,和二Thess 。 It has to be noted that these increase in the order of time. Workman gives a two-fold explanation.必須指出的是,這些增加的順序排列的時間。工人提供了2倍的解釋。 First, a writer as he advances in life uses more strange words and involved constructions, as is seen on comparing Carlyle's "Latter-Day Pamphlets" and his "Heroes and Hero-Worship".首先,作為一個作家,他在生活中使用的進步更奇怪的話,涉及建築,這是比較凱雷上看到的“末世小冊子”和他的“英雄與英雄崇拜” 。 Secondly, the number of unusual words in any author is a variable quantity.其次,一些不尋常的詞作者是在任何一個變量的數量。 He has found the average number of hapax legomena per page of Irving's one-volume edition of Shakespeare's plays to be as follows: "Love's Labour Lost" 7.6, "Comedy of Errors" 4.5, "Two Gentlemen of Verona" 3.4, "Romeo and Juliet" 5.7, "Henry VI, pt. 3" 3.5, "Taming of the Shrew" 5.1, "Midsummer Night's Dream" 6.8, "Richard II" 4.6, "Richard III" 4.4, "King John" 5.4, "Merchant of Venice" 5.6, "Henry IV, pt. I" 9.3, "pt. II" 8, "Henry V" 8.3, "Merry Wives of Windsor" 6.9, "Much Ado About Nothing" 4.7, "As You Like It" 6.4, "Twelfth Night" 7.5, "All's Well" 6.9, "Julius Cæsar" 3.4, "Measure for Measure" 7, "Troilus and Cressida" 10.1, "Macbeth" 9.7, "Othello" 7.3, "Anthony and Cleopatra" 7.4, "Coriolanus" 6.8, "King Lear" 9.7, "Timon" 6.2, "Cymbeline" 6.7, "The Tempest" 9.3, "Titus Andronicus" 4.9, "Winter's Tale" 8, "Hamlet" 10.4, "Henry VIII" 4.3, "Pericles" 5.2.他已經發現的平均數目hapax legomena每頁歐文的合訂本的莎士比亞戲劇如下: “愛的勞動迷失” 7.6 “ ,喜劇的錯誤” 4.5 “維羅納二紳士” 4月3日, “羅密歐與朱麗葉“ 5月7日, ”亨利六世角。 3 “ 5月3日, ”馴悍記“ 5月1日, ”仲夏夜之夢“ 6.8 ” ,理查德二世“ 4.6 ”理查德三世“ 4月4日, ”約翰王“ 4月5日, ”商人威尼斯“ 5.6 ”亨利四世角。我“ 9.3 ”角。 Ⅱ “ 8 , ”亨利五世“ 3月8日, ”風流娘兒們溫莎“ 9月6日, ”無事生非“ 7月4日, ”隨你便“ 6.4 , “第十二夜” 7月5日, “所有的井” 6.9 “愷撒大帝” 3.4 “對策措施” 7 , “特洛伊羅斯與克瑞西達”十月一日, “麥克白” 9月7日, “奧賽羅” 3月7日, “安東尼與克莉奧佩特拉” 7月4日, “科利奧蘭納斯” 8月6日, “李爾王” 9月7日, “泰” 6月2日, “辛白林”六月七日, “暴風雨” 9.3 “泰特斯安德洛尼克斯” 4.9 “ ,冬季的故事” 8 , “哈姆雷特” 4月10號, “亨利八世” 4月3日, “佩里克萊斯” 5.2 。 For a similar argument on Dante see Butler's "Paradise", XI.對於類似的爭論就但丁看到巴特勒的“樂園” ,第十一章。 The totals of hapax legomena for some of the plays are: "Julius Cæsar" 93, "Comedy of Errors" 88, "Macbeth" 245, "Othello" 264, "King Lear" 358, "Cymbeline" 252, "Hamlet" 426, "The Merchant of Venice" 148.的總計hapax legomena的一些劇作: “愷撒大帝” 93 , “喜劇的錯誤” 88 , “麥克白” 245 , “奧賽羅” 264 , “李爾王” 358 , “辛白林” 252 , “哈姆雷特”第426 , “威尼斯商人” 148 。 This scrutiny of the words peculiar to each play throws light on another difficulty in the Pastorals, viz, the recurrence of such expressions as "a faithful saying", "sound words", etc. "Moon-calf" occurs five times in "The Tempest", and nowhere else; "pulpit" six times in one scene of "Julius Cæsar" and never elsewhere; "hovel" five times in "King Lear"; "mountaineer" four times in "Cymbeline", etc. Compare, "God forbid", me genoito of Gal., Rom., once in I Cor.這種審查的話特有的每個發揮全輕的另一個困難的Pastorals ,即再次出現這種表現形式是“忠實說” , “健全的話”等“月球-小腿”出現5次在“暴風雨“ ,並在其他地方; ”講壇“ 6次在一個場景中的”凱撒“和從未在其他地方; ”茅舍“ 5倍的”李爾王“ , ”登山“ 4次在”辛白林“等比較, ”但願“ ,我genoito半乳糖。 ,光盤。一旦我心病。 - not in the other Epistles of St. Paul. -不是在其他書信聖保羅。 "Sound words" was used by Philo before St. Paul, in whom it may be due to intercourse with St. Luke. “聲中”使用的是前聖保羅斐羅,在其中可能是因為性交與聖盧克。 (See Plumptre's list of words common to St. Luke and St. Paul, quoted in Farrar's "St. Paul", I, 481.) Mr. (見Plumptre清單的話共同的聖盧克和聖保羅,引用法拉的“聖保羅” ,我, 481 。 )先生 Workman has overlooked one point in his very useful article.沃克曼已經忽略了一個點在他的非常有用的文章。 The hapax legomena are not evenly distributed over the Epistles; they occur in groups. Thus, more than half of those in Col. are found in the second chapter, where a new subject is dealt with (see Abbott, "Crit. . . . Comment. on Ep. to the Ephes. and to the Coloss." in "Internat. Crit. Comment.").該hapax legomena不是均勻分佈的書信,它們發生在群體。因此,有一半以上是在伊拉克被發現的第二章,在一個新的主題是處理(見雅培, “危重。 。 。 。評論。對內啡肽。向Ephes 。和Coloss 。 “在” Internat 。危重。評論。 “ ) 。 This is as high a proportion as in any chapter of the Pastorals.這是高的比例在任何章節Pastorals 。 Something similar is observable in II Cor., Thess., etc. Over sixty out of the seventy-five hapax legomena in I Tim.可以觀察到類似的東西是在二心病。 , Thess 。等超過60出75 hapax legomena在我添。 occur in forty-four verses, where the words, for the most part, naturally arise out of the new subjects treated of.發生在44詩句,在那裡的話,在大多數情況下,自然產生的新議題的處理。 The remaining two-thirds of the Epistle have as few hapax legomena as any other portion of St. Paul's writings. Compounds of phil-, oiko-, didask-, often objected to, are also found in his other Epistles.其餘三分之二的書信作為少數hapax legomena的任何其他部分聖保祿著作。化合物菲爾- , oiko - , didask ,往往反對,也存在於他的其他書信。

The "Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles" was discussed in "The Church Quarterly" in October, 1906, and January, 1907.在“作者的田園書信” ,討論了“教會季刊”在10月, 1906年1月, 1907年。 In the first the writer pointed out that the anti-Pauline hypothesis presented more difficulties than the Pauline; and in the second he made a detailed examination of the hapax legomena. Seventy-three of these are found in the Septuagint, of which St. Paul was a diligent student, and any of them might just as well have been used by him as by an imitator.第一作者指出,反波利娜假說提出了更多的困難比波利娜;和第二,他做了詳細的審查hapax legomena 。 73個,這些被發現的譯本,其中聖保羅是一個勤奮的學生,任何人或許也同樣採用了他的模仿者。 Ten of the remainder are suggested by Septuagint words, eg anexikakos II Tim., ii, 24, anexikakia Wisd., ii, 9; antithesis I Tim., vi, 20, antithetos Job, xxxii, 3; authentein I Tim., ii, 12, authentes Wisd., xii, 6; genealogia I Tim., i, 4, Tit., iii, 9; geneealogein I Par., v, 1; paroinos I Tim., iii, 3, Tit., i, 7, paroinein Is., xli, 12, etc. Twenty-eight of the words now left are found in the classics, and thirteen more in Aristotle and Polybius. Strabo, born in 66 BC, enables us to eliminate graodes.有10個,其餘的建議,七十字,如anexikakos二蒂姆。 ,二, 24 anexikakia Wisd 。 ,二, 9 ;對立面我蒂姆。 ,六, 20 antithetos工作,三十二, 3 ; authentein我蒂姆。 ,二, 12 , authentes Wisd 。 ,第十二章,第6 ; genealogia我添。 ,我日, 4日,李鐵。 ,三,第9條; geneealogein餘票。 ,五, 1 ; paroinos我添。 ,三,三,李鐵。 ,我, 7 , paroinein是。 ,四十一, 12 ,等28個的話現在左邊的是經典中發現,和13多亞里士多德和波里。斯特拉博,出生在66年,使我們能夠消除graodes 。 All these words formed part of the Greek language current up to St. Paul's time and as well known to him as to anybody at the end of the first century.所有這些詞的組成部分希臘語電流高達聖保祿時間和眾所周知的他對任何人在年底的第一個世紀。 Any word used by an author contemporary with St. Paul may reasonably be supposed to have been as well known to himself as to a subsequent imitator.所用的任何字的作者當代與聖保羅可合理地假定已經成為眾所周知的自己以後的模仿者。 In this way we may deduct eight of the remaining words, which are common to the Pastorals and Philo, an elder contemporary of St. Paul.這樣,我們可以扣減的其餘8個字,這是共同Pastorals和斐羅,長者當代聖保羅。 In dealing with the fifty remaining words we must recall the obvious fact that a new subject requires a new vocabulary.在處理剩餘的50話,我們必須回顧明顯的事實,即一個新的問題需要有新的詞彙。 If this be neglected, it would be easy to prove that Plato did not write the Timæus.如果這個被忽視,很容易證明柏拉圖沒有寫入提瑪友斯。 Organization and the conduct of practical life, etc., cannot be dealt with in the same words in which points of doctrine are discussed.組織和進行實際生活等,不能處理在同一個字,其中點的理論進行了討論。 This fairly accounts for eight words, such as xenodochein, oikodespotein, teknogonein, philandros, heterodidaskalein, etc., used by the author.這相當佔八個字,如xenodochein , oikodespotein , teknogonein , philandros , heterodidaskalein等,所使用的作者。 His detestation of the errorists doubtless called forth kenophonia, logomachein, logomachia, metaiologia, metaiologos, several of which were probably coined for the occasion.他厭惡的errorists提出要求無疑kenophonia , logomachein , logomachia , metaiologia , metaiologos ,其中一些可能是杜撰的時刻。 The element of pure chance in language accounts for "parchments", "cloak", and "stomach": he had no occasion to speak about such things previously, nor of a pagan "prophet".元素純機會在語言帳戶“ parchments ” , “外衣”和“胃” :他已經沒有機會談論這種事情以前,也不是異教徒“先知” 。 Seven of the remaining words are dealt with on the modest principle that words formed from composition or derivation from admittedly Pauline words may more reasonably be supposed to come from St. Paul himself than from a purely hypothetical imitator, eg airetikos, adj., Tit., iii, 10; airesis, I Cor., xi, 19; Gal., v, 20; dioktes, I Tim., i, 13; diokein, Rom., xii, 14, etc.; episoreuein, II Tim., iv, 3; soreuein epi Rom., xii, 20; LXX, etc. Five other words are derived from Biblical words and would as easily have occurred to St. Paul as to a later writer.其餘的7個字的處理上的適度原則,即詞組成成分或派生誠然波利娜話可能更加合理地假定來自聖保羅自己不是從一個純粹的假設的模仿,如airetikos ,形容詞。 ,李鐵。 ,三, 10 ; airesis ,我心病。 ,十一, 19 ;半乳糖。 ,第五,第20條; dioktes ,我添。 ,我, 13歲; diokein ,光盤。 ,十二,十四,等等; episoreuein ,二蒂姆。 ,四, 3 ; soreuein成像光盤。 ,十二大, 20 ; LXX等五換言之是來自聖經的話,將很容易出現聖保祿為以後的作家。 The remaining words, about twenty, are disposed of separately.其餘的話,大約20 ,另行處置。

Epiphaneia instead of parousia, for the second coming of Christ, is not against the Pastorals, because St. Paul's usage in this matter is not uniform. Epiphaneia不是臨,為第二次來的基督,是不是對Pastorals ,因為聖保祿使用在這一問題上並不統一。 We have he memera kyriou in I Thess., v, 2, 1 Cor., i, 8, v, 5; he apokalypsis in II Thess., i, 17; and he epiphaneia tes parousias autou in II Thess., ii, 8.我們有他memera kyriou在我Thess 。 ,五, 2 , 1個心病。 ,我日, 8日,五, 5 ;他apokalypsis在二Thess 。 ,我, 17人;他epiphaneia試驗parousias autou在二Thess 。 ,二, 8 。 Lilley ("Pastoral Epistles", Edinburgh, 1901, p. 48) states that out of the 897 words contained in the Pastorals 726 are common to them and the other books of the New Testament, and two-thirds of the entire vocabulary are found in the other Epistles of St. Paul; and this is the proportion of common words found in Galatians and Romans.李潔明( “教牧書信” ,愛丁堡, 1901年,第48頁)指出,從897字載於Pastorals七百二十六頃共同給他們和其他的書籍,新約全書,三分之二的整個詞彙被發現在其他書信聖保羅;這是常用字詞的比例中發現加拉太和羅馬。 The same writer, in his complete list of 171 hapax legomena in the Pastorals, points out that 113 of these are classical words, that is, belonging to the vocabulary of one well acquainted with Greek; and it is not surprising that so many are found in these Epistles which were addressed to two disciples well educated in the Greek language.同樣的作家,在他的完整列表171 hapax legomena在Pastorals指出, 113這些都是經典的話,就是屬於詞彙之一熟悉希臘;和這並不令人感到驚訝的是,這麼多被發現在這些書信是給兩個弟子受過良好教育的希臘語。 Another point much insisted upon by objectors is a certain limited literary or verbal affinity connecting the Pastorals with Luke and Acts and therefore, it is asserted, pointing to a late date.另一點非常堅持的拒服兵役者是有限的某些文學或口頭親連接Pastorals與盧克和行為,因此,它聲稱,指向晚。 But in reality this connexion is in their favour, as there is a strong tendency of modern criticism to acknowledge the Lucan authorship of these two books, and Harnack has written two volumes to prove it (see LUKE, GOSPEL OF SAINT).但在現實中這種聯接是對他們有利,因為有一種強烈的趨勢,現代批評承認這些盧坎作者兩本書,並哈爾納克寫了兩卷,證明它(見盧克福音聖) 。 He has now added a third to show that they were written by St. Luke before AD 64.他現在已經增加了三分之一,表明他們寫的聖盧克在公元64 。 When the Pastorals were written, St. Luke was the constant companion of St. Paul, and may have acted as his amanuensis. This intercourse would doubtless have influenced St. Paul's vocabulary, and would account for such expressions as agathoergein of 1 Timothy 6:18, agathopoein of Luke 6:9, agathourgein, contracted from agathoergein, Acts 14:17. St.當Pastorals寫,聖盧克是恆定的同伴聖保羅,並可能擔任他amanuensis 。這一關係無疑將影響聖保祿詞彙,並將帳戶等表現形式agathoergein的提摩太前書6 : 18 , agathopoein路加福音6時09分, agathourgein ,合同從agathoergein行為14點17分。街 Paul has ergazomeno to agathon (Romans 2:10).保羅ergazomeno到阿加松(羅馬書2點10分) 。 - From all that has been said, it is not surprising that Thayer, in his translation of Grimm's "Lexicon", wrote: "The monumental misjudgments committed by some who have made questions of authorship turn on vocabulary alone, will deter students, it is to be hoped, from misusing the lists exhibiting the peculiarities of the several books." -從所有已經表示,這並不奇怪泰勒在他的翻譯格林的“詞彙” ,信中寫道: “巨大的誤判誰犯下了一些問題,作者又對詞彙,僅將阻止學生,這是希望,從濫用的名單參展的特殊性的幾本書。 “

D. Objection from style 4異議風格

"The comparative absence of rugged fervour, the smoother flow, the heaping up of words, all point to another sign-manual than that of Paul" (Ency. Bib.) - Precisely the same thing could be urged against some of St. Paul's other Epistles, and against large sections of the remainder. “比較沒有堅固的熱情,順利流,放得太多的話,都指向另一個跡象體力勞動比保羅” ( Ency.書目。 ) -恰恰是同樣的事情也可能被要求對一些聖保祿其他書信,和對大節的剩餘部分。 All critics admit that large portions of the Pastorals are so much like St. Paul's writings that they actually maintain that they are taken from fragments of genuine letters of the Apostle (now lost).所有的批評者承認,大部分的Pastorals如此很像聖保祿著作,他們堅持認為,實際上,他們是從真正的碎片信使徒(現在失去了) 。 Various discordant attempts have been made to separate these portions from the rest, but with so little success that Jülicher confesses that the thing is impossible.各種不和諧的企圖作出了單獨的這部分由其他的,但幾乎沒有成功, Jülicher承認的事情是不可能的。 On the other hand, it is the general opinion of the best scholars that all three Epistles are from the pen of one and the same writer.另一方面,它是一般認為最好的學者,所有這三個書信來自半島的同一個作家。 That being the case, and it being impossible to deny that portions indistinguishable from the rest are by St. Paul, it follows that the early and universal tradition ascribing the whole of them to the Apostle is correct.在這種情況下,它是無法否認,部分區分其餘的聖保羅,因此,儘早和普遍的傳統歸咎於整個他們使徒是正確的。

As we pass from one to another of the four groups of St. Paul's Epistles;正如我們從一個到另一個的四組聖保祿書信;

(1) Thessalonians; ( 1 )撒羅;

(2) Galatians, Corinthians, Romans; ( 2 )加拉太,科林蒂安,羅馬;

(3) Captivity Epistles; ( 3 )籠養書信;

(4) Pastorals ( 4 ) Pastorals

We observe considerable differences of style side by side with very marked and characteristic resemblances, and that is precisely what we find in the case of the Pastorals.我們注意到相當大的不同的風格並肩和特點非常明顯的相似之處,這也正是我們發現的情況Pastorals 。 There are some striking points of connexion between them and Phil., the Epistle probably nearest to them in date; but there are many resemblances in vocabulary, style, and ideas connecting them with portions of all the other Epistles, especially with the practical parts.有一些引人注目的點,它們之間的聯接和菲爾。 ,可能就近在書信中向他們的日期;但也有許多相似之處的詞彙,作風,思想與部分連接的所有其他書信,尤其是與實際的部分。 There are, for instance, forty-two passages connecting I Tim.有,例如, 42通道連接我添。 with the earlier Epistles.與先前的書信。 The terms are nearly identical, but display an amount of liberty denoting the working of the same independent mind, not a conscious imitation.的條款幾乎是一樣的,但顯示的數額自由指的工作,同獨立思考,而不是有意識的模仿。 The Pastorals show throughout the same marks of originality as are found in all the writings of the Apostle.各地的Pastorals顯示相同的商標的獨創性的發現在所有的著作宗徒。 There are similar anacolutha, incomplete sentences, play on words, long drawn periods, like comparisons, etc. The Pastorals are altogether practical, and therefore do not show the rugged fervour of style confined, for the most part, to the controversial and argumentative portions of his large epistles.也有類似的anacolutha ,不完整的句子,文字遊戲,漫長時期一樣,比較等Pastorals是完全可行的,因此不會出現崎嶇限於熱情的風格,在大多數情況下,對有爭議的和議論的部分他的大量書信。 (See the very valuable book by James, "Genuineness and Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles", London, 1906; also Jacquier, and Lilley.) It may be well to note, in this connexion, that Van Steenkiste, professor at the Catholic Seminary of Bruges, asserted, as long ago as 1876, that the inspiration of the Pastorals and their Pauline authorship would be sufficiently safeguarded if we accepted the view that they were written in the name and with the authority of the Apostle by one of his companions, say St. Luke, to whom he distinctly explained what had to be written, or to whom he gave a written summary of the points to be developed, and that when the letters were finished, St. Paul read them through, approved them, and signed them. (見本書的非常寶貴的詹姆斯, “身份的真實性和田園書信” ,倫敦, 1906年;還Jacquier ,和李潔明。 )可以很好地注意到,在這聯接,即凡Steenkiste ,教授,天主教神學院布魯日,聲稱,早在1876年,該啟示Pastorals及其波利娜作者將得到充分的保障,如果我們接受的觀點,他們的名字寫在與權力的使徒之一的同伴,聖盧克說,以他獨特的解釋了什麼是書面的,或以他發表了書面總結了點,發展,而且當我把你的信後,聖保羅讀通過,批准,並他們簽署。 This, he thinks, was the way in which "Hebrews" also, was written (S. Pauli Epistolæ, II, 283).這一點,他認為,在以何種方式“希伯來書”也被寫入(南聖保利Epistolæ ,二, 283 ) 。

E. Objection from the advanced state of church organization大腸桿菌反對先進的國家教會組織

This objection is adequately answered in the articles HIERARCHY OF THE EARLY CHURCH, BISHOP, etc. See also "The Establishment of the Episcopate" in Bishop Gore's "Orders and Unity" (London, 1909), 115.這一異議並充分回答的文章等級初期教會主教等亦見“建立主教”在主教戈爾的“訂單和統一” (倫敦, 1909年) , 115 。 The seven, St. Stephen, Philip, etc., were set aside for their ministry by the Apostles by prayer and the laying on of hands. 7個,聖士提反,菲利普等,被擱置的部由使徒的祈禱和埋設在手。 Immediately after this we read that they were filled with the Holy Ghost, and preached with great success (Acts 6:7).這之後,我們立即閱讀,他們充滿了聖靈,並鼓吹取得了巨大成功(使徒6點07分) 。 From St. Luke's usual method we may conclude that a similar ceremony was employed by the Apostles on other occasions when men were set aside to be deacons, presbyters, or bishops.從聖盧克常用方法,我們可以得出這樣的結論類似的儀式,所僱用的使徒在其他場合時,男子被擱置的執事, presbyters ,或主教。 We read of presbyters with the Apostles at an early date in Jerusalem (Acts 15:2) and according to the earliest tradition, St. James the Less was appointed bishop there on the dispersion of the Apostles, and succeeded by his cousin Simeon in AD 62.我們讀到presbyters與宗徒早日在耶路撒冷(使徒十五時02分) ,並根據最早的傳統,聖雅各福群欠主教任命上有分散的使徒,並成功地通過他的表妹西蒙在AD 62 。 Sts.街。 Paul and Barnabas ordained priests in every church at Derbe, Lystra, Antioch of Pisidia, etc. (Acts 14:22).保羅和巴拿巴祝神父在每一個教堂Derbe , Lystra ,安提阿的彼西底的安提阿等(使徒14:22 ) 。 Bishops and priests, or presbyters, are mentioned in St. Paul's speech at Miletus (Acts 20:28).主教和司鐸,或presbyters ,都提到了聖保祿上的講話米利塔斯(使徒20:28 ) 。 In his first Epistle (1 Thessalonians 5:12) St. Paul speaks of rulers who were over them in the Lord, - see also Romans 12:8; "governments" are referred to in 1 Corinthians 12:28, and "Pastors" in Ephesians 4:11.在他的第一次書信(帖撒羅尼迦前書5點12分)聖保祿談到統治者誰超過了他們的上帝, -又見羅馬12時08分; “政府”中提到的哥林多前書12時28分,和“牧師”在以弗所4時11分。 St. Paul wrote "to all the saints in Christ Jesus, who are at Philippi, with the bishops and deacons" (Philippians 1:1).聖保祿寫道: “所有的聖人,在基督耶穌裡,誰是立,與主教和執事” (腓1:1 ) 。

In Romans 12:6-8, 1 Corinthians 12:28 and Ephesians 4:11, St. Paul is not giving a list of offices in the Church, but of charismatic gifts (for the meaning of which see HIERARCHY OF THE EARLY CHURCH).在羅馬書12:6-8 ,哥林多前書12時28分和以弗所4點11分,聖保羅是不會放棄的清單辦事處教會,但魅力禮物(對其中的含義,見等級初期教會) 。 Those who were endowed with supernatural and transitory charismata were subject to the Apostles and presumably to their delegates.那些誰被賦予超自然的和暫時的charismata受到使徒和大概是他們的代表。 Side by side with the possessors of such gifts we read of "rulers", "governors", "pastors", and in other places of "bishops", "priests", and "deacons".並肩與擁有這些禮物我們讀到的“統治者” , “省長” , “牧師” ,並在其他地方的“主教” , “祭司”和“執事” 。 These, we may lawfully assume, were appointed under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost by the Apostles, by prayer and laying on of hands.這些,我們會依法承擔,被任命的啟示聖靈的使徒,祈禱和鋪設上的手中。 Amongst these so appointed before AD 64 there were certainly ordained deacons, priests, and possibly bishops also.其中,以便在公元64任命有一定祝執事,司鐸和主教們也可能。 If so they had bishop's orders, but the limits of their jurisdiction were not as yet, perhaps, very clearly defined, and depended altogether on the will of the Apostles.如果是這樣,他們的主教的命令,但限制其管轄範圍內還沒有,也許,非常明確地界定,並取決於完全的意願使徒。 it is assuredly in the highest degree likely that the Apostles, towards the end of their lives and as the Church extended more and more, ordained and delegated others to appoint such priests and deacons as they had been in the habit of appointing themselves.這無疑是在可能的最高程度的使徒,在接近年底時他們的生命和教會延長越來越多,祝和委託他人任命牧師和執事,因為它們已經習慣任命自己。 The earliest tradition shows that such a thing took place in Rome by AD 67; and there is nothing more advanced than this in the Pastorals.最早的傳統表明,這種事在羅馬舉行的公元67 ;並沒有什麼比這更先進的Pastorals 。 Timothy and Titus were consecrated delegates to rule with Apostolic authority and appoint deacons, priests, and bishops (probably synonymous in these Epistles).霍震霆和提圖斯代表了神聖的規則與使徒的權威和任命執事,司鐸和主教(大概就是在這些書信) 。

But a further objection is raised as follows: "The distinctive element, however, ie the prominence assigned to Timothy and Titus is intelligible only on the supposition that the author had specially in view the ulterior end of vindicating the evangelic succession of contemporary episcopi and other office bearers where this was liable for various reasons to be challenged. . . . The craving (visible in Clem. Rom.) for continuity of succession as a guarantee of authority in doctrine (and therefore in discipline) underlies the efforts of this Paulinist to show that Timothy and Titus were genuine heirs of Paul" (Ency. Bib., IV).但是,進一步提出反對意見如下: “獨特的元素,然而,即突出分配給提摩太和提多是可理解只在假設,作者曾專門鑑於其不可告人的結束維護福音繼承和其他當代episcopi辦公室承擔責任的情況下是由於各種原因受到質疑。 。 。 。的渴求(可見的克萊姆。光盤。 )的連續性,繼承,以此保證權力的學說(因此,在紀律)背後的努力,到本Paulinist表明,霍震霆和提圖斯是真正的繼承人保羅“ ( Ency.書目。 ,四) 。 - If this craving is visible in St. Clement of Rome, who was a disciple of the Apostles there and wrote less than thirty years after their death, it is surely more likely that he was maintaining an organization established by them than that he was defending one of which they were ignorant. If these Epistles were written against people who challenged the authority of bishops and priests about AD 100, why is it that these opponents did not cry out against forgeries written to confute themselves? -如果此渴求可見在聖克萊門特的羅馬,誰是弟子使徒寫有不少於30年後他們的死亡,肯定是更有可能,他是保持一個組織設立的比,他是衛冕其中之一是他們不知道。如果這些書信的人寫誰的權威提出質疑主教和司鐸約公元100 ,究竟為什麼這些反對者沒有哭了打擊偽造寫信給辯駁自己? But of all this there is not the slightest shred of evidence.但所有這一切沒有絲毫一絲一毫的證據。

F. Objection樓異議

No room for them in the life-time of St. Paul.容不得他們的生命時,聖保羅。 - The writer in the "Ency. Bib." is never tired of accusing the defenders of the Epistles of making gratuitous assumptions, though he allows himself considerable liberty in that respect throughout his article. -作者在“ Ency 。書目。 ”從來都不是厭倦指責維護者的書信,使無償的假設,但他讓自己相當自由各地在這方面的文章。 It is a gratuitous assertion, for example, to state that St.這是一個無理的主張,例如,國家,聖 Paul was put to death at the end of the first Roman captivity, AD 63 or 64.保羅被處死結束時的第一個羅馬圈養,公元63或64 。 Christianity was not yet declared a reliqio illicita, and according to Roman law there was nothing deserving of death against him.基督教尚未宣布reliqio illicita ,並根據羅馬法沒有什麼值得對他的死亡。 He was arrested to save him from the Jewish mob in Jerusalem.他被逮捕拯救了他的猶太暴徒在耶路撒冷。 The Jews did not appear against him during the two years he was kept in prison.猶太人似乎沒有對他在兩年他被關在監獄。 Agrippa said he could have been delivered had he not appealed to Cæsar, so there was no real charge against him when he was brought before the emperor's or his representative's tribunal.阿格里帕說,他已經交付了,他沒有呼籲凱撒,所以沒有真正的指控時,他被帶到皇帝的或其代表的法庭。 The Epistles written during this Roman captivity show that he expected to be soon released (Philem., 22; Phil., ii, 24).寫的書信羅馬囚禁在此表明,他預計將很快公佈( Philem. , 22 ;菲爾。 ,二, 24 ) 。 Lightfoot, Harnack, and others, from the wards of Clem.萊特富特,哈爾納克,和其他人,從病房的克萊姆。 Rom.光盤。 and the Muratorian Fragment, think that he was not only released, but that he actually carried out his design of visiting Spain.和穆拉多利片段,認為他不僅是釋放,但他實際上他的設計進行了訪問西班牙。 During the years from 63-67 there was ample time to visit Crete and other places and write I Tim.在63-67年有充分的時間來訪問克里特島和其他地方,寫我添。 and Titus.和提圖斯。 II Tim.二蒂姆。 was written from his second Roman prison soon before his death.作者從他的第二羅馬監獄不久去世之前。

G. Objection from the errors condemned灣反對錯誤譴責

It is said that the errors referred to in the Pastorals did not exist in St. Paul's time, though the most advanced critics (Ency. Bib.) have now abandoned the theory (maintained with great confidence in the nineteenth century) that the Epistles were written against Marcion and other Gnostics about the middle of the second century.有人說,錯誤中所提到的Pastorals中不存在聖保祿時間,但最先進的批評( Ency.書目。 )現在已經放棄了理論(保持極大的信心在19世紀)的書信被書面反對馬吉安和其他Gnostics關於中東的第二個世紀。 It is now conceded that they were known to Sts.現在是承認,他們知道街。 Ignatius and Polycarp, and therefore written not later than the end of the first century or early part of the second.伊格內修和波利卡普,因此書面不得遲於年底或一世紀初的第二次。 It requires a keen critical sense to detect at that time the existence of errors at the time of Ignatius, the seeds of which did not exist thirty or forty years earlier or of which St. Paul could not have foreseen the development.它要求非常重要的意義,在那個時候發現存在的錯誤的時候,依納,種子並不存在三,四十年前或其中聖保羅無法預見的發展。 "The environment is marked by incipient phases of what afterwards blossomed out into the Gnosticism of the second century" (Ency. Bib.): - but the incipient phases of Gnosticism are now placed by competent scholars at a much earlier date than that indicated by this writer. “的環境的特點是什麼初始階段後,蓬勃發展,進入諾斯替主義的第二個世紀” ( Ency.書目。 ) : -但初期階段諾斯替主義現在放在主管學者在更早的日期比所指出筆者。 No known system of Gnosticism corresponds with the errors mentioned in the Pastorals; in reply to this, however, it is said that the "errors are not given in detail to avoid undue anachronisms" (ibid.).沒有任何已知的系統諾斯替主義符合錯誤中所提到的Pastorals ;在回复此,不過,他說, “錯誤沒有得到詳細,以避免不必要的時代錯誤” (同上) 。 Sometimes opponents of the authenticity unfairly attack the actual contents, but here the Epistles are condemned for "contents" which they do not contain.有時對手的真實性不公平攻擊的實際內容,但這裡的書信受到譴責“內容” ,他們不包含。 An amusing instance of the precariousness of the subjective method is seen in this same article (Ency. Bib.).有趣的實例不穩定的主觀方法是在這同一篇文章( Ency.書目。 ) 。 The writer arguing against the Epistles on the subject of greetings says that "Philemon is the one private note of Paul extant".筆者反對的書信關於這個問題的問候說: “腓利門書是一所私立注意到保羅現存” 。 We are suddenly brought up, however, by a note (editorial?) within square brackets: "compare, however, Philemon."我們突然提出了,但是,到了一份說明(編輯? )方括號內: “比較,但是,腓利門書。 ” On turning to Philemon we find van Manen asserting, with equal confidence, that the Apostle had nothing whatsoever to do with that Epistle, and he supports his statement by the same kind of subjective arguments and assertions that we find running through the article on Timothy and Titus.在談到腓利門書我們發現範梅南主張,平等信任,這使徒已毫無與書信,他支持他的發言的同樣類型的主觀論點和主張,我們認為貫穿文章蒂莫和提圖斯。 He even throws out the absurd suggestion that Philemon was based on the letter of Pliny, which is given in full by Lightfoot in his edition of Philemon.他甚至拋出荒謬的建議,即腓利門書是根據普林尼的信,這是給予充分的萊特富特在其出版的腓利門書。

Hort in his "Judaistic Christianity" (London, 1898), 130-48, does not believe that the errors of the Pastorals had any connexion with Gnosticism, and he gives a very full reply to the objection with which we are dealing.撫在他的“ Judaistic基督教” (倫敦, 1898 ) , 130-48 ,不相信的錯誤聯接Pastorals有任何與諾斯替主義,他提供了非常充分的答复異議與我們正在處理。 With Weiss he clears the ground by making some important distinctions:與魏斯他清除地面,使一些重要的區別:

(1) We must distinguish prophecies about future false teachers which imply that germs, to say the least, of the future evils are already perceptible (1 Timothy 4:1-3; 2 Timothy 3:1-5, 4:3) from warnings about the present; ( 1 )我們必須區分預言未來的虛假教師意味著細菌,至少可以說,未來的罪惡已經感覺到(提摩太前書4:1-3 ;提摩太后書3:1-5 , 4:3 )由警告本;

(2) The perversities of individuals like Alexander, Hymenæus, and Philetus must not be taken as direct evidence of a general stream of false teaching; ( 2 ) perversities個人像亞歷山大, Hymenæus ,並Philetus絕不能作為直接證據一般流虛假教學;

(3) Non-Christian teachers, the corrupters of Christian belief, must not be confounded with misguided Christians. ( 3 )非基督教教師,腐敗的基督教信仰,絕不能混淆與誤導的基督徒。

The errors which St. Paul easily foresaw would arise amongst false Christians and pagans cannot be urged against the Epistles as if they had already arisen. Hort makes out a good case that there is not the smallest trace of Gnosticism in the existing errors amongst the Ephesian and Cretan Christians, which are treated more as trivialities than serious errors.的錯誤很容易預見聖保羅之間就會產生虛假基督教徒和異教徒不能敦促對書信,彷彿他們已經出現。撫使了一個很好的例子,沒有最小的痕跡諾斯替主義在現有的錯誤之一以弗所和克里特島的基督信徒,這是處理更多的瑣事多嚴重的錯誤。 "The duty laid on Timothy and Titus is not that of refuting deadly errors, but of keeping themselves clear, and warning others to keep clear of mischievous trivialities usurping the office of religion." “規定的義務的蒂莫和提圖斯是不是致命的錯誤批駁,而是保持自己清楚,並警告其他人保持清醒的惡作劇瑣事盜用宗教辦公室。 ” He shows that all these errors have evident marks of Judaistic origin.他表明,所有這些錯誤已經明顯標誌Judaistic來源。 The fact that St. Irenæus, Hegesippus, and others used the words of the Pastorals against the Gnostics of the second century is no proof that Gnosticism was in the mind of their author.事實上,聖Irenæus , Hegesippus ,和其他人使用的話Pastorals對Gnostics的第二個世紀是沒有證據證明諾斯替主義是在考慮到它們的作者。 Words of Scripture have been employed to confute heretics in every age.聖經的話已僱用駁斥異端在每個年齡。 This, he says, is true of the expressions pseudonymos gnosis, aphthartos, aion, epiphaneia, which have to be taken in their ordinary sense.這一點,他說,真正的表達pseudonymos直覺, aphthartos ,上傳圖片, epiphaneia ,它們將要採取的一般意義。 "There is not the faintest sign that such words have any reference to what we call Gnostic terms." “沒有最暗的跡象,這樣的話有任何提及我們稱之為諾斯底條款。 ”

Hort takes genealogiai in much the same sense in which it was employed by Polybius, IX, ii, 1, and Diodorus Siculus, IV, i, to mean stories, legends, myths of the founders of states.撫需要genealogiai在同樣的意義,其中所僱用波里,九,二, 1 ,和狄奧Siculus ,四,我的意思的故事,傳說,神話的締造者國。 "Several of these early historians, or 'logographers' are known to have written books of this kind entitled Genealogiai, Genealogika (eg Hecatæus, Acusilanus, Simonides the Younger, who bore the title ho Genealogos, as did also Pherecydes)" (p. 136). “其中一些早期歷史學家,或' logographers '是眾所周知的書面圖書這種題為Genealogiai , Genealogika (如赫卡泰奧斯, Acusilanus ,西蒙尼德年青的一代,誰承擔標題何Genealogos一樣,也Pherecydes ) ” (第136 ) 。 Philo included under to genealogikon all primitive human history in the Pentateuch.斐羅列入到genealogikon所有原始人類歷史中的摩西五。 A fortiori this term could be applied by St. Paul to the rank growth of legend respecting the Patriarchs, etc., such as we find in the "Book of Jubilees" and in the "Haggada".更何況這個詞可用於由聖保祿的排名增長尊重始祖傳說等,如我們發現在“周易Jubilees ”和“ Haggada ” 。 This was condemned by him as trashy and unwholesome.這是他所譴責的trashy和不衛生。 The other contemporary errors are of a like Jewish character.其他當代錯誤是一樣的猶太特性。 Hort takes antithesis tes pseudonymou gnoseos to refer to the casuistry of the scribes such as we find in the "Halacha", just as the mythoi, and genealogiai designate frivolities such as are contained in the Haggada.撫需要對立面試驗pseudonymou gnoseos提及詭辯的文士,如我們發現在“ Halacha ” ,正如mythoi ,並genealogiai指定frivolities如載於Haggada 。

But is it not possible that these (antitheseis tes pseudonymou gnoseos) refer to the system of interpretation developed later in the Kabbala, of which a convenient description is given in Gigot's "General Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scripture", p.但是,它不可能,這些( antitheseis試驗pseudonymou gnoseos )指的是系統的解釋制定後在Kabbala ,其中有一個方便的描述給出了吉戈特的“概論研究的聖經” ,第 411? 411 ? (see also "Kabbala" in "Jewish Encyclopedia" and Vigoroux, "Dict. de la Bible"). (又見“ Kabbala ”中的“猶太百科全書” ,並Vigoroux , “快譯通。德拉薩聖經” ) 。 He who followed only the literal meaning of the text of the Hebrew Bible had no real knowledge, or gnosis, of the deep mysteries contained in the letters and words of Scripture.他誰其次只有字面意義的文本,希伯來聖經並沒有真正的知識,或直覺,深層奧秘中所載的字母和字的經文。 By notarikon words were constructed from the initials of several, or sentences formed by using the letters of a word as initials of words.通過建造了notarikon字的開頭字母數,或判決所形成的使用字母作為一個單詞首字母的話。 By ghematria the numerical values of letters were used, and words of equal numerical value were substituted for each other and new combinations formed.由ghematria數值信件使用,話平等數值取代對方的和新的組合形成。 By themura the alphabet was divided into two equal parts, and the letters of one half on being substituted for the corresponding letters of the other half, in the text, brought out the hidden sense of the Scripture.由themura字母分為兩個相等的部分,以及信中的一半就被替換為相應的信件的另一半,在文字,帶出了隱藏的意義上的經文。 These systems date back to time immemorial.這些系統可以追溯到遠古時代。 They were borrowed from the Jews by the Gnostics of the second century, and were known to some of the early Fathers, and were probably in use before Apostolic times.他們借用猶太人的Gnostics第二世紀,據了解,一些早期教父,並可能在使用前使徒次。 Now antithesis may mean not only opposition or contrast, but also the change or transposition of letters.現在對立面可能意味著不僅反對或相反,而且還改變或轉信。 In this way antithesis tes pseudonymou gnoseos would mean the falsely-called knowledge which consists in the interchange of letters just referred to.以這種方式對立面試驗pseudonymou gnoseos將意味著虛假所謂知識其中包括在交換的信件剛才提到。

Again, we read: "The mischievous feature about them was their presence within the churches and their combination of plausible errors with apparent, even ostentatious, fidelity to principles of the faith - a trouble elsewhere reflected Acts XX. 29f, in connexion with the Ephesian church towards the end of the first century" (Ency. Bib.).同樣,我們改為: “淘氣的功能是對他們的存在在教堂和其結合似是而非的錯誤明顯,甚至炫耀,忠實於原則的信念-一個麻煩不斷的地方反映行為二十。 29F款,在聯接與以弗所教會在接近年底時的第一個世紀“ ( Ency.書目。 ) 。 We do not admit that Acts, xx, was written towards the end of the first century.我們不承認的行為,第XX號,寫在接近年底時的第一個世紀。 The best scholars hold it was written by St.最好的學者認為它的作者是聖 Luke long before; and so the critics of the Epistles, having without proof dated the composition of a genuine early New-Testament book at the end of the first century, on the strength of that performance endeavour to discredit three whole books of Scripture.盧克之前很久;因此批評書信,在沒有證據的日期組成一個真正的早期新舊約書結束時的第一個世紀,在強度,業績努力詆毀三個整個圖書聖經。

H. Miscellaneous objections H.雜項反對

We bring together under this heading a number of objections that are found scattered in the text, foot-notes, sub-foot-notes, of the article in the "Ency. Bib."我們匯集本項下的一些反對意見,被發現散落在文字,身高注意到,分尺注意到,在文章中的“ Ency 。書目。 ”

(1) "The concern to keep the widow class under the bishop's control is thoroughly sub-apostolic (cp. Ign. ad Polycarp. iv. 5) ". ( 1 ) “的關切,保持一流的遺孀下主教的控制是徹底分使徒( cp. Ign 。廣告波利卡普。四。 5 ) ” 。 - That would not prove that it was not Apostolic as well. -這並不證明它不是使徒以及。 On reading the only passage referring to widows (1 Timothy 5) we get a totally different impression from the one conveyed here.在閱讀的唯一通道指的寡婦(提摩太前書5 )我們得到一個完全不同的印象從一個轉達這裡。 The great aim of the writer of the Epistle appears to be to prevent widows from becoming a burden on the Church, and to point out the duty of their relatives to support them.偉大的目的,作家的書信似乎是防止寡婦成為負擔的教會,並指出他們的職責,支持他們的親屬。 Thirty years before the death of St. Paul the Seven were appointed to look after the poor widows of Jerusalem; and it is absurd to suppose that during all that time no regulations were made as to who should receive support, and who not. 30年前的死亡聖保祿七被任命為照顧窮人寡婦耶路撒冷,它是荒唐的假設,在所有的時間沒有規定了就誰應得到支持,誰不會。 Some few of those who were "widows indeed" probably held offices like deaconesses, of whom we read in Romans 16:1, and who were doubtless under the direction of the Apostles and other ecclesiastical authorities.有些幾個誰是“寡婦事實上”可能舉行辦事處像女執事,其中我們在羅馬書16:1 ,誰是毫無疑問的領導下和其他使徒教會當局。 The supposition that nothing was "done in order", but that everything was allowed to go at random, has no support in St. Paul's earlier Epistles.假設沒有什麼事情是“做是為了” ,但一切都被允許在隨機的,沒有支持聖保祿早些時候書信。

(2) "The curious antipathy of the writer to second marriages on the part of the presbyters, episcopi, diaconi, and widows (cherai) is quite un-Pauline, but corresponds to the more general feeling prevalent in the second century throughout the churches." ( 2 ) “好奇反感的作家第二次婚姻的一部分presbyters , episcopi , diaconi ,和寡婦( cherai )是相當聯合國波利娜,但對應的更一般的感覺中普遍存在的第二個世紀整個教堂。 “ - That state of feeling throughout the churches in the second century should make an objector pause. -這種狀況的感覺在整個教堂的第二個世紀應該作出反對者暫停。 Its Apostolic origin is its best explanation, and there is nothing whatsoever to show that it was un-Pauline.其原產地是使徒最好的解釋,也沒有任何顯示,這是聯合國波琳。 It was St. Paul who wrote as follows at a much earlier date (1 Corinthians 7): "I would that all men were even as myself: . . . But I say to the unmarried, and to the widows: It is good for them if they so continue, even as I . . . But I would have you to be without solicitude. He that is without a wife, is solicitous for the things of the Lord, how he may please God. But he that is with a wife, is solicitous for the things of the world, how he may please his wife: and he is divided . . . He that giveth his virgin in marriage, doth well; and he that giveth her not, doth better."這是誰寫聖保祿如下在更早的日期(哥林多前書7 ) : “我想所有的人,即使自己: 。 。 。但是我要說的未婚,和寡婦:這是很好的如果他們這樣繼續下去,甚至在我。 。 。不過,我想你有沒有慰問。他說,沒有一個妻子,是熱心的東西的主,他可能會請神。但他是一個妻子,是熱心的事情的世界,他可能會請他的妻子:他是分裂的。 。 。他說,他的維爾京giveth婚姻中, doth很好,他說, giveth她沒有, doth更好。 “ It would be rash to suppose that St. Paul, who wrote thus to the Corinthians, in general, could not shortly before his death require that those who were to take the place of the Apostles and hold the highest offices in the Church should not have been married more than once.這將是皮疹假定聖保祿,誰寫的科林蒂安因此,一般來說,不能他去世前不久,那些誰需要被取代的使徒和擁有最高的辦公室設在教會不應該有結婚不止一次。

(3) "The distinctive element, however, ie the prominence assigned to Timothy and Titus, is intelligible only on the supposition that the author had specially in view the ulterior end of vindicating the legitimate evangelic succession of contemporary episcopi and other office-bearers in provinces where this was liable for various reasons to be challenged" (in the beginning of the second century). ( 3 ) “的獨特元素,然而,即突出分配給提摩太和提多是可理解僅是假定的作者曾專門查看別有用心維護結束的合法繼承當代福音episcopi和其他辦公室承擔的省份,這是承擔各種原因受到質疑, “ (在開始的第二個世紀) 。 - Thousands have read these Epistles, from their very first appearance until now, without such a conclusion suggesting itself to them. -成千上萬的人閱讀這些書信,從他們的首次亮相到現在,沒有這樣的結論表明本身給他們。 If this objection means anything it means that the Apostles could not assign prominent positions to any of their disciples or delegates; which runs counter to what we read of Timothy and Titus in the earlier Epistles of St. Paul.如果這意味著什麼異議,這意味著不能指派使徒的顯著位置,以他們的任何弟子或代表;這種做法違反了我們閱讀的霍震霆和提圖斯在早期書信聖保羅。

(4) "The prominence given to 'teaching' qualities shows that one danger of the contemporary churches lay largely in the vagaries of unauthorized teachers (Did., xvi). The author's cure is simple: Better let the episcopus himself teach! Better let those in authority be responsible for the instruction of the ordinary members! Evidently teaching was not originally or usually (1 Timothy 5:17) a function of presbyters, but abuses had led by this time, as the Didache proves, to a need of combining teaching with organised church authority." ( 4 ) “的突出的教學素質表明,一個危險的當代教會打下主要是在變化莫測的未經授權的教師( Did. ,十六) 。作者的治療很簡單:更好地讓episcopus自己教!更好地讓當權者負責教學的普通成員!顯然不是原來教學或通常(提摩太前書5時17分)的函數presbyters ,但濫用導致了這個時候,作為十二使徒遺訓證明,有必要結合起來教學與有組織教會的權威。 “ - What a lot of meaning is read into half a dozen words of these Epistles! -什麼很多的意思是讀入半打的話,這些書信! In the very first Epistle that St. Paul wrote we read: "And we beseech you, brethren, to know them who labour among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonish you: That you esteem them more abundantly in charity, for their work's sake" (1 Thessalonians 5:12-13).在第一使徒聖保羅發表文章說,我們讀到: “和我們求求你,兄弟,誰知道他們之間的勞動你,超過你的上帝,並告誡你:你自尊他們更充分的慈善機構,對他們的工作的緣故“ (帖撒羅尼迦前書5:12-13 ) 。 The capacity for teaching was a gift, probably a natural one working through God's grace for the good of the Church (see HIERARCHY OF THE EARLY CHURCH), and there was no reason why the Apostle, who attached so much importance to teaching when speaking of his own work, should not require that those who were selected to rule the Churches and carry on his work should be endowed with the aptitude for teaching.教學的能力是一個禮物,可能是一個自然的一個工作通過上帝的恩典的良好教會(見等級初期教會) ,和沒有理由的使徒,誰重視如此重視教學說起自己的工作,不應該要求那些誰被選為規則教會和執行他的工作應具備的教學能力。 In Ephesians 4:11, we find that the same persons were "pastors and doctors".在以弗所書4時11分,我們發現,同樣的人, “牧師和醫生” 。 The writer who makes this objection does not admit that real bishops and priests existed in Apostolic times; so this is what his assertion implies: When the Apostles died there were no bishops and priests. After some time they originated somewhere and somehow, and spread all over the Church.作者誰使這一反對不承認,真正的主教和司鐸中存在的使徒倍;所以這是他的斷言意味著:當使徒死亡,沒有主教和司鐸。一段時間後,他們來自地方和不知何故,和遍布全國在教會。 During a considerable time they did not teach.在相當長的一段時間他們不教。 Then they began to monopolize teaching, and the practice spread everywhere, and finally the Pastorals were written to confirm this state of affairs, which had no sanction from the Apostles, though these bishops thought otherwise.然後他們開始壟斷教學,傳播世界各地的做法,最後Pastorals書面確認了這種狀況,沒有任何制裁的使徒,儘管這些主教認為並非如此。 And all this happened before St. Ignatius wrote, in a short period of thirty or forty years, a length of time spanned say from 1870 or 1880 till 1912 - a rapid state of development indeed, which has no documentary evidence to support it, and which must have taken place, for the most part, under the very eyes of the Apostles St. John and St.而這一切發生在聖伊格內修斯說,在短期內30或40年來,每年的時間長度,跨區說從1870年或1880年至1912年-一個快速的發展狀況的確,沒有任何書面證據來支持它,其中必須有發生,在大多數情況下,根據眼前的使徒聖約翰和聖 Philip, and of Timothy, Titus, Clement, Ignatius, Polycarp, and other disciples of the Apostles.菲利普和霍震霆,提多書,克萊門特,伊格內修,波利卡普,和其他弟子的使徒。 The early Christians had more respect for Apostolic traditions than that.早期的基督徒有更多的尊重使徒傳統比。

(5) "Baptism is almost a sacrament of salvation (Titus 3:5)." ( 5 ) “洗禮幾乎是聖禮救贖(提圖斯3時05分) 。 ” - It is quite a sacrament of salvation, not only here, but in the teaching of Christ, in the Acts, and in St. Paul's Epistles to the Romans, First Corinthians, Galatians, and Colossians, and in 1 Peter 3:21. -這是一個相當聖禮的救恩,不僅在這裡,但在教學中的基督,在行為,聖保祿書信的羅馬,第一科林蒂安,加拉太和歌羅西書,並在彼得前書3時21分。

(6) "Faith is tending to become more than ever fides quœ creditur." ( 6 ) “信仰是趨於比以往任何時候更加真實quœ creditur 。 ” - But it appears as fides qua creditur in 1 Timothy 1:2, 4, 5, 14; 2:7, 15; 3:9, 13; 4:6, 12; 6:11; 2 Timothy 1:5, 13; 2:18, 22; 3:10, 15; Titus 2:2, etc., while it is used in the earlier Epistles not only subjectively but also objectively. -但它似乎是真實條件creditur在提摩太前書1:2 , 4 , 5 , 14 ;二時07分, 15個; 3點09分, 13人; 4點06分, 12歲; 6時11 ;提摩太后書1時05分, 13 ; 2時18分, 22 ; 3:10 , 15 ;泰特斯2點02分,等等,而這是用在先前的書信不僅主觀而且客觀。 See pistis in Preuschen, "Handwörterbuch zum griech. N. Testament."見pistis在Preuschen , “ Handwörterbuch zum griech 。北路遺書。 ” Faith is fides quœ creditur only nine times out of thirty-three passages where pistis occurs in the Pastorals.信仰是信仰quœ creditur只有9倍的33通道下pistis發生在Pastorals 。

(7) "The church to this unmystical author is no longer the bride or the body of Christ but God's building or rather familia dei, quite in the neo-Catholic style." ( 7 ) “教會這一unmystical作者不再是新娘或基督的身體,但上帝的建築物或而是家庭代,不少在新天主教風格。 ” There are several genuine Epistles of St. Paul in which the Church is neither called the body nor the bride of Christ, and in calling it a building he was only following his Master who said: "On this rock I will build my Church." The idea of a spiritual building is quite Pauline.有幾個真正的書信聖保祿教堂中既不是所謂的身體也不是基督的新娘,並在所謂的建設,他僅僅是在執行他的主誰說: “這塊石頭,我將建立我的教會。 ”的想法,精神文明建設是很波琳。 "For we know, if our earthly house of this habitation be dissolved, that we have a building of God, a house not made with hands, eternal in heaven" (2 Corinthians 5:1); "And I have so preached this gospel, not where Christ was named, lest I should build upon another man's foundation" (Romans 15:20); "For if I build up again the things which I have destroyed, I make myself a prevaricator" (Galatians 2:18); "Let us work good to all men, but especially to those who are of the household of the faith" (Galatians 6:10); "You are fellow citizens with the saints, and the domestics of God, built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone: in whom all the building, being framed together, groweth up into a holy temple in the Lord. In whom you also are built together into an habitation of God in the Spirit" (Ephesians 2:19-22); "You are God's building. According to the grace of God that is given to me as a wise architect, I have laid the foundation. . . . Know you not, that you are the temple of God, and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you?" “我們知道,如果我們的俗世眾議院被解散這個居住,我們有建設的上帝,沒有一所房子的手,永遠在天堂” (哥林多後書5:1 ) , “我有這麼鼓吹這個福音,而不是在基督被命名,否則我要借鑒別人的基礎“ (羅馬書15:20 ) ; ”對於我是否建立起來的東西,我已經被毀,我自己是prevaricator “ (加拉太2點18分) ; “讓我們所有的人好,但特別是那些誰是家庭的信仰” (加拉太6:10 ) ; “你的同胞與聖人,和傭人的上帝,基礎的基礎使徒和先知,耶穌本人是主要基石:在其中所有的建設,正在制定共同groweth上漲到聖殿的主。在其中您還建立起來,成為一個居住在上帝的聖靈“ (以弗所書2:19-22 ) ; “你是上帝的建設。據恩典上帝,是考慮到我是一個明智的建築師,我已經奠定了基礎。 。 。 。不知道你,你是上帝的聖殿,並聖靈dwelleth在嗎? “ (1 Corinthians 3:9-17; compare 1 Peter 2:5; "Be you also as living stones built up, a spiritual house"; and 1 Peter 4:17: "For the time is, that judgment should begin at the house of God. And if first at us, what shall be the end of them that believe not the gospel of God?") There is a development in St. Paul's use of the comparisons body and bride, which is exactly paralleled by his use of the words building and temple. (哥林多前書3:9-17 ;比較彼得前書2:5 ; “無論你的生活也如石頭建成,一個精神之家” ;和彼得前書4時17分: “在時間,這一判斷應該開始在眾議院的上帝。而且如果第一次在我們來說,應結束他們相信沒有上帝的福音? “ )有一個發展的聖保祿使用比較機構和新娘,這也正是他利用平行的字樣建設和寺廟。 They are applied first to individuals, then to communities and finally to the whole Church (see Gayford in Hast., "Dict. of the Bibl." sv Church).他們是第一個適用於個人,然後到社區和最終整個教會(見蓋福德在你。 “快譯通。的Bibl 。 ”希沃特堂) 。

(8) "Items of the creed, now rapidly crystallizing in Rome and Asia Minor, are conveyed partly in hymnal fragments which like those in the Apocalypse of John, sprang from the cultus of the churches." ( 8 ) “項目的信仰,現在迅速形成了在羅馬和小亞細亞,是轉達部分片段在hymnal一樣在約翰啟示,紛紛從禮拜的教堂。 ” There are fragments of the Creed in First Corinthians (see EPISTLES TO THE CORINTHIANS, The First Epistle - Its teaching), and there were hymns in use several years before St. Paul's death.有碎片的信條在第一科林蒂安(見書信給哥林多前書,第一次書信-教學) ,有讚美詩在使用幾年前聖保祿死亡。 He wrote to the Colossians (3:16): "Let the word of Christ dwell in you abundantly, in all wisdom: teaching and admonishing one another in psalms, hymns, and spiritual canticles" (cf. Ephesians 5:19).他寫信給歌羅西書( 3:16 ) : “讓我們的話,基督住在你十分,在所有的智慧:教學和告誡互相詩篇,讚美詩和精神文明canticles ” (見以弗所5時19分) 。 The objections from the "Faithful Sayings" are fully answered in James, "The Genuineness of the Pastorals" (London, 1906), 132-6.在反對“誠信熟語”得到充分的回答詹姆斯, “真實性的Pastorals ” (倫敦, 1906 ) , 132-6 。

(9) "No possible circumstances could make Paul oblivious (through three separate letters) of God's fatherhood, of the believing man's union with Jesus, of the power and witness of the Spirit, or of reconciliation." ( 9 ) “任何可能的情況下,可以使保羅忘卻(通過三個不同的字母)上帝的父親,在相信人的聯盟耶穌,電力和證人的精神,或和解。 ” These doctrines are not quite forgotten: 1 Timothy 1:15; 2:6; 2 Timothy 1:2, 9; 2:13; Titus 1:4; 3:4, 5, 7.這些理論並非完全忘記:提摩太前書1:15 ; 2點06分;提摩太后書1:2 ,第9條;二點13分;提多書1:4 ; 3點04分, 5 , 7 。 There was no necessity to dwell upon them as he was writing to disciples well acquainted with his teaching, and the purpose of the Epistles was to meet new problems.有沒有必要談這些,他寫信給弟子熟悉他的教導,和宗旨的書信是為了滿足新的問題。 Besides, this objection could be brought against large portions of the genuine Epistles.此外,這項異議可提起大部分真正的書信。

There are several other objections but they are so flimsy that they cannot present any difficulty.還有其他一些異議,但他們非常站不住腳的,他們可以沒有任何困難。 What Sanday wrote in 1896 in his "Inspiration" (London) is still true: "It may be asserted without fear of contradiction that nothing really un-Pauline has been proved in any of the disputed epistles."什麼桑迪寫於1896年在他的“啟示” (倫敦)仍然是正確的: “這可能是斷言,而不必擔心矛盾,沒有什麼人保已被證明在任何有爭議的書信。 ”

II.二。 External Evidence外部證據

The Pauline authorship of the Pastorals was never doubted by Catholics in early times.作者的波林的Pastorals是從未懷疑天主教徒年初次。 Eusebius, with his complete knowledge of early Christian literature, states that they were among the books universally recognized in the Church ta para pasin homologoumena ("Hist. eccl.", II, xxii, III, iii; "Præp. evang.", II, xiv, 7; xvi, 3).優西比烏,他的全部知識的早期基督教文學,國家,他們之間的圖書普遍承認的教會大段pasin homologoumena ( “組織胺。 eccl 。 ”二,二十二,三,三“ ; Præp 。 evang 。 ”二,第十四條, 7條;十六, 3 ) 。 They are found in the early Latin and Syriac Versions.他們發現在拉丁美洲和敘利亞早期版本。 St. Clement of Alexandria speaks of them (Strom., II, III), and Tertullian expresses his astonishment that they were rejected by Marcion (Adv. Marcion, V, xxi), and says they were written by St. Paul to Timothy and Titus; evidently their rejection was a thing hitherto unheard of.聖克萊門特亞歷山大談到他們( Strom. ,二,三) ,和特土良表示驚訝,他們拒絕了馬吉安( Adv.馬吉安,五, XXI )號決議,並說,他們寫的聖保羅和向霍震霆提圖斯;顯然,他們反對的事情是迄今聞所未聞。 They are ascribed to St. Paul in the Muratorian Fragment, and Theophilus of Antioch (about 181) quotes from them and calls them the "Divine word" (theios logos).他們是屬於聖保祿在穆拉多利片段,並西奧菲勒安提(約181 )的報價,並要求他們“聖言” ( theios標誌) 。 The Martyrs of Vienne and Lyons (about 180) were acquainted with them; and their bishop, Pothinus, who was born about AD 87 and martyred in 177 at the age of ninety, takes us back to a very early date.烈士的維埃納和里昂(約180 )是熟悉他們和他們的主教, Pothinus ,誰出生約公元87和犧牲在177歲時, 90 ,使我們回到一個非常早日實現。 His successor, St. Irenæus, who was born in Asia Minor and had heard St.他的繼任者,聖Irenæus ,誰出生於小亞細亞,並聽取了街 Polycarp preach, makes frequent use of the Epistles and quotes them as St. Paul's.波利卡普宣講,使經常使用的書信和報價為聖保祿。 He was arguing against heretics, so there could be no doubt on either side.他反對異端,因此可以毫無疑問的任何一方。 The Epistles were also admitted by Heracleon (about 165), Hegesippus (about 170), St. Justin Martyr, and the writer of the "Second Epistle of Clement" (about 140).的書信也承認Heracleon (約165 ) , Hegesippus (約170 ) ,聖賈斯汀烈士,和作家的“第二使徒克萊門特” (約140個) 。 In the short letter which St. Polycarp wrote (about 117) he shows that he was thoroughly acquainted with them.在短期內信街波利卡普寫道(約117 ) ,他表明,他是徹底地熟悉他們。 Polycarp was born only a few years after the death of Saints Peter and Paul, and as Timothy and Titus, according to the most ancient traditions, lived to be very old, he was their contemporary for many years.波利卡普出生僅在幾年去世後,聖彼得和保羅,以及蒂莫和提圖斯,根據最古老的傳統,活到很老,他是當代許多年。 He was Bishop of Smyrna.他是主教的士麥那。 only forty miles from Ephesus, where Timothy resided.只有從以弗所四十英里,在那裡居住蒂莫西。 St. Ignatius, the second successor of St. Peter at Antioch, was acquainted with Apostles and disciples of the Apostles, and shows his knowledge of the Epistles in the letters which he wrote about AD 110.聖伊格內修,第二繼承聖彼得在安提阿,是熟悉使徒和門徒的門徒,並顯示出他的知識的書信的信中,他寫道:關於廣告110 。 Critics now admit that Ignatius and Polycarp knew the Pastorals (von Soden in Holtzmann's "Hand-Kommentar", III, 155; "Ency. Bib.", IV); and there is a very strong probability that they were known also to Clement of Rome, when he wrote to the Corinthians about AD 96.批評者現在承認,伊格內修和波利卡普知道Pastorals (馮索登在Holtzmann的“手Kommentar ” ,第三章, 155條; “ Ency 。書目。 ” ,四) ;並有很強的概率,他們被稱為還克萊門特羅馬,當時他寫信給哥林多約公元96 。

In judging of the early evidence it should be borne in mind that all three Epistles claim to be by St. Paul.在判斷早期的證據應該銘記的是,所有這三個書信自稱是由聖保羅。 So when an early writer shows his familiarity with them, quotes them as authoritative and as evidently well known to his readers, it may be taken as a proof not only of the existence and widespread knowledge of the Epistles, but that the writer took them for what they claim to be, genuine Epistles of St. Paul; and if the writer lived in the time of Apostles, of Apostolic men, of disciples of Apostles, and of Timothy and Titus (as did Ignatius, Polycarp, and Clement) we may be sure that he was correct in doing so.因此,當早期的作家表明他熟悉他們,他們是權威的報價和明顯眾所周知他的讀者,可以作為證據,不僅存在和廣泛的知識的書信,但作者把他們的他們聲稱,真正的書信聖保羅;如果作家生活在使徒的時候,男人的使徒,使徒的門徒和蒂莫和提圖斯(伊格內修一樣,波利卡普,和克萊門特) ,我們可能可以肯定,他是正確的這樣做。 The evidence of these writers is, however, very unceremoniously brushed aside.的證據,這些作家然而,很隨便地置之不理。 The heretic Marcion, about AD 150, is held to be of much more weight than all of them put together.邪教馬吉安,大約公元150個,將舉行更重的比他們所有人的總和。 "Marcion's omission of the pastorals from his canon tells heavily against their origin as preserved in tradition. Philemon was accepted by him, though far more of a private note than any of the pastorals; and the presence of elements antagonistic to his own views need not have made him exclude them, since he could have easily excised these passages in this as in other cases" (Ency. Bib., IV). “馬吉安的遺漏的pastorals佳能告訴他沉重打擊其來源為保存傳統。腓利門書接受了他,但更多的私人注意到比任何pastorals ;和敵對分子的存在,他自己的看法沒有必要他排除了,因為他本來可以很容易地切除這些段落,這是在其他情況下“ ( Ency.書目。 ,四) 。 Marcion rejected the whole of the Old Testament, all the Gospels except St. Luke's, which he grossly mutilated, and all the rest of the New Testament, except ten Epistles of St. Paul, texts of which he changed to suit his purposes.馬吉安否決整個舊約,所有的福音除聖盧克,他嚴重傷殘,和所有其餘的新約全書,除10書信聖保羅的文本,他改變,以適應他的目的。 Philemon escaped on account of its brevity and contents.腓利門書越獄到其簡潔和內容。 If he crossed out all that was objectionable to him in the Pastorals there would be little left worth preserving.如果他越過了這一切是反感他的Pastorals將所剩無幾值得保留。 Again, the testimony of all these early writers is regarded as of no more value than the opinion of Aristotle on the authorship of the Homeric poems (ibid.).再次,所有的證詞,這些早期的作家被視為沒有更多的價值比亞里士多德認為對著作權的荷馬詩歌(同上) 。 But in the one case we have the chain of evidence going back to the times of the writer, of his disciples, and of the persons addressed; while Aristotle lived several hundred years after the time of Homer.但是,在一個情況下,我們有證據鏈回到時代的作家,他的弟子,和處理的人,而亞里士多德生活幾百年的時間之後的荷馬。 "The early Christian attitude towards 'Hebrews' is abundant evidence of how loose that judgment [on authorship] could be" (ibid.). “基督教早期的態度'希伯來書'是大量證據如何鬆散判決[關於作者]可” (同上) 。 The extreme care and hesitancy, in some quarters, about admitting the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews when contrasted with the universal and undoubting acceptance of the Pastorals tells strongly in favour of the latter.極端保健和猶豫不決,在某些季度,大約承認波利娜著作權的書信時的希伯來對比的普遍性和不屈不撓的接受Pastorals告訴堅決贊成後者。

Publication information Written by Cornelius Aherne.出版信息作者哥尼流阿赫尼。 Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter.轉錄由道格拉斯學者波特。 Dedicated to the Immaculate Heart of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.致力於無玷聖心的祝福聖母天主教百科全書,體積十四。 Published 1912.發布時間1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat , 1912年7月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York認可。 +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

JAMES, Genuineness and Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles (London, 1906); JACQUIER, Hist.塗謹申,真實性和作者的田園書信(倫敦, 1906年) ; JACQUIER ,組織胺。 du Nouveau Test., I (Paris, 1906; tr. DUGGAN, London); Introductions to N. Test, by CORNELY, SALMON, and other Scriptural scholars; HEADLAM in Church Congress Reports (London, 1904); The Church Quart.杜新試驗。 ,我(巴黎, 1906年;文。根,倫敦) ;介紹北路試驗,由CORNELY ,鮭魚,和其他聖經學者; HEADLAM在教會國會報告(倫敦, 1904年) ;教會夸脫。 Rev, (October, 1906; January, 1907); BISPING, Erklärung der drei Past.牧師( 10月, 1906年;月1日, 1907年) ; BISPING , Erklärung之顯過去。 (Münster, 1866); WEISS, Tim. (明斯特, 1866年) ;韋斯蒂姆。 und Tit.與李鐵。 (Göttingen, 1902); BERNARD, The Pastoral Epistles (Cambridge, 1899); LILLEY, The Pastoral Epistles (Edinburgh, 1901); GORE, Orders and Unity (London, 1909); WORKMAN, The hapax Legomena of St. Paul in Expository Times, VII (1896), 418 HORT, Judaistic Christianity (London, 1898); BELSER. (哥廷根, 1902年) ;伯納德田園書信(劍橋, 1899年) ;李潔明田園書信(愛丁堡, 1901年) ;戈爾,訂單和統一(倫敦, 1909年) ;工人,該hapax Legomena聖保祿在說明性次,第七章( 1896年) , 418園藝, Judaistic基督教(倫敦, 1898年) ; BELSER 。 Die Briefe des Apostels Paulus an Timoth.模具之Apostels保羅書信的Timoth 。 u.美國 Titus (Freiburg); KNOWLING has a good defence of the Pastorals in The Testimony of St. Paul to Christ; see also his article in the Critical Review (July, 1896); RAMSEY.提圖斯(弗賴堡) ; KNOWLING具有良好的保衛Pastorals中的證詞聖保羅基督;又見他的文章在評述( 7月, 1896年) ;拉姆齊。 Expositor (1910). Expositor ( 1910 ) 。


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