Epistles to the Thessalonians書信的撒羅

General Information 一般信息

The two Epistles to the Thessalonians, books of the New Testament of the Bible, are the first of Saint Paul's letters, written about AD 50 from Corinth to his recently founded community of Christians at Thessalonika.這兩個書信的撒羅,書籍的新約聖經,是第一次聖保羅信件,書面約公元50科林斯,他最近成立社區基督徒在塞薩洛尼基。 Paul reviews his stay with them, expresses concern for their welfare, and encourages them in suffering.保羅評語,他與他們,表示關注他們的福利,並鼓勵他們在痛苦。 Paul also instructs them on the Second Coming of Jesus, which he expected imminently at this early stage in his career, and reassures them that those already dead will rise and that certain signs will precede the end.保羅還指示他們第二次來的耶穌,他預計即將在這個早期階段在他的職業生涯,並保證他們,那些已經死亡將上升,某些跡象將先結束。 Some scholars hold that 2 Thessalonians is by a later disciple of Paul.有些學者認為帖撒羅尼迦後書是以後的門徒保羅。

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Bibliography 參考書目
E Best, A Commentary on the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians (1972); GH Giblin, The Threat to Faith (1967). é最佳,評上的第一次和第二次書信的撒羅( 1972年) ;生長激素吉布蘭,威脅信仰( 1967年) 。


Epistles to the Thessalonians書信的撒羅

Brief Outline簡要概述

First Epistle第一使徒

  1. Conversion of the Thessalonians (1:1-10)轉換撒羅( 1:1-10 )
  2. The Ministry of Paul at Thessalonica (2)該部的保羅在塞薩洛尼卡( 2 )
  3. Paul's concern and prayer for the Church (3)保羅的關注和祈禱的教會( 3 )
  4. Problems of the Church, moral instruction, the Lord's coming, ethical duties (4:1-5:22)教會存在的問題,道德教育,上帝來了,道德義務( 4:1-5:22 )
  5. Conclusion (5:23-28)結論( 5:23-28 )

Second Epistle第二使徒

  1. Comfort in persecution (1)舒適的迫害( 1 )
  2. Signs of the Day of Christ; apostasy, revelation of the man of sin, preservation of God's people (2)跡象日基督;叛教,啟示人的罪孽,維護上帝的子民( 2 )
  3. Spiritual counsel (3)精神律師( 3 )


Epistles to the Thessalo'nians書信的Thessalo'nians

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The first epistle to the Thessalonians was the first of all Paul's epistles.第一書信的撒羅是首先保羅的書信。 It was in all probability written from Corinth, where he abode a "long time" (Acts 18:11, 18), early in the period of his residence there, about the end of AD 52.這是在所有的概率書面從科林斯,他在那裡居住了“很長一段時間” (使徒行18:11 , 18 ) ,早在他的住所內有大約年底公元52 。 The occasion of its being written was the return of Timotheus from Macedonia, bearing tidings from Thessalonica regarding the state of the church there (Acts 18:1-5; 1 Thess. 3:6).為紀念其撰寫的返回Timotheus由馬其頓,同時消息從塞薩洛尼卡有關國家存在的教會(使徒18:1-5 ; 1 Thess 。 3點06 ) 。 While, on the whole, the report of Timothy was encouraging, it also showed that divers errors and misunderstandings regarding the tenor of Paul's teaching had crept in amongst them.雖然,從總體上看,蒂莫的報告是令人鼓舞的,它也表明,潛水員錯誤和誤解的要旨保羅的教學已經悄悄在他們中間。 He addresses them in this letter with the view of correcting these errors, and especially for the purpose of exhorting them to purity of life, reminding them that their sanctification was the great end desired by God regarding them.他談到他們在信中的觀點,糾正這些錯誤,特別是為了敦促他們純潔的生活,提醒他們,他們是偉大的神聖所希望上帝年底就這些。

The subscription erroneously states that this epistle was written from Athens.認購誤國,這是寫書信從雅典。 The second epistle to the Thessalonians was probably also written from Corinth, and not many months after the first.第二書信的撒羅書面也可能是從科林斯,沒有多少個月後的第一次。 The occasion of the writing of this epistle was the arrival of tidings that the tenor of the first epistle had been misunderstood, especially with reference to the second advent of Christ.值此編寫本書信是消息的到來,該男高音第一書信已經被誤解,特別是參照第二到來基督。 The Thessalonians had embraced the idea that Paul had taught that "the day of Christ was at hand", that Christ's coming was just about to happen.該撒羅接受了保羅的想法告訴我們, “基督的日子即將到來” ,即基督的未來是即將發生。 This error is corrected (2:1-12), and the apostle prophetically announces what first must take place.此錯誤得到糾正( 2:1-12 ) ,以及使徒預言宣布第一必須採取什麼地方。 "The apostasy" was first to arise. “的叛教”首次出現。 Various explanations of this expression have been given, but that which is most satisfactory refers it to the Church of Rome.各種解釋的表達得到了,但是這是最令人滿意的是指它的羅馬教會。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Thessaloni'ca

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Thessalonica was a large and populous city on the Thermaic bay.塞薩洛尼卡是一個大國和人口眾多的城市, Thermaic灣。 It was the capital of one of the four Roman districts of Macedonia, and was ruled by a praetor.這是資本的一個四個羅馬地區的馬其頓,並裁定由帕累托。 It was named after Thessalonica, the wife of Cassander, who built the city.它的名字命名塞薩洛尼卡的妻子Cassander ,誰的城市。 She was so called by her father, Philip, because he first heard of her birth on the day of his gaining a victory over the Thessalians.她所謂的她的父親菲利普,因為他第一次聽到她出生的當天,他獲得了勝利, Thessalians 。 On his second missionary journey, Paul preached in the synagogue here, the chief synagogue of the Jews in that part of Macedonia, and laid the foundations of a church (Acts 17: 1-4; 1 Thes. 1:9).他的第二個傳教士旅程,保羅鼓吹在這裡的一座猶太教堂,猶太教堂的首席猶太人在該部分的馬其頓共和國,並奠定了基礎,一所教堂(使徒17 : 1-4 ; 1 Thes 。一時09分) 。 The violence of the Jews drove him from the city, when he fled to Berea (Acts 17:5-10).暴力的猶太人將他從市,當他逃到貝雷亞(使徒17:5-10 ) 。 The "rulers of the city" before whom the Jews "drew Jason," with whom Paul and Silas lodged, are in the original called politarchai, an unusual word, which was found, however, inscribed on an arch in Thessalonica.的“統治者的城市”前的人猶太人“提請傑森” ,與保羅和西拉人提出,是在原來的所謂politarchai ,一個不尋常的話,該產品被發現,但是,一個拱者在塞薩洛尼卡。

This discovery confirms the accuracy of the historian.這一發現證實了準確性歷史學家。 Paul visited the church here on a subsequent occasion (20:1-3).保羅教堂參觀這裡以後( 20:1-3 ) 。 This city long retained its importance.這個城市長期保留其重要性。 It is the most important town of European Turkey, under the name of Saloniki, with a mixed population of about 85,000.這是最重要的城市歐洲土耳其的名義下Saloniki ,混合人口約八萬五千。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Epistles to the Thessalonians書信的撒羅

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

Two of the canonical Epistles of St. Paul.兩個典型書信聖保羅。 This article will treat the Church of Thessalonica, the authenticity, canonicity, time and place of writing, occasion, and contents of the two Epistles to that Church.本文將治療的教會塞薩洛尼卡的真實性,正規,時間和地點的書面形式,場合,和內容的兩個書信該教會。

I. THE CHURCH OF THESSALONICA一教堂THESSALONICA

After Paul and Silas had, during the Apostle's second missionary journey, left Philippi, they proceeded to Thessalonica (Thessalonike, the modern Saloniki), perhaps because there was in the city a synagogue of the Jews (Acts 17:2). Thessalonica was the capital of the Roman Province of Macedonia; it was a free city, ruled by a popular assembly (cf. Acts 17:5, eis ton demon) and magistrates (cf. verse 6, epi tous politarchas).經過了保羅和西拉,在使徒的第二傳教士旅程,左立,他們著手塞薩洛尼卡( Thessalonike ,現代Saloniki ) ,也許是因為在該市一所猶太教堂的猶太人(使徒17時零二分) 。塞薩洛尼卡是首都羅馬馬其頓省,它是一個自由的城市,裁定由人民大會(參見行為17:5的EIS噸惡魔)和法官(見詩6 ,計劃免疫人人politarchas ) 。 St. Paul at once began to preach the Gospel to the Jews and proselytes.聖保祿立即開始傳福音,為猶太人和proselytes 。 For three successive sabbaths he explained the Scriptures in the synagogue, opening up the way and gradually leading his hearers to the tremendous truth that there was need the Christ should die and rise again from the dead, and that Jesus whom Paul preached was in very truth this Christ.連續三次安息日他解釋聖經的猶太教堂,鋪平了道路,並逐步帶領聽眾的巨大的事實,即有必要基督死了,並再次上升的死亡,並聲稱是耶穌的人是在宣揚保羅非常真相這個基督。 Some of the Jews believed and took sides with Paul and Silas. It would seem that Paul stayed in the city some time thereafter, for, according to the reading of Codex Bezæ (fifth century), and the Vulgate and Coptic Versions (Acts 17:4), he converted a large number not only of proselytes (ton te sebomenon) but of Gentile Greeks (kai Hellenon).一些猶太人相信了雙方與保羅和西拉。看來,保羅留在城市,其後一段時間,因為根據讀法典Bezæ ( 5世紀) ,以及武加大和科普特版本(行為17 : 4 ) ,他轉換了大量不僅proselytes (噸碲sebomenon ) ,但希臘人的詹蒂萊(啟Hellenon ) 。 In the first place, it is unlikely that a large number of these latter were won over to the Faith during the three weeks devoted to the synagogues; for Paul did manual labour night and day, so as not to be burdensome to his converts (1 Thessalonians 2:9).首先,它是不可能的了大量的這些後者贏得的信仰三週期間專門猶太教堂;為保羅做體力勞動白天和黑夜,以免造成負擔,以他的轉換( 1撒羅2:9 ) 。 Secondly, these converts from idolatry (1 Thessalonians 1:9) would scarcely have become, after so brief an apostolate, a "pattern to all that believe in Macedonia and in Achaia" (1 Thessalonians 1:7).第二,這些轉換從偶像崇拜(帖撒羅尼迦前書一點09分)將幾乎已成為,經過這麼簡單的牧靈工作,一個“模式向所有相信在馬其頓和亞該亞” (帖撒羅尼迦前書1:7 ) 。 Thirdly, the Church of Philippi sent alms twice to Paul at Thessalonica (Phil., iv, 16), a fact which seems to indicate that his sojourn there was longer than three weeks.第三,教會立發送施捨兩次保羅在塞薩洛尼卡( Phil. ,四, 16 ) ,這似乎表明,他有逗留時間超過三個星期。

Be this as it may, the signal success of Paul's apostolate among Jews, proselytes, and Hellenes together with the conversion of "not a few noble ladies" (Acts 17:4), aroused the Jews to a fury of envy; they gathered together a mob of idlers from the agora and set the whole city in tumult; they beset the home of Jason, found the Apostle away, dragged his host to the tribunal of the politarchs and charged him with harbouring traitors, men who set Jesus up as king in place of Cæsar.是這樣,因為它可能會,信號成功保羅的使徒在猶太人中, proselytes ,和希臘人與轉換“不是少數貴族小姐” (使徒17時04 ) ,引起了猶太人的一個憤怒的羨慕,他們聚集在一起一群暴徒的閒人從Agora和建立整個城市的喧嘩;他們的家中困擾傑森,發現使徒以外,拖著東道國法庭politarchs和指控他窩藏叛徒,男人誰設置耶穌為王代替凱撒。 That night the brethren made good the escape of their teacher to Berea.那天晚上,取得了良好的兄弟逃跑的老師貝雷亞。 There the Gospel of Paul met with a much more enthusiastic reception than that accorded to it by the synagogue of Thessalonica.還有的福音保羅會見了更熱情的接待比給予它的猶太教堂塞薩洛尼卡。 The Jews of that city drove Paul to Berea and there, too, stirred up the mob against him.猶太人的這個城市將保羅貝雷亞有,也激起了對他的暴徒。 He left Silas and Timothy to complete his work and went to Athens (Acts 17:1-15).他離開西拉斯和蒂莫來完成他的工作,前往雅典(使徒17:1-15 ) 。

II.二。 FIRST EPISTLE第一使徒

A. Authenticity答:真實性

(1) External Evidence ( 1 )外部證據

(a) II Thessalonians. (一)二撒羅。 The strongest external evidence in favour of the authenticity of I Thessalonians is II Thessalonians which, whatsoever be its date of composition, is the very earliest document that clearly presupposes I Thessalonians to have been written by Paul.最強烈的證據支持外部的真實性我撒羅撒羅這是二,什麼是它的日期組成,是最早的文件,明確的前提我撒羅已書面由保羅。

(b) Manuscripts. (二)稿。 The evidence of manuscripts alone is such as to set the authenticity of this letter beyond all doubt; it is in the Greek text of the Codex Sinaiticus (fourth century), Codex Vaticanus (fourth century), and Codex Alexandrinus (fifth century); it is in the Old Latin and Syriac Versions, which trace its authenticity down to the middle of the second century.手稿的證據僅是如設置的真實性,本函毫無疑問,這是在希臘文抄本西奈抄本( 4世紀) ,食品法典Vaticanus ( 4世紀) ,以及食品法典頸( 5世紀) ,它在拉丁美洲和敘利亞舊版本,而微量的真實性,以中間的第二個世紀。

(c) The Apostolic Fathers give evidence of very early use of the Epistle as Sacred Scripture. (三)使徒提供證據的父親很早就利用書信作為聖經。 St. Ignatius of Antioch (d. AD 110-17, according to the chronology of Harnack which we shall follow in this article), in "Eph.", X, i, probably uses the adialeiptos proseuchesthai, "pray without ceasing", of I Thess., v, 17; and undoubtedly had in mind I Thess., ii, 4, when writing to the Romans (II, i) the distinctly Pauline thought of ou thelo hymas anthropareskein alla theo, "I will that ye please not man but God".聖伊格內修的安提阿( D.特設110-17 ,按照時間順序,哈爾納克我們應遵循本文中) ,在“厄。 ” ,第十章,我可能會使用adialeiptos proseuchesthai , “祈禱沒有停止” ,的I Thess 。 ,五, 17 ;和毫無疑問,有鑑於此,我Thess 。 ,二,四,寫作時的羅馬(二,一)明顯波利娜思想歐thelo hymas anthropareskein爾阿拉西奧說: “我將請你們沒有人,但上帝“ 。 Because St. Ignatius, as the other Apostolic Fathers, cites from memory, without the exactness of later Fathers and without ever mentioning the name of the sacred writer quoted, Dr. Inge, the Lady Margaret professor of divinity in the University of Cambridge, says: "The evidence that Ignatius knew I Thessalonians is almost nil" (cf. "The New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers", Oxford, 1905, p. 74).由於聖依納爵,其他使徒教父,瀕危物種公約的內存,但後來父親的正確性和以往提的名稱神聖作家引用,英博士,教授的夫人瑪格麗特的神在英國劍橋大學說, : “的證據表明,依納知道我撒羅幾乎是零” (見“新約中的使徒教父” ,牛津, 1905年,第74頁) 。 Against such scepticism, the clear use of St. Paul by the Apostolic Fathers is of no avail. Harnack, who cannot be accused of overmuch credulity, thinks that St. Ignatius of Antioch possessed a collection of the Pauline Epistles; and that by the year 117, St. Polycarp of Smyrna had a complete collection (eine ganze Sammlung) thereof before him and veritably lived therein (cf. Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur, I, 249, note 2).針對這種懷疑態度,明確使用聖保祿的使徒教父是無濟於事的。哈爾納克,誰不能指責過於輕信,認為聖伊格內修安提擁有收集波利娜書信;和,到117 ,聖波利卡普的士每拿了一個完整的集合(電影甘孜美術館)人在他面前和生活確實有(參見Chronologie之altchristlichen Litteratur ,我, 249 ,注2 ) 。 In the "Pastor" of Hermas (AD 140), we find the phrase of I Thess., v, 13, "Be at peace among yourselves" (eireneuete en heautois) several times, used almost as it occurs in the Alexandrian and Vatican Codices (cf. Hermas, "Simil.", VIII, vii, 2; "Vis.", III, vi, 3; III, ix, 2, 10; III, xii, 3).在“牧師”的書(公元140 ) ,我們發現的話我Thess 。 ,第五,第13 , “在你們之間的和平” ( eireneuete恩heautois )好幾次,因為它使用幾乎發生在亞歷山大和梵蒂岡Codices (見書“ , Simil 。 ” ,八,七, 2 ; “可見。 ” ,三,六, 3 ;第三,第九,第2 ,第10條;三,十二, 3 ) 。

The Apologetic Fathers are clear and to the point.父親的致歉明確,重點突出。 St Irenæus (AD 181-9) cites I Thess., v, 23, expressly attributing the words to the Apostle's First Epistle to the Thessalonians ("Contra hæreses", V, vi, 1 in PG, VIII, 1138), and I Thess., v, 3, as the saying of the Apostle (ibid., V, xxx, 2 in PG, VII, 1205).聖Irenæus (公元181-9 )引用我Thess 。 ,五, 23日,明確歸於字宗徒第一使徒的撒羅( “康特拉hæreses ” ,五,六, 1素,八, 1138年) ,我Thess 。 ,五,三,正如俗話宗徒(同上,第五,三十, 2素,七, 1205年) 。 Tertullian quotes at length passages from each of the five chapters of I Thess.德爾圖良的報價進行了長時間的段落來自五個章節我Thess 。 to prove his thesis of the resurrection of the body ("Liber de resurrectione carnis", xxiv, in PL, II, 874) and uses the Epistle against Marcion ("Adv. Marcionem", V, xv in PL, II, 541).以證明他的論文的復活的身體( “日resurrectione carnis書” ,第24 ,在光致發光,二, 874 ) ,並使用對馬吉安書信( “病毒。 Marcionem ” ,五,十五的特等,二, 541 ) 。 St Clement of Alexandria (AD 190-210) very often cites this brief letter -- cf.聖克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞(公元190-210 )經常引用這個簡短的信-比照。 "Pædagogus", I, v, 19 (Stählin's ed., I, 101) and "Stromata", I, i, 6 (Stählin's ed., II, 5) for I Thess., ii, 5-7; "Stromata", II, xi, 4, IV, xii (Stählin's ed., II, 138 and 286), for an allusion to I Thess., iv, 3, and an accurate citation of six verses (3-8) of the same chapter; "Pædagogus", II, ix, III, xii, IV, xxii (Stählin's ed., I, 206 and 288, and PG, VIII, 1352) for the appeal to almost every verse of I Thess., v, ie verses 5, 8, 13, 15, 19, 22; "Stromata", I, xi (Stählin's ed., II, 34) for a quotation from the same chapter. “ Pædagogus ” ,第一,第五,第19 ( Stählin的對外債務。 ,我, 101 )和“ Stromata ” ,我,我,第6條( Stählin的對外債務。 ,二, 5 ) ,因為我Thess 。 ,二, 5月7日“ ; Stromata “ ,二,十一,四,四,第十二章( Stählin的對外債務。 ,二, 138和286 ) ,為暗指我Thess 。 ,四,三,準確地引用6經文( 3月8日)同第二章“ ; Pædagogus ” ,二,九,三,十二,四,第二十二( Stählin的對外債務。 ,我, 206和288 ,和PG ,八, 1352年)的呼籲幾乎每一個詩的I Thess 。 ,五,即詩句5 , 8 , 13 , 15 , 19 , 22 ; “ Stromata ” ,我,第十一章( Stählin的對外債務。 ,二, 34歲)的報價從同一章。 So strong is the external evidence in favour of the authenticity of I Thess.如此強大的外部證據是贊成的真實性我Thess 。 as to convince all scholars save only those who, on account of internal evidence, deny to Paul the authenticity of all his Epistles.為說服所有學者保存只有那些誰,考慮到內部的證據,拒絕對保羅的真實性,他的所有書信。

(2) Internal Evidence ( 2 )內部證據

In I Thessalonians all the main Pauline doctrines are taught -- the Death and Resurrection of Jesus Christ (i, 10; iv, 14; v, 10); His Divinity and Sonship of the living God (i, 9, 10); the resurrection of our bodies (iv, 15-18), the mediatorship of Christ (v, 10); the call of the nations to the Kingdom of Christ, which is the Church (ii, 12), sanctification by the indwelling of the Holy Spirit (iv, 8).在I撒羅所有主要波利娜理論學習-在死亡與復活的耶穌基督(一, 10 ;四, 14 ;五, 10 ) ;他的神性和Sonship的活著的上帝( 1 , 9 , 10 ) ;的復活的機構(四, 15日至18日) ,基督的mediatorship (五, 10 ) ;的呼籲,聯合國王國的基督,這是教會(二12 ) ,成聖的留置聖精神(四8 ) 。 The plain and direct style, the writer's affectionate concern for his spiritual children, his impatience of Judaizers, the preponderance of personal over doctrinal statements, the frank and honest self-revelation of the writer -- all these distinctly Pauline characteristics argue strongly for the authenticity of this letter.平原和直接的方式,作家的深情關注兒童的精神,他不耐煩Judaizers ,個人的優勢超過理論發言,坦誠地自我啟示作者-所有這些特徵明顯波利娜據理力爭的真實性這封信。

Baur, the prime mover of neo-Tübingen ideas, was the first to wave aside recklessly all external evidence and seriously to attack the authenticity of I Thess.鮑爾的主要推動者新蒂賓根大學的想法,是第一個波一邊魯莽所有外部證據和嚴重攻擊的真實性,我Thess 。 from internal evidence (cf. "Der Apostel Paulus", ed. 2, II, 94).來自內部的證據(見“明鏡Apostel保盧斯” ,教育署。 2 ,二, 94 ) 。 He was followed by Nowack, "Der Ursprung des Christentums" (Leipzig, 1857), II, 313; Volkmar, "Mose, Prophezie und Himmelfahrt" (Leipzig, 1867), 114; and Van der Vries, "De beiden brieven aan de Thessalonicensen" (Leyden, 1865).在他之後是Nowack , “明鏡萬基督教的起源” (萊比錫, 1857年) ,二, 313 ; Volkmar , “莫塞Prophezie和升天” (萊比錫, 1867年) , 114 ;和Van der弗里斯“者beiden brieven濱海日Thessalonicensen “ (萊頓, 1865年) 。 The reasons which impel Baur and his followers are trivial.的原因促使鮑爾和他的追隨者是微不足道的。

The lack of doctrine makes the letter unworthy of Paul.缺乏理論使信不配保羅。 We have noted that the main heads of Paul's teaching are included in this short letter.我們注意到,主要負責人保羅的教學包括在這個短短的信。 Moreover, the letter is a most touching revelation of the great heart of St. Paul and as such alone is befitting the outspoken Apostle.此外,該信是最感人的偉大啟示核心聖保祿,因此僅適合直言不諱使徒。

The Epistle is a clumsy forgery.在書信是一種拙劣的偽造。 The author has worked up his story from Acts. Paul could not have written ii, 14-16.筆者曾報導了他的行為。保羅無法書面二, 14日至16日。 It is far-fetched to compare the woes inflicted by the Jews upon the Church of Thessalonica with the ills they wrought upon the Church of Judea.這是牽強附會比較困難所造成的猶太人教堂塞薩洛尼卡他們的弊端造成的教會猶大。 It is un-Pauline to set Jewish Christians up as an example to Gentile converts (Baur, op. cit., 482).這是聯合國波利娜設置猶太基督徒作為一個榜樣詹蒂萊轉換(鮑爾,同前。前。 , 482 ) 。 These purely subjective objections are worthless.這些純粹的主觀反對毫無價值。 The Apostle was too broadminded to be tied down to the narrow ideas of Baur.使徒過於心胸被束縛的狹隘思想的鮑爾。 True, in his later letters -- to the Romans end Corinthians and Galatians, for instance -- we might not look for the juxtaposition of Jewish with Gentile Christians; but the Judaizers were not so troublesome to Paul when he wrote to the Thessalonians as when he wrote to the Romans.的確,在他後來的信-羅馬結束的科林蒂安斯和加拉太,例如-我們可能無法尋找並列猶太人與詹蒂萊基督徒;但Judaizers沒有那麼麻煩,保羅,他寫信給帖撒羅尼迦的時候他寫信給羅馬。

The expression ephthase de ep autous he orge eis telos, "the wrath hath come upon them unto the end" (ii, 16), naturally refers to the destruction of Jerusalem (AD 70) as an accomplished punishment of the Jews for killing the Lord Jesus.表達ephthase日內啡肽autous他奧爾順telos , “上帝的憤怒後,他們來到你們的結束” (二16 ) ,自然是指破壞耶路撒冷(公元70 ) ,作為一個多才多藝的懲罰殺害猶太人的上帝耶穌。 This is an unwarranted assumption.這是一個不必要的假設。 The phrase eis telos is indefinite; it has no definite article nor any defining qualificative; it modifies ephthase and refers to no definite end either accomplished or to be accomplished.這句話的EIS telos是無限期;它沒有定冠詞,也沒有確定qualificative ;修改ephthase指沒有明確的結束或者完成或即將完成。 St. Paul indefinitely but surely sees the oncoming end, reads the easily legible writing on the wall, and interprets that writing: "The wrath [of God] hath come upon them even unto making an end of them".聖保祿無限期但肯定看到了迎面而來的目的,內容寫的很容易辨認的牆壁上,並解釋說,寫作: “的憤怒[天災]上帝降臨甚至你們使他們結束” 。 (iv) Baur (op. cit., 485) finds the eschatology of the Epistle un-Pauline. (四)包爾(同前。 , 485 )認為,末世論的書信聯合國波琳。 In the Epistles to the Corinthians, Romans, and Galatians, for instance, there is no diving into the future, nothing said of the Parousia, or second coming of Jesus.在書信的科林蒂安,羅馬人,和加拉太,例如,沒有跳水的未來,沒有什麼說的再來,或第二次來的耶穌。 But the reason is clear -- those to whom Paul wrote his great and later Epistles had not the eschatological difficulties of the Thessalonians to meet. He adapted his letters to the wants of those to whom he wrote.但是,原因很明顯-那些人保羅寫道:他的偉大,後來書信沒有困難的末世論的撒羅滿足。他適應他的信,希望這些人他寫道。 The very fact that the apprehension of an immediate Parousia us not mentioned in the later letters would have prevented a forger from palming off as Pauline such an unusual topic.這一事實本身逮捕立即再來我們中沒有提到後來信件將阻止偽造從palming關閉作為波利娜這樣一個不同尋常的話題。

B. Canonicity灣正規

The two Epistles to the Thessalonians are included among the canonical books accepted by the Councils of the Vatican, of Trent, and of Florence, and are among the homologoumena of all early lists of canonical New-Testament Scriptures; for instance, to mention only such early lists as accord with the received canon of Trent, these two Epistles are listed in the Muratorian Fragment (AD 195-205), in the canons of St. Athanasius of Alexandria (AD 373), of the Third Council of Carthage (AD 397), in which Saint Augustine took part, of St. Epiphanius (AD 403), of Innocent I (AD 405), and of Gelasius (AD 492).雙方的撒羅書信中有規範的圖書接受安理會的梵蒂岡的特倫特和佛羅倫薩,並在所有早期homologoumena名單規範新舊約聖經,例如,只提及諸如早期名單符合收到佳能的遄達,這兩個書信中列出穆拉多利片段(公元195-205 ) ,在大砲的聖亞他那修亞歷山大(公元373 ) ,第三次理事會迦太基(公元397 ) ,其中參加了聖奧古斯丁,聖埃皮法尼烏斯(公元403 ) ,我的清白(公元405 ) ,和格拉西(公元492 ) 。 In fact there can be no reason whatsoever to doubt the canonicity of either letter.事實上,就不可能有任何理由懷疑任何正規的信。

C. Time and Place角時間和地點

The textus receptus, at the end of the two Epistles, gives a subscription stating that they were written from Athens (egraphe apo Athenon); and this same subscription is contained in the great uncial codices A, B2, K2, L2 -- that is, Alexandrinus (fourth century), Vaticanus (fifth century corrector), Mosquensis, and Angelicus (both of the ninth century); it is likewise translated in important Latin, Syriac and Coptic manuscripts.該textus receptus結束時,兩個書信,給出了認購指出他們的書面從雅典( egraphe載脂蛋白Athenon ) ;和同一認購的情況載於偉大的uncial codices甲,素B2 ,幼,二級-這是,頸( 4世紀) , Vaticanus (五世紀校正) , Mosquensis ,並Angelicus (包括第九屆世紀) ,它是同樣重要的翻譯在拉丁美洲,敘利亞和埃及的手稿。 None the less, there can be no doubt but that the letters were written during Paul's first stay in Corinth. Timothy had been sent to Thessalonica by Paul from Athens (1 Thessalonians 3:2). Hence some Fathers inferred that, on this mission, Timothy brought along I Thess.但是,毫無疑問,但該信寫在保羅的第一次留在科林斯。霍震霆已送交塞薩洛尼卡保羅從雅典(帖撒羅尼迦前書3:2 ) 。因此,一些父輩推斷,關於這次訪問,蒂莫帶動餘Thess 。 The inference is wrong.推理是錯誤的。 As Rendel Harris says in "The Expositor" (1898), 174, Paul may have sent another letter from Athens by Timothy to the Thessalonians.作為宏道哈里斯說在“ Expositor ” ( 1898 ) , 174 ,保羅可能發出另一封信來自雅典的蒂莫的撒羅。 He cannot have sent I Thessalonians from there by him.他不能派我撒羅從那裡他。 Paul clearly states that Timothy had returned from Thessalonica before the writing of I Thessalonians.保羅明確指出蒂莫返回之前從塞薩洛尼卡書面我撒羅。 (cf. iii, 6). (參見三, 6 ) 。 Whither did he return?他返回向何處去? I Thessalonians does not state.餘撒羅並不狀態。 Acts, xviii, 5, supplies answer.行為,十八, 5 ,用品的答案。 When Timothy returned from Macedonia with Silas to Paul, the Apostle was at Corinth.當提摩太從馬其頓返回西拉斯保羅,使徒是科林斯。 The news brought him by Timothy was the occasion of I Thessalonians.這一消息使他的蒂莫是為紀念我撒羅。 Moreover, in the greeting with which each letter begins, the names of Paul, Silvanus (ie Silas), and Timothy are grouped together; and we know that the three were together at Corinth (Acts 18:5) during Paul's first visit to that city (cf. also 2 Corinthians 1:19).此外,在迎接與每個字母開頭的名字保羅Silvanus (即西拉斯)和蒂莫的組合在一起,我們知道,三人一起在科林斯(使徒18時05分)在保羅的第一次訪問該市(參見也哥林多後書1時19分) 。 We have no proof that they were ever elsewhere together.我們沒有任何證據表明他們曾經一起在其他地方。 I Thess., then, was written during the eighteen months Paul stayed.餘Thess 。 ,然後寫在18個月保留了下來。 at Corinth, ie in the year 48 or 49, according to the chronology of Harnack, "Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur" (Leipzig, 1897), I, 717; in the year 53 or 54 according to the commonly received scheme of Pauline chronology.在科林斯,即在今年48或49 ,根據年表哈爾納克, “ Chronologie之altchristlichen Litteratur ” (萊比錫, 1897年) ,我, 717 ;在今年53或54根據收到的共同計劃波利娜年表。 Both letters are generally considered to be the earliest extant writings of St. Paul.字母是一般被認為是現存最早的著作聖保羅。 Some few now deem it proved that Paul wrote to the South Galatians even before he wrote to the Thessalonians, cf. Zahn, "Einleitung in das Neue Testament" Leipzig, 1897), I, 138.少數現在認為證明,保羅寫信給南方加拉太甚至在他寫信給帖撒羅尼迦,比照。贊恩, “導論之新約中”萊比錫, 1897年) ,我, 138 。

D. Occasion 4紀念

Having arrived at Athens, Paul at once set himself to convert the Jews, proselytes and Gentiles of that city.在抵達雅典,保羅自焚一次轉換猶太人, proselytes和外邦人的城市。 Among the latter he met with unusually small success.就後者而言,他會見了非常小的成功。 The Epicureans and Stoics for the most part rated him as a talkative lounger in the agora and either berated him with ridicule upon the Hill of Ares or waved him aside (Acts 17:16-32).該Epicureans和Stoics大部分評價他是一個健談懶人在Agora和要么斥責他嘲笑後,希爾的戰神或揮動他拉到一邊(使徒17:16-32 ) 。 Meanwhile he trembled for the Church of Thessalonica.與此同時,他顫抖的教會塞薩洛尼卡。 So long as he had been there, only the Jews strove to set his work at naught; now in his absence, the Gentiles joined the Jews (1 Thessalonians 2:14), and made a vigorous onslaught upon the faith of his children.只要他在那裡,只有猶太人努力建立他的工作化為烏有,現在他不在,外邦人加入猶太人(帖撒羅尼迦前書2時14 ) ,並提出了有力的衝擊後,信仰他的孩子們。 Paul yearned mightily to see their face once more.保羅渴望強烈地看到他們的臉上再次。 In his intense affection and concern, he breaks away from his wonted first plural: "We willed to have come to you, even I, Paul, and that once and again; but Satan hindered us" (ii, 18).在他的強烈的感情和關心,他休息,遠離他的慣例第一複數: “我們意志的來找你,連我,保羅,這一次,又阻礙了我們,但撒旦” (二18 ) 。 The hindrance wrought by Satan was probably a security against his return given by Jason and some friends (Acts 17:9).所造成的障礙可能是撒旦對他的安全返回給Jason和一些朋友(使徒17時09分) 。 Being unable to follow the yearnings of his heart, Paul sent Timothy to save the flock from the ravening wolves (1 Thessalonians 2:2).無法按照憧憬他的心臟,保羅發送蒂莫拯救羊群從餮狼(帖撒羅尼迦前書二時02分) 。 The Acts make no mention of this legation of Timothy from Athens to Thessalonica.這些行為不提這個公館的蒂莫從雅典塞薩洛尼卡。 Not long after, Paul left for Corinth (Acts 18:1).不久之後,保羅離開科林斯(使徒18:1 ) 。 Thither Timothy, who returned from Thessalonica, brought back an eyewitness's testimony as to the conditions of the faithful of that city.那邊霍震霆,誰回來塞薩洛尼卡,帶回一名目擊者的證詞,以條件的忠實的城市。 Rendel Harris, in "The Expositor" (1898), 167, thinks that the Thessalonians sent Paul a letter by Timothy and, to make good his theory, appeals to I Thess., i, 2, 5; ii, 1, 5, 9-13; iii, 3-6.宏道哈里斯在“ Expositor ” ( 1898 ) , 167 ,認為撒羅派出保羅的一封信霍震霆,並取得良好的理論,呼籲我Thess 。 ,我, 2 , 5 ;二, 1 , 5 , 9月13日;三, 3月6日。 There may be some ground for such conjecture in "We also" (kai hemeis) of I, ii, 13; "Also I" (kago) of I, iii, 5, and in "you have a good remembrance of us always" (echete mneian hemon agaphen) of I, iii, 6.可能會有一些地面的這種猜想在“我們也” (啟hemeis )的一,二, 13 ; “還我” (籠)的第一,三,五,在“你有一個很好的紀念,我們總是” ( echete mneian hemon agaphen )的第一,三,六。 Be this as it may, whether by letter or by word of mouth, Timothy fully informed Paul of the needs of the Christian community at Thessalonica; and these needs were the occasion of the first Epistle to that community.是這樣,因為它可能會,無論是通過信函或通過口耳相傳,蒂莫充分了解保羅的需要,基督教社會塞薩洛尼卡;和這些需求之際,第一次書信這一社會。

E. Contents體育目錄

No other letter of Paul to a Church is so free and easy and epistolary as is this letter; it defies strict doctrinal analysis, and is far more personal than doctrinal.沒有任何其他信保向教會是如此輕鬆和書信的是這封信,它違背嚴格的理論分析,並遠遠超過理論上更個性化。 Merely for the sake of some division, we may consider chapters i and iii as personal, chapters iv and v as doctrinal.僅僅是為了一些司,我們會考慮的第一和第三個人,第四章和第五章的理論。

Personal part -- a missionary's free outpouring of a noble heart's yearnings. He is filled with joy at hearing how they stand fast by the faith which he preached to them (i, 2, 8); fondly talks about his labours and about his stay with them (I, 9-ii, 12); thanks God for the way they received from him the word of God (ii, 13 - 16); delicately hints at his apprehensions for them, by telling how at Athens he yearned to see them, how he sent Timothy in his stead, how relieved he now is as Timothy's message has brought him peace of mind (ii, 17-iii, 10).個人部分-傳教士的自由流露的高貴的心的渴望。他是充滿了喜悅聽他們如何堅守的信念,他鼓吹他們(一, 2 , 8 ) ;深情地談到他的辛勤勞動和對他留與他們(一, 9 - 2 , 12 ) ;感謝上帝的方式,他們收到了他的上帝的話, (二, 13 - 16 ) ;微妙暗示了他的憂慮他們,告訴他如何在雅典渴望看到其中,他如何發送霍震霆在他而起的,如何緩解,現在他是霍震霆的消息已使他安心(二17三, 10 ) 。 Then follows a brief and beautiful prayer which sums up the yearnings of the great soul of the Apostle (iii, 11-13).接著簡要和美麗的祈禱這總結了憧憬的偉大靈魂的使徒(三, 11月13日) 。

Doctrinal part.理論方面的。 With this prayer ends what is meant to be free and epistolary. Now follows as little phrase of transition -- "For the rest, therefore, brethren" -- and a thoroughly Pauline and direct exhortation upon how they "ought to walk and to please God" by purity (iv, 1-8), brotherly love (iv, 9-10), and peaceful toil (verse 11).祈禱結束這個是什麼意思是自由和書信。現在如下少語的過渡- “在其他方面,因此,兄弟” -一個徹底波琳和直接的勸告後,他們如何“應該步行,並請上帝“的純度(四, 1月8日) ,友愛(四, 9月10日) ,與和平的辛勞(詩11 ) 。 The peace of everyday toil had been disturbed by a fanatical lethargy due to the supposed oncoming Parousia.和平日常勞作感到不安的狂熱昏睡由於假定迎面再來。 Hence the eschatological passage that follows.因此,末世論通道如下。 The brethren who have died will have part in the Second Coming just as they that are now alive (verses 12-17); the time of the Parousia is uncertain, so that watch-fullness and not lethargy are needed (v, 1-11).誰的兄弟已經死亡將參加第二次來就像他們現在還活著(詩12月17日) ;的時候,再來是不確定的,這樣看,豐滿,不嗜睡需要(五, 1月11日) 。 The letter ends with a series of pithy and pointed exhortations to respect for their religious teachers, and to the other virtues that make up the glory of Christian life (v, 12-22); the Apostolic benediction and salutation, a request for prayers and the charge that the letter be read in public (verses 23-28).信中最後提出了一系列精闢指出告誡尊重他們的宗教教師,和其他美德彌補的榮耀基督徒的生活(五, 12月22日) ;使徒祝福和問候語,要求祈禱和收費的文字來閱讀公眾(詩句23-28 ) 。

III.三。 SECOND EPISTLE第二使徒

A. Authenticity答:真實性

(1) External Evidence ( 1 )外部證據

Manuscript evidence is the same for II Thessalonians as for I Thessalonians; so, too, the evidence of the ancient versions.手稿證據相同的二撒羅作為我撒羅; ,所以,證據的古代版本。 The Apostolic and Apologetic Fathers are more clearly in favour of II Thess.使徒和致歉父親更明確贊成二Thess 。 than of I Thess.比我Thess 。 St. Ignatius, in Rom., x, 3, cites a phrase of II Thess., iii, 5, eis ten hypomonen tou Christou, "in the patience of Christ".聖依納爵,在ROM 。 ,第十,第3條,列舉了一句二Thess 。 ,三,五,順10 hypomonen頭Christou , “在耐心的基督” 。 St. Polycarp (XI, 3) refers the letter expressly to Paul, although, by a slip of the memory, he takes it that the Apostle glories (2 Thessalonians 1:4) in another Macedonian Church, that of the Philippians; elsewhere (XI, 1) Polycarp uses II Thess., iii, 15.聖波利卡普(十一, 3 )的信中明確提到保羅,雖然由一個支路的記憶,他認為使徒的輝煌(帖撒羅尼迦後書1:4 )在另一馬其頓教會,即腓利;其他地方(十一, 1 )波利卡普使用二Thess 。 ,三, 15 。 St. Justin (about AD 150), in "Dialog.", xxxii (PG, VI, 544), seems to have in mind the eschatological language of this letter.聖賈斯汀(約公元150 ) ,在“對話框。 ”三十二(前列腺素,六, 544 ) ,似乎已經到了末世論語言本函。 Besides it is set down as Pauline in the Canon of Marcion (about AD 140).除了它的規定,作為波利娜在佳能的馬吉安(約公元140 ) 。

(2) Internal Evidence ( 2 )內部證據

The literary dependence of II Thessalonians on I Thessalonians cannot be gainsaid.文學依賴二撒羅,我撒羅不能gainsaid 。 The writer of the former must have written the latter, and that too not very long thereafter.筆者前必須有書面後者,而且也不會很長,其後。 II Thess., ii, 15, and iii, 6, are to be explained by I Thess., iv, 1-8 and 11.二Thess 。 ,二, 15 ,和三,六,要解釋我Thess 。 ,四, 1月8日和11日。 The style of the two letters is admittedly identical; the prayers (I, iii 11, v, 23; II, ii, 16, iii, 16), greetings (I, i, 1; II, i, 1, 2) thanks (I, i, 2; II, i, 3), and transitions (I, iv, 1; II, iii, 1) are remarkably alike in form.作風的兩封信是誠然相同;祈禱(一,三11 ,五, 23 ;二,二, 16日,三, 16 ) ,問候(我,我, 1 ;二,一, 1 , 2 )感謝(我,我, 2 ;二,一, 3 ) ,並轉換(一,四, 1 ;二,三, 1 )有顯著同樣的形式。 Two-thirds of II Thess.三分之二的二Thess 。 is like to I Thess.是要本人Thess 。 in vocabulary and style.在詞彙和風格。 Moreover, the structure of the Epistle, its subject-matter, and its affectionate outbursts of prayer for the recipients and of exhortation are all decidedly Pauline characteristics.此外,結構的書信,其標的物,其爆發的禱告親熱的接受者和勸告都堅決波利娜特點。 The argument from internal evidence is so strong as to have won over such critics as Harnack (Chronologie, I, 238) and Jülicher (Einleitung, 40).從內部的論點的證據是如此強勁,已贏得了這樣的批評作為哈爾納克( Chronologie ,我, 238 )和Jülicher (導論, 40 ) 。 Schmiedel, Holtzmann, Weizacker, and others deny the force of this argument from internal evidence. Its very similarity to I Thess. Schmiedel , Holtzmann , Weizacker ,和其他人的力量否認這一論點從內部證據。及其非常相似我Thess 。 in vocabulary and style is made to militate against the authenticity of II Thess.; the letter is too Pauline; the author was a clever forger, who, some sixty years later, took up I Thess.在詞彙和文體是妨礙對真實性的二Thess 。 ;信太波利娜;作者是一個聰明的偽造,誰,一些60年後,拿起我Thess 。 and worked it over.它的工作。 There has been no motive assigned for such a forgery; no proof given that any post-Apostolic writer was so cunning as to palm off thus letter as a Pauline imitation.目前還沒有動力分配這樣一個偽造;沒有證據,因為任何後使徒作家是如此狡猾,以假冒從而信作為波利娜模仿。

Eschatology of Paul.末世論的保羅。 The chief objection is that the eschatology of II Thess. contradicts that of I Thess.: the letter is in this un-Pauline.首席反對意見是,末世論的二Thess 。矛盾是我Thess 。 :這封信是在此聯合國波琳。 In I Thess., iv, 14-v, 3, the writer says the Parousia is imminent; in II Thess., ii, 2-12, iii, 11, the writer sets the Parousia a long time off.在I Thess 。 ,四, 14伏, 3 ,作者說,再來是迫在眉睫;在二Thess 。 ,二, 2月12日,三, 11日,作者設置了再來很長一段時間了。 Non-Catholics who hold the Pauline authorship of the two letters generally admit that Paul predicted the second coming would be within his own lifetime and deem that the signs narrated in II Thess., ii, as preludes to that coming do not imply a long interval nor that Paul expected to die before these signs occurred.非天主教徒舉行波利娜誰著作權的兩封信普遍承認,保羅第二次來預測將在自己的有生之年,並認為,在敘述的跡象二Thess 。 ,二,作為前奏曲這並不意味著今後很長的時間間隔保羅也說,預計這些跡象之前死亡發生。 Catholics insist that Paul cannot have said the Parousia would be during his lifetime.天主教徒堅持保羅不能說,再來將在他的一生。 Had he said so he would have erred; the inspired word of God would err; the error would be that of the Holy Spirit more than of Paul.如果他這麼說,他將有錯誤的;一詞的靈感上帝將錯誤;的錯誤將是聖靈超過保羅。 True, the Douay Version seems to imply that the Parousia is at hand: "Then we who are alive, who are left, shall be taken up together with them in the clouds to meet Christ, into the air, and so shall we always be with the Lord" (1 Thessalonians 4:16).誠然, Douay版本似乎意味著再來是手: “那麼我們誰活著,誰留,應採取行動與他們共同在雲彩,以滿足基督,到空氣中,因此我們應永遠是與上帝“ (帖撒羅尼迦前書四時16分) 。 The Vulgate is no clearer: "Nos, qui vivimus, qui residui sumus" etc. (iv, 15-17).在拉丁文聖經沒有明確的: “一氧化氮歸仁vivimus ,歸仁residui sumus ”等(四, 15日至17日) 。 The original text solves the difficulty: hemeis oi zontes oi paraleipomenoi, ama syn autois arpagesometha.原來的案文解決了困難: hemeis愛zontes愛paraleipomenoi ,海士同步autois arpagesometha 。 Here the Hellenistic syntax parallels the Attic.在這裡,希臘語法相似之處閣樓。 The sentence is conditional.這一句是有條件的。 The two participles present stand for two futures preceded by ei; the participles have the place of a protasis.這兩個詞現在站在兩個期貨之前的EI ;的詞已經取代protasis 。 The translation is: "We, if we be alive -- if we be left -- [on earth], shall be taken up" etc. A similar construction is used by Paul in I Cor., xi, 29 (cf. Moulton "Grammar of New Testament Greek", Edinburgh, 1906, I, 230).翻譯是: “我們,如果我們還活著-如果我們留- [地球] ,應採取行動”等類似的建築所使用的保羅在I心病。 ,十一, 29日(見莫爾頓“語法的新約希臘文” ,愛丁堡, 1906年,我, 230 ) 。 St. Paul is here no more definite about the time of the Parousia than he was in I Thess., v, 2, when he wrote "that the day of the Lord shall so come, as a thief in the night."聖保羅是這裡沒有更明確的時間再來比他本人Thess 。 ,第五,第2 ,當時他寫道: “有一天上帝應如此來,作為一個小偷在晚上。 ” There is in St.目前在聖 Paul's eschatology the very same indefiniteness about the lime of the Parousia that there is in the eschatological sayings of Jesus as related in the Synoptics (Matthew 24:5-45; Mark 13:7-37; Luke 21:20-36).保羅的末世論同樣不確定的石灰的再來的是,在末世論的說法是有關耶穌的Synoptics (馬太24:5-45 ;馬克13:7-37 ;路加福音21:20-36 ) 。 "Of that day or hour no man knoweth, neither the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but the Father" (Mark 13:32). “這一天或小時無人knoweth ,無論是在天上的天使,也不是兒子,但父親” (馬克13點32分) 。 In the deposit of faith given by the Father to the Son, to be given by the Son to the Church, the time of the Parousia was not contained.在存款的信念所提供的父親的兒子,得到的獨生子教會的時候,再來不載。 We readily admit that St. Paul did not know the time of the Parousia; we cannot admit that he knew it wrong and wrote it wrong as the inspired Word of God and a part of the deposit of faith.我們欣然承認,聖保祿不知道的時候,再來;我們不能承認,他知道錯了,寫是錯誤的啟發天主的聖言和部分存款的信心。

As for the further objection that the apocalyptic character of ii, 2-12, is post-Pauline and dependent upon so late a composition as the Apocalypse of John (AD 93-96) or, worse still upon the Nero redivivus story (Tacitus "Hist.", II, viii), we answer that this assertion is entirely gratuitous.至於進一步的反對,該世界末日性質二, 2月12日,是後波琳和依賴這麼晚組成的啟示約翰(公元93-96 ) ,或者更糟的是對尼祿redivivus故事(塔西圖“歷史。 “二,八) ,我們的回答,這一論斷是完全無理的。 St. Paul got his apocalyptic ideas from the very same source as John, that is either from revelation to himself or from the Old Testament or from tradition.聖保羅獲得了世界末日的想法來自同一來源的約翰,這是無論從啟示本人或由舊約或從傳統。 Most of the details of his apocalyptic description of the Parousia are given in other apocalypses (1 John 2:18; Matthew 24:24; Luke 21:8; Mark 13:22; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; Ezekiel 38 and 39; Daniel 7, 8, 9, 11, 12 etc.).大部分的細節他世界末日說明再來給出其他啟示(約翰一書2點18 ;馬修24:24 ;路加福音21點08 ;馬克13時22分;申命記13:1-5 ;厄澤克爾38和39 ;丹尼爾7 , 8 , 9 , 11 , 12等) 。 The man of sin, Antichrist, Belial, the well-nigh complete triumph of evil just before the end of time, the almost general apostasy, the portents, and other items are features familiar to Old-Testament and New-Testament apocalyptic writings.該名男子罪,反基督,惡魔,以及幾乎完全勝利的邪惡剛剛結束之前的時間內,幾乎是全面的叛教的徵兆,和其他項目的特點所熟悉的老聖經和新約聖經啟示錄著作。

B. Canonicity灣正規

The canonicity of 2 Thessalonians has been treated together with that of 1 Thessalonians.在正規的帖撒羅尼迦後書經過處理連同帖撒羅尼迦前書。

C. Time and Place角時間和地點

II Thessalonians was written at Corinth not long after I Thessalonians, for both Timothy and Silas are still with Paul (i, 1), and the silence of the Acts shows that, once Paul left Corinth, Silas was not again his companion in the ministry. There seem to be allusions in iii, 2, to the troublous stay of a year and a half at Corinth (Acts 18); in ii, 14, to the letter quite recently written to the Thessalonians; and in iii, 7-9, to the ministry of Paul among them as not long passed.二撒羅科林斯寫在不長後,我撒羅,無論霍震霆和西拉斯仍與保羅(一, 1 ) ,並保持沉默的行為表明,一旦離開保羅科林斯,西拉斯是不會再在他的同伴部。似乎暗示在三,二,向焦急逗留了一年半,在科林斯(使徒18 ) ;在第二,第14 ,相當的信最近寫信給帖撒羅尼迦;以及在三, 7月9日,該部的保羅在它們之間不長通過。

D. Occasion 4紀念

The eschatology of I Thessalonians had been misunderstood by the Thessalonians; they took it, the day of the Lord was at hand (ii, 2); they were overwrought by the exaggerations of some meddlers and perhaps by a forged letter which purported to have come from Paul (ii, 2; iii, 17).在末世論的I撒羅已被誤解的撒羅;他們認為這一天,即上帝是手(二, 2 ) ;他們雕飾的誇張一些meddlers也許一個偽造的信中聲稱有由保羅(二, 2 ;三, 17 ) 。 Moreover the disorderly conduct of some (iii, 6, 11) gave the Apostle no little concern; this concern he showed by the letter.此外,一些行為不檢(三,六, 11 )給使徒沒有什麼問題;這個問題,他顯示的文字。

E. Contents體育目錄

The three chapters into which the letter is now divided, aptly analyze the thought.三章將其分為信現在,恰當地分析了思想。 In the first chapter are a greeting, thanksgiving for the faith and love of the Thessalonians, and an assurance of Divine recompense to them and to their persecutors.在第一章是一個問候,感恩的信念和愛的撒羅,和保證的神聖報答他們和迫害他們的人。 In the second chapter is the main thought of the letter -- the eschatology.在第二章主要是思想的信-的末世論。 Certain signs are detailed which must precede the Parousia. Until these signs appear, there is no reason for terror or taking leave of their senses.某些跡象都必須先詳細的再來。直到這些跡象顯示,沒有任何理由為恐怖或考慮離開他們的感官。 The third chapter is the usual Pauline request for prayers, a charge to avoid the disorderly, a truly Pauline allusion to the example he set them, and the final identification of the letter by a greeting written with his own hand.第三章是通常波利娜請求祈禱,收取費用,以避免無序,一個真正的波利娜針對他的榜樣,並最終確定了問候信寫自己的手。

Publication information Written by Walter Drum.出版信息書面由Walter鼓。 Transcribed by Vernon Bremberg.轉錄的弗農Bremberg 。 Dedicated to the Cloistered Dominican Nuns of the Monastery of the Infant Jesus, Lufkin, Texas The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.致力於與世隔絕多米尼加修道院修女的嬰兒耶穌,拉夫金,得克薩斯州的天主教百科全書,體積十四。 Published 1912.發布時間1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat , 1912年7月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York認可。 +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

Of the Greek Fathers whose commentaries on I and II Thess.希臘教父的評注的第一和第二Thess 。 have come down to us, ST.已經降了我們,意法半導體。 JOHN CHRYSOSTOM is by far the most scholarly; THEODORET is pithy and to the point.約翰金口是最學術; THEODORET是簡練,突出重點。 THEODORE OF MOPSUESTLA (about AD 415) forces the Apostle to his ideas. EUTHALIUS THE DEACON depends on THEODORE; ST. THEODORE的MOPSUESTLA (約公元415 )部隊的使徒,他的想法。 EUTHALIUS執事取決於關於西奧多;秘。 JOHN DAMASCENE on ST.約翰DAMASCENE以ST 。 JOHN CHRYSOSTOM.約翰金口。 Among the Latin Fathers AMBROSIASTER (about 730) at times errs in matters of faith; PRIMASIUS (about 556) collated the expositions of AMBROSIASTER, PELAGIUS, ST.拉丁教父AMBROSIASTER (約730 ) ,有時errs在信仰方面; PRIMASIUS (約556 )整理的論述AMBROSIASTER ,伯拉糾,意。 AUGUSTINE, and ST.奧古斯丁和ST 。 JEROME. JEROME 。 The great Catholic commentators of more recent time are: JUSTINIANI (Lyons, 1612), A LAPIDE (Antwerp, 1614), CAJETAN (Rome, 1529), SALMERÓN (Madrid, 1602), KISTEMAKER (Münster, 1822), McEVILLY (Dublin, 1875), BISPING (Münster, 1873), MAUNOURY (Paris, 1878), ROEHM (Passau, 1885), JOHANNES (Dillingen, 1898), PANEK (Ratisbon, 1886), PRAT, La théologie de Saint Paul (Paris, 1908), PICONIO (Pans, 1837), PERONNE (Paris, 1881), TOUSSAINT (Paris, 1910).偉大的天主教評論員最近的時間是: JUSTINIANI (里昂, 1612年) ,一個LAPIDE (安特衛普, 1614年) , CAJETAN (羅馬, 1529年) ,薩爾梅龍(馬德里, 1602年) , KISTEMAKER (明斯特, 1822年) , McEVILLY (都柏林, 1875年) , BISPING (明斯特, 1873年) ,莫努裡(巴黎, 1878年) ,勒姆(帕紹, 1885年) , JOHANNES (迪林根, 1898 ) , PANEK ( Ratisbon , 1886年) ,寶勒巷,香格里拉神學聖保羅(巴黎, 1908年) , PICONIO (鍋, 1837年) , PERONNE (巴黎, 1881年) ,圖森(巴黎, 1910年) 。 The chief Protestant commentaries are those of LIGHTFOOT (Notes, 1895), DRUMMOND (1899), FINDLAY (1904), MILLIGAN (1908), SCHMIEDEL (1892), B. WEISS (1896).首席新教這些評注的娜萊(注, 1895年) , DRUMMOND ( 1899 ) ,芬( 1904年) ,密( 1908年) , SCHMIEDEL ( 1892 ) ,灣WEISS ( 1896年) 。


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