Book of Numbers預訂數

In the Wilderness (Hebrew Title)在野外(希伯來文標題)

General Information 一般信息

Numbers, fourth book in the Old Testament of the Bible, derives its name from the census lists at the beginning and middle of the book. Its Hebrew title, meaning "in the wilderness," better characterizes the work, however, because these lists as well as the book's otherwise unrelated narratives and scattered cultic legislation are all set in the wilderness.號碼,第四本書在舊約聖經,源於它的名字從人口普查名單的開頭和中間的這本書。它的希伯來文名稱,意思是“曠野中, ”更好的工作的特點,但是,由於這些名單以及本書的其他無關的說明,並散佈邪教立法都設置在野外。 They continue the narrative, begun in the Book of Exodus, of Israel's journey from Egypt to Canaan, the Promised Land.他們繼續說明,開始在這本書中的外流,以色列的旅程從埃及到迦南樂土。 Although Numbers contains elements of the early traditions called J and E concerning challenges to Moses' leadership, the reconnaissance and abortive assault on southern Canaan, and the conquest of Transjordan, in addition to several fragments of extremely ancient poetry (1250 - 1050 BC), the present shape of the work is due largely to the source called P (c. 450).雖然數字內容早期傳統所謂的J和é關於挑戰摩西的領導下,偵察和未遂襲擊南部迦南,和征服Transjordan ,除了幾個片段極為古代詩歌( 1250年至1050年卑詩省) ,本形狀的工作主要是由於所謂的P源(角450 ) 。 P supplemented, edited, and occasionally altered the older sources to present his own view of the Mosaic period. P補充,修改,有時改變了舊的來源提出自己的看法的花葉時期。

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Bibliography 參考書目
FM Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (1973); M Noth, Numbers: A Commentary (1968); GE Wright and RH Fuller, The Book of the Acts of God (1957).調頻交叉,迦南神話和希伯來語史詩( 1973年) ; M北,數字:評注( 1968年) ;葛萊特和RH富勒,這本書的天災( 1957年) 。


Book of Numbers預訂數

Brief Outline簡要概述

  1. Additional legislation; organization of the host (1-10:11)更多的立法;組織東道國( 1-10:11 )
  2. March from Sinai to Kadesh-Barnea (10:12-12:16) 3月從西奈半島向卡迪什-巴爾內亞( 10:12-12:16 )
  3. Debacle at Kadesh (13-14)慘敗在卡迪什( 13-14 )
  4. Wanderings in wilderness (15-21:11)流浪在荒野( 15-21:11 )
  5. Conquest of Trans-Jordan and preparations to enter Canaan (21:12-36:13)征服跨約旦和籌備工作進入迦南( 21:12-36:13 )


Book of Num'bers書Num'bers

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The Book of Numbers, the fourth of the books of the Pentateuch, called in the Hebrew be-midbar, ie, "in the wilderness."圖書的數字,第四本書的摩西五,要求在希伯來文是- midbar ,即“在野外。 ” In the LXX.在LXX 。 version it is called "Numbers," and this name is now the usual title of the book.版本是所謂的“數字” ,這名字是現在一般圖書的書名。 It is so called because it contains a record of the numbering of the people in the wilderness of Sinai (1-4), and of their numbering afterwards on the plain of Moab (26).這是所謂的,因為它包含的記錄編號的人在野外的西奈半島( 1-4 ) ,以及其編號後的平原莫阿布( 26 ) 。 This book is of special historical interest as furnishing us with details as to the route of the Israelites in the wilderness and their principal encampments.這本書是在特殊的歷史興趣,提供給我們詳細的路線,以色列人在曠野和他們的主要營地。

It may be divided into three parts:, 1.它可分為三個部分: 1 。 The numbering of the people at Sinai, and preparations for their resuming their march (1-10:10).電話號碼的人在西奈半島,並為他們準備恢復3月( 1-10:10 ) 。 The sixth chapter gives an account of the vow of a Nazarite.第六章敘述的誓言的Nazarite 。 2. 2 。 An account of the journey from Sinai to Moab, the sending out of the spies and the report they brought back, and the murmurings (eight times) of the people at the hardships by the way (10:11-21:20).一個帳戶的旅程從西奈半島向莫阿布,該派出的間諜的報告和他們帶回來,和murmurings ( 8倍)的人民在艱難困苦的方式( 10:11-21:20 ) 。 3. 3 。 The transactions in the plain of Moab before crossing the Jordan (21:21-ch.36).交易平原莫阿布前穿越約旦( 21時21分,總0.36 ) 。

The period comprehended in the history extends from the second month of the second year after the Exodus to the beginning of the eleventh month of the fortieth year, in all about thirty-eight years and ten months; a dreary period of wanderings, during which that disobedient generation all died in the wilderness.這一時期的歷史理解延伸至第2個月後的第二年外流的開頭第十一屆一個月的第四十個年頭,在所有關於三八年和10個月,一個沉悶的時期流浪,在此期間,該不聽話的一代人都死在曠野。 They were fewer in number at the end of their wanderings than when they left the land of Egypt.他們少結束時的流浪比他們離開埃及的土地上。 We see in this histor, on the one hand, the unceasing care of the Almighty over his chosen people during their wanderings; and, on the other hand, the murmurings and rebellions by which they offended their heavenly Protector, drew down repeated marks of his displeasure, and provoked him to say that they should "not enter into his rest" because of their unbelief (Heb. 3:19).我們看到在這histor ,一方面,不斷的照顧他選擇萬能的人在他們的流浪;和,另一方面,在murmurings和反抗,他們冒犯他們的神聖保護者,提請下跌標誌著他反复不滿,挑起他說,他們應該“不能進入他的休息” ,因為他們不信( Heb. 3時19分) 。

This, like the other books of the Pentateuch, bears evidence of having been written by Moses.這與其他的摩西五書,熊證據已經寫的摩西。 The expression "the book of the wars of the Lord," occurring in 21:14, has given rise to much discussion.表達“這本書的戰爭的主, ”發生在21:14 ,已引起廣泛的討論。 But, after all, "what this book was is uncertain, whether some writing of Israel not now extant, or some writing of the Amorites which contained songs and triumphs of their king Sihon's victories, out of which Moses may cite this testimony, as Paul sometimes does out of heathen poets (Acts 17:28; Titus 1:12)."但是,畢竟, “這本書是什麼是不確定的,是否有書面的以色列現在沒有現存的,或一些書面阿莫里特其中載歌曲和勝利的國王Sihon的勝利,其中摩西可以舉出這個證詞,因為保羅有時也出異教徒詩人(使徒17:28 ;提圖斯1:12 ) 。 “

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Numbers號碼

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

Numbers, at times called "In the Desert" by certain Rabbinic writers because it covers practically the whole time of Israel's wanderings in the desert.號碼,有時被稱為“沙漠中的”某些拉比作家,因為它幾乎涵蓋整個時間,以色列在沙漠中流浪。 Their story was begun in Exodus, but interrupted by the Sinaitic legislation; Numbers takes up the account from the first month of the second year, and brings it down to the eleventh month of the fortieth year.他們的故事開始在外流,但中斷了Sinaitic立法;號碼佔用的帳戶從第一個月的第二個年頭,並把它的第11個月的第四十個年頭。 But the period of 38 years is briefly treated, only its beginning and end being touched upon; for this span of time was occupied by the generation of Israelites that had been condemned by God.但是, 38年期是短暫的待遇,只有它的開始和結束時被觸及;這一時間跨度佔領了一代以色列人已經譴責上帝。

(1) First Part, i, 1-xiv, 45.-Summary of the happenings before the rejection of the rebellious generation, especially during the first two months of the second year. ( 1 )第一部分,一, 1至十四, 45. -綜述發生之前拒絕叛逆的一代,尤其是在今年首兩個月的第二年。 The writer inverts the chronological order of these two months, or order not to interrupt the account of the people's wanderings by a description of the census, of the arrangement of the tribes, of the duties of the various families of the Levites, all of which occurrences or ordinances belong to the second month.作者顛倒順序這兩個月,或為了不干擾到人民群眾的流浪描述的人口普查,該安排的部落的職責各家屬利,所有這些都事件或條例屬於第二個月。 Thus he first states what remained unchanged throughout the desert life of the people, and then reverts to the account of the wanderings from the first month of the second year.因此,他第一個國家有什麼保持不變整個沙漠生活的人,然後恢復到該帳戶的流浪從第一個月的第二個年頭。

(a) i, 1-vi, 27.-The census is taken, the tribes are arranged in their proper order, the duties of the Levites are defined, the regulations concerning cleanness is the camp are promulgated. (一)一, 1至六, 27. -人口普查是採取部落都被排列在適當的秩序,職責利的定義,該條例是關於廉潔的營頒布。

(b) vii, 1-ix, 14.-Occurrences belonging to the first month: offerings of the princes at the dedication of the tabernacle, consecration of the Levites and duration of their ministry, celebration of the second pasch. (二)七, 1至第九, 14. -範圍屬於第一個月:產品的王子在奉獻帳幕,神聖的利和會期的部,慶祝第二pasch 。

(c) ix, 15-xiv, 45.-Signals for breaking up the camp; the people leave Sinai on the twenty-second day of the second month, and journey towards Cades in the desert Pharan; they murmur against Moses on account of fatigue, want of flesh-meat, etc.; deceived by faithless spies, they refuse to enter into the Promised Land, and the whole living generation is rejected by God. (三)九, 15至十四, 45.信號打破了該營地的人離開西奈半島的第二十二天的第2個月,並走向Cades在沙漠中Pharan ;他們雜音對摩西的帳戶疲勞,想肉,肉等;欺騙不忠實間諜,他們拒絕進入樂土,整個生活的一代拒絕上帝。

(2) Second Part, xv, 1-xix, 22.-Events pertaining to the rejected generation. ( 2 )第二部分,十五, 1 - 19 , 22. -事件有關拒絕一代。

(a) xv, 1-41.-Certain laws concerning sacrifices; Sabbath-breaking is punished with death; the law of fringes on the garments. (一)十五, 1 - 41. -某些法律中關於犧牲;安息日突破性將被處以死刑;法律邊緣的服裝。

(b) xvi, 1-xvii, 13.-The schism of Core and his adherents; their punishment; the priesthood is confirmed to Aaron by the blooming rod which is kept for a remembrance in the tabernacle. (二)十六, 1 - 17 , 13. -分裂的核心和他的追隨者,他們的處罰;鐸證實亞倫開花棒的是保存記憶中的幕。

(c) xviii, 1-xix, 22.-The charges of the priests and Levites, and their portion; the law of the sacrifice of the red cow, and the water of expiation. (三) 18 , 1 - 19 , 22. -收費的祭司和利,他們的部分;法的犧牲紅色牛,水的贖罪。

(3) Third Part, xx, 1-xxxvi, 13.-History of the journey from the first to the eleventh month of the fortieth year. ( 3 )第三部分第XX號, 1 - 36 , 13. -歷史征程從第一至第十一屆一個月的第四十個年頭。

(a) xx, 1-xxi, 20.-Death of Mary, sister of Moses; God again gives the murmuring people water from the rock, but refuses Moses and Aaron entrance to the Promised Land on account of their doubt; Aaron dies while the people go around the Idumean mountains; the malcontents are punished with fiery serpents. (一)第XX號, 1 - 21 , 20. -死亡瑪麗的妹妹摩西;上帝再次使淙淙人水從岩石中,但拒絕摩西和亞倫入口處樂土上考慮他們的疑問;亞倫期間死亡周圍的人去的Idumean山區受到懲罰的不滿與火蛇。

(b) xxi, 21-xxv, 18.-The land of the Amorrhites is seized; the Moabites vainly attempt to destroy Israel by the curse of Balaam; the Madianites lead the people into idolatry. (二) 21 , 21 - 25 , 18. -的土地Amorrhites處理;的莫亞比特人妄圖摧毀以色列的詛咒巴蘭;的Madianites帶領人民到偶像崇拜。

(c) xxvi, 1-xxvii, 23.-A new census is taken with a view of dividing the land; the law of inheritance; Josue is appointed to succeed Moses. (三) 26 , 1 -二十七, 23. -一次新的人口普查是採取以期劃分土地;法的繼承權;若蘇埃被任命接替摩西。

(d) xxviii, 1-xxx, 17.-Certain laws concerning sacrifices, vows, and feasts are repeated and completed. (四)二十八, 1 -三十, 17. -某些法律中關於犧牲,發誓,和節日的反复和完成。

(e) xxxi, 1-xxxii, 40.-After the defeat of the Madianites, the country across Jordan is given to the tribes of Ruben and Gad, and to half of the tribe of Manasses. (五)三十一, 1 -三十二, 40. ,在失敗之後的Madianites ,該國在約旦是考慮到各部落的魯文和蓋德,和一半的部落Manasses 。

(f) xxxiii, 1-40.-List of encampments of people of Israel during their wandering in the desert. ( F )的三十三, 1 - 40.名單營地的以色列人民在他們在沙漠中遊蕩。

(g) xxxiii, 50-xxxvi, 13.-Command to destroy the Chanaanites; limits of the Promised Land and names of the men who are to divide it; Levitical cities, and cities of refuge; law concerning murder and manslaughter; ordinance concerning the marriage of heiresses. ( g )項三十三, 50三十六, 13. -司令部摧毀Chanaanites ;界限的樂土和姓名的男子是誰分裂它; Levitical城市,城市避難;法律關於謀殺和誤殺;條例有關結婚的未婚女子。

III.三。 AUTHENTICITY真實性

The contents of the Pentateuch furnish the basis for the history, the law, the worship, and the life of the Chosen People of God.的內容,摩西五提供的基礎,歷史,法律,宗教,以及所選擇的生活在天主的子民。 Hence the authorship of the work, the time and manner of its origin, and its historicity are of paramount importance.因此,作者的工作,時間和方式的起源,它的歷史性是至關重要的。 These are not merely literary problems, but questions belonging to the fields of history of religion and theology.這些不僅是文學問題,但問題屬於該領域的歷史宗教和神學。 The Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is inseparably connected with the question, whether and in what sense Moses was the author or intermediary of the Old-Testament legislation, and the bearer of pre-Mosaic tradition.鑲嵌作品的摩西五是密不可分的問題,無論在何種意義摩西是作者或中介的老全書立法和承載前花葉傳統。 According to the trend of both Old and New Testament, and according to Jewish and Christian theology, the work of the great lawgiver Moses is the origin of the history of Israel and the basis of its development down to the time of Jesus Christ; but modern criticism sees in all this only the result, or the precipitate, of a purely natural historical development.據趨勢新舊新約全書,根據猶太教和基督教神學的工作是偉大的立法者摩西的起源,歷史,以色列和根據其發展到耶穌基督的時間,但現代批評認為,只有在所有這一切的結果,或沉澱物,純自然的歷史發展。 The question of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch leads us, therefore, to the alternative, revelation or historical evolution; it touches the historical and theological foundation of both the Jewish and the Christian dispensation.的問題,花葉作者的摩西五導致我們,因此,作為替代,啟示或歷史演變;它涉及的歷史和神學的基礎,雙方的猶太教和基督教分配。 We shall consider the subject first in the light of Scripture; secondly, in the light of Jewish and Christian tradition; thirdly, in the light of internal evidence, furnished by the Pentateuch; finally, in the light of ecclesiastical decisions.我們應考慮這個問題首先是根據聖經;其次,根據猶太教和基督教傳統;第三,根據內部的證據,所提供的摩西五;最後,在根據教會的決定。

A. TESTIMONY OF SACRED SCRIPTURE答:見證聖經

It will be found convenient to divide the Biblical evidence for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch into three parts: (1) Testimony of the Pentateuch;這將是發現方便分裂聖經證據花葉著作權的摩西五分為三個部分: ( 1 )證言摩西五;

(2) Testimony of the other Old-Testament books; (3) Testimony of the New Testament. ( 2 )證明其他舊全書書籍; ( 3 )鑑定的新約。

(1) Witness of the Pentateuch ( 1 )證人的摩西五

The Pentateuch in its present form does not present itself as a complete literary production of Moses.在摩西五以其目前的形式並不本本身作為一個完整的文學生產摩西。 It contains an account of Moses' death, it tells the story of his life in the third person and in an indirect form, and the last four books do not exhibit the literary form of memoirs of the great lawgiver; besides, the expression "God said to Moses" shows only the Divine origin of the Mosaic laws but does not prove that Moses himself codified in the Pentateuch the various laws promulgated by him.它包含一個帳戶的摩西死亡,它講述了他的生命中的第三人,並以間接的形式,並在過去四年的書籍沒有展示的文學形式的回憶錄偉大立法者;此外,表達“上帝摩西說: “只顯示的神源是鑲嵌法,但並不能證明自己編纂摩西五經中的各種法律頒布的他。 On the other hand, the Pentateuch ascribes to Moses the literary authorship of at least four sections, partly historical, partly legal, partly poetical.另一方面,賦予了摩西五經的文學作品,至少四個部分,這部分是歷史,部分法律,部分詩意。 (a) After Israel's victory over the Amalecites near Raphidim, the Lord said to Moses (Exodus 17:14): "Write this for a memorial in a book, and deliver it to the ears of Josue." ( a )在以色列的勝利, Amalecites近Raphidim ,主說,摩西(出17:14 ) : “寫這本為紀念在一本書,並提供它的耳朵若蘇埃。 ” This order is naturally restricted to Amalec's defeat, a benefit which God wished to keep alive in the memory of the people (Deuteronomy 25:17-19).這自然是為了限制Amalec的失敗,受益上帝希望保持在記憶的人(申命記25:17-19 ) 。 The present pointing of the Hebrew text reads "in the book", but the Septuagint version omits the definite article. Even if we suppose that the Massoretic pointing gives the original text, we can hardly prove that the book referred to is the Pentateuch, though this is highly probable (cf. von Hummelauer "Exodus et Leviticus", Paris, 1897, p. 182; Idem, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 152; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, p. 217).本指著希伯來文寫著“在這本書” ,但七十版本忽略了定冠詞。即使我們假設Massoretic指著使原來的案文,我們很難證明這本書提到的是摩西五,儘管這是極有可能(見馮Hummelauer “出埃及記和利未記” ,巴黎, 1897年,第182頁;同上, “ Deuteronomium ” ,巴黎, 1901年,第152頁; Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage ” ,明斯特, 1903年,第217 ) 。 (b) Again, Ex., xxiv, 4: "And Moses wrote all the words of the Lord." (二)同樣,惠。 , 24 , 4 : “摩西寫的話,所有的主。 ” The context does not allow us to understand these words in an indefinite manner, but as referring to the words of the Lord immediately preceding or to the so-called "Book of the Covenant", Ex., xx-xxiii.的範圍內不允許我們理解這句話的是無限期的方式,但它是指用上帝緊接或所謂的“圖書的公約” ,當然。 ,二十,二十三。 (c) Ex., xxxiv, 27: "And the Lord said to Moses: Write thee these words by which I have made a covenant both with thee and with Israel." (三)前。 ,三十四, 27 : “耶和華對摩西說:你寫這些話的,我提出了兩個公約,並與你同以色列。 ” The next verse adds: "and he wrote upon the tables the ten words of the covenant."下次詩說: “和他寫的表的十個字的規定。 ” Ex., xxxiv, 1, 4, shows how Moses had prepared the tables, and Ex., xxxiv, 10-26, gives us the contents of the ten words.當然。 ,三十四, 1 , 4 ,顯示了如何編寫了摩西的桌子,和前。 ,三十四, 10月26日,使我們的內容十個字。 (d) Num., xxxiii, 1-2: "These are the mansions of the children of Israel, who went out of Egypt by their troops under the conduct of Moses and Aaron, which Moses wrote down according to the places of their encamping." (四)序號。 ,三十三, 1月2日: “這是紅樓夢的兒童以色列,誰走出埃及其部隊的行為摩西和亞倫,這摩西寫下根據地方的encamping 。 “ Here we are informed that Moses wrote the list of the people's encampments in the desert; but where it this list to be found?在這裡,我們被告知,摩西寫名單的人的營地在沙漠中,但如果此列表中可以找到? Most probably it is given in Num., xxxiii, 3-49, or the immediate context of the passage telling of Moses' literary activity; there are, however, scholars who understand this latter passage as referring to the history of Israel's departure from Egypt written in the order of the people's encampments, so that it would be our present Book of Exodus.這是最有可能提供數。 ,三十三, 3-49 ,或立即背景下,通過講述了摩西的文學活動;但是,也有學者誰明白這一點後,它是指通過以色列歷史上離開埃及寫在該命令的人的營地,因此,它將成為我們本書出走。 But this view is hardly probable; for its assumption that Num., xxxiii, 3-49, is a summary of Exodus cannot be upheld, as the chapter of Numbers mentions several encampments not occurring in Exodus.但這種觀點是很難有可能;其前提是序號。 ,三十三, 3-49 ,是一個總結出不能得到維護,因為該章中提到的幾個營地號碼不發生在出走。

Besides these four passages there are certain indications in Deuteronomy which point to the literary activity of Moses.除了這四個段落有一些跡象表明這一點在申命記的文學活動的摩西。 Deut., i, 5: "And Moses began to expound the law and to say"; even if the "law" in this text refer to the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation, which is not very probable, it shows only that Moses promulgated the whole law, but not that he necessarily wrote it. Practically the entire Book of Deuteronomy claims to be a special legislation promulgated by Moses in the land of Moab: iv, 1-40; 44-49; v, 1 sqq.; xii, 1 sqq. Deut 。 ,我, 5 : “摩西開始闡述法律,並表示” ;即使“法律”這個文本是指整個Pentateuchal立法,這是不太可能的,它表明只有摩西頒布整個法律,但不是說,他一定寫。實際上,整本書的申命記聲稱是一個特殊的立法頒布的摩西在土地莫阿布:四, 1-40 ; 44-49 ;五, 1 sqq 。 ;十二1 sqq 。 But there is a suggestion of writing too: xvii, 18-9, enjoins that the future kings are to receive a copy of this law from the priests in order to read and observe it; xxvii, 1-8, commands that on the west side of the Jordan "all the words of this law" be written on stones set up in Mount Hebal; xxviii, 58, speaks of "all the words of this law, that are written in this volume" after enumerating the blessings and curses which will come upon the observers and violators of the law respectively, and which are again referred to as written in a book in xxix, 20, 21, 27, and xxxii, 46, 47; now, the law repeatedly referred to as written in a book must be at least the Deuteronomic legislation.但是有一個建議,寫太多: 17 , 18-9 ,責成,未來的國王收到了一份來自該法的祭司,以便閱讀和遵守它;二十七, 1月8日,命令,在西約旦一側的“所有的話,該法”是寫在石頭山設立Hebal ;二十八, 58歲,說的是“所有的話,這一法律,這是寫在這卷”之後列舉的祝福和詛咒的會後,觀察員和違反法律的分別,並再次被稱為寫的一本書,第29 , 20 , 21 , 27 ,和三十二,第四十六條,第四十七條,現在,法律一再稱為寫圖書必須至少Deuteronomic立法。 Moreover, xxxi, 9-13 states, "and Moses wrote this law", and xxxi, 26, adds, "take this book, and put it in the side of the ark. . .that it may be there for a testimony against thee"; to explain these texts as fiction or as anachronisms is hardly compatible with the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture.此外,三十一, 9月13日國家“ ,並寫了這個摩西法” ,並三十一, 26歲,說: “考慮這本書,並把它放在一邊,方舟。 。 。 ,它可能是有一個證詞對你“ ;解釋這些文本小說或過時很難符合無誤的聖經。 Finally, xxxi, 19, commands Moses to write the canticle contained in Deut., xxxii, 1-43.最後,第31 ,第19 ,命令摩西寫頌歌載於Deut 。 ,三十二, 1-43 。

The Scriptural scholar will not complain that there are so few express indications in the Pentateuch of Moses' literary activity; he will rather be surprised at their number.在聖經學者不會抱怨說,有這麼幾個明確跡象表明在摩西五經的文學活動,他將感到吃驚,而他們的人數。 As far as explicit testimony for its own, at least partial, authorship is concerned, the Pentateuch compares rather favourably with many other books of the Old Testament.至於明確的證詞為自己的,至少是部分,作者而言,五經比較有利,而與其他許多書籍舊約。

(2) Witness of other Old-Testament Books ( 2 )證人的其他老聖經書籍

(a) Josue.-The narrative of the Book of Josue presupposes not merely the facts and essential ordinances contained in the Pentateuch, but also the law given by Moses and written in the book of the law of Moses: Jos., i, 7-8; viii, 31; xxii, 5; xxiii, 6. (一) Josue. ,說明部分圖書的前提不僅是若蘇埃的事實和基本條例載於五經,而且所提供的法律和書面摩西的書摩西律法:聖何塞,我7 -8 ;八, 31 ; 22 , 5 ;二十三, 6 。 Josue himself "wrote all these things in the volume of the law of the Lord" (xxiv, 26).若蘇埃他寫道: “所有這些事情中的體積法勳爵” ( 24 , 26 ) 。 Prof. Hobverg maintains that this "volume of the law of the Lord" is the Pentateuch ("Über den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, 340); Mangenot believes that it refers at least to Deuteronomy (Dict. de la Bible, V, 66).教授Hobverg堅持認為,這種“體積法的上帝”是五經( “尤伯杯2007萬Pentateuchs起源”中的“ Biblische雜誌” , 1906年,四, 340 ) ; Mangenot認為,它是指至少在申命記(快譯通。德拉薩聖經,五, 66 ) 。 At any rate, Josue and his contemporaries were acquainted with a written Mosaic legislation, which was divinely revealed.不管怎樣,若蘇埃和他同時代的人熟悉的書面花葉立法,這是上天顯示。

(b) Judges; I, II Kings.-In the Book of Judges and the first two Books of Kings there is no explicit reference to Moses and the book of the law, but a number of incidents and statements presuppose the existence of the Pentateuchal legislation and institutions. (二)法官;一,二Kings. ,在書中法官和兩本書的第一個國王沒有明確提到摩西和圖書的法律,但一些事件和報表以存在的Pentateuchal立法和機構。 Thus Judges, xv, 8-10, recalls Israel's delivery from Egypt and its conquest of the Promised Land; Judges, xi, 12-28, states incidents recorded in Num., xx, 14; xxi, 13,24; xxii, 2; Judges, xiii, 4, states a practice founded on the law of the Nazarites in Num., vi, 1-21; Judges, xviii, 31, speaks of the tabernacle existing in the times when there was no king in Israel; Judges, xx, 26-8 mentions the ark of the covenant, the various kinds of sacrifices, and the Aaronic priesthood.因此,法官,十五, 8月10日,回顧以色列提供來自埃及和其征服樂土;法官,十一, 12月28日,國家中記錄的事件數量。 ,第XX號,第14 ; 21 , 13,24 , 22 , 2法官, 13日, 4日,國家做法的基礎上的法律Nazarites在序號。 ,六, 1月21日,法官, 18 , 31 ,談到幕中存在的時候,沒有國王在以色列;法官,二十, 26-8提到約櫃,各種犧牲,和Aaronic鐸。 The Pentateuchal history and laws are similarly presupposed in 1 Samuel 10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 sqq.; 23:6-9; 2 Samuel 6.該Pentateuchal歷史和法律是同樣的先決條件在撒母耳記上10:18 ; 15:1-10 ; 10:25 ; 21:1-6 ; 22時零六sqq 。 ; 23:6-9 ;撒母耳記下6 。

(c) 1 and 2 Kings.-The last two Books of Kings repeatedly speak of the law of Moses. (三)第1和第2 Kings. ,最後兩本書的國王多次談到摩西律法。 To restrict the meaning of this term to Deuteronomy is an arbitrary exegesis (cf. 1 Kings 2:3; 10:31); Amasias showed mercy to the children of the murderers "according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses" (2 Kings 14:6); the sacred writer records the Divine promise of protecting the Israelites "Only if they will observe to do all that I have commanded them according to the law which my servant Moses commanded them" (2 Kings 21:8).限制的含義,這個詞來申命記是一個任意的註釋(見列王紀上2時03分; 10時31分) ; Amasias表明憐憫的兒童的兇手“根據該寫這本書的法律摩西“ (列王紀下14點06分) ;神聖作家記錄神聖承諾保護以色列人”只有當他們將遵守盡一切,我已命令他們根據法律,我的僕人摩西指揮他們“ (列王紀下21 : 8 ) 。 In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was found the book of the law (2 Kings 22:8, 11), or the book of the covenant (2 Kings 23:2), according to which he conducted his religious reform (2 Kings 23:10-24), and which is identified with "the law of Moses" (2 Kings 23:25).早在十八歲的統治Josias發現這本書的法律(列王紀下22時08分, 11人) ,或本書的盟約(列王紀下23點零二分) ,根據了他的宗教改革( 2國王23:10-24 ) ,並確定這是與“摩西律法” (列王紀下23:25 ) 。 Catholic commentators are not at one whether this law-book was Deuteronomy (von Hummelauer, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 40-60, 83-7) or the entire Pentateuch (Clair, "Les livres des Rois", Paris, 1884, II, p. 557 seq.; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Frieburg, 1905, p. 17 seq.; "uber den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, pp. 338-40).天主教評論家不是一個是否本法書是申命記(馮Hummelauer , “ Deuteronomium ” ,巴黎, 1901年,第40-60 , 83-7 )或整個摩西五(克萊爾, “沙漠之里弗羅伊斯” ,巴黎, 1884 ,二,第557頁起。 ;霍貝格, “摩西五經之和” , Frieburg , 1905年,第17頁以下。 “尤伯杯2007萬Pentateuchs起源”中的“ Biblische雜誌” , 1906年,四頁。 338 -40 ) 。

(d) Paralipomenon.-The inspired writer of Paralipomenon refers to the law and the book of Moses much more frequently and clearly. (四) Paralipomenon. ,作家的靈感Paralipomenon是指法律和這本書的摩西更頻繁和明確。 The objectionable names and numbers occurring in these books are mostly due to transcribers.不良的姓名和號碼出現在這些圖書主要是由於謄寫。 The omission of incidents which would detract from the glory of the Israelite kings or would not edify the reader is not detrimental to the credibility or veracity of the work. Otherwise one should have to place among works of fiction a number of biographical or patriotic publications intended for the young or for the common reader.遺漏的事件將影響到光榮的以色列人國王或不會陶冶讀者不會損害的信譽或真實性的工作。否則應該有一個地方的小說作品中的一些傳記或愛國出版物年輕或為了共同的讀者。 On their part, the modern critics are too eager to discredit the authority of Paralipomena.對他們而言,現代的批評太急於詆毀權威Paralipomena 。 "After removing the account of Paralipomena", writes de Wette (Beitrage, I, 135), "the whole Jewish history assumes another form, and the Pentateuchal investigations take another turn; a number of strong proofs, hard to explain away, for the early existence of the Mosaic books have disappeared, the other vestiges of their existence are placed in a different light." “在取消帳戶Paralipomena ” ,寫入日Wette ( Beitrage ,我, 135 ) , “整個猶太歷史承擔的另一種形式,和Pentateuchal調查,再反過來;了一些強有力的證據,很難解釋了,為早期存在的馬賽克書籍已經消失,其他殘餘的存在被安置在不同的光。 “ A glance at the contents of Parlipomenon suffices to explain the efforts of de Witte and Wellhausen to disprove the historicity of the books.一瞥的內容,足以解釋Parlipomenon的努力日維特和豪森駁斥了歷史性的書籍。 Not only are the genealogies (1 Chronicles 1-9) and the descriptions of worship traced after the data and laws of the Pentateuch, but the sacred writer expressly points out their conformity with what is written in the law of the Lord (1 Chronicles 16:40), in the law of Moses (2 Chronicles 23:18; 31:3), thus identifying the law of the Lord with that written by Moses (cf. 2 Chronicles 25:4).不僅是族譜(歷代誌上1月9日)和說明崇拜追查後,數據和法律的五經,但神聖的作家明確指出其符合什麼是書面的法律勳爵(歷代誌上16 : 40 ) ,在摩西律法(歷代誌下23:18 ; 31:3 ) ,從而確定的法律與主寫的摩西(參見歷代誌下25:4 ) 。 The reader will find similar indications of the existence and the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch in I Par., xxii, 12 seq.; II Par., xvii, 9; xxxiii, 4; xxxiv, 14; xxv, 12.讀者會發現類似的跡象的存在和馬賽克起源於我的摩西五桿。 , 22 , 12起。 ;二桿。 ,十七, 9 ;三十三, 4 ;三十四, 14 ;二十五, 12 。 By an artificial interpretation, indeed, the Books of Paralipomenon may be construed to represent the Pentateuch as a book containing the law promulgated by Moses; but the natural sense of the foregoing passages regards the Pentateuch as a book edited by Moses.由人工解釋,事實上,圖書的Paralipomenon可能被解釋為代表了摩西五是出版了一本書的法律頒布的摩西;但自然意義上的上述段落關於摩西五為一本書主編的摩西。

(e) I, II Esdras.-The Books of Esdras and Nehemias, too, taken in their natural and commonly accepted sense, consider the Pentateuch as the book of Moses, not merely as a book containing the law of Moses. (五)一,二Esdras. ,帳簿埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias ,也採取了它們的自然和普遍接受的意義上說,考慮到五經的書摩西,而不僅僅是一本書,載摩西律法。 This contention is based on the study of the following texts: I Esd., iii, 2 sqq.; vi, 18; vii, 14; II Esd., i, 7 sqq.; viii, 1, 8, 14; ix, 3; x, 34, 36; xiii, 1-3.這一論點的依據是研究下列文本:我可持續發展教育。 ,三, 2 sqq 。 ;六, 18 ;第七章,第14條;二可持續發展教育。 ,我7 sqq 。 ;八, 1 , 8 , 14 ;九, 3 ;十, 34 , 36 ;第十三1-3 。 Graf and his followers expressed the view that the book of Moses referred to in these texts is not the Pentateuch, but only the Priestly Code; but when we keep in mind that the book in question contained the laws of Lev., xxiii, and Deut., vii, 2-4; xv, 2, we perceive at once that the book of Moses cannot be restricted to the Priestly Code.格拉夫和他的追隨者認為,這本書的摩西中提到的這些文本不是摩西五,但只有祭司碼;但是,當我們記住這本書載有問題的法律列夫。 ,二十三,並Deut 。 ,七, 2月4日;十五, 2 ,我們認為在這本書後,摩西不能僅限於在祭司碼。 To the witness of the historical books we may add II Mach., ii, 4; vii, 6; Judith, viii, 23; Ecclus., xxiv, 33; xlv, 1-6; xlv, 18, and especially the Preface of Ecclus.對證人的歷史書籍,我們可以添加二馬赫。 ,二, 4 ;七, 6 ;朱迪,八, 23 ; Ecclus 。 , 24 , 33 ;第四十五, 1月6日;第四十五, 18 ,特別是序Ecclus 。

(f) Prophetic Books.-Express reference to the written law of Moses is found only in the later Prophets: Bar., ii, 2, 28; Dan., ix, 11, 13; Mal., iv, 4. ( F )的先知Books. ,明確提到的書面摩西律法是發現,只有在後來先知:酒吧。 ,二, 2 , 28 ;丹。 ,第九章, 11 , 13 ;條。 ,四, 4 。 Among these, Baruch knows that Moses has been commanded to write the law, and though his expressions run parallel to those of Deut., xxviii, 15, 53, 62-64, his threats contain allusions to those contained in other parts of the Pentateuch. The other Prophets frequently refer to the law of the Lord guarded by the priests (cf. Deuteronomy 31:9), and they put it on the same level with Divine Revelation and the eternal covenant of the Lord.其中,巴魯克知道摩西已寫入命令的法律,儘管他的表現形式並行的那些Deut 。 ,二十八, 15 , 53 , 62-64 ,他的威脅含有暗示那些載於其他地區的摩西五。其他先知經常提到的法律,主守衛的祭司(參見申命記31:9 ) ,他們把它放在同樣的水平與天啟和永恆的盟約的上帝。 They appeal to God's covenant, the sacrificial laws the calendar of feasts, and other laws of the Pentateuch in such a way as to render it probable that a written legislation formed the basis of their prophetic admonitions (cf. Hosea 8:12), and that they were acquainted with verbal expressions of the book of the law.他們呼籲上帝的盟約,犧牲法律的日曆節日,和其他法律的摩西五以這樣一種方式,以使其有可能形成書面立法的基礎上他們的預言告誡(見何西阿8點12分) ,和他們熟悉的口頭表達的這本書的法律。 Thus in the northern kingdom Amos (iv, 4-5; v, 22 sqq.) and Isaias in the south (i, 11 sqq.) employ expressions which are practically technical words for sacrifice occurring in Lev., i-iii; vii, 12, 16; and Deut., xii, 6.因此,在英國北部阿摩司(四, 4月5日;五, 22 sqq 。 )和伊薩亞南部(一, 11 sqq 。 )僱用表現是技術的話幾乎犧牲發生在列夫。 ,一至三;七, 12 , 16 ;和Deut 。 ,第十二章, 6 。

(3) Witness of the New Testament ( 3 )證人的新約全書

We need not show that Jesus and the Apostles quoted the whole of the Pentateuch as written by Moses.我們沒有必要表明,耶穌和使徒引述整個五經書面的摩西。 If they attributed to Moses all the passages which they happen to cite, if they ascribe the Pentateuch to Moses whenever there is question of its authorship, even the most exacting critics must admit that they express their conviction that the work was indeed written by Moses.如果他們由於摩西的所有通道,他們舉出發生,如果他們賦予了摩西五摩西只要有問題,其著作權,即使是最苛刻的批評者也必須承認,他們表示相信,工作確實是寫的摩西。 When the Sadducees quote against Jesus the marriage law of Deut., xxv, 5, as written by Moses (Matthew 22:24; Mark 12:19; Luke 20:28), Jesus does not deny the Mosaic authorship, but appeals to Ex., iii, 6, as equally written by Moses (Mark 12:26; Matthew 22:31; Luke 20:37).當撒都該人對耶穌回复婚姻法Deut 。 , 25日, 5日,作為撰寫的摩西(馬太22:24 ;馬可12點19分;路加福音20:28 ) ,耶穌並不否認花葉著作權,但呼籲惠。 ,三,六,同樣寫的摩西(馬克12時26分;馬修22:31 ;路加福音20:37 ) 。 Again, in the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:29), He speaks of "Moses and the prophets", while on other occasions He speaks of "the law and the prophets" (Luke 16:16), thus showing that in His mind the law, or the Pentateuch, and Moses are identical.再次,在寓言富豪和拉撒路(路加福音16時29分) ,他談到了“摩西和先知” ,而在其他場合,他說的是“ ,是律法和先知” (路加福音16:16 ) ,從而表明,在他的記憶法,或摩西五,和摩西是相同的。 The same expressions reappear in the last discourse addressed by Christ to His disciples (Luke 24:44-6; cf. 27): "which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".同樣的表情出現在過去的話語處理基督門徒(路加福音24:44-6 ;比照。二十七日)說: “這是寫在摩西律法,並在先知,並在關於我的詩篇” 。 Finally, in John, v, 45-7, Jesus is more explicit in asserting the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch: "There is one that accuseth you, Moses. . .for he wrote of me. But if you do not believe his writings, how will you believe my words?"最後,在美國,五, 45-7 ,耶穌是更明確地主張著作權的馬賽克的摩西五: “我們是一個accuseth你,摩西。 。 。為他寫的我。但是,如果你不相信他的著作,您將如何相信我的話? “ Nor can it be maintained that Christ merely accommodated himself to the current beliefs of his contemporaries who considered Moses as the author of the Pentateuch not merely in a moral but also in the literary sense of authorship.也不能被認為基督只是住自己目前的信仰誰認為他同時代的作家摩西的摩西五不僅在道義上,而且在文學意義上的作者。 Jesus did not need to enter into the critical study of the nature of Mosaic authorship, but He could not expressly endorse the popular belief, if it was erroneous.耶穌並不需要進入關鍵研究的性質花葉作者,但他沒有明確贊同普遍認為,如果是錯誤的。

The Apostles too felt convinced of, and testified to, the Mosaic authorship. "Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith to him: We have found him of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write."使徒們也認為深信,並證明,著作權的馬賽克。 “菲利普findeth拿,和saith對他說:我們已經找到了他的人摩西的法律,和先知沒有寫。 ” St. Peter introduces a quotation from Deut., xviii, 15, with the words: "For Moses said" (Acts 3:22).聖彼得介紹引自Deut 。 , 18 , 15 ,改為: “對摩西說: ” (使徒3點22分) 。 St. James and St.聖雅各福群和街 Paul relate that Moses is read in the synagogues on the Sabbath day (Acts 15:21; 2 Corinthians 3:15).保羅說,摩西是涉及閱讀的猶太教堂的安息日(使徒15時21分;哥林多後書3:15 ) 。 The great Apostle speaks in other passages of the law of Moses (Acts 13:33; 1 Corinthians 9:9); he preaches Jesus according to the law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts 28:23), and cites passages from the Pentateuch as words written by Moses (Romans 10:5-8; 19).偉大的使徒談到其他段落中的摩西律法(使徒13:33 ;哥林多前書9時09分) ;他鼓吹耶穌根據摩西律法和先知(使徒28:23 ) ,並列舉了摩西五通道作為文字的摩西(羅馬書10:5-8 ; 19 ) 。 St. John mentions the canticle of Moses (Revelation 15:3).聖約翰提到頌歌摩西(啟示錄15:3 ) 。

B. WITNESS OF TRADITION灣昭傳統

The voice of tradition, both Jewish and Christian, is so unanimous and constant in proclaiming the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch that down to the seventeenth century it did not allow the rise of any serious doubt.傳統的聲音,無論猶太教和基督教,是如此一致,不斷在宣布馬賽克作者的摩西五是到17世紀它不允許任何崛起的嚴重懷疑。 The following paragraphs are only a meagre outline of this living tradition.以下各段僅是微薄的大綱此生活的傳統。

(1) Jewish Tradition ( 1 )猶太傳統

It has been seen that the books of the Old Testament, beginning with those of the Pentateuch, present Moses as the author of at least parts of the Pentateuch. The writer of the Books of Kings believes that Moses is the author of Deuteronomy at least.人們看到,圖書舊約,首先是摩西五,本摩西的作者至少部分摩西五。作家的書國王認為,摩西是作者申命記至少。 Esdras, Nehemias, Malachias, the author of Paralipomena, and the Greek authors of the Septuagint Version consider Moses as the author of the whole Pentateuch.埃斯德拉斯, Nehemias , Malachias的作者Paralipomena ,和希臘作者七十版本考慮摩西的作者整個摩西五。 At the time of Jesus Christ and the Apostles friend and foe take the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch for granted; neither our Lord nor His enemies take exception to this assumption.當時耶穌和使徒朋友和敵人採取馬賽克作者的摩西五是理所當然的;既不我們的上帝,也沒有他的敵人採取例外,這一假設。 In the first century of the Christian era, Josephus ascribes to Moses the authorship of the entire Pentateuch, not excepting the account of the lawgiver's death ("Antiq. Jud.", IV, viii, 3-48; cf. I Procem., 4; "Contra Apion.", I, 8).在二十一世紀的公元,約瑟夫賦予摩西作者整個摩西五,不除外到立法者的死亡( “ Antiq 。珠德。 ” ,四,八, 3-48 ;比照。我Procem 。 , 4 , “康特拉阿皮翁。 ”一, 8 ) 。 The Alexandrian philosopher Philo is convinced that the entire Pentateuch is the work of Moses, and that the latter wrote a prophetic account of his death under the influence of a special divine inspiration ("De vita Mosis", ll. II, III in "Opera", Geneva, 1613, pp. 511, 538).哲學家斐洛的亞歷山大相信,整個摩西五是工作的摩西,後者寫了預言到他去世的影響下,一個特別神聖的啟示( “者維Mosis ” ,當地僱員。二,三在“歌劇院“ ,日內瓦, 1613年,頁。 511 , 538 ) 。 The Babylonian Talmud ("Baba-Bathra", II, col. 140; "Makkoth", fol. IIa; "Menachoth", fol. 30a; cf. Vogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'exegese biblique jusqua'a nos jours", Paris, 1881, p. 21), the Talmud of Jerusalem (Sota, v, 5), the rabbis, and the doctors of Israel (cf. Furst, "Der Kanon des Alten Testaments nach den Überlieferungen im Talmud und Midrasch", Leipzig, 1868, pp. 7-9) bear testimony to the continuance of this tradition for the first thousand years.巴比倫塔木德( “巴巴- Bathra ” ,二,山口。 140 ; “ Makkoth ” ,下載。國際投資協定“ ; Menachoth ” ,下載。 30A的;比照。時尚, “組織胺。德拉薩聖經與法國exegese biblique jusqua ' 1我jours “ ,巴黎, 1881年,第21頁) ,在耶路撒冷的猶太法典(索塔,五, 5 ) ,猶太教,和醫生的以色列(參見弗斯特, ”明鏡加隆萬老聖經nach旦Überlieferungen即時塔爾穆德與Midrasch “ ,萊比錫, 1868年,頁。 7-9 )證明的延續了這一傳統的第一一千多年。 Though Isaac ben Jasus in the eleventh century and Abenesra in the twelfth admitted certain post-Mosaic additions in the Pentateuch, still they as well as Maimonides upheld its Mosaic authorship, and did not substantially differ in this point from the teaching of R. Becchai (thirteenth cent.), Joseph Karo, and Abarbanel (fifteenth cent.; cf. Richard Simon, "Critique de la Bibl. des aut. eccles. de E. Dupin", Paris, 1730, III, pp. 215-20).雖然伊薩克本Jasus於11世紀和Abenesra在某些第十二屆承認後花葉增加在五經,但他們以及邁蒙尼德堅持花葉著作權,並沒有實質性不同,這一點從教學中的河Becchai (第十三左右。 ) ,約瑟夫卡羅和Abarbanel (第十五左右。 ;比照。理查德西蒙, “批判Bibl 。沙漠引渡。埃克勒斯。日體育Dupin ” ,巴黎, 1730年,三,頁。 215-20 ) 。 Only in the seventeenth century, Baruch Spinoza rejected the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, pointing out the possibility that the work might have been written by Esdras ("Tract. Theol.-politicus", c. viii, ed. Tauchnitz, III, p. 125).只有在十七世紀,巴魯克斯賓諾莎拒絕馬賽克著作權的摩西五,指出的可能性,這項工作可能已經寫的埃斯德拉斯( “道。 Theol.政治論” ,角八,教育署。 Tauchnitz ,三,磷。 125 ) 。 Among the more recent Jewish writers several have adopted the results of the critics, thus abandoning the tradition of their forefathers.在最近的幾個猶太人作家已經通過的結果,評論家,從而放棄了他們祖先的傳統。

(2) Christian Tradition ( 2 )基督教傳統

The Jewish tradition concerning the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch was brought in to the Christian Church by Christ Himself and the Apostles.猶太傳統的馬賽克著作權的五經被帶到基督教的耶穌和使徒。 No one will seriously deny the existence and continuance of such a tradition from the patristic period onward; one might indeed be curious about the interval between the time of the Apostles and beginning of the third century.沒有人會認真地否認存在和繼續存在這樣一個傳統的教父期間起;人們可能確實是好奇之間的間隔時間的使徒和年初三世紀。 For this period we may appeal to the "Epistle of Barnabus" (x, 1-12; Funk, "Patres apostol.", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1901, I, p. 66-70; xii, 2-9k; ibid., p. 74-6), to St. Clement of Rome (1 Corinthians 41:1; ibid., p. 152), St. Justin ("Apol. I", 59; PG, VI, 416; I, 32, 54; ibid., 377, 409; "Dial.", 29; ibid., 537), to the author of "Cohort. Ad Graec."在此期間我們可能會呼籲“使徒Barnabus ” (十, 1月12日;克, “ Patres apostol 。 ”第2版。 ,蒂賓根大學, 1901年,我,第66-70 ;十二, 2 - 9k ;同上。 ,第74-6 ) ,聖克萊門特的羅馬(哥林多前書41:1 ;同上。 ,第152頁) ,聖賈斯汀( “ Apol 。一” , 59 ;前列腺素,六, 416 ,我, 32 , 54 ;同上。 , 377 , 409 ; “撥號。 ” 29 ;同上。 , 537 ) ,作者的“隊列。廣告Graec 。 ” (9, 28, 30, 33, 34; ibid., 257, 293, 296-7, 361), to St. Theophilus ("Ad Autol.", III, 23; ibid., 1156; 11, 30; ibid., 1100), to St. Irenæus (Cont. haer., I, ii, 6; PG, VII, 715-6), to St. Hippolytus of Rome ("Comment. In Deut.", xxxi, 9, 31, 35; cf. Achelis, "Arabische Fragmente etc.", Leipzig, 1897, I, 118; "Philosophumena", VIII, 8; X, 33; PG, XVI, 3350, 3448), to Tertullian of Carthage (Adv. Hermog., XIX; PL, II, 214), to Origen of Alexandria (Contra. Cels., III, 5-6; PG, XI, 928; etc.), to St. Eusthatius of Antioch (De engastrimytha c. Orig., 21; PG, XVIII, 656); for all these writers, and others might be added, bear witness to the continuance of the Christian tradition that Moses wrote the Pentateuch. ( 9 , 28 , 30 , 33 , 34 ;同上。 , 257 , 293 , 296-7 , 361 ) ,聖奧菲勒斯( “廣告Autol 。 ” ,三, 23 ;同上。 , 1156年; 11 , 30 ;同上。 , 1100年) ,聖Irenæus (續haer 。 ,一,二, 6 ;指引,第七, 715-6 ) ,聖西波呂羅馬( “評論。在Deut 。 ”三十一, 9 , 31 , 35 ;比照。 Achelis , “ Arabische Fragmente等” ,萊比錫, 1897年,我, 118 ; “ Philosophumena ” ,八, 8 ;十, 33 ;指引,十六, 3350 , 3448 ) ,以良的迦太基( Adv. Hermog 。 ,十九;光致發光,二, 214 ) ,以奧利亞歷山大( Contra.細胞。 ,三, 5月6日;指引,十一, 928等) ,聖Eusthatius的安提阿(者engastrimytha角原始。 , 21 ;前列腺素,十八, 656 ) ;所有這些作家,和其他可添加,見證繼續基督教傳統,寫了摩西五經。 A list of the later Fathers who bear witness to the same truth may be found in Mangenot's article in the "Dict. de la Bible" (V, 74 seq.).的名單後父親誰見證相同的事實中可以找到Mangenot的文章在“快譯通。德拉薩聖經” (五, 74歲以下。 ) 。 Hoberg (Moses und der Pentateuch, 72 seq.) has collected the testimony for the existence of the tradition during the Middle Ages and in more recent times.霍貝格(摩西五經之和, 72起。 )已收集的證詞存在的傳統在中世紀,在更近的時候。

But Catholic tradition does not necessarily maintain that Moses wrote every letter of the Pentateuch as it is today, and that the work has come down to us in an absolutely unchanged form.但是,天主教的傳統,並不一定認為摩西寫每信摩西五象今天,該工作已下降到我們絕對不變的形式。 This rigid view of the Mosaic authorship began to develop in the eighteenth century, and practically gained the upper hand in the nineteenth.這種僵硬鑑於花葉作者開始發展在18世紀,切實佔上風19 。 The arbitrary treatment of Scripture on the part of Protestants, and the succession of the various destructive systems advanced by Biblical criticism, caused this change of front in the Catholic camp.任意對待聖經的一部分新教徒,並繼承了各種先進的破壞性系統聖經批評,造成這一變化的戰線天主教營地。 In the sixteenth century Card.在16世紀卡。 Bellarmine, who may be considered as a reliable exponent of Catholic tradition, expressed the opinion that Esdras had collected, readjusted, and corrected the scattered parts of the Pentateuch, and had even added the parts necessary for the completion of the Pentateuchal history (De verbo Dei, II, I; cf. III, iv).貝拉明,誰可被視為一個可靠的指數,天主教的傳統,認為埃斯德拉斯收集,調整,並糾正了分散部分五經,甚至增加了部分必要的完成Pentateuchal歷史(者動詞上帝,二,一;比照。三,四) 。 The views of Génebrard, Pereira, Bonfrere, a Lapide, Masius, Jansenius, and of other notable Biblicists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are equally elastic with regard to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.意見Génebrard ,佩雷拉,邦弗雷雷,一個Lapide ,麥西斯, Jansenius ,和其他顯著Biblicists的16和17世紀也同樣彈性關於花葉作者的摩西五。 Not that they agree with the contentions of our modern Biblical criticism; but they show that today's Pentateuchal problems were not wholly unknown to Catholic scholars, and that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch as determined by the Biblical Commission is no concession forced on the Church by unbelieving Bible students.不是他們同意爭論我們現代聖經批評;但它們表明,今天的Pentateuchal問題沒有完全陌生的天主教學者和作者的馬賽克的摩西五所確定的聖經委員會沒有讓步強迫教會問題的不信聖經學生。

C. VOICE OF INTERNAL EVIDENCE角聲內部證據

The possibility of producing a written record at the time of Moses is no longer contested.可能生成書面記錄的時候,摩西已不再有爭議。 The art of writing was known long before the time of the great lawgiver, and was extensively practised both in Egypt and Babylon.寫作的藝術被稱為之前很久的時候,偉大的立法者,並廣泛實行在埃及和巴比倫。 As to the Israelites, Flinders Petrie infers from certain Semitic inscriptions found in 1905 on the Sinaitic peninsula, that they kept written accounts of their national history from the time of their captivity under Ramses II.至於以色列人,弗林德斯皮特里推斷某些猶太人碑文於1905年發現的Sinaitic半島,他們隨時書面帳戶本國的歷史,他們被關押的時間下拉美西斯二世。 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets show the language of Babylon was in a way the official language at the time of Moses, known in Western Asia, Palestine, and Egypt; the finds of Taanek have confirmed this fact.該告訴埃及阿瑪爾納片顯示的語言,巴比倫是一種官方語言的時候,摩西,已知在西亞,巴勒斯坦和埃及的認定的Taanek證實了這一事實。 But it cannot be inferred from this that the Egyptians and Israelites employed this sacred or official language among themselves and in their religious documents (cf. Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaologie", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1907, p. 172 sqq.).但是,它不能作為推斷這是埃及人和以色列人僱用這個神聖或它們之間的官方語言,並在其宗教文件(參見Benzinger , “ Hebraische Archaologie ” ,第2版。 ,蒂賓根大學, 1907年,第172頁sqq 。 ) 。 It is not merely the possibility of writing at the time of Moses and the question of language that confronts us here; there is the further problem of the kind of written signs used in the Mosaic documents.它不僅是書面的可能性時,摩西和問題的語言,使我們在這裡有進一步的問題,什麼樣的書面標誌用於花葉文件。 The hieroglyphic and cuneiform signs were widely employed at that early date; the oldest inscriptions written in alphabetical characters date only from the ninth century BC But there can hardly be any doubt as to the higher antiquity of alphabetic writing, and there seems to be nothing to prevent our extending it back to the time of Moses.象形文字和楔形文字的標誌,廣泛採用該早日生效;最古老的碑文寫的字母字符到目前為止,只有從公元前9世紀,但就不可能有疑問,較高的文物的拼音文字,似乎是沒有防止我們的延長回到時間的摩西。 Finally, the Code of Hammurabi, discovered in Susa in 1901 by the French expedition funded by Mr. And Mrs. Dieulafoy, shows that even in pre-Mosaic times legal enactments were committed to, and preserved in, writing; for the Code antedates Moses some five centuries, and contains about 282 regulations concerning various contingencies in the civic life.最後,漢謨拉比法典,在蘇薩發現於1901年由法國資助的探險先生和夫人杜氏,結果表明,即使在預花葉次法令承諾,並保存在,寫作;守則antedates摩西大約5個世紀,並載有大約282名各種突發法規的公民生活。

Thus far it has been shown negatively that an historic and legal document claiming to be written at the time of Moses involves no antecedent improbability of its authenticity.迄今為止,它已被證明是一種消極的歷史和法律文件,聲稱是書面的時候,摩西不涉及先行不大可能的真實性。 But the internal characteristics of the Pentateuch show also positively that the work is at least probably Mosaic.但是,內部特徵的摩西五顯示了積極的,這項工作至少是可能馬賽克。 It is true that the Pentateuch contains no express declaration of its entire Mosaic authorship; but even the most exacting of critics will hardly require such testimony.的確,摩西五載沒有明確宣布其整個花葉著作權;但即使是最苛刻的批評者就很難要求這些證詞。 It is practically lacking in all other books, whether sacred or profane.這實際上是缺乏所有其他的書籍,不論是神聖的或褻瀆。 On the other hand, it has already been shown that four distinct passages of the Pentateuch are expressly ascribed to the authorship of Moses.另一方面,它已經表明,四個不同的段落的摩西五是明確歸因於作者的摩西。 Deut., xxxi, 24-9, is especially noted; for it knows that Moses wrote the "words of this law in a volume" and commanded it to be placed in the ark of the covenant as a testimony against the people who have been so rebellious during the lawgiver's life and will "do wickedly" after his death. Deut 。 ,三十一, 24-9 ,特別指出,因為它知道,摩西寫了“的話本法數額” ,並命令它放在約櫃的證詞對人民誰已這樣叛逆在立法者的生命,將“做壞透”在他死後。 Again, a number of legal sections, though not explicitly ascribed to the writing of Moses, are distinctly derived from Moses as the lawgiver.同樣,一些法律部門,雖然沒有明確賦予的書面摩西,明顯來自摩西作為立法者。 Besides, many of the Pentateuchal laws bear evidence of their origin in the desert; hence they too lay an indirect claim to Mosaic origin.此外,許多Pentateuchal法律承擔證明其原產地在沙漠中,因此他們也奠定了間接聲稱花葉來源。 What has been said of a number of Pentateuchal laws is equally true of several historical sections.所說的一些Pentateuchal同樣的法律的若干歷史章節。 These contain in the Book of Numbers, for instance, so many names and numbers that they must have been handed down in writing. Unless the critics can bring irrefutable evidence showing that in these sections we have only fiction, they must grant that these historical details were written down in contemporary documents, and not transmitted by mere oral tradition. Moreover, Hommel ("Die altisraelitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", p. 302) has shown that the names in the lists of the Book of Numbers bear the character of the Arabian names of the second millennium before Christ, and can have originated only in the time of Moses, though it must be admitted that the text of certain portions, eg, Num., xiii, has suffered in its transmission.這些包含在這本書中的數字,例如,如此眾多的名字和號碼,他們必須一直流傳下來的書面。除非批評可以帶來不可辯駁的證據顯示,在這些路段,我們只有小說,他們必須承認,這些歷史的細節寫在當代的文件,而不是僅僅通過口頭傳播的傳統。此外,霍梅爾( “模具altisraelitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung ” ,第302頁)表明,名單中的名字的圖書數承擔的性質阿拉伯名字公元前第二個千年,可以只在起源時,摩西,但必須承認,案文的某些部分,例如數。 ,十三,受到在其傳播。 We need not remind the reader that numerous Pentateuchal laws and data imply the conditions of a nomadic life of Israel.我們需要提醒讀者,許多Pentateuchal法律和數據意味著條件游牧生活以色列。 Finally, both the author of the Pentateuch and its first readers must have been more familiar with the topography and the social conditions of Egypt and with the Sinaitic peninsula than with the land of Chanaan.最後,作者的五經和它的第一讀者必須是比較熟悉的地形和社會條件的埃及和比Sinaitic半島的土地Chanaan 。 Cf., eg, Deut., viii, 7-10; xi, 10 sqq.比照。 ,例如Deut 。 ,八, 7月10日;十一, 10 sqq 。 These internal characteristics of the Pentateuch have been developed at greater length by Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; Vigouroux, "La Bible et les decouvertes modernes", 6th ed., Paris, 1896, I, 453-80; II, 1-213, 529-47, 586-91; Idem, "Les Livres Saints et la critique rationaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 28-46, 79-99, 122-6; Heyes, "Bibel und Ægypten", Munster, 1904, p.這些內部特徵的摩西五已經制定更詳細的史密斯, “這本書或摩西五經的作者,信譽,文明之光” ,倫敦, 1868年; Vigouroux , “香格里拉聖經與法國decouvertes現代” ,第6版。 ,巴黎, 1896年,我, 453-80 ;二, 1-213 , 529-47 , 586-91 ;同上, “法國和法語圖書聖徒批判rationaliste ” ,巴黎, 1902年,三, 28-46 , 79 - 99 , 122-6 ; Heyes , “聖經和Ægypten ” ,穆斯特, 1904年,第 142; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in histor. Vet. Test. libros", I, Paris, 1887, pp. 142 ; Cornely , “引的特別histor 。獸醫。試驗。 libros ” ,我,巴黎, 1887年,頁。 57-60; Poole, "Ancient Egypt" in "Contemporary Review", March, 1879, pp. 57-60 ;普爾, “古埃及”在“當代評論” , 3月, 1879年,頁。 757-9. 757-9 。

D. ECCLESIASTICAL DECISIONS 4教會決定

In accordance with the voice of the triple argument thus far advanced for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, the Biblical Commission on 27 June, 1906, answered a series of questions concerning this subject in the following way:根據聲音的三重論點迄今先進的馬賽克著作權的五經,聖經委員會關於1906年6月27日,回答了一系列問題,這一問題的方式如下:

(1) The arguments accumulated by the critics to impugn the Mosaic authenticity of the sacred books designated by the name Pentateuch are not of such weight as to give us the right, after setting aside numerous passages of both Testaments taken collectively, the continuous consensus of the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age. ( 1 )論點所積累批評家非難花葉真實性神聖的書籍指定的名稱摩西五沒有這種重量給我們的權利,在撇開許多段落都聖經採取集體,連續共識猶太人民,不斷的傳統,教會,和內部的跡象來自文字本身,以保持這些書籍沒有摩西作為其作者,而且是從來源的最大部分不遲於花葉年齡。

(2) The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch does not necessarily require such a redaction of the whole work as to render it absolutely imperative to maintain that Moses wrote all and everything with his own hand or dictated it to his secretaries; the hypothesis of those can be admitted who believe that he entrusted the composition of the work itself, conceived by him under the influence of Divine inspiration, to others, but in such a way that they were to express faithfully his own thoughts, were to write nothing against his will, were to omit nothing; and that finally the work thus produced should be approved by the same Moses, its principal and inspired author, and published under his name. ( 2 )花葉真實性摩西五並不一定需要這樣的編輯整個工作使其絕對必須保持這一摩西寫道,一切都與他自己的手或支配它,他的秘書;的假設這些可必須承認誰相信他委託組成的工作本身,他所設想的影響下,神聖的靈感,給他人,但以這樣一種方式,他們忠實地表達自己的想法,寫了什麼對他的意志,省略了什麼;和最後的工作應該是這樣生產批准同摩西,其本金和激勵作者和出版他的名字。

(3) It may be granted without prejudice to the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch, that Moses employed sources in the production of his work, ie, written documents or oral traditions, from which he may have drawn a number of things in accordance with the end he had in view and under the influence of Divine inspiration, and inserted them in his work either literally or according to their sense, in an abbreviated or amplified form. ( 3 )可給予不損害花葉真實性摩西五,即摩西受聘來源生產中所做的工作,即書面文件或口頭傳統,他從那裡可以得出一些事情根據為此,他已經考慮和的影響下,神聖的靈感,並插入他們在工作中也確實或根據自己的感覺,在一個縮寫或擴增形式。

(4) The substantial Mosaic authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch remains intact if it be granted that in the long course of centuries the work has suffered several modifications, as; post-Mosaic additions either appended by an inspired author or inserted into the text as glosses and explanations; the translation of certain words and forms out of an antiquated language into the recent form of speech; finally, wrong readings due to the fault of transcribers, which one may investigate and pass sentence on according to the laws of criticism. ( 4 )大量馬賽克真實性和完整性的摩西五不變,如果給予,在長期的世紀工作就經受了好幾次修改,如;後花葉增加或者附加的啟發作者或插入文本掩蓋和解釋;翻譯某些詞和形式的陳舊的語言到最近形式的講話,最後,由於錯誤讀數的過錯謄寫,其中一個調查和判決的法律根據的批評。

The post-Mosaic additions and modifications allowed by the Biblical Commission in the Pentateuch without removing it from the range of substantial integrity and Mosaic authenticity are variously interpreted by Catholic scholars.後花葉補充和修訂所允許的聖經中的摩西五委員會而不刪除它的範圍從大量的完整性和真實性是不同的馬賽克解釋天主教學者。

(1) We should have to understand them in a rather wide sense, if we were to defend the views of von Hummelauer or Vetter. ( 1 )我們應該理解他們在一個相當廣泛的意義上說,如果我們要維護的意見,馮Hummelauer或Vetter 。 This latter writer admits legal and historical documents based on Mosaic tradition, but written only in the times of the Judges; he places the first redaction of the Pentateuch in the time of the erection of Solomon's temple, and its last redaction in the time of Esdras.後者作家承認的法律和歷史文獻的基礎上鑲嵌的傳統,但只寫在他的時代,法官,他的第一個地方的五經編輯的時候,勃起的所羅門聖殿,並在其最後編輯時間埃斯德拉斯。 Vetter died in 1906, the year in which the Biblical Commission issued the above Decree; it is an interesting question, whether and how the scholar would have modified his theory, if time had been granted him to do so. Vetter死於1906年,在這一年中的聖經委員會發表了上述法令,這是一個有趣的問題,是否和如何修改的學者將他的理論,如果時間已給予他這樣做。

(2) A less liberal interpretation of the Decree is implied in the Pentateuchal hypotheses advanced by Hobert ("Moses und der Pentateuch; Die Pentateuch Frage" in "Biblische Studien", X, 4, Freiburg, 1907; "Erklarung des Genesis", 1908, Freiburg, IL), Schopfer (Geschichte des Alten Testamentes, 4th ed., 226 sqq.), Hopfl ("Die hohere Bibelkritik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1906), Brucker ("L'eglise et la critique", Paris, 1907, 103 sqq.), and Selbst (Schuster and Holzammer's "Handbuch zur Biblischen Geschichte", 7th ed., Freiburg, 1910, II, 94, 96). ( 2 )少從寬解釋法令是隱含在Pentateuchal假設先進的Hobert ( “摩西五經之和; Frage模具五經”中的“ Biblische Studien ” ,第十,第4 ,弗賴堡, 1907年; “ Erklarung之起源” 1908年,弗萊堡,白細胞介素) , Schopfer (史老Testamentes ,第4版。 , 226 sqq 。 ) Hopfl ( “模具hohere Bibelkritik ” ,第2版。 ,帕德博恩, 1906 ) , Brucker ( “歐萊雅埃格利斯與香格里拉批判” ,巴黎, 1907年, 103 sqq 。 )和自身( Schuster和Holzammer的“手冊Biblischen史論” ,第七版。 ,弗賴堡, 1910年,二, 94 , 96 ) 。 The last-named writer believes that Moses left a written law-book to which Josue and Samuel added supplementary sections and regulations, while David and Solomon supplied new statutes concerning worship and priesthood, and other kings introduced certain religious reforms, until Esdras promulgated the whole law and made it the basis of Israel's restoration after the Exile.過去命名的作家認為,摩西留下了書面法律書籍的若蘇埃和Samuel補充和規章的補充部分,而大衛和所羅門提供新的章程和有關禮拜牧師和其他國王介紹了某些宗教的改革,直到整個埃斯德拉斯頒布法律並使其根據以色列的恢復後,流亡國外。 Our present Pentateuch is, therefore, an Esdrine edition of the work.我們目前的五經,因此,一個Esdrine版的工作。 Dr. Selbst feels convinced that his admission of both textual changes and material additions in the Pentateuch agrees with the law of historical development and with the results of literary criticism.博士自我感覺相信,他承認這兩個文本的修改和補充材料中的五經同意的法律和歷史發展的結果,文學批評。 Historical development adapts laws and regulations to the religious, civil, and social conditions of successive ages, while literary criticism discovers in our actual Pentateuch peculiarities of words and phrases which can hardly have been original, and also historical additions or notices, legal modifications, and signs of more recent administration of justice and of later forms of worship.適應歷史發展的法律和規章的宗教,民間,社會條件的歷屆年齡,而文學批評發現在我們的實際摩西五特點的單詞和詞組難以被原始,也是歷史上增加或通知,法律的修改,和最近的跡象,司法行政和後來形式的崇拜。 But Dr. Selbst believes that these peculiarities do not offer a sufficient basis for a distinction of different sources in the Pentateuch.但醫生認為,這些自身的特點沒有提供足夠的基礎,區分不同來源的摩西五。

(3) A strict interpretation of the words of the Decree is implied in the views of Kaulen (Einleitung, n. 193 sqq.), Key ("Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte un ihre System", Munster, 1903), Flunk (Kirchenlexicon, IX, 1782 sqq.), and Mangenot ("L'authenticite mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1907; Idem, "Dict. de la Bible", V, 50-119. With the exception of those portions that belong to the time after the death of Moses, and of certain accidental changes of the text due to transcribers, the whole of the Pentateuch is the work of Moses who composed the work in one of the ways suggested by the Biblical Commission. Finally, there is the question as the theological certainty of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch. ( 3 )嚴格解釋的話是暗示的法令的意見Kaulen (導論,北路193 sqq 。 ) ,關鍵詞( “模具Pentateuchfrage , ihre史聯合國ihre系統” ,明斯特, 1903年) ,失敗( Kirchenlexicon ,九, 1782年sqq 。 )和Mangenot ( “歐萊雅authenticite mosaique杜Pentateuque ” ,巴黎, 1907年;同上, “快譯通。德拉薩聖經” ,五, 50-119 。除部分屬於時間去世後摩西,以及某些意外更改的文字,由於謄寫,整個摩西五是工作的組成摩西誰的工作方法之一聖經所建議的委員會。最後,還有一個問題作為神學確定性論文保持花葉真實性摩西五。

(1) Certain Catholic scholars who wrote between 1887 and 1906 expressed their opinion that the thesis in question is not revealed in Scripture nor taught by the Church; that it expresses a truth not contained in Revelation, but a tenet which may be freely contested and discussed. ( 1 )某些天主教學者誰寫的1887年和1906年表示,他們認為,論文中的問題是,沒有發現在聖經也不教教堂,它表達了真理中不包含的啟示,而是一個宗旨可以自由爭論和討論。 At that time, ecclesiastical authority had issued no pronouncement on the question.在那個時候,教會當局沒有發出聲明問題上。

(2) Other writers grant that the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is not explicitly revealed, but they consider it as a truth revealed formally implicitly, being derived from the revealed formulae not by a syllogism in the strict sense of the word, but by a simple explanation of the terms. ( 2 )其他作者給予的馬賽克真實性摩西五是沒有明確透露,但他們認為這是一個事實表明正式含蓄,被來自顯示公式不是一個三段論在嚴格意義上的文字,但由簡單的解釋條款。 The denial of the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is an error, and the contradictory of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is considered erronea in fide (cf. Mechineau, "L'origine mosaique du Pentateuque", p. 34).剝奪花葉真實性摩西五是一個錯誤,而且矛盾的命題保持花葉真實性摩西五是erronea在真誠(參見Mechineau , “歐萊雅起源mosaique杜Pentateuque ” ,第34頁) 。

(3) A third class of scholars considers the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch neither as a freely debatable tenet, nor as a truth formally implicitly revealed; they believe it has been virtually revealed, or that it is inferred from revealed truth by truly syllogistic deduction. ( 3 )第三類學者認為,花葉真實性摩西五既不作為一個有爭議的自由的宗旨,也作為一個真相正式含蓄地表明,他們認為它實際上已被發現,或者說這是推斷揭示真理的真正三段論扣除。 It is, therefore, a theologically certain truth, and its contradictory is a rash (temeraria) or even erroneous proposition (cf. Brucker, "Authenticite des livres de Moise" in "Etudes", March, 1888, p. 327; ibid., January, 1897, p. 122-3; Mangenot, "L'authenticité mosaïque du Pentateuque", pp. 267-310.因此,一個神學某些事實,其矛盾的是皮疹( temeraria ) ,甚至錯誤的主張(見Brucker , “ Authenticite萬里弗日莫伊茲”中的“練習曲” , 3月, 1888年,第327頁;同上。 1月, 1897年,第122-3 ; Mangenot , “歐萊雅authenticité mosaïque杜Pentateuque ” ,頁。 267-310 。

Whatever effect the ecclesiastical decision concerning the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch may have had, or will have, on the opinion of students of the Pentateuchal question, it cannot be said to have occasioned the conservative attitude of scholars who wrote before the promulgation of the Decree.無論教會決定作用的馬賽克真實性摩西五可能有或將有的意見,學生的Pentateuchal問題,不能說已經引起了保守態度的學者誰寫之前頒布的法令。 The following list contains the names of the principal recent defenders of Mosaic authenticity: Hengstenberg, "Die Bucher Moses und Aegypten", Berlin, 1841; Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; C. Schobel, "Demonstration de l'authenticite du Deuteronome", Paris, 1868; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique de l'Exode", Paris, 1871; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique du Levitique et des Nombres", Paris, 1869; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite de la Genese", Paris, 1872; Idem, "Le Moise historique et la redaction mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1875; Knabenbauer, "Der Pentateuch und die unglaubige Bibelkritik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1873, IV; Bredenkamp, "Gesetz und Propheten", Erlangen, 1881; Green, "Moses and the Prophets", New York, 1883; Idem, "The Hebrew Feasts", New York, 1885; Idem, "The Pentateuchal Question" in "Hebraica", 1889-92; Idem, "The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch", New York, 1895; Idem, "The Unity of the Book of Genesis", New York, 1895; C. Elliot, "Vindication of the Mosaic Authorship of the Pentateuch", Cincinnati, 1884; Bissel, "The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure", New York, 1885; Ubaldi, "Introductio in Sacram Scripturam", 2nd ed., Rome, 1882, I, 452- 509; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in historicos VT libros", Paris, 1887, pp.下面的列表包含的姓名,最近的主要捍衛者的馬賽克真實性:亨斯, “模具與Aegypten布赫爾摩西” ,柏林, 1841年;史密斯, “這本書或摩西五經的作者,信譽,文明之光” ,倫敦, 1868 ;角Schobel , “示範法國authenticite杜Deuteronome ” ,巴黎, 1868年;同上, “示範法國authenticite mosaique法國Exode ” ,巴黎, 1871年;同上, “示範法國authenticite mosaique杜Levitique等沙漠Nombres “ ,巴黎, 1869年;同上, ”示範法國authenticite德拉薩Genese “ ,巴黎, 1872年;同上, ”樂莫伊茲歷史等香格里拉編輯mosaique杜Pentateuque “ ,巴黎, 1875年; Knabenbauer , ”明鏡摩西五與死亡unglaubige Bibelkritik “中的” Stimmen澳大利亞瑪麗亞Laach “ , 1873年,第四;登坎普”法則與Propheten “埃爾蘭根, 1881年;綠色, ”摩西和先知“ ,紐約州, 1883年;同上, ”希伯來節日“ ,紐約, 1885年;同上, ”該Pentateuchal提問“ , ” Hebraica “ , 1889年至1892年;同上, ”上批評五經“ ,紐約, 1895年;同上, ”團結的創世記“ ,紐約, 1895年;角艾略特, “報復的馬賽克著作權的五經” ,辛辛那提, 1884年; Bissel說: “摩西五,其來源和結構” ,紐約, 1885年; Ubaldi , “引Sacram Scripturam ” ,第2版。 ,羅馬, 1882年,我, 452 - 509 ; Cornely , “引historicos特別在佛蒙特州libros ” ,巴黎, 1887年,頁。 19-160; Vos, "Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes", London, 1886; Bohl, "Zum Gesetz und zum Zeugniss", Vienna, 1883; Zah, "Erneste Blicke in den Wahn der modernen Kritik des AT", Gutersloh, 1893; Idem, "Das Deuteronomium", 1890; Idem, "Israelitische und judische Geschichte", 1895; Rupprecht, "Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhausens vom Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893; Idem, "Das Rathsel des Funfbuches Mose und seine falsche Losung", Gutersloh, 1894; Idem, "Des Rathsels Losung order Beitrage zur richtigen Losung des Pentateuchrathsels", 1897; Idem, "Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht", 1897; "Lex Mosaica, or the Law of Moses and the Higher Criticism" (by Sayce, Rawlinson, Trench, Lias, Wace, etc.), London, 1894; Card. 19-160 ;沃斯, “馬賽克起源Pentateuchal守則” ,倫敦, 1886年;博爾, “ Zum法則與zum Zeugniss ” ,維也納, 1883年; Zah , “ Erneste Blicke在2007 Wahn現代批判之在” ,居特斯洛, 1893年;同上, “達斯Deuteronomium ” , 1890年;同上, “ Israelitische與judische史” , 1895年;魯普雷希特, “模具之kritischen直觀學派Wellhausens論五經” ,萊比錫, 1893年;同上, “達斯Rathsel萬Funfbuches摩西和他的falsche Losung “ ,居特斯洛, 1894年;同上, ”輔Rathsels Losung秩序Beitrage楚richtigen Losung萬Pentateuchrathsels “ , 1897年;同上, ”模具批判nach ihrem法uknd不法“ , 1897年; ”的Lex Mosaica ,或摩西律法和更高批判“ (由Sayce ,羅林森,麟趾,黑侏羅統, Wace ,等等) ,倫敦, 1894年;卡。 Meignan, "De L'Eden a Moise", Paris, 1895, 1-88; Baxter, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice", London, 1896; Abbé de Broglie, "Questions bibliques", Paris, 1897, pp. Meignan , “法國伊甸園1莫伊茲” ,巴黎, 1895年1-88 ;巴克斯特的“庇護和犧牲” ,倫敦, 1896年;布沙尼德布羅意, “問題bibliques ” ,巴黎, 1897年,頁。 89-169; Pelt, "Histoire de l'AT", 3rd ed., Paris, 1901, I, pp. 89-169 ;佩爾特, “法國史的” ,第3版。 ,巴黎, 1901年,我頁。 291-326; Vigouroux, "Les Livres Saints et la critique ratioinaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 1-226; IV, 239-53, 405-15; Idem, "Manuel biblique", 12th ed., Paris, 1906, I, 397-478; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Systeme", Munster, 1903; Hopfl, "Die hohere Bibelkritik", Paderborn, 1902; Thomas, "The Organic Unity of the Pentateuch", London, 1904; Wiener, "Studies in Biblical Law", London, 1904; Rouse, "The Old Testament in New Testament Light", London, 1905; Redpath, "Modern Criticism and the Book of Genesis", London, 1905; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Freiburg, 1905; Orr, "The Problem of the Old Testament considered with reference to Recent Criticism", London, 1906. 291-326 ; Vigouroux , “法國圖書聖徒等批判ratioinaliste香格里拉” ,巴黎, 1902年,三, 1-226 ;四, 239-53 , 405-15 ;同上, “曼努埃爾biblique ” ,第12版。 ,巴黎, 1906年,我, 397-478 ; Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage , ihre歷史與ihre制” ,明斯特, 1903 ; Hopfl , “模具hohere Bibelkritik ” ,帕德博恩, 1902年;托馬斯“的有機統一的五經” ,倫敦, 1904年;維納, “聖經研究法” ,倫敦, 1904年;勞斯, “舊約中新約全書光” ,倫敦, 1905年;雷德帕思, “現代的批判和創世記” ,倫敦, 1905年;霍貝格, “摩西與德國五經“ ,弗賴堡, 1905年;奧爾,他說: ”問題舊約審議提到最近批評“ ,倫敦, 1906年。

E. OPPONENTS OF THE MOSAIC AUTHORSHIP OF THE PENTATEUCH體育反對者鑲嵌著作權的摩西五

A detailed account of the opposition to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is neither desirable nor necessary in this article.詳細介紹了反對花葉著作權的摩西五既不可取,也不需要在這一條。 In itself it would form only a noisome history of human errors; each little system has had its day, and its successors have tried their best to bury it in hushed oblivion.它本身只是一個形式有礙人類歷史錯誤;每個小系統也有一天,它的繼任者已經盡力埋葬在寂靜遺忘。 The actual difficulties we have to consider are those advanced by our actual opponents of today; only the fact that the systems of the past show us the fleeting and transitory character of the actual theories now in vogue can induce us to briefly enumerate the successive views upheld by the opponents of the Mosaic authorship.的實際困難,我們必須要考慮的是通過我們的實際先進反對者今天,只有這樣一個事實,即系統過去查看我們的短暫和過渡性質的實際現在流行的理論能誘導我們簡要列舉堅持連續意見由反對花葉作者。

(1) Abandoned Theories ( 1 )被遺棄的理論

The views advanced by the Valentinian Ptolemy, the Nazarites, Abenesra, Carlstadt, Isaac Peyrerius, Baruch Spinoza, Jean Leclerc are sporadic phenomena. Not all of them were wholly incompatible with the Mosaic authorship as now understood, and the others have found their answer in their own time.-With the work of John Astrue, published in 1753, began the so-called Hypothesis of Documents which was further developed by Eichhorn and Ilgen.該意見提出瓦倫蒂安托勒密的Nazarites , Abenesra , Carlstadt ,艾薩克Peyrerius ,巴魯克斯賓諾莎,讓勒克萊爾是零星的現象。不是所有的人完全不符合著作權的馬賽克像現在的理解,和其他人發現自己的答案自己time. ,隨著工作的約翰Astrue ,發表於1753年,開始了所謂的假說文件進一步發展了艾希霍恩和Ilgen 。 But the works of the suspended priest, Alexander Geddes, published in 1792 and 1800, introduced the Hypothesis of Fragments, which in its day was elaborated and championed by Vater, de Wette (temporarily at least), Berthold, Hartmann, and von Bohlen.但是,工程暫停神父,亞歷山大格迪斯,出版於1792年和1800年,介紹了假設的碎片,這一天是在其制定並倡導壺腹部,日Wette (至少暫時) ,貝特霍爾德,哈特曼和馮波倫。 This theory was soon confronted by, and had to yield to the Hypothesis of Complements or Interpolations which numbered among its patrons Kelle, Ewald, Stahelin, Bleek, Tuch, de Wette, von Lengerke, and for a brief period also Franz Delitzsch.這一理論很快就面臨著,並已取得的假說補或插值其中編號之間的顧客凱萊,埃瓦爾德,斯斯塔埃林, Bleek , Tuch ,日Wette ,馮Lengerke ,和一個短暫的時期內還弗蘭茲德里。 The theory of interpolations again had hardly found any adherents before Gramberg (1828), Stahelin (1830), and Bleek (1831) returned to the Hypothesis of Documents, proposing it in a somewhat modified form.插值理論的再次幾乎沒有發現任何信徒面前Gramberg ( 1828 ) ,斯斯塔埃林( 1830 ) ,和Bleek ( 1831年)返回假設的文件,提出它在一種經略加修改的形式。 Subsequently, Ewald, Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, and Schrader advanced each a different explanation of the documentary hypothesis.隨後,埃瓦爾德,克諾貝爾,霍普菲, Noldeke和施拉德先進的每一個不同的解釋紀錄片假說。 But all of these are at present only of an historical interest.但是,所有這些都是目前唯一的一個歷史的興趣。

(2) Present Hypothesis of Documents ( 2 )現假設文件

A course of religious development in Israel had been proposed by Reuss in 1830 and 1834, by Vatke in 1835, and by George in the same year.課程在以色列的宗教發展提出了Reuss在1830年和1834年,由Vatke於1835年,和喬治在同一年。 In 1865-66 Graf took up this idea and applied it to the literary criticism of the Hexateuch; for the critics had begun to consider the Book of Josue as belonging to the preceding five books, so that the collection formed a Hexateuch instead of a Pentateuch. The same application was made by Merx in 1869.格拉夫在1865年至1866年了這一想法,並適用於它的文學批評的Hexateuch ;的批評已開始考慮書若蘇埃屬於前5本書,以便收集形成了Hexateuch ,而不是摩西五。同一申請是由Merx於1869年。 Thus modified the documentary theory continued in its development until it reached the state described in the translation of the Bible by Kautzsch (3rd ed., with Introduction and Annotations, Tübingen, 1908 sqq.).因此,修改的文件在其理論繼續發展,直至達到國家中所描述的翻譯聖經的Kautzsch (第3版。 ,以介紹和說明,圖賓根, 1908年sqq 。 ) 。 In itself there is nothing against the assumption of documents written by Moses; but we cannot ascribe with certainty anything of our literary remains to the hands of the Hebrew lawgiver.這本身沒有什麼危害擔任撰寫的文件摩西;但我們不能歸咎於任何肯定我們的文學仍然掌握在希伯萊立法者。 The beginning of written accounts must be placed towards the end of the time of Judges; only then were fulfilled the conditions which must precede the origin of a literature properly so called, ie, a general acquaintance with the art of writing and reading, stationary settlement of the people, and national prosperity.年初書面帳目必須放置在接近年底時法官的時間才得到滿足的條件,必須先來源的文學所謂正確,即一般熟人與藝術的書寫和閱讀,平穩解決人民和國家的繁榮。 What then are the oldest literary remains of the Hebrews?那麼什麼是最古老的文學仍然希伯來書? They are the collections of the songs dating from the heroic time of the nation, eg, the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21:14), the Book of the Just (Joshua 10:12 sqq.), the Book of Songs (1 Kings 8:53; cf. Budde, "Geschichte der althebr. Literature", Leipzig, 1906, 17).他們收藏的歌曲約會時間從英雄的民族,如圖書的戰爭勳爵(民數記21:14 ) ,這本書的正義(約書亞10:12 sqq 。 ) ,這本書的首歌曲(列王紀上8點53分;比照。布德, “史althebr 。文學” ,萊比錫, 1906年, 17歲) 。 The Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20:24-23:19) too must have existed before the other sources of the Pentateuch. The oldest historical work is probably the book of the Yahwist, designated by J, and ascribed to the priesthood of Juda, belonging most probably to the ninth century BC圖書盟約(出20:24-23:19 )也必須有之前就存在的其他來源的摩西五。最古老歷史的工作,可能是本書的Yahwist指定的J和歸因於鐸的猶大,屬於最有可能在公元前9世紀

Akin to this is the Elohim document, designated by E, and written probably in the northern kingdom (Ephraim) about a century after the production of the Yahweh document.類似於這是耶洛因文件,指定的E和書面可能是在英國北部(埃弗拉伊姆)約在一個多世紀後的生產耶和華文件。 These two sources were combined by a redactor into one work soon after the middle of the sixth century.這兩個來源所合併成一個工作redactor後不久,中東第六世紀。 Next follows the law-book, almost entirely embodied in our actual Book of Deuteronomy, discovered in the temple 621 BC, and containing the precipitate of the prophetic teaching which advocated the abolition of the sacrifices in the so- called high places and the centralization of worship in the temple of Jerusalem.下一步如下法律書籍,幾乎完全體現在我們的實際書申命記,發現了公元前621廟,並載有沉澱的預言教學主張廢除犧牲在所謂的高的地方和集中禮拜寺耶路撒冷。 During the Exile originated the Priestly Code, P, based on the so-called law of holiness, Lev., xvii-xxvi, and the programme of Ezechiel, xl-xlviii; the substance of P was read before the post-exilic community by Esdras about 444 BC (Nehemiah 8-10), and was accepted by the multitude.在流亡的祭司碼起源,磷的基礎上,所謂的法律的聖德,列夫。 ,十七,二十六,該方案的Ezechiel ,儀-四十八;的P物質前宣讀後放逐社會公元前約444埃斯德拉斯(尼希米記8月10日) ,並接受了眾多。 History does not tell us when and how these divers historical and legal sources were combined into our present Pentateuch; but it is generally assumed that there was an urgent call for a compilation of the tradition and pre-exilic history of the people.歷史上並沒有告訴我們何時和如何這些潛水員的歷史和法律的來源合併為我們目前的五經,但人們普遍認為,迫切要求彙編傳統和前放逐人民歷史。 The only indication of time may be found in the fact that the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch as a sacred book probably in the fourth century BC Considering their hatred for the Jews, one must conclude that they would not have taken this step, unless they had felt certain of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.唯一顯示時間可能會發現這樣一個事實,即撒瑪利亞接受了摩西五書作為一項神聖的可能是在公元前四世紀的考慮他們的仇恨猶太人,我們必須得出結論,他們就不會採取這一步驟,除非他們認為某些馬賽克起源摩西五。 Hence a considerable time must have intervened between the compilation of the Pentateuch and its acceptance by the Samaritans, so that the work of combining must be placed in the fifth century.因此,在相當一段時期內必須進行干預之間的彙編摩西五和接受撒瑪利亞,這樣結合起來的工作必須放置在五世紀。 It is quite generally agreed that the last redactor of the Pentateuch completed his task with great adroitness.這是很普遍認為,在過去的五經redactor完成他的任務十分精明。 Without altering the text of the older sources, he did all within man's power to fuse the heterogeneous elements into one apparent (?) whole, with such success that not only the Jews after the fourth century BC, but also the Christians for many centuries could maintain their conviction that the entire Pentateuch was written by Moses.在不改變舊的案文的來源,但他所有的人的權力,融合成一個異質因素明顯( ? )整體而言,這種成功,不僅對猶太人在公元前四世紀,而且為許多世紀基督徒可能保持它們的信念,即整個五經的作者是摩西。

(3) Deficiencies of the Critical Hypothesis ( 3 )有缺陷的關鍵假設

As several Pentateuchal critics have endeavoured to assign the last redaction of the Pentateuch to more recent dates, its placement in the fifth century may be regarded as rather favourable to conservative views.正如一些批評者一直在努力Pentateuchal指派最後編輯的摩西五,以更近的日期,其位置在第五世紀可能會被視為相當有利的保守觀點。 But it is hard to understand why the patrons of this opinion should not agree in considering Esdras as the last editor. Again, it is quite certain that the last editor of the Pentateuch must have notably preceded its acceptance on the part of the Samaritans as a sacred book; bit is it probably that the Samaritans would have accepted the Pentateuch as such in the fourth century BC, when the national and religious opposition between them and Jews was well developed?再次,這是很肯定地說,最後的編輯特別是摩西五之前必須接受的一部分撒瑪利亞為一個神聖的書籍;位是它可能是撒瑪利亞會接受了摩西五等在公元前四世紀,在民族和宗教對立,他們和猶太人已經十分發達? Is it not more probable that the mixed nation of Samaria received the Pentateuch through the priest sent to them from Assyria?這難道不是更可能是混合的國家薩馬利亞收到摩西五通過神父向他們發送從亞述? Cf.比照。 2 Kings 17:27.列王紀下17時27分。 Or again, as this priest instructed the Samaritan population in the law of the god of the country, is it not reasonable to suppose that he taught them the Pentateuchal law which the ten tribes carried with them when they separated from Juda?或再次,因為這神父指示撒瑪利亞人口的法律,上帝的國,是不是合理的假設,他教他們Pentateuchal法律進行的10個部落與他們分開時,猶大? At any rate, the fact that the Samaritans accepted as sacred only the Pentateuch, but not the Prophets, leads us to infer that the Pentateuch existed among the Jews before a collection of the prophetic writings was made, and that Samaria chose its sacred book before even Juda placed the works of the Prophets on the same level with the work of Moses.無論如何,這樣一個事實,即撒瑪利亞接納為神聖只有五經,但不是先知,使我們推斷,摩西五猶太人之間存在之前收集的預言著作寫了,而且薩馬利亞選擇其聖書之前甚至猶大放在工作的先知在同一水平上的工作,摩西。 But this natural inference finds no favour among the critics; for it implies that the historical and legal traditions codified in the Pentateuch, described the beginning, and not the end, of Israel's religious development.但是,這自然推理認為,沒有贊成的批評,因為它意味著,歷史和法律傳統中的摩西五編,介紹了剛剛開始,不是結束,以色列的宗教發展。 The view of Israel's religious development prevalent among the critics implies that the Pentateuch is later than the Prophets, and that the Psalms are later than both.以色列認為的宗教發展中普遍存在的批評意味著摩西五晚於先知,而且詩篇是不遲於兩個。 After these general considerations, we shall briefly examine the main principles, the methods, the results, and the arguments of the critical theory.在這些一般性的考慮,我們將簡要地審查的主要原則,方法,結果和論點的批判理論。

(a) Principles of the Critics (一)原則批評

Without pretending to review all the principles involved in the theories of the critics, we draw attention to two: the historical development of religion, and the comparative value of internal evidence and tradition.沒有假裝審查所有參與的原則理論的批評,我們提請大家注意兩個:歷史發展的宗教,和相對值的內部證據和傳統。

(i) The theory of the historical evolution of Israelitic religions leads us from Mosaic Yahwehism to the ethical monotheism of the Prophets, from this to the universalist conception of God developed during the Exile, and from this again to the ossified Phariseeism of later days. (一)理論的歷史演變Israelitic宗教使我們從花葉Yahwehism的道德一神教的先知,從這一概念的普遍性上帝流亡期間制定,並從這個再次僵化Phariseeism後來天。 This religion of the Jews is codified in our actual Pentateuch, but has been fictitiously projected backwards in the historical books into the Mosaic and pre-prophetic times. The idea of development is not a purely modern discovery.這一宗教的猶太人是編纂在我們的實際摩西五,但一直fictitiously預計倒退的歷史書籍的花葉和前預言次。發展的想法是不是一個純粹的現代發現。 Meyer ("Der Entwicklungsgedanke bei Aristoteles", Bonn, 1909) shows that Aristotle was acquainted with it; Gunkel ("Weiterbildung der Religion", Munich, 1905, 64) maintains that its application to religion is as old as Christianity, and that St.邁耶( “明鏡Entwicklungsgedanke北亞里士多德” ,波恩, 1909 )表明,亞里士多德是熟悉它;貢克爾( “ Weiterbildung之宗教” ,慕尼黑, 1905年, 64歲)堅持認為,它適用於宗教一樣古老基督教,和意法半導體。 Paul has enunciated this principle; Diestel ("Geschichte des AT in der chrislichen Kirche", Jena, 1869, 56 sqq.), Willmann ("Geschichte des Idealismus", 2nd ed., II, 23 sqq.), and Schanz ("Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People.保羅已經闡明了這一原則; Diestel ( “史中的chrislichen在教堂” ,耶拿, 1869年, 56 sqq 。 ) ,維爾曼( “史唯心主義” ,第2版。 ,二, 23 sqq 。 )和坎茲( “辯護萬基督教“ ,第3版。二, 4 sqq 。 , 376 )找到同一申請的著作中的父親,但霍貝格( ”模具Forschritte之bibl 。學問“ ,弗賴堡, 1902年, 10 )贈款教父作家往往忽視了外部形式的思想影響的選民。 The Fathers were not fully acquainted with profane history, and were more concerned about the contents of Revelation than about its historical development.父親沒有完全熟悉褻瀆歷史,並更關注啟示的內容比其歷史發展。 Pesch ("Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtliche Thatsachen" in "Theol. Zeitfragen", IV, Freiburg, 1908, 183) discovers that St. Thomas, too, admits the principle of development in his "Summa" (II-II, Q. i, a. 9, 10; Q. ii, a. 3; etc.).佩施( “信仰, Dogmen與geschichtliche Thatsachen ”中的“ Theol 。 Zeitfragen ” ,四,弗賴堡, 1908年, 183 )發現,聖托馬斯也承認,發展的原則,在他的“神學” (二,二,問:我答: 9日, 10日;問:二A 3 ;等等) 。 But the Catholic conception of this principle avoids two extremes:但是,天主教的概念這一原則避免兩個極端:

the theory of degeneracy, based on the teaching of the early Lutheran theologians (cf. Giesebrecht, "Die Degradationshypothese und die altl. Geschichte", Leipzig, 1905; Steude, "Entwicklung und Offenbarung", Stuttgart, 1905, 18 sqq.);簡的理論基礎上,教學中的早期路德神學(參見Giesebrecht , “模具Degradationshypothese與模具altl 。史” ,萊比錫, 1905年; Steude , “ Entwicklung與啟示” ,斯圖加特, 1905年, 18 sqq 。 ) ;

the theory of evolution which dissolves all truth and history into purely natural development to the exclusion of everything supernatural.理論的演變溶解一切的真理和歷史到純粹的自然的發展,排除一切超自然。

It is this latter extreme that is advocated by the Biblical critics.正是這種極端後者是聖經所主張的批評。 Their description of the early religion of Israel is contradicted by the testimony of the oldest Prophets whose authority is not questioned by them.他們描述了早期宗教的以色列是矛盾的證詞,最古老的預言,其權威是不能質疑他們。 These inspired seers know of the fall of Adam (Hosea 6:7), the call of Abraham (Isaiah 29:23; Micah 7:20), the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha (Hosea 11:8; Isaiah 1:9; Amos 4:11), the history of Jacob and his struggle with the angel (Hosea 12:2 sqq.), Israel's exodus from Egypt and dwelling in the desert (Hosea 2:14; 7:16; 11:1; 12:9, 13; 13:4, 5; Amos 2:10; 3:1; 9:7), the activity of Moses (Hosea 12:13; Micah 6:4; Isaiah 63:11-12), a written legislation (Hosea 8:12), and a number of particular statutes (cf. Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, 223 sqq.). Again, the theory of development is more and more contradicted by the results of historical investigation.這些靈感的預言家知道秋天亞當(何西阿6點07 ) ,要求亞伯拉罕(以賽亞書29:23 ;米卡7時20分) ,銷毀所多瑪和Gomorrha (何西阿11時08 ;以賽亞1點09 ;阿莫斯納曼4時11分) ,歷史上的雅各布和他的鬥爭與天使(何西阿12:2 sqq 。 ) ,以色列的流亡埃及和居住在沙漠中(何西阿2時14 ; 7時16分; 11時零一分; 12時09分, 13人; 13時04分, 5個;阿莫斯納曼2時10 ; 3:1 ; 9時07分) ,活動的摩西(何西阿12:13 ;米卡六點04 ;以賽亞書63:11-12 ) ,書面立法(何西阿八時12分) ,以及一些特別的章程(見Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage ” ,明斯特, 1903年, 223 sqq 。 ) 。同樣,理論的發展是越來越多的矛盾的結果,歷史調查。 Weber ("Theologie und Assyriologie im Streit um Babel und Bibel", Leipzig, 1904, 17) points out that the recent historical results imply decadence rather than development in ancient oriental art, science, and religion; Winckler ("Religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl. Orient", Leipzig, 1906, 33) considers the evolutionary view of the primitive state of man as false, and believes that the development theory has, at least, been badly shaken, if not actually destroyed by recent Oriental research (cf. Bantsch, "Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monothesismus", Tübingen, 1906).韋伯( “神學與Assyriologie即時通訊漫嗯巴貝爾和聖經” ,萊比錫, 1904年, 17歲)指出,最近的歷史結果意味著頹廢,而不是發展的古代東方藝術,科學和宗教; Winckler ( “ Religionsgeschichtler與geschichtl 。東方“ ,萊比錫, 1906年, 33歲)認為,進化觀點,原始狀態的男子為false ,並認為,發展理論,至少被嚴重動搖,如果不是實際上摧毀了最近東方研究(參見Bantsch ” Altorientalischer與israelitischer Monothesismus “ ,圖賓根, 1906年) 。 Köberle ("Die Theologie der Gegenwart", Leipzig, 1907, I, 2) says that the development theory has exhausted itself, reproducing only the thoughts of Wellhausen, and deciding particular questions not in the light of facts, but according to the postulates of the theory. Köberle ( “模具之當代神學” ,萊比錫, 1907年,一,二)說,發展理論已用盡本身,音響唯一的想法豪森,並決定具體問題沒有根據的事實,但根據假設的這一理論。 Finally, even the rationalistic writers have thought it necessary to replace the development theory by another more in agreement with historical facts.最後,即使是理性的作家都認為有必要,以取代發展理論的另一種更符合歷史事實。 Hence Winckler ("Ex Oriente lux", Leipzig, 1905- 6; Idem, "Der Alte Orient", III, 2-3; Idem, "Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit" in "Wissenschaft und Bildung", Leipzig, 1907; cf. Landersdorfer in "Historisch-Politische Blatter", 1909, 144) has originated the theory of pan-Babelism according to which Biblical religion is conceived as a conscious and express reaction against the Babylonian polytheistic state religion.因此Winckler ( “惠東方勒克斯” ,萊比錫, 1905年- 6 ;同上, “明鏡老東方” ,三, 2月3日;同上, “模具babylonische Geisteskultur在ihren Beziehungen楚Kulturentwicklung之Menschheit ”中的“科學與修養” ,萊比錫, 1907年;比照。 Landersdorfer在“歷史,政治的布拉特” , 1909年, 144 )源於理論的泛Babelism其中聖經宗教被認為是有意識的反應,並表示對巴比倫多神教國教。 It was not the common property of Israel, but of a religious sect which was supported in Babylon by certain monotheistic circles irrespective of nationality.這不是共同財產,以色列,而是一個教派對此表示支持在巴比倫的某些一神教界無論其國籍如何。 This theory has found powerful opponents in Budde, Stade, Bezold, Köberle, Kugler, Wilke, and others; but it has also a number of adherents.這一理論已經發現強大對手的布德,體育場, Bezold , Köberle ,庫格勒,維爾克等;但也有不少信徒。 Though wholly untenable from a Christian point of view, it shows at least the weakness of the historical development theory.雖然完全站不住腳從基督教的觀點來看,這表明至少薄弱的歷史發展理論。

(ii) Another principle involved in the critical theory of the Pentateuch supposes that the internal evidence of literary criticism is of higher value than the evidence of tradition. (二)另一個原則參與批判理論的摩西五假設的內部證據的文學批評具有較高的價值比傳統的證據。 But thus far the results of excavations and historical research have been favourable to tradition rather than to internal evidence.但迄今發掘的成果和歷史的研究已經有利於傳統,而不是內部的證據。 Let the reader only remember the case of Troy, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Orchomenos (in Greece); the excavations of the English explorer Evans in Crete have shown the historical character of King Minos and his labyrinth; Assyrian inscriptions have re-established the historical credit of King Midas of Phrygia; similarly, Menes of Thebes and Sargon of Agade have been shown to belong to history; in general, the more accurate have been the scientific investigations, the more clearly have they shown the reliability of even the most slender traditions.讓讀者只記得特洛伊的情況下,梯林斯,邁錫尼和奧爾霍邁諾斯(希臘) ;挖掘英語總管埃文斯在克里特表明,歷史特點和他的國王米諾斯迷宮;亞述銘文重新建立的歷史信貸的國王邁達斯的Phrygia ;同樣,美尼斯底比斯和薩爾貢的Agade已被證明屬於歷史,總體而言,更準確的科學已調查,更清楚地表明,他們的可靠性,即使是最微弱的傳統。 In the field of New-Testament criticism the call "back to tradition" has begun to be heeded, and has been endorsed by such authorities as Harnack and Deissmann.領域中的新舊約批評呼籲“回到傳統”已開始得到重視,並已通過這種當局哈爾納克和Deissmann 。 In the study of the Old Testament too there are unmistakable signs of a coming change.在這項研究中舊約也有明確的跡象表明,未來的變化。 Hommel ("Die altisrealitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", Munich, 1897) maintains that Old- Testament tradition, both as a whole and in its details, proves to be reliable, even in the light of critical research.霍梅爾( “模具altisrealitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung ” ,慕尼黑, 1897 )堅持認為,舊全書傳統,無論作為一個整體,在其詳細信息,被證明是可靠的,即使在光線的關鍵研究。 Meyer ("Die Entstehung des Judentums", Halle, 1896) comes to the conclusion that the foundations of the critical Pentateuchal theory are destroyed, if it can be proved that even part of the impugned Hebrew tradition is reliable; the same writer proves the credibility of the sources of the Books of Esdras (cf. "Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orientes", Munich, 1904, 167 sqq.).邁耶( “模具Entstehung萬Judentums ” ,哈雷, 1896年)得出結論的基礎的關鍵Pentateuchal理論被銷毀,如果能夠證明,即使部分指責希伯來傳統是可靠的;同一作家的信譽證明的來源的書埃斯德拉斯(參見“ Grundriss德國地理學與史老Orientes ” ,慕尼黑, 1904年, 167 sqq 。 ) 。 SA Fries has been led by his critical studies, and without being influenced by dogmatic bias, to accept the whole traditional view of the history of Israel.公司薯條一直由他的批判性研究,並沒有受到教條偏見,接受傳統觀點整個以色列歷史上。 Cornill and Oettli express the conviction that Israel's traditions concerning even its earliest history are reliable and will withstand the bitterest attacks of criticism; Dawson (cf. Fonck, "Kritik und Tradition im AT" in "Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie", 1899, 262-81) and others apply to tradition the old principle which has been so frequently misapplied, "magna est veritas, et praevalebit"; Gunkel ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, Tübingen, 1906, 8) grants that Old-Testament criticism has gone a little too far, and that many Biblical traditions now rejected will be re-established. Cornill和歐特列表示相信,以色列的傳統,其最早的關於歷史甚至是可靠的和能夠承受預定的激烈攻擊批評;道森(參見Fonck , “批判與傳統即時在”中“雜誌天主教神學” , 1899年, 262 - 81 )和其他適用於傳統的舊的原則,已經經常誤用, “大預測船級社等praevalebit ” ;貢克爾( “ Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher ” ,二,圖賓根, 1906年, 8 )贈款,舊全書批評了一有點遠,而且許多聖經傳統現在拒絕將重新建立。

(b) Critical Method (二)關鍵方法

The falsehood of the critical method does not consist in the use of criticism as such, but in its illegitimate use.謊言的重要方法並不使用的批評,而是在其非法使用。 Criticism became more common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at the end of the eighteenth it was applied to classical antiquity.批判變得更加常見於十六世紀和十七世紀;年底第十八這是適用於古代。 Bernheim ("Lehrbuch der historischen Methode", Leipzig, 1903, 296) believes that by this means alone history first became a science.伯恩海姆( “教科書之historischen方法” ,萊比錫, 1903年, 296頁)認為,以這種方式本身的歷史第一次成為科學。 In the application of criticism to the Bible was are limited, indeed, by the inspiration and the canonicity of its books; but there is an ample field left for our critical investigations (Pesch, "Theol. Zeitfragen", III, 48).在批評中的應用的聖經是有限的,事實上,靈感和正規的書籍,但有充足的外地留給我們的重要調查(佩施, “ Theol 。 Zeitfragen ” ,第三章, 48條) 。

Some of the principal sins of the critics in their treatment of Sacred Scripture are the following:一些主要的罪過的批評,他們的待遇聖經如下:

They deny everything supernatural, so that they reject not merely inspiration and canonicity, but also prophecy and miracle a priori (cf. Metzler, "Das Wunder vor dem Forum der modernen Geschichtswissenschaft" in "Katholik", 1908, II, 241 sqq.).他們否認一切超自然的,因此,他們拒絕不僅僅是靈感和正規,而且還預言與奇蹟先驗(參見梅茨勒, “達斯奇蹟的VOR DEM的論壇現代Geschichtswissenschaft ”中的“ Katholik ” , 1908年,二, 241 sqq 。 ) 。

They seem to be convinced a priori of the credibility of non-Biblical historical documents, while they are prejudiced against the truthfulness of Biblical accounts.他們似乎都相信先驗的信譽非聖經的歷史文件,同時對他們有偏見的真實性聖經帳戶。 (Cf. Stade, "Geschichte Israel's", I, 86 seq., 88, 101.) Depreciating external evidence almost entirely, they consider the questions of the origin, the integrity, and the authenticity of the sacred books in the light of internal evidence (Encycl. Prov. Deus, 52). (參見體育場, “歷史以色列的” ,我, 86起。 , 88 , 101 。 )貶值的外部證據幾乎完全,他們考慮問題的來源,完整性,真實性和神聖的書籍,根據內部證據( Encycl.省。殺出, 52 ) 。

They overestimate the critical analysis of the sources, without considering the chief point, ie, the credibility of the sources (Lorenz, "Die Geschichtswissenschaft in ihren Hauptrichtungen und Aufgaben", ii, 329 sqq.). Recent documents may contain reliable reports of ancient history.他們高估了批判性分析的來源,而不考慮行政點,即信譽的來源(洛倫茲, “模具Geschichtswissenschaft的ihren Hauptrichtungen與Aufgaben ” ,二, 329 sqq 。 ) 。最近的文件中可能包含的可靠報告古代歷史。 Some of the critics begin to acknowledge that the historical credibility of the sources is of greater importance than their division and dating (Stark, "Die Entstehung des AT", Leipzig, 1905, 29; cf. Vetter, "Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift", 1899, 552).一些批評者開始認識到,歷史信譽的來源是更重要比司和約會(斯塔克, “模具Entstehung之在” ,萊比錫, 1905年, 29 ;比照。 Vetter , “ Tübinger神學Quartalschrift ” , 1899年, 552 ) 。

The critical division of sources is based on the Hebrew text, though it is not certain how far the present Massoretic text differs from that, for instance, followed by the Septuagint translators, and how far the latter differed form the Hebrew text before its redaction in the fifth century BC Dahse ("Textkritische Bedenken gegen den Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik" in "Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte", VI, 1903, 305 sqq.) shows that the Divine names in the Greek translation of the Pentateuch differ in about 180 cases from those of the Hebrew text (cf. Hoberg, "Die Genesis", 2nd ed., p. xxii sqq.); in other words and phrases the changes may be fewer, but it would be unreasonable to deny the existence of any.關鍵司的來源是基於希伯來文字,但我們並不一定多遠本Massoretic不同於文本,例如,其次是譯本翻譯的程度,以及不同形式後者希伯來文字之前,編輯在公元前五世紀Dahse ( “ Textkritische Bedenken葛根旦Ausgangspunkt德國當代Pentateuchkritik ”中的“檔案館毛皮Religionsgeschichte ” ,六, 1903年, 305 sqq 。 )表明,神聖的名字,在希臘的翻譯五經不同約180例從這些希伯來文(見霍貝格, “模具起源” ,第2版。 ,第22 sqq 。 ) ;在其他單詞和短語的變化可能會減少,但它是不合理的否認存在任何。 Again, it is antecedently probable that the Septuagint text differs less from the Massoretic than from the ante-Esdrine text, which must have been closer to the original.再次,這是先行可能是不同的譯本文字較少從Massoretic不是從產前Esdrine文字,它必須已經接近原來的。 The starting point of literary criticism is therefore uncertain. It is not an inherent fault of literary criticism that it was applied to the Pentateuch after it had become practically antiquated in the study of Homer and the Nibelungenlied (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 303, 306 sqq.), nor that Reuss considered it as more productive of difference of opinion than of results (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 304 seq.), nor again that Wellhausen thought it had degenerated into childish play.起點文學批評因此,不確定的。這不是一個固有的過錯文學批評,這是適用於摩西五後,它已成為幾乎陳舊的研究荷馬和龍根之歌(參見Katholik , 1896年,我303 , 306 sqq 。 ) ,也不是Reuss認為,隨著越來越多的生產性的意見分歧,而不是結果(參見Katholik , 1896年,我, 304起。 ) ,也再次表明豪森認為它已墮落為幼稚的發揮。 Among Bible students, Klostermann ("Der Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893), Konig ("Falsche Extreme im Gebiete der neueren Kritik des AT", Leipzig, 1885; "Neueste Prinzipien der alt. Kritik", Berlin, 1902; "Im Kampfe um das AT", Berlin, 1903), Bugge ("Die Hauptparabeln Jesu", Giessen, 1903) are sceptical as to the results of literary criticism, while Orelli ("Der Prophet Jesaja", 1904, V), Jeremias ("Das alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients", 1906, VIII), and Oettli ("Geschichte Israels", V) wish to insist more on the exegesis of the text than on the criss-cross roads of criticism.在聖經學生, Klostermann ( “明鏡五經” ,萊比錫, 1893年) ,柯尼格( “ Falsche至尊之neueren即時Gebiete批判之在” ,萊比錫, 1885年; “最新Prinzipien河畔轉氨酶。批判” ,柏林, 1902年“進出口Kampfe這個東西在“ ,柏林, 1903年) ,布格( ”模具Hauptparabeln耶穌“ ,吉森, 1903年)是懷疑的結果,文學批評,而Orelli ( ”明鏡Jesaja先知“ , 1904年,五) ,赫雷米亞斯( ”達斯老約萬老即時Lichte方向“ , 1906年,八) ,和歐特列( ”以色列的歷史“ ,五)要堅持更多關於註釋的文字比對縱橫交錯的道路的批評。 G. Jacob ("Der Pentateuch", Göttingen, 1905) thinks that the past Pentateuchal criticism needs a thorough revision; Eerdmans ("Die Komposition der Genesis", Giessen, 1908) feels convinced that criticism has been misled into wrong paths by Astrue.灣雅各布( “明鏡五經” ,哥廷根, 1905年)認為,過去Pentateuchal批評需要徹底修訂; Eerdmans ( “模具Komposition之成因” ,吉森, 1908年)認為相信,批評被誤導到錯誤的路徑的Astrue 。 Merx expresses the opinion that the next generation will have to revise backwards many of the present historico-literary views of the Old Testament ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, 1907, 3, 132 sqq.). Merx表示認為,下一代將不得不修改倒退許多本歷史,文學觀舊約( “ Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher ” ,二, 1907年, 3 , 132 sqq 。 ) 。

(c) Critical Results (三)重大成果

Here we must distinguish between the principles of criticism and its results; the principles of the historical development of religion, for instance, and of the inferiority of tradition to internal evidence, are not the outcome of literary analysis, but are its partial basis.在這裡,我們必須區分的原則,批評,其結果;的原則,歷史發展的宗教,例如,和自卑感傳統內部的證據,沒有結果的文學分析,但其部分基礎。 Again, we must distinguish between those results of literary criticism which are compatible with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch and those that contradict it.再次,我們必須區分這些成果的文學批評是符合花葉真實性摩西五和那些違背它。 The patrons of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and even the ecclesiastical Decree relating to this subject, plainly admit that Moses or his secretaries may have utilized sources or documents in the composition of the Pentateuch; both admit also that the sacred text has suffered in its transmission and may have received additions, in the form of either inspired appendices or exegetical glosses.顧客的馬賽克著作權的五經,甚至宗教法令有關這一問題,顯然承認,他的秘書摩西或可能利用源或文件組成的摩西五;都承認還神聖案文中所受它的傳輸和可能已收到補充的形式,要么靈感附錄或訓詁粉飾。 If the critics, therefore, can succeed in determining the number and the limits of the documentary sources, and of the post-Mosaic additions, whether inspired or profane, they render an important service to the traditional tenet of Pentateuchal authenticity.如果批評,因此,可以成功地確定的數量和範圍的文件來源,並後的馬賽克增加,無論是啟發或褻瀆,他們提供服務的一個重要的傳統宗旨Pentateuchal真實性。 The same must be said with regard to the successive laws established by Moses, and the gradual fidelity of the Jewish people to the Mosaic law.同樣必須指出的是關於連續法律設立的摩西,並逐步高保真猶太人民的摩西律法。 Here again the certain or even probable results of sane literary and historical criticism will aid greatly the conservative commentator of the Pentateuch.在這方面,某些甚至可能結果理智的文學和歷史的批評將有助於大大保守評論員的摩西五。 We do not quarrel with the legitimate conclusions of the critics, if the critics do not quarrel with each other.我們不吵架的合法結論的批評,如果批評不互相爭吵。 But they do quarrel with each other. According to Merx (loc. cit.) there is nothing certain in the field of criticism except its uncertainty; each critic proclaims his views with the greatest self-reliance, but without any regard to the consistency of the whole.但他們互相爭吵。根據Merx (如上。 )沒有任何某些領域中的批評,但它的不確定性;每個評論家宣稱他的意見最大的自力更生,但沒有任何方面的一致性整個。 Former views are simply killed by silence; even Reuss and Dillmann are junk-iron, and there is a noticeable lack of judgment as to what can or cannot be known. Hence the critical results, in as far as they consist merely in the distinction of documentary sources, in the determination of post-Mosaic materials, eg, textual changes, and profane or inspired additions, in the description of various legal codes, are not at variance with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.前意見只是被沉默;甚至Reuss和Dillmann是垃圾鐵,並有明顯的缺乏判斷力什麼可以或不可以被稱為。因此,關鍵的結果,至於他們在於區別文件來源,在確定後鑲嵌材料,如文字的變化,褻瀆或啟發補充,在描述中的各種法律法規,沒有不符合花葉真實性摩西五。 Nor can an anti-Mosaic character be pointed out in the facts or phenomena from which criticism legitimately infers the foregoing conclusions; such facts or phenomena are, for instance, the change of the Divine names in the text, the use of certain words, the difference of style, the so-called double accounts of really, not merely apparently, identical events; the truth of falsehood of these and similar details does not directly affect the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.也不能反馬賽克性質必須指出的事實或現象從批評合法推斷上述結論;這些事實或現象,例如,改變名稱的神聖案文中,使用某些也就是說,不同的風格,所謂的雙重帳目真的,而不僅僅是顯然,相同的活動;真相的謊言,這些和類似的細節並不直接影響到花葉著作權的摩西五。 In which results then does criticism clash with tradition?在這種結果那麼批評同傳統? Criticism and tradition are incompatible in their views as to the age and sequence of the documentary sources, as to the origin of the various legal codes, and as to the time and manner of the redaction of the Pentateuch.批評與傳統相抵觸的意見的年齡和序列的文件來源,為原產地的各種法律法規,並以的時間和方式編輯的摩西五。

(i) Pentateuchal Documents.-As to the age and sequence of the various documents, the critics do not agree. (一) Pentateuchal Documents. ,至於年齡和序列的各種文件,批評不同意。 Dillmann, Kittel, Konig, and Winckler place the Elohist, who is subdivided by several writers into the first, second, and third Elohist, before the Yahwist, who also is divided into the first and second Yahwist; but Wellhausen and most critics believe that the Elohist is about a century younger than the Yahwist. Dillmann ,基特爾,柯尼格和Winckler把Elohist ,誰細分成幾個作家的第一,第二和第三Elohist之前, Yahwist ,誰也分為第一和第二Yahwist ;但豪森和大多數評論家認為,在Elohist約一個世紀更年輕Yahwist 。 At any rate, both are assigned to about the ninth and eight centuries BC; both too incorporate earlier traditions or even documents.無論如何,都被分配到的第九和公元前8世紀;既過於納入較早的傳統,甚至文件。

All critics appear to agree as to the composite character of Deuteronomy; they admit rather a Deuteronomist school than single writers.所有批評似乎同意作為綜合性質的申命記;他們承認而是Deuteronomist學校比單一作家。 Still, the successive layers composing the whole book are briefly designated by D1, D2, D3, etc. As to the character of these layers, the critics do not agree: Montet and Driver, for instance, assigned to the first Deuteronomist cc.儘管如此,層層撰寫全書簡要指定的D1和D2中,維生素D3等作為的性質這些層,批評不同意: Montet和驅動程序,例如,分配給第一Deuteronomist毫升。 i-xxi; Kuenen, Konig, Reuss, Renan, Westphal ascribe to DN, iv, 45-9, and v-xxvi; a third class of critics reduce D1 to xii, 1-xxvi, 19, allowing it a double edition: according to Wellhausen, the first edition contained i, 1-iv, 44; xii-xxvi; xxvii, while the second comprised iv, 45-xi, 39; xii-xxvi; xxviii-xxx; both editions were combined by the redactor who inserted Deuteronomy into the Hexateuch.一至二十一; Kuenen ,柯尼格, Reuss ,雷南維,韋斯特法賦予的DN ,四, 45-9 ,和V - 26 ;第三類批評減少D1至十二, 1 - 26 , 19 ,允許其雙重版本:據威爾浩,第一版載一, 1至四, 44 ; 12 - 26 ;二十七,而第二個組成四, 45喜, 39歲; 12 - 26 ;二十八,三十;兩種版本合併的redactor誰申命記插入到Hexateuch 。 Cornill arranges the two editions somewhat differently. Cornill安排兩個版本略有不同。 Horst considers even cc. xii-xxvi as a compilation of pre-existing elements, gathered together without order and often by chance.克勒認為,即使抄送。第十二- 26作為彙編預先存在的要素聚集和無秩序往往是偶然的。 Wellhausen and his adherents do not wish to assign to D1 a higher age than 621 BC, Cornill and Bertholet consider the document as a summary of the prophetic teaching, Colenso and Renan ascribe it to Jeremias, others place its origin in the reign of Ezechias or Manasses, Klostermann identifies the document with the book read before the people in the time of Josaphat, while Kleinert refers it back to the end of the time of the Judges. The Deuteronomist depends on the two preceding documents, J and E, both for his history land his legislation; the historical details not found in these may have been derived from other sources not known to us, and the laws not contained in the Sinaitic legislation and the decalogue are either pure fiction or a crystallization of the prophetic teaching.威爾浩和他的追隨者不想指派為D1更高的年齡超過621年, Cornill和Bertholet審議該文件的摘要預言教學,科倫索和雷南維賦予它赫雷米亞斯,其他地方起源於在位埃澤希亞甚或Manasses , Klostermann確定該文件與圖書閱讀的人面前時,約薩法特,而萊內特指它的結尾的時候,法官。該Deuteronomist取決於前兩個文件, J和英文,對他的他的歷史的土地立法的歷史資料中找不到這些可能是來自其他來源的不知道,我們的法律中不包含的Sinaitic立法和十誡不是純粹的小說或結晶先知教學。

Finally, the Priestly Code, P, is also a compilation: the first stratum of the book, both historical and legal in its character, is designated by P1 or P2; the second stratum is the law of holiness, H or Lev., xvii-xxvi, and is the work of a contemporary of Ezechiel, or perhaps of the Prophet himself (H, P2, Ph); besides, there are additional elements springing rather from a school than from any single writer, and designated by Kunen as P3, P4, P5, but by other critics as Ps and Px.最後,祭司碼,磷,也是一個彙編:第一層的書籍,無論在歷史上和法律上的性質,是指定的P1或P2的;第二層是法律的神聖, H或列夫。 ,十七第二十六,是工作的一種當代的Ezechiel ,或者自己的先知(高,二,博士) ;此外,還有其他因素雨後春筍般從一所學校,而不是從任何單一的作家,並指定由丘嫩的小三, P - 4級,小五,而是由其他的批評作為PS和酶。 Bertholet and Bantsch speak of two other collections of laws: the law of sacrifices, Lev., i-vii, designated as Po; and the law of purity, Lev., xi-xv, designated as Pr. Bertholet和Bantsch發言的另外兩個收藏的法律:法律的犧牲,列夫。 ,一至七,指定為寶;和法律的純潔性,列夫。 ,西十五,被指定為镨。 The first documentary hypothesis considered PN as the oldest part of the Pentateuch; Duston and Dillmann place it before the Deuteronomic code, but most recent critics regard it as more recent than the other documents of the Pentateuch, and even later than Ezech., xliv, 10-xlvi, 15 (573-2 BC); the followers of Wellhausen date the Priestly Code after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, while Wildeboer places it either after or towards the end of the captivity.第一個假說認為偽紀錄片作為最古老的部分摩西五; Duston和Dillmann置於前Deuteronomic代碼,但最近的批評者認為這是更近的比其他文件摩西五,甚至晚於Ezech 。 ,四十四, 10四十六, 15 ( 573-2公元前) ;的追隨者豪森日期祭司碼返回後從巴比倫圈養,而Wildeboer的地方,要么在或接近尾聲的囚禁。 The historical parts of the Priestly Code depend on the Yahwistic and the Elohistic documents, but Wellhausen's adherents believe that the material of these documents has been manipulated so as to fit it for the special purpose of the Priestly Code; Dillmann and Drive maintain that facts have not been invented or falsified by P, but that the latter had at hand other historical documents besides J and E. As to the legal part of P, Wellhausen considers it as an a priori programme for the Jewish priesthood after the return from the captivity, projected backwards into the past, and attributed to Moses; but other critics believe that P has systematized the pre-exilic customs of worship, developing then, and adapting them to the new circumstances.歷史部分祭司碼取決於Yahwistic和Elohistic文件,但豪森的信徒認為,這些文件材料已被操縱,以適應它的特殊用途的祭司碼; Dillmann和驅動保持這一事實沒有發明或偽造的P ,但後者在手其他歷史文件除了J和大腸桿菌作為法律的一部分磷,豪森認為這是一個先驗方案猶太祭司返回後從被關押,預計倒退到過去,由於摩西;但其他批評者認為磷已系統化前放逐海關的禮拜,然後發展,並使之適應新的情況。

What has been said clearly shows that the critics are at variance in many respects, but they are at one in maintaining the post- Mosaic origin of the Pentateuchal documents.所說的話清楚地表明,批評者有差異在許多方面,但他們是在一個在維護後馬賽克起源Pentateuchal文件。 What is the weight of the reasons on which they base their opinion?什麼是體重的原因的基礎上,他們自己的看法?

The conditions laid down by the critics as prerequisites to literature do not prove that the sources of the Pentateuch must be post-Mosaic.所定的條件,該批評的先決條件,以文學沒有證明的來源必須是摩西五後花葉。 The Hebrew people had lived for, at least, two hundred years in Egypt; besides, most of the forty years spent in the desert were passed in the neighbourhood of Cades, so that the Israelites were not longer a nomadic people.希伯來人的生活了,至少二百年在埃及;此外,大多數四十年花費在沙漠中通過了在附近的Cades ,使以色列人不再是游牧人。 Whatever may be said of their material prosperity, or of their proficiency in writing and reading, the above-mentioned researches of Flinders Petrie show that they kept records of their national traditions at the time of Moses.可以說,不管他們的物質繁榮,或者他們的能力,寫作及閱讀,上述研究的弗林德斯皮特里表明他們保持記錄他們的民族傳統的時候,摩西。

If the Hebrew contemporaries of Moses kept written records, why should not the Pentateuchal sources be among these documents?如果希伯來語同時代摩西保持書面記錄,為什麼不應該的來源之一Pentateuchal這些文件? It is true that in our actual Pentateuch we find non-Mosaic and post- Mosaic indications; but, then, the non-Mosaic, impersonal style may be due to a literary device, or to the pen of secretaries; the post-Mosaic geographical and historical indications may have crept into the text by way of glosses, or errors of the transcribers, or even inspired additions.的確,在我們的實際摩西五我們發現非馬賽克和後花葉的跡象,但是,然後,非馬賽克,非個人的風格,可能是由於文學設備,或以筆的秘書;後花葉地理和歷史的跡象可能已經悄悄進入文字的方式掩飾,或錯誤的謄寫,甚至啟發補充。 The critics cannot reject these suggestions as mere subterfuges; for they should have to grant a continuous miracle in the preservation of the Pentateuchal text, if they were to deny the moral certainty of the presence of such textual changes.批評不能拒絕這些建議只是託辭;對他們應給予持續的奇蹟在維護Pentateuchal文字,如果他們否認道德確定性的存在,例如文字的變化。

But would not the Pentateuch have been known to the earlier Prophets, if it had been handed down from the time of Moses?但不會對摩西五已經知道先前的先知,如果它已經流傳下來的時間摩西? This critical exception is really an argument e silentio which is very apt to be fallacious, unless it be most carefully handled.這一重要的例外是真正的論點é silentio非常容易荒謬的,除非它是最認真的處理。 Besides, if we keep in mind the labour involved in multiplying copies of the Pentateuch, we cannot be wrong in assuming that they were very rare in the interval between Moses and the Prophets, so that few were able to read the actual text.此外,如果我們記住勞動力參與乘以副本摩西五,我們不能是錯誤的假設,它們是非常罕見的間隔摩西和先知,所以很少有人能讀的實際文本。 Again, it has been pointed out that at least one of the earlier Prophets appeals to a written mosaic law, and that all appeal to such a national conscience as presupposes the Pentateuchal history and law.同樣,已經指出,至少有一個早期先知呼籲書面鑲嵌法,所有呼籲這樣一個民族良知的前提是Pentateuchal歷史和法律依據。 Finally, some of the critics maintain the J views the history of man and of Israel according to the religious and the moral ideas of the Prophets; if there be such an agreement, why not say that the Prophets write according to the religious and moral ideas of the Pentateuch?最後,一些批評意見,保持了J人類歷史上和以色列根據宗教和道德觀念的預言,如果有這樣的協議,為什麼不說,根據先知寫的宗教和道德觀念在摩西五?

The critics urge the fact that the Pentateuchal laws concerning the sanctuary, the sacrifices, the feasts, and the priesthood agree with different stages of post-Mosaic historical development; that the second stage agrees with the reform of Josias, and the third with the enactments enforced after the time of the Babylonian Exile.批評者敦促這一事實,即Pentateuchal法律關於庇護,該犧牲的節日,並鐸同意不同階段後花葉歷史發展的第二階段同意改革Josias ,第三與法規強迫的時間之後的巴比倫流亡。 But it must be kept in mind that the Mosaic law was intended for Israel as the Christian law is intended for the whole world; if then 1900 years after Christ the greater part of the world is still un-Christian, it is not astonishing that the Mosaic law required centuries before it penetrated the whole nation.但必須記住,這是摩西律法的目的是為以色列的基督教法律的目的是對整個世界;如果然後一千九百年基督之後,更大的世界的一部分仍然是聯合國的基督徒,這是不令人驚訝的摩西律法規定百年前侵入整個國家。 Besides, there were, no doubt, many violations of the law, just as the Ten Commandments are violated today without detriment to their legal promulgation.此外,還有,毫無疑問,許多違反法律的,正如十誡受到侵犯今天不損害其法律施行。 Again there were times of religious reforms and disasters as there are periods of religious fervour and coldness in the history of the Christian Church; but such human frailties do not imply the non-existence of the law, either Mosaic or Christian.再有時間的宗教改革和有災害時期的宗教熱情和冷漠歷史上的基督教會,但這種人類弱點並不意味著不存在法律,無論是馬賽克或基督教。 As to the particular laws in question, it will be found more satisfactory to examine them more in detail.至於具體的法律問題,這將是找到更令人滿意的審查更詳細說明。

(ii) Pentateuchal Codes.-The critics endeavour to establish a triple Pentateuchal code: the Book of the Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Priestly Code. Instead of regarding this legislation as applying to different phases in the forty years' wandering in the desert, they consider it as agreeing with three historical stages in the national history. (二) Pentateuchal Codes. -評論家努力建立一個三Pentateuchal代碼:該書的盟約,申命記,和祭司碼。相反的就這一立法為適用於不同階段的四十年'遊蕩在沙漠中,他們認為這是同意三個歷史階段中的國家的歷史。 As stated above, the main objects of this triple legislation are the sanctuary, the feast, and the priesthood.正如上文所述,主要對象是本三重立法聖殿,節日,和祭司。

(a) The Sanctuary (一)保護區

At first, so the critics say, sacrifices were allowed to be offered in any place where the Lord had manifested his name (Exodus 20:24-6); then the sanctuary was limited to the one place chosen by God (Deuteronomy 12:5); thirdly, the Priestly Code supposes the unity of sanctuary, and prescribes the proper religious rites to be observed.起初,因此批評者認為,犧牲被允許可在任何地方,體現了上帝的名字(出20:24-6 ) ;然後聖殿僅限於一個地方選擇的上帝(申命記12點05分) ;第三,祭司碼假設的團結,庇護所,並規定適當的宗教儀式得到遵守。 Moreover, the critics point out historical incidents showing that before the enforcement of the Deuteronomic law sacrifices were offered in various places quite distinct from the resting place of the ark.此外,批評者指出,歷史事件表明,在執行該法的犧牲Deuteronomic提供了在不同地方截然不同的安息之地的方舟。 What do the defenders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch answer?什麼捍衛花葉著作權的摩西五答案嗎? First, as to the triple law, it points to three different stages in Israel's desert life: before the erection of the tabernacle at the foot of Mt.首先,作為法律的三倍,它分三個不同階段,以色列的沙漠生活:前豎立在會幕山山腳。 Sinai, the people were allowed to erect altars and to offer sacrifices everywhere provided the name of the Lord had been manifested; next, after the people had adored the golden calf, and the tabernacle had been erected, sacrifice could be offered only before the tabernacle, and even the cattle killed for consumption had to be slaughtered in the same place, in order to prevent a relapse into idolatry; finally, when the people were about to enter the promised land, the last law was abolished, being then quite impossible, but the unity of sanctuary was kept in the place which God would choose.西奈半島,人們被允許建造祭壇和祭祀各地提供的名稱上帝已經表現;明年,在人民愛戴的金牛犢,以及幕已經豎立,犧牲可只提供前幕,甚至死亡的牛消費不得不宰殺在同一地點,以防止重新陷入偶像崇拜;最後,當人即將進入樂土,過去的法律被廢除,被當時很不可能,但團結的避難所被保存在的地方,上帝會選擇。 Secondly, as to the historical facts urged by the critics, some of them are caused by direct Divine intervention, miracle or prophetic inspiration, and as such are fully legitimate; others are evidently violations of the law, and are not sanctioned by the inspired writers; a third class of facts may be explained in one of three ways:其次,作為歷史事實敦促批評,其中一些人所造成的直接神的介入,奇蹟或先知的啟示,因此是完全合法的;其他顯然違反法律,不認可的啟發作家;第三類事實可以解釋的三種方式之一:

Poels ("Le sanctuaire de Kirjath Jeraim", Louvain, 1894; "Examen critique de l'histoire du sanctuaire de l'arche", Louvain, 1897) endeavours to prove that Gabaon, Masphath, and Kiriath-Jarim denote the same place, so that the multiplicity of sanctuaries is only apparent, not real. Poels ( “樂sanctuaire日Kirjath Jeraim ” ,盧萬, 1894年; “考試法國批判史杜sanctuaire法國凱旋門” ,盧萬, 1897年)的努力,以證明Gabaon , Masphath ,並Kiriath - Jarim指同一個地方,這樣的多重保護區是唯一明顯的,而不是真實的。

Van Hoonacker ("Le Lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Hebreux" in "Musceeon", April-Oct., 1894, XIII, 195-204, 299- 320, 533-41; XIV, 17-38) distinguishes between private and public altars; the public and national worship is legally centralized in one sanctuary and around one altar, while private altars may be had for domestic worship.凡Hoonacker ( “樂寮杜culte立法中的香格里拉rituelle萬Hebreux ”中的“ Musceeon ” , 4至10月, 1894年,十三, 195-204 , 299 - 320 , 533-41 ;第十四17-38 )區分私營和公共祭壇;公眾和國家崇拜是集中在一個法律庇護和一個祭壇周圍,而私人神壇可能已為國內崇拜。

But more commonly it is admitted that before God had chosen the site of national sanctuary, it was not forbidden by law to sacrifice anywhere, even away from the place of the ark.但更常見的是承認,上帝面前選擇了網站的國家庇護,這不是法律所禁止的任何犧牲,甚至遠離地點方舟。 After the building of the temple the law was not considered so stringent as to bind under all circumstances.經過建設的寺法律不被視為非常嚴格的約束,在任何情況下。 Thus far then the argument of the critics is not conclusive.迄今為止然後論點的批評是沒有定論。

(b) The Sacrifices (二)的犧牲

According to the critics, the Book of the Covenant enjoined only the offering of the first-fruits and the first-born of animals, the redemption of the first-born of men, and a free-will offering on visiting the sanctuary (Ex., xxii, 28-9; xxiii, 15, [Heb., xxiii, 19]); Deuteronomy more clearly defines some of these laws (xv, 19-23; xxvi, 1-11), and imposes the law of tithes for the benefit of the poor, the widows, the orphans, and the Levites (xxvi, 12-5); the Priestly Code distinguishes different kinds of sacrifices, determines their rites, and introduces also incense offering.據批評,這本書的盟約責成只提供第一水果和第一出生的動物,贖回第一出生的男子,和自由將提供庇護的訪問(例如: , 22 , 28-9 , 23 , 15 , [河北。 , 23 , 19 ] ) ;申命記一些更清楚地界定這些法律(十五, 19日至23日; 26 , 1月11日) ,並強制法的什一稅的有利於窮人,寡婦,孤兒,和利( 26 , 12月5日) ;的祭司碼區分不同種類的犧牲,確定它們的儀式,並介紹了也香提供。 But history hardly bears out this view: as there existed a permanent priesthood in Silo, and later on in Jerusalem, we may safely infer that there existed a permanent sacrifice.但是,歷史很難證明了這一觀點:由於存在一個常設鐸在筒倉,以及後來在耶路撒冷,我們可以推斷,安全存在著一個永久的犧牲。 The earliest prophets are acquainted with an excess of care bestowed on the sacrificial rites (cf. Amos 4:4, 5; 5:21-22, 25; Hosea passim).最早的先知熟悉過多照顧賦予的祭祀(參見阿莫斯納曼4點04 , 5 ; 5:21-22 , 25 ;何西阿各處) 。 The expressions of Jeremias (vii, 21-3) may be explained in the same sense.表達的赫雷米亞斯(七, 21-3 )可以解釋在同樣的意義。 Sin offering was known long before the critics introduce their Priestly Code (Osee, iv, 8; Mich., vi, 7; Ps., xxxix [xl], 7; 1 Kings, iii, 14).黃大仙提供被稱為早在介紹他們的祭司批評典( Osee ,四, 8 ;密歇根州,六,七;聚苯乙烯。 ,三十九[儀] , 7 ;列王紀上,三, 14 ) 。 Trespass offering is formally distinguished from sin offering in 2 Kings 13:16 (cf. 1 Samuel 6:3-15; Isaiah 53:10).侵入提供正式區別於黃大仙提供的列王紀下13時16分(見撒母耳記上6:3-15 ;以賽亞書53:10 ) 。 Hence the distinction between the different kinds of sacrifice is due neither to Ezekiel 45:22-5, nor to the Priestly Code.因此,區分不同類型的犧牲是由於既不厄澤克爾45:22-5 ,也不向祭司碼。

(c) The Feasts (三)節日

The Book of the Covenant, so the critics tell us, knows only three feasts: the seven-days feast of the azymes in memory of the exodus form Egypt, the feast of the harvest, and that of the end of the harvest (Exodus 23:14-7); Deuteronomy ordains the keeping of the feasts at the central sanctuary adds to Pasch to the feast of the azymes, places the second feast seven weeks after the first, and calls the third, "feast of tabernacles", extending its duration to seven days (Deuteronomy 16:1-17); the Priestly Code prescribes the exact ritual for five feasts, adding the feast of trumpets and of atonement, all of which must be kept at the central sanctuary.圖書的盟約,所以批評告訴我們,只知道三個節日: 7天的節日,以紀念azymes外流形式埃及,節日的收成,而年底的收成(出埃及記23 :14 - 7 ) ;申命記ordains保存的節日在中央聖殿增加Pasch的盛宴的azymes ,地方第二次盛宴七週之後的第一,並呼籲第三, “住棚節” ,擴大其期限為7天(申命記16:1-17 ) ;守則規定的祭司的確切儀式五個節日,增加節日的喇叭和贖罪,所有這一切都必須保持在中央聖殿。 Moreover, history appears to endorse the contention of the critics: Judges, xxi, 19 knows of only one annual feast in Silo; 1 Samuel 1:3, 7, 21 testifies that the parents of Samuel went every year to Silo to the sanctuary; Jeroboam I established in his kingdom one annual feast similar to that celebrated in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:32-3); the earliest Prophets do not mention the names of the religious feasts; the Pasch is celebrated for the first time after the discovery of Deuteronomy (2 Kings 23:21-3); Ezechiel knows only three feasts and a sin offering on the first day of the first and the seventh month.此外,歷史上似乎贊同論點的批評:法官, 21 , 19知道的只有一個年度盛宴在筒倉;撒母耳記上1:3 , 7,21證明,父母的塞繆爾了每年筒倉的庇護;耶羅波安我設立一個在他的英國年度盛宴類似慶祝活動在耶路撒冷(列王紀上12:32-3 ) ;最早預言沒有提及姓名的宗教節日;的Pasch慶祝後首次發現申命記(列王紀下23:21-3 ) ; Ezechiel知道只有3個傳統節日和一種罪過提供的第一天,第一屆和第7個月。 But here again, the critics use the argument e silentio which is not conclusive in this case.但是,在這裡再次批評使用的論點é silentio這是不是決定性的在這種情況下。 The feast of atonement, for instance, is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch; only Josephus refers to its celebration in the time of John Hyrcanus or Herod.節日贖罪,例如,沒有提到舊約以外的摩西五;只有約瑟夫指慶祝時代的約翰Hyrcanus或希律王。 Will the critics infer from this, that the feast was not kept throughout the Old Testament?將批評這一推斷,該節日是沒有跟上整個舊約? History does not record facts generally known.歷史不會記錄事實,一般人都知道。 As to the one annual feast mentioned in the early records, weighty commentators are of opinion that after the settlement of the people in the promised land, the custom was gradually introduced of going to the central sanctuary only once a year.作為一個年度盛宴中所提到的早期記錄,重大評論員的意見,在解決人民的樂土,自定義是逐步推行的去中央避難所只有每年一次。 This custom prevailed before the critics allow the existence of the Deuteronomic law (1 Kings 12:26-31), so that the latter cannot have introduced it.這種風俗前的批評允許存在的Deuteronomic法(列王紀上12:26-31 ) ,使後者不能引進。 Isaias (xxix, 1; xxx, 29) speaks of a cycle of feasts, but Osee, xii, 9 alludes already to the feast of tabernacles, so that its establishment cannot be due to the Priestly Code as the critics describe it. Ezechiel (xlv, 18-25) speaks only of the three feasts which had to be kept at the central sanctuary.伊薩亞(第29屆, 1 ;三十, 29歲)講一個週期的節日,但Osee ,第十二章,第9的意思已經向住棚節,因此,它的設立不能由於祭司碼作為批評家描述。 Ezechiel (第四十五, 18-25 )僅三個節日必須加以中央避難所。

(d) The Priesthood (四)鐸

The critics contend that the Book of the Covenant knows nothing of an Aaronitic priesthood (Exodus 24:5); that Deuteronomy mentions priests and Levites without any hierarchical distinction and without any high priest, determines their rights, and distinguishes only between the Levite living in the country and the Levite attached to the central sanctuary; finally, that the Priestly Code represents the priesthood as a social and hierarchical institution, with legally determined duties, rights, and revenues.評論家認為,此書的盟約一無所知的Aaronitic鐸(出埃及記24:5 ) ;申命記提到的司鐸和利沒有任何等級的區分,沒有任何大祭司,確定他們的權利,以及之間的區別只生活在列國家和利未連接到中央聖殿;最後,祭司源代碼鐸作為一種社會和分級機構,依法確定的職責,權利和收入。 This theory is said to be borne out by the evidence of history.這一理論被認為是證實了歷史上的證據。 But the testimony of history points in the opposite direction.但是,歷史的證詞指出了相反的方向。 At the time of Josue and the early Judges, Eleazar and Phinees, the son and nephew of Aaron, were priests (Numbers 26:1; Deuteronomy 10:6; Joshua 14:1 sqq.; 22:13, 21; 24:33; Judges 20:28).時若蘇埃以及早日法官, Phinees埃萊亞薩及的兒子和侄子阿龍,是祭司(民數記26:1 ;申命記10時06分;約書亞14點零一sqq 。 ; 22點13分, 21 ; 24:33法官: 20:28 ) 。 From the end of the time of Judges to Solomon, the priesthood was in the hands of Heli and his descendants (1 Samuel 1:3 sqq.; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1) who sprang from Ithamar the younger son of Aaron (1 Chronicles 24:3; cf. 1 Samuel 22:29; 14:3; 2:7 sqq.).月底的時候法官所羅門鐸在手中的合力和他的後代(撒母耳記上1:3 sqq 。 ; 14點03分, 21時01 ; 22時01分)從Ithamar誰跳的小兒子艾倫(歷代誌上24:3 ;比照。撒母耳記上22:29 ; 14點03分; 2點07分sqq 。 ) 。 Solomon raised Sadoc, the son of Achitob, to the dignity of the high priesthood, and his descendants held the office down to the time of the Babylonian Captivity (2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24 sqq.; 20:25; 1 Kings 2:26, 27, 35; Ezekiel 44:15); that Sadoc too was of Aaronic descent is attested by I Par., vi, 8.所羅門提出Sadoc的兒子Achitob ,尊嚴高級牧師和他的後代廳舉行下跌的時間巴比倫圈養(撒母耳記下8時17 ; 15:24 sqq 。 ; 20:25 ;列王紀上2點26分, 27 , 35 ;厄澤克爾44:15 ) ;這Sadoc也是出身的Aaronic證明了我標準桿。 ,六, 8 。 Besides the Books of Josue and Paralipomenon acknowledge the distinction between priests and Levites; according to 1 Samuel 6:15, the Levites handled the ark, but the Bethsamites, the inhabitants of a priestly city (Joshua 21:13-6), offered sacrifice. A similar distinction is made in 2 Samuel 15:24; 1 Kings 8:3 sq.; Isaiah 66:21. Van Hoonacker ("Les pretres et les levites dans le livre d'Ezechiel" in "Revue biblique", 1899, VIII, 180-189, 192-194) shows that Ezechiel did not create the distinction between priests and Levites, but that supposing the traditional distinction in existence, he suggested a divisions in to these classes according to merit, and not according to birth (xliv, 15-xlv, 5).除了圖書承認若蘇埃和Paralipomenon之間的區別祭司和利;根據撒母耳記上6:15 ,該處理的方舟利,但Bethsamites ,居民的祭司市(約書亞21:13-6 ) ,提供了犧牲。類似的區別是在撒母耳記下15:24 ;列王紀上八時03平方米;以賽亞書66:21 。範Hoonacker ( “法國之利pretres等中的樂德Ezechiel書”中的“雜誌biblique ” , 1899年,八, 180-189 , 192-194 )表明, Ezechiel沒有創造的區別祭司和利,但假設的傳統區別的存在,他建議這些部門在班級根據成績,而不是根據出生(四十四, 15第四十五, 5 ) 。 Unless the critics simply set aside all this historical evidence, they must grant the existence of an Aaronitic priesthood in Israel, and its division into priests and Levites, long before the D and P codes were promulgated according to the critical theory. It is true that in a number of passages persons are said to offer sacrifice who are not of Aaronitic descent: Judges, vi, 25 sqq.; xiii, 9; 1 Samuel 7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17; 24:25; 1 Kings 8:5, 62; etc. But in the first place, the phrase "to offer sacrifice" means either to furnish the victim (Leviticus 1:2, 5) or to perform the sacrificial rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non-Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.除非批評只是擱置所有這一切的歷史證據,他們必須給予存在Aaronitic鐸在以色列,其劃分為祭司和利,早在D和P碼頒布了根據批判理論。誠然,在一些段落的人說,向犧牲誰不是Aaronitic後裔:法官,六, 25 sqq 。 ;第十三9 ;撒母耳記上7時09分; 10時08分; 13點09分;撒母耳記下6點17分; 24:25 ;列王紀上八時05 , 62 ;等等,但擺在首位,把“提供的犧牲”是指提供受害者(利未記1:2 , 5 )或履行其祭天;受害者可能是所提供的任何虔誠的門外漢;其次,就難以證明上帝的祭司辦事處致力於以這樣一種方式來亞倫和他的兒子不準備金,以自己的自由,授權在特殊情況下,非Aaronite執行在牧師的職能。

(iii) Pentateuchal Redaction.-The four documentary sources of the Pentateuch thus far descried were combined not by any one individual; critics require rather three different stages of combination: first, a Yahwistic redactor RXX or RX combined J and E with a view of harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. (三) Pentateuchal Redaction. ,這四個文件來源的摩西五迄今descried合併不是由任何一個個人;批評需要而三個不同階段的結合:第一, Yahwistic redactor RXX或RX結合J和E與檢視harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. Thirdly, a last redactor RX imbued with the letter and the spirit of P, combined this document with JED, introducing again the necessary changes. The table of nations in Gen., xiv was according to Kunen added by this last redactor.

At first sight, one is struck by the complex character of this theory; as a rule, truth is of a more simple texture.乍一看,是深刻的複雜性理論;作為一項規則,事實是一個更為簡單的紋理。 Secondly, one is impressed by the unique nature of the hypothesis; antiquity has nothing to equal it.其次,留下了深刻的印象之一是性質獨特的假說;古代無關等於它。 Thirdly, if one reads or studies the Pentateuch in the light of this theory, one is impressed by the whimsical character of the redactor; he often retained what should have been omitted, and omitted what should have been retained.第三,如果一個內容或研究了摩西五根據這個理論,一個是下了深刻的印象異想天開性質redactor ;他常常保留應該被省略,省略哪些應該被保留下來。 The critics themselves have to take refuge, time and time again, in the work of the redactor, in order save their own views of the Pentateuch.批評者本身必須採取避難,一次又一次,工作中的redactor ,為了挽救自己的看法的摩西五。 A recent writer does not hesitate to call the complex redactor ein genialer Esel.最近筆者就毫不猶豫地要求複雜redactor艾因genialer Esel 。 Fourthly, a truth-loving, straightforward reader is naturally shocked by the literary fictions and forgeries, the editorial changes and subterfuges implied in the critical theory of the Pentateuchal documents and redaction.第四,真理愛好,直截了當讀者自然感到震驚的是文學小說和偽造,編輯修改和託辭隱含在批判理論的Pentateuchal文件和編輯。 The more moderate critics endeavour to escape this inconvenience: some appeal to the difference between the ancient and the modern standard of literary property and editorial accuracy; others practically sanctify the means by the end.較溫和的批評努力擺脫這種不便:一些呼籲之間的差異古代和現代的文學財產的標準和編輯準確性;其他幾乎神聖的方式結束。 Oettli considers the dilemma "either the work of Moses or the work of a deceiver" as the expression of sheer imprudence; Kautzsch unctuously points to the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God whose ways we cannot fathom, but must admire.歐特列認為兩難“要么摩西的工作或工作的騙子”的言論純粹輕率; Kautzsch假惺惺點深度的智慧和知識的上帝的方式我們無法捉摸,但必須欽佩。 The left wing of criticism openly acknowledges that there is no use in hushing up matters; it actually is the result of scientific research that both form and contents of a great part of the Old Testament are based on conscious fiction and forgery.左翼的批評,公開承認,是沒有用的hushing的事項;但實際上是由於這兩個科研形式和內容的很大一部分舊約是基於意識小說和偽造。

IV.四。 STYLE OF THE PENTATEUCH風格摩西五

In some general introductions to the Pentateuch its messianic prophecies are specially considered, ie, the so-called proto-evangelium, Gen., iii, 15; the blessing of Sem, Gen., ix, 26-7; the patriarchal promises, Gen., xii, 2; xiii, 16; xv, 5; xvii, 4-6, 16; xviii, 10-15; xxii, 17; xxvi, 4; xxviii, 14; the blessing of the dying Jacob, Gen., xlix, 8-10; the Prophecy of Balaam, Num., xxiv, 15 sqq.; and the great Prophet announced by Moses, Deut., xviii, 15-19. But these prophecies belong rather to the province of exegesis than introduction.在一些普通的五經推出其彌賽亞的預言正在特別考慮,即所謂的原福音,將軍,三, 15 ;的祝福掃描電鏡,將軍,九,埃弗里;父權制的承諾,根。 ,十二, 2 ;第十三16 ;十五, 5 ;十七, 4月6日, 16日;十八, 10月15日; 22 , 17 ; 26 , 4 ;二十八, 14 ;的祝福臨終雅各布,將軍, xlix , 8月10日;預言的巴蘭,序號。 , 24 , 15 sqq 。 ,和偉大的先知摩西宣布, Deut 。 , 18 , 15-19 。但是,這些預言屬於而是省的註釋比言。 Again, the text of the Pentateuch has been considered in some general introductions to the work.同樣,文摩西五一直被認為在一些一般性的介紹工作。 We have seen already that besides the Massoretic Text we have to take into account the earlier text followed by the Septuagint translators, and the still earlier readings of the Samaritan Pentateuch; a detailed investigation of this subject belongs to the field of textual or lower criticism.我們已經看到了,除了Massoretic文字,我們必須考慮到先前的文本其次是七十譯員,並仍然較早讀數撒瑪利亞五經;詳細調查這個問題屬於文字領域的或較低的批評。 But the style of the Pentateuch can hardly be referred to any other department of Pentateuchal study.但是,風格的摩西五很難提到任何其他部Pentateuchal研究。

As Moses employed no doubt pre-existent documents in the composition of his work, and as he must have made use too of the aid of secretaries, we expect antecedently a variety of style in the Pentateuch.正如摩西僱用毫無疑問預先存在的文件的組成他的工作,因為他必須有使用過的秘書的協助下,我們預計先行各種風格的摩西五。 It is no doubt due to the presence of this literary phenomenon that the critics have found so many points of support in their minute analysis.這無疑是由於存在這種現象,文學評論家發現這麼多點支持他們分鐘分析。 But in general, the style of the work is in keeping with its contents.但一般而言,工作作風,是符合其內容。 There are three kinds of material in the Pentateuch: first, there are statistics, genealogies, and legal formularies; secondly, there are narrative portions; thirdly, there are parenthetic sections.有三種物質在摩西五:第一,有統計資料,族譜,法律處方;第二,說明部分;第三,有弧形的部分。

No reader will find fault with the writer's dry and simple style in his genealogical and ethnographic lists, in his table of encampments in the desert, or his legal enactments.沒有讀者會發現故障與作家的乾旱和樸實的作風在他的家譜和人種名單,在他桌上的營地在沙漠中,或其法律法規。 Any other literary expression would be out of place in records of this kind.任何其他文學作品的表達將是不合時宜的,在這種記錄。 The narrative style of the Pentateuch is simple and natural, but also lively and picturesque.的敘事風格的摩西五是簡單和自然,而且活潑,風景如畫。 It abounds in simple character sketches, dialogues, and anecdotes.它有許多簡單的字符素描,對話,和軼事。 The accounts of Abraham's purchase of a burying-ground, of the history of Joseph, and of the Egyptian plagues are also dramatic.帳目的亞伯拉罕的購買掩埋地面,歷史的約瑟夫,埃及瘟疫也戲劇性。 Deuteronomy has its peculiar style on account of the exhortations it contains.申命記有其獨特的風格考慮到它包含的規勸。 Moses explains the laws he promulgates, but urges also, and mainly, their practice.摩西說,他頒布的法律,但還敦促,主要的做法。 As an orator, he shows a great deal of unction and persuasiveness, but is not destitute of the earnestness of the Prophets.作為一個演說家,他發現了大量的油膏和說服力,但不是赤貧的真誠的先知。 His long sentences remain at times incomplete, thus giving rise to so-called anacolutha (cf. Deuteronomy 6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4).他的長句,有時仍然不完整,從而引起所謂anacolutha (參見申命記6:10-12 ; 8:11-17 ; 9:9-11 ; 11:2-7 ; 24:1-4 ) 。 Being necessarily a popular preacher, he is not lacking in repetitions.正在流行的不一定是傳道,他並不缺乏重複。 But his earnestness, persuasiveness, and unction do not interfere with the clearness of his statements.但他的真誠,說服力和油膏不干預清晰,他的發言。 He is not merely a rigid legislator, but he shows his love for the people, and in turn wins their love and confidence.他不僅是一個僵化的立委,但他表明他的愛的人,反過來贏得他們的愛和信心。

Decisions of the Biblical Commission決定聖經委員會

Some decisions of the Biblical Commission in regards to the chief subject of this article, viz., Genesis, are as follows: The various exegetical systems which exclude the literal and historical sense of the first three chapters of the Book of Genesis are not based on solid foundation.一些決定的聖經委員會在對行政主體的規定,即。 ,成因如下:各訓詁系統排除的字面和歷史意義上的前三章的創世記不是基於堅實的基礎。 It should not be taught that these three chapters do not contain true narrations of facts, but only fables derived from the mythologies and cosmogonies of earlier peoples, purged of the polytheistic errors and accommodated to monotheism; or allegories and symbols, with no objective reality, set forth in the guise of history to inculcate religious and philosophical truths; or, finally, legends partly historical and partly fictitious put together for instruction and edification. In particular, doubt should not be cast on the literal and historical sense of passages which touch on the foundations of the Christian religion, as, for instance, the creation of the universe by God at the beginning of time; the special creation of man; the formation of the first woman from the first man; the unity of the human race; the original happiness, integrity, and immortality of our first parents in the state of justice; the precept given by God to man to try his obedience; the transgression of the Divine precept, at the suggestion of the Devil, under the form of a serpent; the fall of our first parents from their original state of justice; the promise of a future Redeemer.它不應該告訴我們,這三個章節不包含真正述的事實,但只有寓言源自神話和cosmogonies早先人民,清除錯誤的多神教和安置到一神教;或寓言和象徵,沒有任何客觀現實,中所列的幌子歷史灌輸宗教和哲學的真理;或最後,傳說是虛構的歷史和部分提出的指導和啟發。尤其是,毫無疑問不應投下的文字和歷史意義上的通道談談的基礎基督教派,例如,創造宇宙的上帝在開始的時間;特別設立人;成立的第一位女性的第一人;的團結人類的原來幸福,完整,我們的第一個不朽的父母在該國的司法所給予的戒律上帝男子試圖服從他的侵神聖戒律,在建議的魔鬼,根據形式的蛇;秋天我們的第一個父母從原來的國家司法;承諾未來救世主。

In explaining such passages in these chapters as the Fathers and Doctors interpreted differently, one may follow and defend the opinion which meets his approval.在解釋這種通道在這些章節的父親和醫生不同的解釋,你可以遵循和捍衛認為符合他的批准。 Not every word or phrase in these chapters is always necessarily to be taken in its literal sense so that it may never have another, as when it is manifestly used metaphorically or anthropomorphically.並非每一個詞或短語在這些章節是一定要採取在其字面意義,以便它可能永遠不會有其他的,當它顯然是用來比喻或anthropomorphically 。 The literal and historical meaning of some passages in these chapters presupposed, an allegorical and prophetical meaning may wisely and usefully be employed.字面和歷史意義的一些段落在這些章節的先決條件,一個寓言和預言的含義可能會明智和有益的工作。 As in writing the first chapter of Genesis the purpose of the sacred author was not to expound in a scientific manner the constitution of the universe or the complete order of creation, but rather to give to the people popular information in the ordinary language of the day, adapted to the intelligence of all, the strict propriety of scientific language is not always to be looked for in their terminology.作為書面的第一章成因的目的不是神聖的作者闡述了科學的方式在憲法的或完整的宇宙秩序的創造,而是給人民大眾的信息在普通語言的一天,以適應所有的情報,嚴格科學的語言合適的並不總是要尋找的術語。 The expression six days and their division may be taken in the ordinary sense of a natural day, or for a certain period of time, and exegetes may dispute about this question.六天的表達及其司可採取在普通意義的自然天,或對某一段時間內,和exegetes可能爭論這個問題。

Publication information Written by AJ Moss.出版信息作者歐塞爾莫斯。 Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett & Michael T. Barrett. Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.轉錄由托馬斯M巴雷特&邁克爾巴雷特。專門向窮人靈魂煉獄天主教百科全書,第十一。 Published 1911.發布時間1911年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat , 1911年2月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

Many works referring to the Pentateuch have been cited throughout the course of this article.許多工程指的是摩西五已經列舉的整個過程中這一條。 We shall here add a list of mainly exegetical works, both ancient and modern, without attempting to give a complete catalogue.我們將在這裡購買的清單,主要訓詁作品,無論古代和現代,而試圖讓一個完整的目錄。

PATRISTIC WRITERS."Eastern Church:--ORIGEN, Selecta in Gen., PG, XII, 91- 145; IDEM, Homil. in Gen., ibid., 145-62; IDEM, Selecta et homil, in Ex., Lev., Num., Deut., ibid., 263-818; IDEM, Fragmenta in PG, XVII, 11-36; ST. BASIL, Homil. in Hexaemer. in PG, XXIX, 3-208; ST. GREGORY OF NYSSA, In Hexaemer. in PG, XLIV, 61-124; IDEM, De homin. Opific., ibid., 124-297; IDEM, De vita Moysis, ibid., 297-430; ST. JOHN CHRYS., Homil. in Gen. in PG, LIII, LIV, 23- 580; IDEM, Serm. In Gen. in PG, LIV, 581-630; ST. EPHR., Comment in Pentat. in Oper. Syr., I, 1-115; ST. CYRIL OF ALEX., De adoratione in spiritu in PG, LXVIII, 133-1125; Glaphyra in PG, LXIX, 13-677; THEODORETUS, Quaest. in Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. in PG, LXXX, 76-456; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comment. in Octateuch. in PG, LXXXVII, 21-992; NICEPHORUS, Catena in Octateuch. et libros Reg. (Leipzig, 1772).教父作家。 “東方教會: -奧利, Selecta的將軍,前列腺素,第十二章, 91 - 145 ;同上, Homil 。將軍中,同上。 , 145-62 ;同上, Selecta等homil ,在惠。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。 ,同上。 , 263-818 ;同上, Fragmenta的指引, 17 , 11-36 ;秘。羅勒, Homil 。在Hexaemer 。在前列腺素,第29屆, 3-208 ;秘。貴格利的NYSSA ,在Hexaemer 。在指引,四十四, 61-124 ;同上,者homin 。 Opific 。 ,同上。 , 124-297 ;同上,者維Moysis ,同上。 , 297-430 ;秘。約翰CHRYS 。 , Homil 。在將軍的指引, LIII ,活動全省, 23 - 580 ;同上,血清。在將軍的指引,活動全省, 581-630 ;秘。 EPHR 。 ,評論中Pentat 。在歌劇院。錫爾河。 ,我1-115 ;意法半導體。利羅杜德偉。 ,者adoratione在spiritu的指引, LXVIII , 133-1125 ; Glaphyra的指引, LXIX , 13-677 ; THEODORETUS , Quaest 。將軍中,惠。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。在前列腺素, LXXX , 76-456 ;普羅科匹厄斯加沙,評論。在Octateuch 。在指引, LXXXVII , 21-992 ; NICEPHORUS ,卡泰納在Octateuch 。等libros註冊。 (萊比錫, 1772年) 。

Western Church: ST.西方教會:聖。 AMBROSE, In Hexaemer.劉漢銓,在Hexaemer 。 in PL, XIV, 123-274; IDEM, De Paradiso terrestri, ibid., 275-314; IDEM, De Cain et Abel, ibid., 315-60; IDEM, De Noe et arca, ibid., 361-416; IDEM, De Abraham, ibid., 419-500; IDEM, De Isaac et anima, ibid., 501-34; IDEM, De Joseph patriarcha, ibid., 641-72; IDEM, De benedictionibus patriarcharum, ibid., 673-94; ST.在光致發光,十四, 123-274 ;同上,者天堂terrestri ,同上。 , 275-314 ;同上,者該隱與亞伯,同上。 , 315-60 ;同上,者諾埃等方舟,同上。 , 361-416 ;同上,者亞伯拉罕,同上。 , 419-500 ;同上,者艾薩克等動物,同上。 , 501-34 ;同上,者約瑟夫patriarcha ,同上。 , 641-72 ;同上,者benedictionibus patriarcharum ,同上。 , 673 - 94 ;秘。 JEROME, Liber quaest. JEROME ,書quaest 。 hebraic. in Gen. in PL, XXIII, 935-1010; ST.希伯來語。在將軍的特等,二十三, 935-1010 ;秘。 AUGUSTINE, De Gen. c.奧古斯丁者將軍角 Manich. Manich 。 ll. 11 。 due in PL, XXXIV, 173-220; IDEM, De Ger.由於特等,三十四, 173-220 ;同上,德閣。 ad lit., ibid., 219-46; IDEM, De Ger.廣告點燃。 ,同上。 , 219-46 ;同上,德閣。 ad lit.廣告點燃。 ll. 11 。 duodecim, ibid., 245-486; IDEM, Quaest in Heptateuch., ibid., 547-776; RUFINUS, De benedictionibus patriarcharum in PL, XXI, 295-336; ST. duodecim ,同上。 , 245-486 ;同上, Quaest在Heptateuch 。 ,同上。 , 547-776 ; RUFINUS ,者benedictionibus patriarcharum的特等,二十一, 295-336 ;秘。 VEN.委內瑞拉。 BEDE, Hexaemeron in PL, XCI, 9-190; IDEM, In Pentateuch. BEDE , Hexaemeron在特等, XCI , 9-190 ;同上,在摩西五。 Commentarii, ibid., 189-394; IDEM, De tabernaculo et vasibus ejus, ibid., 393-498; RHABANUS MAURUS, Comm. Commentarii ,同上。 , 189-394 ;同上,者tabernaculo等vasibus ejus ,同上。 , 393-498 ; RHABANUS毛魯斯,商業。 in Gen. in PL, CVII, 443-670; IDEM, Comment.在將軍的特等, CVII , 443-670 ;同上,評論。 in Ez., Lev., Num., Deut. in PL, CVIII, 9-998; WALAFRID STRABO, Glossa ordinaria in PL, CXIII, 67-506.在雌二醇。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。在特等, CVIII , 9-998 ; WALAFRID斯特拉博, Glossa ordinaria在特等, CXIII , 67-506 。

MIDDLE AGES:-ST.中世紀時期: ST段。 BRUNO OF ASTI, Expositio in Pentateuch.布魯諾的ASTI , Expositio在摩西五。 in PL, RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De SS.在光致發光,魯珀特的道依茨公司,德黨衛軍。 Trinitate et operib. Trinitate等operib 。 Ejus in PL, CLXVII, 197-1000; HUGH OF ST. VICTOR, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pent. Ejus在特等, CLXVII , 197-1000 ;休聖。維克托, Adnotationes elucidatoriae的壓抑。 in PL, CLXXV, 29-86; HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Hexameron in PL, CLXXII, 253-66; IDEM, De decem plagis Aegypti, ibid., 265-70; ABELARD, Expositio in Hexaemeron in PL, CLXXVII, 731-84; HUGH OF ST. CHER, Postilla (Venice, 1588); NICOLAUS OF LYRA, Postilla (Rome, 1471); TOSTATUS, Opera, I-IV (Venice, 1728); DIONYSIUS THE CARTHUSIAN, Comment.在特等, CLXXV , 29-86 ;挪留的歐坦, Hexameron在特等, CLXXII , 253-66 ;同上, 12月plagis Aegypti者,同上。 , 265-70 ;亞伯拉德, Expositio在Hexaemeron在特等, CLXXVII , 731-84 ;休聖。雪兒, Postilla (威尼斯, 1588年) ; NICOLAUS的LYRA , Postilla (羅馬, 1471年) ; TOSTATUS ,歌劇,一至四(威尼斯, 1728年) ;狄奧尼修斯的卡爾特,評論。 in Pentateuch.在摩西五。 in Opera omnia, I, II (Montreuil, 1896-7).在Opera OMNIA公司,一,二(蒙特勒伊, 1896-7 ) 。

MORE RECENT WORKS.-Jewish Writers:-The Commentaries of RASHI (1040-1150), ABENASRA (1092-1167), and DAVID KIMCHI, (1160-1235) are contained in the Rabbinic Bibles; ABARBANEL, Comment.最近WORKS.猶太作家: -的評注的RASHI ( 1040至1150年) , ABENASRA ( 1092年至1167年) ,和大衛泡菜, ( 1160年至1235年)中載有拉比聖經; ABARBANEL ,評論。 (Venice, 5539 AM; 1579 BC); CAHEN, French tr. (威尼斯, 5539分; 1579年) ; CAHEN ,法國文。 of Pent.壓抑。 (Paris, 1831); KALISCH, Historical and Critical Comment on the Old Test. (巴黎, 1831年) ; KALISCH的,歷史的和批判性評論的舊試驗。 (London), Gen. (1885); Lev. (倫敦) ,將軍( 1885年) ;列夫。 (1867, 1872); Ez. ( 1867年, 1872年) ;雌二醇。 (1855); HIRSCH, Der Pent. ( 1855年) , HIRSCH ,明鏡壓抑。 ubersetzt und erklart (2nd ed., Frankfurt, 1893, 1895); HOFFMANN, Das Buch Lev. ubersetzt與erklart (第二版。 ,法蘭克福, 1893年, 1895年) ;霍夫曼達斯圖書列夫。 ubersetz und erklart (Berlin, 1906). ubersetz與erklart (柏林, 1906年) 。

Protestant Writers:-The works of LUTHER, MELANCHTHON, CALVIN, GERHART, CALOVIUS, DRUSIUS, DE DIEU, CAPPEL, COCCEIUS, MICHAELIS, LE CLERC, ROSENMULLER, and even of TUCH and BAUMGARTEN, are of minor importance in our days; KNOBEL, Gen. (6th ed., by DILLMANN, 1892; tr., Edinburgh, 1897); RYSSEL, Ez.新教作家: -的作品路德梅蘭希頓,卡爾文格哈, CALOVIUS , DRUSIUS ,德迪厄, CAPPEL , COCCEIUS ,蔑克里斯,樂賈勒, ROSENMULLER ,甚至TUCH和鮑姆加滕,是未成年人的重要性在我們天;克諾貝爾,將軍(第6版。通過DILLMANN , 1892年;文。 ,愛丁堡, 1897年) ; RYSSEL赫拉。 and Lev.和列夫。 (3rd ed., 1897); DILLMANN, Numbers, deut., Jos. (2nd ed., 1886); LANGE, Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk (Bielefeld and Leipzig); IDEM, Gen. (2nd ed., 1877); IDEM, Ez., Lev., and Numbers (1874); STOSCH, Deut. (第3版。 , 1897年) ; DILLMANN ,數字deut 。 ,聖何塞(第二版。 , 1886年) ;蘭格Theologisch - homiletisches Bibelwerk (比勒費爾德和萊比錫) ;同上,將軍(第2版。 , 1877年) ; IDEM赫拉。 ,列夫。和數字( 1874年) ; STOSCH , Deut 。 (2nd ed., 1902); KEIL and FRANZ DELITZSCH, Biblischer Comment. (第2版。 , 1902年) ;的Keil和弗蘭茲德里, Biblischer評論。 uber das AT; KEIL, Gen. and Ex. (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1878); IDEM, Lev., Numbers, Deut.尤伯杯存在的; Keil公司,將軍和前。 (第3版。 ,萊比錫, 1878年) ;同上,列夫。 ,數字Deut 。 (2nd ed., 1870; tr., Edinburgh, 1881, 1885); STRACK and ZOCKLER, Kurzgefasster Komment. (第2版。 , 1870年;文。 ,愛丁堡, 1881年, 1885年) ;施特拉克和ZOCKLER , Kurzgefasster Komment 。 zu den h. Schriften A. und NT (Munich); STRACK, Gen. (2nd ed., 1905); IDEM, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1894); OETTLI, Deut.楚蘭旦閣下著作答:與新台幣(慕尼黑) ;施特拉克,將軍(第2版。 , 1905年) ;同上,雌二醇。 ,列夫。 ,數字( 1894年) ;歐特列, Deut 。 (1893); NOWACK, Handkomment. ( 1893年) ; NOWACK , Handkomment 。 zum AT (Gottingen); GUNKEL, Gen. (1901); BANTSCH, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1903); Deut. zum在(哥廷根大學) ;貢克爾,將軍( 1901 ) ; BANTSCH赫拉。 ,列夫。 ,數字( 1903年) ; Deut 。 by STEUERNAGEL (1900); MARTI, Kurtzer Handommentar z.由STEUERNAGEL ( 1900 ) ;馬蒂庫爾策Handommentar卓 AT (Freiburg): HOLZINGER, Gen. (1898), Ez.在(弗賴堡) : HOLZINGER ,將軍( 1898 ) ,雌二醇。 (1900), Numbers (1903); BERTHOLET, Lev. ( 1900年) ,數字( 1903年) ; BERTHOLET ,列夫。 (1901), Deut. ( 1901 ) , Deut 。 (1899); BOHMER, Das erste Buch Mose (Stuttgart, 1905); COOK, The Holy Bible according to the Authorized Version, I-II (London, 1877); SPENCE and EXELL, The Pulpit Commentary (London): WHITELAW, Gen.; RAWLINSON, Ex.; MEYRICK, Lev.; WINTERBOTHAM, Numbers; ALEXANDER, Deut.; The Expositor's Bible (London): DODS, Gen. (1887); CHADWICK, Exod. ( 1899年) ;博默,達斯erste圖書莫塞(斯圖加特, 1905年) ;庫克聖經根據授權版本,第一和第二(倫敦, 1877年) ; SPENCE和EXELL ,講壇評(倫敦) :懷特勞,根。 ;羅林森,惠。 ;蛾,列夫。 ;溫,數字;亞歷山大, Deut 。 ;的Expositor的聖經(倫敦) : DODS ,將軍( 1887年) ; CHADWICK , Exod 。 (1890); KELLOGG, Lev. ( 1890年) ; KELLOGG ,列夫。 (1891); WATSON, Numbers (1889); HARPER, Deut. (1895); The International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh): GRAY, Numbers (1903); DRIVER, Deut. ( 1891年) ;華生,數字( 1889年) ;哈珀, Deut 。 ( 1895年) ,國際評論文章(愛丁堡) :灰色,數字( 1903年) ;司機, Deut 。 (1895); SPURRELL, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Gen. (2nd ed., Oxford, 1896); GINSBURG, The Third Book of Moses (London, 1904); MACLAREN, The Books of Ex., Lev., and Numbers (London, 1906); IDEM, Deut. ( 1895年) ; SPURRELL ,債券在希伯來文將軍(第2版。 ,牛津, 1896年) ;金斯伯格的第三本書的摩西(倫敦, 1904年) ;麥克拉倫的書惠。 ,列夫。和數字(倫敦, 1906年) ;同上, Deut 。 (London, 1906); REUSS, L'histoire sainte et la loi (Paris, 1879); KUENEN, HOSYKAAS, and OORT, Het Oude Testament (Leyden, 1900-1). (倫敦, 1906年) ; REUSS ,歐萊雅等香格里拉史聖萊(巴黎, 1879年) ; KUENEN , HOSYKAAS ,和奧爾特報舊全書(萊頓, 1900-1 ) 。

Catholic Works:-The works of CAJETAN, OLEASTER, STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS, SANTE PAGINO, LIPPOMANNUS, HAMMER, B. POREIRA, ASORIUS MARTINENGUS, LORINUS, TIRINUS, A LAPIDE, CORN, JANSENIUS, BONFRERE, FRASSEN, CALMET, BRENTANO, DERESER, and SCHOLZ are either too well known or too unimportant to need further notice.天主教工程: -的作品CAJETAN , OLEASTER , STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS , SANTE PAGINO , LIPPOMANNUS ,錘子,灣POREIRA , ASORIUS MARTINENGUS , LORINUS , TIRINUS ,阿LAPIDE ,玉米, JANSENIUS ,邦弗雷雷, FRASSEN , CALMET , BRENTANO , DERESER ,和SCHOLZ都是眾所周知或太不重要需要另行通知。 La Sainte Bible (Paris); CHELIER, La Genese (1889); IDEM, l'Exode et la Levitique (1886); TROCHON, Les Nombres et le Deuteronome (1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (Paris); VON HUMMELAUER, Gen. (1895); Ex., Lev.聖聖經(巴黎) ; CHELIER ,香格里拉Genese ( 1889年) ;同上,歐萊雅Exode等香格里拉Levitique ( 1886年) ; TROCHON ,法國Nombres等樂Deuteronome ( 1887-8 ) ; Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (巴黎) ;馮HUMMELAUER ,將軍( 1895年) ;惠。 ,列夫。 (1897); Num. ( 1897年) ;序號。 (1899); Deut. ( 1899年) ; Deut 。 (1901); SCHRANK, Comment. ( 1901年) ;薊馬,評論。 literal.字面。 in Gen. (1835); LAMY, Comment in l. Gen.在將軍( 1835年) ;拉米評論中湖將軍 (Mechlin, 1883-4); TAPPEHORN, Erklarung der Gen. (Paderborn, 1888); HOBERG, Die Gen. nach dem Literalsinn erklart (Freiburg, 1899); FILLION, La Sainte Bible, I (Paris, 1888); NETELER, Das Buch Genesis der Vulgata und des hebraischen Textes ubersetzt und erklart (Munster, 1905); GIGOT, Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, I (New York, 1901). Biblical Commission: Acta Apostolicoe Sedis (15 July, 1908); Rome (17 July, 1909). ( Mechlin , 1883-4 ) ; TAPPEHORN , Erklarung德國將軍(帕德博恩, 1888年) ;霍貝格,模具nach將軍馬克Literalsinn erklart (弗賴堡, 1899年) ;菲利安,聖聖經,我(巴黎, 1888年) ; NETELER ,達斯書起源之Vulgata和沙漠hebraischen文本ubersetzt與erklart (明斯特, 1905年) ; GIGOT ,特別介紹研究舊約,我(紐約, 1901年) 。聖經委員會:獸類Apostolicoe位置未定( 1908年7月15號) ;羅馬( 1909年7月17號) 。


Book of Numbers預訂數

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

-Critical View:臨界查看:

Amplification of Older Laws.擴增老年人法律。

Complexity of Sources.複雜性的來源。

Antiquity of Poems in Ch.古代的詩歌,在CH 。 xxiii., xxiv.二十三。 ,二十四。

Fourth book of the Pentateuch.四書五經。 In the Septuagint version it bears the title 'ΑριΘμο in the Vulgate, "Numeri," from the command given by God, contained in the first chapter, to number the children of Israel.在七十版本它的標題是' ΑριΘμο在拉丁文聖經“ Numeri , ”從命令所給予的上帝,載於第一章,對一些兒童的以色列。 In Jewish literature it is known as "Be-Midbar"; the earlier rabbis called it "Sefer Wa-Yedabber"; in the Talmud its designation is "Ḥomesh ha-Peḳudim," "the one-fifth part, which is called 'Numbers'" (Soṭah 36b; comp. Rashi ad loc.).在猶太文學它被稱為“黃Midbar ” ;早些時候拉比稱之為“ Sefer瓦Yedabber ” ;在塔木德經其指定的“霍麥什河Peḳudim ” , “一個第五部分,這是所謂的'數字' “ ( Soṭah 36B條;補償。 Rashi廣告同上。 ) 。

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

The Masoretic text contains 1,288 verses in 158 sections; of which 92 end at the end of a line ("petuḥot" = "open") and 66 in the middle of a line ("setumot" = "closed").的馬所拉的文字包含在1288年經文158節,其中92月底結束時,一條線( “ petuḥot ” = “開放” )和66的中間線( “ setumot ” = “關閉” ) 。 It is further divided into ten weekly lessons ("parashiyyot") for the annual cycle, and into thirty-two weekly lessons ("sedarim") for the triennial cycle. The subject-matter of the book falls into three main groups.這是進一步分為10週的經驗教訓( “ parashiyyot ” )的年度週期,到32週的經驗教訓( “ sedarim ” )的三年週期。該標的物的圖書分為三大類。 Ch. i.-x.總。 i.-x. 10 recount the things done and the laws given in the wilderness of Sinai; ch. 10重新做的事情和法律賦予的在野外西奈;總。 x. 11-xxvii. 11二十七。 (with the exception of ch. xv. and xix.) are historical, recording the events that occurred during the wanderings of the children of Israel in the desert; ch. xxviii.-xxxvi. (除了膽固醇。十五。和19 。 )是歷史,記錄發生的事件在流浪的兒童,以色列在沙漠中;總。 xxviii. -三十六。 contain laws and ordinances promulgated in the plains of Moab.含有法律和法令頒布平原莫阿布。 The book covers a period of more than thirty-eight years, namely, from the first day of the second month of the second year after the Exodus (i. 1) to the latter part of the fortieth year (xxxiii. 38).這本書涵蓋了為期超過三十八年,即從第一天的第2個月後的第二年外流(一1 )的後一部分四十週年( xxxiii. 38 ) 。

Ch.總。 i.: God orders Moses, in the wilderness of Sinai, to take the number of those able to bear arms-of all the men "from twenty years old and upward," the tribe of Levi being excepted, and to appoint princes over each tribe.一:上帝命令摩西,在西奈半島的曠野,採取一些能夠攜帶武器,對所有的男人“從20歲和向上, ”部落列維被除外,並任命王子過每部落。 The result of the numbering is that 603,550 Israelites are found to be fit for military service.結果,編號是603550以色列人被發現適合服兵役。 Moses is ordered to assign to the Levites exclusively the service of the Tabernacle.摩西下令指派給利專門服務於幕。

Ch.總。 ii.: God prescribes the formation of the camp around the Tabernacle, each tribe being distinguished by its chosen banner. Judah, Issachar, and Zebulun encamp to the east of the Tabernacle; Reuben, Simeon, and Gad to the south; Ephraim and Manasseh to the west; and Dan, Asher, and Naphtali to the north.二。 :上帝規定的形成營地周圍幕,各部落被尊敬的選擇旗幟。猶大,以薩迦,並Zebulun恩坎普以東的幕;魯本,西蒙,以及蓋德以南;以法蓮和瑪以西和Dan ,阿舍爾,和拿弗以北。 The same order is to be preserved on the march.按同樣的順序是保留的征途上。

Ch.總。 iii.: Of Aaron's sons and of the death of Nadab and Abihu.三。 :艾倫的兒子和逝世Nadab和亞比戶。 Moses is ordered to consecrate the Levites for the service of the Tabernacle in the place of the first-born sons, who hitherto had performed that service.摩西是神聖的命令利的服務幕的地方第一次出生的兒子,誰迄今已完成的服務。 The Levites are divided into three families, the Gershonites, the Kohathites, and the Merarites, each under a chief, and all headed by one prince, Eleazar, son of Aaron.在利分為三個家庭, Gershonites ,該Kohathites ,和Merarites ,每一個行政,以及所有由一名王子,埃萊亞薩的兒子亞倫。 The Levites number 22,000, counting every male a month old or upward. The Gershonites are placed to the west of the Tabernacle, in charge of its woven articles; the Kohathites are placed to the south, in charge of the furniture and of the Ark of the Covenant; the Merarites, to the north, in charge of the heavier material; the number of the first-born males is 22,273, which number exceeds that of the Levites by 273; the excess are ransomed for five shekels each.在利人數22000 ,計數每一個月歲男性或向上。放置的Gershonites以西的會幕,負責其織物品;的Kohathites放在南部,負責家具和方舟盟約;的Merarites ,北方,負責重材料;的人數第一次出生的男性是22273 ,這數目超過了利的273 ;過剩是贖每5謝克爾。

Ch.總。 iv.: The numbering of those Levites who are suited for the service of the Tabernacle-those from thirty to fifty years of age-shows: Kohathites, 2,750; Gershonites, 2,630; Merarites, 3,200; altogether, 8,580.四。 :編號這些利誰適合的服務幕,來自三十至五十年的年齡顯示: Kohathites , 2750 ; Gershonites , 2630年; Merarites , 3200 ;總之, 8580 。 How the Levites shall dispose of the material of the Tabernacle when preparing for a journey.利應如何處理的材料,會幕時準備的旅程。

Ch.總。 v.-vi.: Ordinances and laws concerning lepers and other unclean persons who are excluded from the camp; concerning reparation for common sins; concerning an unfaithful wife, her trial by the priest, and her atonement; concerning the Nazarite, and the ceremony performed at the expiration of his vow; the formal blessing of the people. v.-vi. :條例和法律的有關麻風病人和其他不乾淨的人誰被排除在營地;關於賠償的共同罪孽;關於一個不忠的妻子,她的審判的牧師,她贖罪;關於Nazarite和儀式演出結束時的誓言;正式祝福的人。

Ch.總。 vii.: The offerings of the princes of the twelve tribes at the dedication of the altar.七。 :所提供的王子的12個部落的奉獻精神的祭壇。

Ch.總。 viii.: The lighting of the candlestick; the separation of the Levites and the ceremony of their consecration; their term of service-from twenty-five to fifty years of age.八。 :點燃蠟燭;分離的利和儀式的神聖;他們的任期從2005年至五十六歲。

Ch.總。 ix.: Deferred Passover sacrifices; the cloud which directed the halts and journeys of the Israelites.九。 :遞延逾越節犧牲;雲的指示停止和旅行的以色列人。

Ch.總。 x.: Moses is ordered to make two silver trumpets for convoking the congregation and announcing the recommencement of a journey; the various occasions for the use of the trumpets; the first journey of the Israelites after the Tabernacle had been constructed; Moses requests Hobab to be their leader.十:摩西的命令,使兩銀喇叭的召開集會,並宣布重新開始的旅程;在各種場合使用的小號;第一旅以色列人後幕已經建成;摩西請求Hobab來是他們的領導人。

Ch.總。 xi.: The people murmur against God and are punished by fire; Moses complains of the stubbornness of the Israelites and is ordered to choose seventy elders to assist him in the government of the people; account of Eldad and Medad, of the shower of quails, and of the epidemic at Kibroth-hattaavah.十一。 :人民雜音和對上帝的懲罰火災;摩西抱怨的固執的以色列人和被命令選擇70長者,協助他在人民的政府;到伊利達和Medad ,淋浴鵪鶉,和流行病Kibroth - hattaavah 。

Ch.總。 xii.: Miriam and Aaron slander Moses at Hazeroth, and Miriam is punished with leprosy for seven days, at the end of which the Israelites proceed to the wilderness of Paran.十二。 :楊千嬅和Aaron誹謗摩西在Hazeroth ,和劉健被處以麻風七天結束時,其中猶太人進行的曠野巴拉。

Ch.總。 xiii.-xiv.: The spies and the outcome of their mission. xiii.至十四。 :間諜和成果的任務。

Ch.總。 xv.-xvi.: Ordinances to be observed in Canaan; different kinds of offerings; "ḥallah," or the priest's share of the dough; the atonement for involuntary sins; concerning the man found gathering sticks on the Sabbath-day; the law of fringes (see Fringes); the rebellion and punishment of Korah and his 250 adherents. xv. -十六。 :條例所須遵守迦南;不同種類的產品; “ ḥallah ”或牧師的份額麵團;的贖罪自願的罪孽;關於男子收集支在安息日天;法律的邊緣(見條紋) ;叛亂和懲罰Korah和他的250名信徒。

Ch.總。 xvii.: Moses ordered to make plates to cover the altar with the two hundred and fifty censers left after the destruction of Korah's band.十七。 :摩西責令板覆蓋祭壇與250香爐後離開銷毀Korah的樂隊。 The children of Israel murmur against Moses and Aaron on account of the death of Korah's men, and are stricken with the plague, 14,700 perishing; Aaron's rod.以色列兒童的雜音反對摩西和亞倫的帳戶逝世Korah的男子,並正在災區鼠疫, 1.47萬滅亡;克阿倫的棒。

Ch.總。 xviii.-xix.: Aaron and his family are declared by God to be responsible for any iniquity committed in connection with the sanctuary. xviii. - 19 。 :亞倫和他的家人現宣布由上帝負責任何不公正致力於與庇護。 The Levites are again appointed to help him in the keeping of the Tabernacle.在利再次任命,以幫助他在保持了幕。 Concerning the priestly portions and the tithes given the Levites.關於晉部分和什一稅鑑於利。 The Levites are ordered to surrender to the priests a part of the tithes taken by them.是利是投降的神職人員的一部分,他們採取的什一稅。 The law of the red heifer.該法的紅色小母牛。

Ch.總。 xx.: After Miriam's death at Kadesh, the Israelites blame Moses for the lack of water.二十。 :經過劉健儀去世卡迪什,以色列人指責摩西為缺乏水資源。 Moses, ordered by God to speak to the rock, disobeys by striking it, and is punished by the announcement that he shall not enter Canaan.摩西,上帝命令發言的岩石,不服從他的努力,並判處宣布,他不得進入迦南。 The King of Edom refuses permission to the Israelites to pass through his land.王以東拒絕允許以色列人通過他的土地。 Aaron's death on Mount Hor. Ch.亞倫的死山賀。總。 xxi.: Defeat of King Arad the Canaanite by the Israelites.二十一。 :失敗的國王阿拉德的迦南的以色列人。 The Israelites bitten by serpents for speaking against God and Moses. The brazen serpent.以色列人蛇咬傷的發言對上帝和摩西。公然蛇。 The wanderings of the Israelites prior to reaching the valley of Moab.在流浪的猶太人事先達成的山谷莫阿布。 Battles with and defeat of Sihon and Og.戰與和失敗的Sihon和146/03 。

Ch.總。 xxii.-xxiv.: Episode of Balak and Balaam. xxii. - 24 。 :西斯的Balak和巴蘭。

Ch.總。 xxv.: The Israelites encamped at Shittim commit abominations with the daughters of Moab and join Baal-peor.二十五。 :以色列人居住在Shittim犯下惡劣的女兒莫阿布和加入巴爾- peor 。 A plague carries off 24,000 Israelites.瘟疫進行了2.4萬猶太人。 Phinehas slays Zimri. Phinehas slays Zimri 。

Ch.總。 xxvi.: The new census, taken just before the entry into the land of Canaan, gives the total number of males from twenty years and upward as 601,730, the number of the Levites from a month old and upward as 23,000.二十六。 :新的普查,採取之前進入迦南的土地,使總人數的男性從二十年和向上的六十點一七三萬的一些利從月齡向上為2.300萬。 The land shall be divided by lot.土地應除以很多。

Ch.總。 xxvii.: The daughters of Zelophehad, their father having no sons, share in the allotment.二十七。 :女兒Zelophehad ,他們的父親沒有兒子的份額分配。 Moses is ordered to appoint Joshua as his successor.摩西下令任命約書亞作為他的繼任者。

Ch.總。 xxviii.-xxix.: Prescriptions for the observance of the feasts, and the offerings for different occasions: every day; the Sabbath; the first day of the month; the seven days of the Feast of Unleavened Bread; the day of first-fruits; the day of the trumpets; the Day of Atonement; the seven days of the Feast of Tabernacles; the day of solemn assembly. xxviii. -二十九。 :處方為紀念節日,並提供不同場合:每天安息日的第一個月第一天的7天內,除酵節的第一天,果實;當天小號;的贖罪日的7天的住棚節;當天莊嚴大會。

Ch.總。 xxx.: Laws concerning vows of men and of married and unmarried women. xxx域名。 :法律中關於誓言的男子和已婚婦女和未婚婦女。

Ch.總。 xxxi.: The conquest of Midian by the Israelites.三十一。 :征服米甸的以色列人。

Ch.總。 xxxii.: The Reubenites and the Gadites request Moses to assign them the land east of the Jordan.三十二。 :該Reubenites和摩西Gadites要求他們轉讓的土地以東約旦。 After their promise to go before the army to help in the conquest of the land west of the Jordan, Moses grants their request.在他們之前的承諾,以幫助軍隊在征服的土地以西約旦,摩西補助金的請求。 The land east of the Jordan is divided among the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh.土地以東約旦劃分各部落的魯本,蓋德和半部落梅納西索。 The cities built by these tribes.城市建立了這些部落。

Ch.總。 xxxiii.: Enumeration of the stations at which the Israelites halted during their forty years' wanderings in the wilderness.三十三。 :列舉站的以色列人停止在其四十年'流浪在荒野。 While in the plains of Moab the Israelites are told that, after crossing the Jordan, they should expel the Canaanites and destroy their idols.而在平原莫阿布以色列人被告知,在穿越約旦,他們應該驅逐迦南人,摧毀他們的偶像。

Ch.總。 xxxiv.: The boundaries of the land of which the Israelites are about to take possession.三十四。 :邊界的土地,其中猶太人大約佔有。 The land is to be divided among the tribes under the superintendence of Eleazar, Joshua, and twelve princes, one of each tribe.土地被劃分各部落的監督下進行埃萊亞薩,約書亞和12王子,每個部落之一。

Ch.總。 xxxv.-xxxvi.: The forty-eight cities assigned to the Levites, and the six cities of refuge. xxxv. -三十六。 :在48城市分配給利,以及6個城市的避難所。 Laws concerning murder and the cities of refuge, and female inheritance.EGHM Sel.法律中關於謀殺和城市避難,和女性inheritance.EGHM服務器。

-Critical View:臨界查看:

There is abundant evidence that the Book of Numbers was not written by Moses, and that it was not contemporary with the events which it describes.有大量證據表明,預訂的電話號碼不是摩西寫的,而且它不是當代的事件它描述。 Throughout Moses is referred to in the third person, and in one passage (xii. 3) in terms which have long been felt to preclude Mosaic authorship.摩西是整個中提到的第三人,在一個通道( xii. 3 )在條款一直認為排除花葉作者。 One passage only, namely, xxxiii.只有一個通道,即三十三。 2, lays claim to the authorship of Moses; but this is so closely related to others which are clearly later than Moses, and, indeed, the latest in the Pentateuch, that it is evident he did not write it. 2 ,據稱是作者的摩西,但這種情況是密切相關的其他一些明顯遲於摩西,的確,最近的五經,這是顯而易見的,他不寫。 It has been abundantly demonstrated that the same great sources, J, E, and P, which furnished material for the other books of the Hexateuch, furnished the material for Numbers also.它已充分表明,同偉大的來源,強, E和磷,其中家具材料的其他書籍的Hexateuch ,家具的材料數也。 Even D appears in one passage.甚至出現在一個D通道。

There is no unity of thought or of material in Numbers.沒有統一的思想或物質的數量。 Its material may be most conveniently grouped geographically, under which arrangement the following three divisions are obtained: (1) ch. i.-x.其物質可能是最方便的地理位置分組,根據這一安排,下面的三個部門是: ( 1 )膽固醇。 i.-x. 10, which treat of the camp at Sinai; (2) ch. 10 ,治療的營地西奈; ( 2 )總。 x. 11-xix., which contain accounts of wanderings; and (3) ch. 11 - 19 。 ,其中所包含的帳目流浪;和( 3 )總。 xx.-xxxvi., the scene of which is the plains of Moab. xx. - 36 。 ,現場是平原莫阿布。

Ch.總。 i.-x. 10: The first section of the book covers the last nineteen days of the encampment at Sinai. 10 :第一部分書籍封面上一九天的集結在西奈半島。 The material all comes from P; but it is not all from one hand.這些材料都是從P ;但不是所有的一方面。 Ch.總。 i.字母i. 1, 16, 54 is from Pg, the author of the priestly "Grundschrift," who recorded the command to number Israel, and briefly told how it was accomplished. 1 , 16 , 54頁是,作者的祭司“ Grundschrift , ”誰記錄了一些以色列的命令,並簡要地告訴它是怎麼完成的。 Verses 17 to 53 give the tribes in a different order from the preceding, and are from the hand of a priestly expander or supplementer, Ps.詩篇17日至53給予不同的部落在前面的命令,並且從手的祭司膨脹或supplementer ,聚苯乙烯。 Ch.總。 ii., which gives the plan of encampment, has still a different order for the tribes, so that Judah assumes the first place.二。 ,以使該計劃的集結,仍然不同為了部落,使猶太假設放在首位。 It is generally agreed that this comes from the hand of a still later priestly supplementer.人們普遍認為,這來自於手的還是後來祭司supplementer 。 Ch.總。 iii.三。 contains the account of the choice of the tribe of Levi instead of all the first-born of the Israelites.包含帳戶的選擇部落列維不是所有的第一胎的以色列人。 This main narrative from Pg (verses 5-22, 27, 28, 33, 34, 39, 44, 45) has been supplemented by Ps (verses 1-4, 23-26, 29-32, 35-38, 40-43, 46-51), with the position of their encampment and some other matters.這主要說明從皮克(詩句5月22日, 27 , 28 , 33 , 34 , 39 , 44 , 45 )補充了聚苯乙烯(詩句1-4 , 23-26 , 29-32 , 35-38 , 40 - 43 , 46-51 )的立場,他們的營地和其他一些事項。 Ch.總。 iv., a fresh census of adult Levites with a statement of their duties, contains (verse 11) a reference to the golden altar, of which there is an account in Ex.四。 ,新的普查與成人利陳述他們的職責,包含(詩11 )的參考金壇,其中有一個帳戶中惠。 xxx., a supplementary chapter. xxx域名。 ,以補充章。 This is, therefore, from Ps.因此,這是由聚苯乙烯。 In all these passages from Ps there are seen great elaboration of style and much repetition.在所有這些段落物質有很大制定風格和大量的重複。

Amplification of Older Laws.擴增老年人法律。

Ch.總。 v., concerning the ordeal provided for a wife suspected of infidelity, comes from a priestly writer possibly older than Pg, whom Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, because he writes as a teacher, designate as Pt.五,關於磨難提供了一個涉嫌不忠的妻子,來自晉作家可能頁以上,其中卡彭特和哈福德-巴特斯,因為他寫道作為一名教師,指定為鉑。 The law in its present form combines two older laws, according to one of which the proof of the woman's guilt is presupposed, while the other regarded it as indeterminate and provided an ordeal to ascertain the truth.該法以其目前的形式結合兩個舊的法律,根據其中一個證明這名婦女的犯罪為先決條件,而另一把它看作不定,並提供了磨難,以查明真相。 For details compare Stade in his "Zeitschrift," 1895, pp.有關詳細信息,比較球場在他的“雜誌” , 1895年,頁。 166 et seq.; Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, "Hexateuch," ii. 166起。 ;卡朋特和哈福德,巴特斯, “ Hexateuch , ”二。 192; and Baentsch in Nowack's "Hand-Kommentar," ad loc. 192 ;和Baentsch在Nowack的“手Kommentar , ”廣告同上。 Ch.總。 vi., on the law of vows, is from the same source as ch.六。對法律的誓言,是來自同一來源的膽固醇。 v., namely, Pt.五,即鉑。 The benediction at the end (verses 22 to 27) is from a supplementary source.的祝福年底(詩句22日至27日)是由一個補充來源。 Ch.總。 vii., relating to the gifts of the princes of the different tribes, is dated the day Moses finished setting up the Tabernacle, and accordingly follows immediately on Ex.七。有關的禮物,王子的不同部落,是一天摩西月完成設立幕,因此,緊接著關於前。 xl.儀。 It is regarded as one of the latest amplifications of Ps.它被認為是最新的擴增的PS 。 One verse (89) is from Pg.一詩( 89 )是由職位。 Ch.總。 viii., the ceremonial cleansing of the Levites, is from Ps, but it consists of two strata, 1-15a and 15b-26.八。 ,儀式清洗利,是從物質,但它包括兩個層次, 1 - 15A條和第15B - 26 。 These cover much the same ground, 15b-26 being later than the other.這些政策涉及同樣的地面,第15B - 26正在不遲於其他。 Ch.總。 ix., on the regulations of the delayed Passover, is likewise from Ps.九。 ,對規例延遲逾越節,同樣由聚苯乙烯。 Ch.總。 x. 1-8 recounts the signals for journeying. 1月8日重新的信號journeying 。 It is from Pg.正是從頁。 Verses 9 and 10 contain regulations concerning the blowing of trumpets in war and as a memorial.詩篇第9和第10包含條例關於吹小號在戰爭中,作為紀念。 It bears the characteristic marks of the Holiness Code, Ph.它承擔著特徵的標誌的神聖碼,電話

Ch.總。 x. 11-xix.: In the second division of Numbers the sources are more complex, J, E, and P being each represented. 11 - 19 。 :在第二司號碼的來源更為複雜,強中,英,和P是每個代表出席了會議。 It is by no means possible to separate the three strands with certainty.這絕不是可以分開的三股肯定。 Ch.總。 x. 11-26, describing the departure from Sinai, contains first (verses 11-12) Pg's statement of the departure. 11月26日,描述離開西奈半島,包含第一(詩11月12日)頁的聲明離境。 This has been amplified (verses 13-28, 34) by Ps.這一直擴增(詩句13-28 , 34歲)的聚苯乙烯。 In verses 29-33, 35, and 36 the J narrative, which was interrupted at Ex.在經文29-33 , 35 ,和36的J敘事,這是在中斷前。 xxxiv.三十四。 28, is resumed. 28日,是恢復。 As in the J narratives elsewhere, Moses' father-in-law, who accompanies the Israelites on their way, is called Hobab.正如在其他地方的J敘述,摩西的岳父,誰伴隨以色列人的道路上,被稱為Hobab 。 Ch.總。 xi.十一。 1-3, narrating the Taberah incident, is plausibly attributed to E because marks of J are wanting and because E elsewhere ascribes a similar function to prayer (xxi. 7 and Gen. xx. 7, 17). 1月3日,解說的Taberah事件,原因是振振有辭至E ,因為馬克的J是想和其他地方的重視,因為é了類似的功能,祈禱( xxi. 7和將軍二十。 7 , 17 ) 。 The story of the quails (xi. 4-15, 18-24a, 31-35; xii. 16) is clearly from J: the style, language, and point of view are his.的故事鵪鶉( xi. 4月15日, 18 - 24A條, 31-35 ;十二。 16 )顯然是從記者:在風格,語言和角度看是他的。 On the other hand, xi.另一方面,十一。 16, 17, 24b-30, and xii. 16 , 17 , 24b - 30 ,和第十二。 1-15 are, by their conception of the tent of meeting as apart from the camp, shown to be from E. 1月15日是,他們的構想帳篷的會議,除了營地,證明是由大腸桿菌

Complexity of Sources.複雜性的來源。

Ch.總。 xiii-xiv., describing the sending out of thespies, is very complex.十三至十四。 ,說明發送的thespies ,是非常複雜的。 J, E, and P are all represented in the story. J , E和P的所有代表的故事。 The following analysis is tentative only: To P belong xiii.下面的分析是暫定只:為P屬於十三。 1-17a, 21b, 25, 26a, 32; xiv. 1 - 17A條,第二十一期乙, 25 , 26A條,第32條;十四。 1a, 2, 5-7, 9a, 10, 26-30, 32-39a.第1a , 2 , 5月7日, 9A條, 10 , 26-30 , 32 - 39a 。 According to P, Caleb, Joshua, and ten others went through the land to Rehob in the neighborhood of Lebanon; they reported the people to be of great stature; the congregation murmured; and forty years of wandering were announced.根據磷,凱萊布,約書亞,並經歷了10個其他的土地Rehob在附近的黎巴嫩,他們報告說,人民有很大的地位;聚集喃喃地;和四十年遊蕩宣布。 From J come xiii.由J來十三。 17b, 18b, 19, 22, 27a, 28, 30, 31; xiv. 17B條, 18B條,第19 ,第22 ,第27A , 28 , 30 , 31 ;十四。 1c, 3, 8, 9b, 11-17, 19-24, 31, 41-45. 1C號, 3 , 8 , 9B條, 11月17日, 19日至24日, 31 , 41-45 。 According to J, Caleb and other spies go up to the "negeb" (AV "south"), and reach Hebron; they report that the children of Anak are there; the people weep with fear; only Caleb and the little ones are, accordingly, to see the promised land; the presumptuous attempt of the people to go up is defeated.據至J ,凱萊布和其他間諜上升到“ negeb ” (影音“南方” ) ,並達成希伯倫;他們報告說,兒童的阿納有;哭泣的人的恐懼,只有凱萊布和小孩子是,因此,看到樂土;的狂妄企圖的人去了被打敗。 To E belong xiii.至E屬於十三。 17c, 18a, 18c, 20, 21a, 23, 24, 26b, 27b, 29, 33; xiv.鏡, 18A條, 18C型, 20 , 21A條, 23 , 24 , 26B條,第27B款, 29 , 33 ;十四。 1b, 4, 25, 39b, 40. 1B款, 4 , 25 , 39b , 40 。 The beginning of E's account may be found underlying Deut.開始電子商務的帳戶可能會發現根本Deut 。 i.字母i. 22-25. 22-25 。 He describes the despatch of twelve men, who reach the valley of Eshcol, cut down some fruit, and take it back to Kadesh, with a report that numerous Nephilim are in the country; the people cry unto the Lord and are directed to march by way of the Red Sea, but they propose to enter the land direct instead.他形容寄發12名男子,誰達到谷Eshcol ,減少一些水果,並採取它回到卡迪什,有一份報告說,許多Nephilim是在該國的人哭你們的主,是針對3月方式紅海,但他們提出進入土地直接代替。

Ch.總。 xv., on the general law of oblation and on a law concerning fringes on garments, is from Pt, though Ps has interpolated verses 32 to 36, which refer to the man found gathering sticks on the Sabbath.十五。對一般法的奉獻和對有關法律邊緣的服裝,是由鉑,雖然物質已插詩句32至36 ,其中提到該名男子發現收集支在安息日。 Ch.總。 xvi.十六。 is composite: an account by J of how a Judean headed a rebellion against Moses, an E account of the rebellion of two sons of Reuben, and a Pg account of how a number of Israelites murmured against Moses and Aaron have been combined and transformed by Ps into the attempt of Levites headed by Korah to obtain the priesthood.複合材料是:一個帳戶的雜誌如何朱迪亞率領反抗摩西,電子帳戶的叛亂的兩個兒子的魯本,並採用PG到如何一些以色列人喃喃地對摩西和亞倫已合併和轉化聚苯乙烯的企圖利為首的Korah獲得鐸。 To J belong verses 1d, 13, 14a, 15, 26b, 27c-31, 33a; to E, 1c, 12, 14b, 25, 27b, 32a, 33b, 34; to Pg, 1a, 2b-7, 18-24, 26a, 27a, 35, 41-50; and to Ps, 1b, 8-11, 16, 17, 32b, 33c, and 36-40. Ch.至J屬於詩句1 , 13 , 14A條,第15 , 26B條,第27C - 31 , 33a ;至E , 1C號,第12 ,第14B , 25 , 27B款, 32A條, 33B條, 34條;到頁,第1a , 2b干擾素- 7 , 18 - 24 , 26A條,第27A , 35 , 41-50 ;和聚苯乙烯, 1B款, 8月11日, 16 , 17 , 32B條, 33C條,和36-40 。總。 xvii., on the budding of Aaron's rod, and ch.十七。 ,在萌芽克阿倫的棒,和CH 。 xviii., on the responsibilities and perquisites of the priests, are from the main priestly narrative, Pg.十八。上的責任和特權的祭司,是從主祭司說明,頁碼。 Ch.總。 xix.十九。 contains regulations for the purification of those who have touched the dead.包含條例純化談到這些誰死。 Verses 1 to 13, on the ceremonial of the red heifer, is tentatively assigned to Ps; the parallel law in verses 14 to 22 is connected by its title with Pt. Ch.詩篇1日至13日,在禮節性的紅色小母牛,暫時分配到PS ;平行法的詩句14日至22日相連的標題與鉑。總。 xx.-xxxvi.: In the third section of the book, ch. xx. -三十六。 :在第三部分圖書,甲烷。 xx.二十。 1-13, narrating the strife at Meribah, is mainly derived from Pg, but the reference to Miriam (1b) seems to be taken from E, while 3a, 5, and 8b are fragments of a J account in which Aaron was not mentioned. Verses 14 to 22a, the refusal of Edom to allow Israel to pass through his territory, is combined from J and E. E furnished verses 14-18, 21a, and 22a; J, 19, 20, and 21b. 1月13日,解說的紛爭在Meribah ,主要是來自頁碼,但提到儀( 1b )向似乎是取自英文,而3A條,第5和第8B是片段的J帳戶中亞倫沒有提到。詩篇14至22A條,拒絕以東,使以色列通過其領土,結合從J和高考14日至18日提供的詩句, 21A條,及22A ; J , 19 , 20 ,和一期居屋。 Verses 22b to 29, describing the death of Aaron, is clearly from Pg. Ch.詩篇22B款至29日,描述了死亡的亞倫,顯然是從頁。總。 xxi.二十一。 is a JE narrative.是乙腦說明。 J supplied verses 1-3 (the devotion of Hormah), 16-20 (the journey from Hormah to Pisgah), and 24b-32 (the conquest of Heshbon and Jazer); E supplied 4b-9 (the origin of the brazen serpent), 11b-15 (the journey to the Arnon), 21-24a (the conquest of Heshbon). J提供的詩句1-3 (投入Hormah ) , 16-20 (旅程從Hormah向皮斯加) ,以及24b - 32 (征服Heshbon和Jazer ) ; é供應4B條, 9 (原產地的無恥蛇) , 11B款- 15 (旅程的阿爾) , 21 - 24A條(征服Heshbon ) 。 Verses 4a, 10, and 11a are a part of P's itinerary, as is xxii.詩篇4A條, 10和11A款的一部分,是P的行程,這是二十二。 1. 1 。

Antiquity of Poems in Ch.古代的詩歌,在CH 。 xxiii., xxiv.二十三。 ,二十四。

The story of Balaam (xxii.2-xxiv.) has been woven together from J and E. The J sections are xxii.巴蘭的故事( xxii.2 - 24 。 )已經交織在一起從J和大腸桿菌的J節二十二。 3b-5a, 5c-7, 11, 17, 18, 22-36a, 37b, 39; xxiii.三號乙- 5A型,第5c - 7 , 11 , 17 , 18 , 22 - 36A條,第37B , 39歲;二十三。 28; xxiv. 28 ;二十四。 1-25. 1月25日。 These sections describe Moab's distress, and the sending of elders of Midian to Balaam, apparently in the land of Ammon (emended text instead of in xxii. 5c).這些章節描述莫阿布的困境,並派遣長老米甸至巴蘭,顯然是在土地的阿蒙( emended文字而不是在二十二。 5C號) 。 Yhwh appears to him by the way, and the ass speaks; Balaam does not practise enchantment, but speaks under the influence of the spirit of God.耶和華似乎給他的方式,和驢子說話;巴蘭並不執業魅力,但說話的影響下聖靈。 To E belong xxii.至E屬於二十二。 2, 5b, 8-10, 12-16, 19-21, 36b. 2 , 5B號, 8月10日, 12月16日, 19日至21日,第36B條。 37a, 38, 40, 41; xxiii. 37A條, 38 , 40 , 41 ;二十三。 1-27, 29. 1月27日, 29日。 This narrative describes Moab's fear, and the sending of her princes to Pethor in the east to summon Balaam. Elohim bids Balaam go with them, and he speaks the word that Elohim puts in his mouth.這說明描述莫阿布的恐懼,並派遣她的王子,以Pethor東部傳喚巴蘭。耶洛因出價巴蘭去同他們,他講了話耶洛因在他的嘴裡。 The poems in xxiii.詩歌在二十三。 and xxiv.和二十四。 are probably still older than J and E.很可能仍然以上J和大腸桿菌

In ch.在CH 。 xxv.二十五。 it is thought that 1b, 2, 3b, and 4, which narrate whoredom with the daughters of Moab, are from J; verses 1a, 3a, and 5 are an E account of Israel's worship of Baal-peor and its punishment; verses, 6 to 15 preserve a kindred account by Pg of a Hebrew's marriage with a Midianitish woman and its punishment.據認為, 1B款,第2 , 3B款和第4款,其中敘述whoredom與女兒莫阿布,來自焦耳;詩句一號A , 3A條,和第5的E到以色列的崇拜巴爾- peor及其處罰;詩句, 6日至15日保持一個親屬的帳戶頁的希伯來文的婚姻與婦女及其Midianitish處罰。 Ps has supplemented this (verses 16, 17) by a command to vex the Midianites. ps的補充本(詩句16日, 17日)的命令,以呧米甸人。 Ch.總。 xxvi., a second census of the Hebrews, is so repetitious that it is clearly from a priestly supplementer. 26 。 ,第二次人口普查的希伯來人,如此重複,它顯然是從一個牧師supplementer 。 Ch. xxvii.總。二十七。 1-11, concerning the inheritance of daughters when male issue is wanting, is from a similar source. 1月11日關於繼承的女兒時,男性的問題是希望,是由一個類似的來源。 This is also true of verses 12 to 14, which once introduced at this point the P account of the death of Moses that is now found at Deut.這也是真正的詩句12日至14日,曾經在這一點上介紹的P帳戶逝世的摩西,現在發現Deut 。 xxxiv.三十四。 1. 1 。 Ch.總。 xxvii. 15-23, on the selection of Joshua to lead Israel, is a part of the original priestly narrative of Pg, Ch.二十七。 15-23 ,在選擇約書亞帶領以色列,一部分是原來的司鐸敘事的PG ,甲烷。 xxviii.-xxxvi. xxviii. -三十六。 are, with the exception of xxxii.是,除了三十二。 39-42 (a part of J's itinerary), from the various priestly supplementers, Ps. 39-42 (一部份的J的行程) ,從各種祭司supplementers ,聚苯乙烯。 Ch.總。 xxviii.二十八。 and xxix.和二十九。 contain late regulations for the feasts, differing materially from the P regulations in Lev.包含晚條例節日,不同的物質從P條例列夫。 xxiii.二十三。 The reasons which lead critics to assign the treatment of vows in ch.的原因導致批評指派治療誓言在CH 。 xxx., the itinerary in xxxiii. xxx域名。 ,行程在三十三。 1 et seq., and other parts of this material to Ps are the elaborate and repetitious style, and various modifications of earlier priestly material. 1起。 ,和其他地區的這種材料到PS是制定和重複作風,各種修改早先祭司材料。 For details the reader is referred to such works as those mentioned in the bibliography below.有關詳情,請讀者參閱這些作品所提到的那些目錄如下。

It is clear from a careful examination of the material, when it is grouped as in the above analysis, that the Book of Numbers is a part of the same literary process which produced the Pentateuch.很顯然,仔細審查了材料,當它是一組在上述分析,這本書的號碼是相同的部分文學進程產生了摩西五。 A trace of D (Rd) appears in ch.微量的D (路)似乎在CH 。 xiv.十四。 18; so that all four strata of the Pentateuch are present. 18 ;使所有四個階層的摩西五是本。

Emil G. Hirsch, M. Seligsohn, Executive Committee of the Editorial Board, George A. Barton埃米爾灣赫希先生Seligsohn ,執行委員會的編委會,喬治巴頓

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography:參考書目:

Kuenen, The Hexateuch, 1886; Bacon, The Triple Tradition of the Exodus, 1894; Carpenter and G. Harford-Battersby, The Hexateuch, 1900; Baentsch, Exodus-Leviticus-Numeri, in Nowack's Handkommentar, 1903; G. Kuenen ,該Hexateuch , 1886年;培根的三重傳統外流, 1894年;卡朋特和G.哈福德,巴特斯,該Hexateuch , 1900 ; Baentsch ,出埃及記,利未記- Numeri ,在Nowack的Handkommentar , 1903 ;灣 Buchanan Gray, Numbers, in the International Critical Commentary, 1903.ECGAB布坎南灰,數字,在國際的評論文章, 1903.ECGAB


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