Books of Maccabees or Machabees圖書的馬加比或Machabees

A book in the Old Testament Apocrypha 一本書,舊約偽經

General Information 一般信息

The books of the Maccabees consist of four Jewish books named after Judas Maccabeus, the hero of the first two.這些書籍的馬加比包括四個猶太書籍的名字命名的猶大Maccabeus ,英雄的頭兩個。 The books do not appear in the Jewish Bible, but 1 and 2 Maccabees are included in the Greek and Latin canon and in the Protestant Apocrypha.這些書不會出現在猶太聖經,但第1和第2馬加比包括在希臘和拉丁佳能和新教偽經。 Books 1 and 2 provide a vivid account of Jewish resistance to the religious suppression and Hellenistic cultural penetration of the Seleucid period (175 - 135 BC).圖書1和2提供了一個生動的帳戶猶太抵抗的宗教壓制和希臘文化滲透的塞流西時期( 175 - 135年) 。

They also contain partial records of the Hasmonean (or Maccabean) dynasty, which achieved Jewish political independence during the resistance to the Seleucids and maintained it until 63 BC.它們還含有部分記錄Hasmonean (或Maccabean )王朝,取得政治獨立猶太人在抵抗Seleucids和維護,直到63年。 Written about 110 BC, 1 Maccabees has more historical scope and detail than the others and displays Hasmonean sympathies.寫110公元前1馬加比有更多的歷史範圍和細節比別人,並顯示Hasmonean同情。 Dated prior to 63 BC, 2 Maccabees epitomizes an earlier work by Jason of Cyrene and has modest historical value.前63月公元前2馬加比體現了以往的工作,賈森的昔蘭尼和歷史價值已經不大。 A historically dubious but edifying account of the persecution of Egyptian Jews by Ptolemy IV (r. 221 - 204 BC) constitutes 3 Maccabees, which was written about 50 BC.歷史上值得懷疑,但啟發到迫害猶太人的埃及托勒密四(河221 - 204年)構成3馬加比,這是書面約公元前50年。 The last book, 4 Maccabees, originally written in Greek probably about AD 25, is primarily a philosophical discussion of the primacy of reason, governed by religious laws, over passion.在最後一本書, 4馬加比原先書面希臘大概在公元25日,主要是一個哲學討論的首要原因,由宗教法,在激情。

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Bibliography 參考書目
JA Goldstein, 1 Maccabees (1976); M Hadas, The Third and Fourth Books of Maccabees (1953); RH Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times with an Introduction to the Apocrypha (1949); DS Russell, Between the Testaments (1960); S Tedesche and S Zeitlin, The First Book of Maccabees (1950) and The Second Book of Maccabees (1954).茉莉戈爾茨坦, 1馬加比( 1976年) ; M哈達,第三次和第四次圖書的馬加比( 1953年) ;濕度菲佛,歷史新約全書次介紹了偽經( 1949年) ;德尚羅素之間的聖經( 1960年) ;縣Tedesche和S澤特林,第一本書的馬加比( 1950年)和第二卷馬加比( 1954年) 。


Mac'cabees

Advanced Information 先進的信息

This word does not occur in Scripture.這個詞不會出現在聖經。 It was the name given to the leaders of the national party among the Jews who suffered in the persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeeded to the Syrian throne BC 175.這是名字被給領導人的國家黨在誰猶太人遭受迫害下安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯,誰繼承王位敘利亞公元前175 。 It is supposed to have been derived from the Hebrew word (makkabah) meaning "hammer," as suggestive of the heroism and power of this Jewish family, who are, however, more properly called Asmoneans or Hasmonaeans, the origin of which is much disputed.這是假定已經源自希伯來字( makkabah )意思是“錘子”的暗示性的英雄主義和權力這個猶太家庭,誰不過,更恰當地稱為Asmoneans或Hasmonaeans ,原產地是非常有爭議的。 After the expulsion of Antiochus Epiphanes from Egypt by the Romans, he gave vent to his indignation on the Jews, great numbers of whom he mercilessly put to death in Jerusalem.經過驅逐安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯從埃及的羅馬人,他給他的憤怒發洩對猶太人,大量他無情地處死在耶路撒冷。 He oppressed them in every way, and tried to abolish altogether the Jewish worship.他壓迫他們以各種方式,並試圖取消完全猶太崇拜。

Mattathias, and aged priest, then residing at Modin, a city to the west of Jerusalem, became now the courageous leader of the national party; and having fled to the mountains, rallied round him a large band of men prepared to fight and die for their country and for their religion, which was now violently suppressed. Mattathias ,和老年神父,然後住在莫丁市以西的耶路撒冷,成為現在的勇敢的國家黨黨魁;並逃到山裡去,上漲一輪他一個大波段的男子準備戰鬥和死亡的他們的國家和他們的宗教,這是目前暴力鎮壓。 In 1 Macc.在1 Macc 。 2: 60 is recorded his dying counsels to his sons with reference to the war they were now to carry on. 2 : 60是記錄他臨死的律師,他的兩個兒子在提到戰爭他們現在進行。 His son Judas, "the Maccabee," succeeded him (BC 166) as the leader in directing the war of independence, which was carried on with great heroism on the part of the Jews, and was terminated in the defeat of the Syrians.他的兒子猶大“的Maccabee , ”接任(公元前166 )的領導指揮獨立戰爭,這是進行以極大的英雄主義的一部分猶太人,並終止了失敗的敘利亞人。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Books of the Mac'cabees圖書的Mac'cabees

Advanced Information 先進的信息

There were originally five books of the Maccabees.有五本書最初的馬加比。 The first contains a history of the war of independence, commencing (BC 175) in a series of patriotic struggles against the tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes, and terminating BC 135.第一個包含了歷史上的獨立戰爭開始, (公元前175 )在一系列的愛國鬥爭的暴政安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯,並終止公元前135 。 It became part of the Vulgate Version of the Bible, and was thus retained among the Apocrypha.它成為一部分拉丁文聖經版本的聖經,因此保留的偽經。 The second gives a history of the Maccabees' struggle from BC 176 to BC 161.第二個給出了歷史上的馬加比'鬥爭從公元前176至公元前161 。 Its object is to encourage and admonish the Jews to be faithful to the religion of their fathers.其目的是鼓勵和訓誡猶太人忠實於宗教,他們父輩。 The third does not hold a place in the Apocrypha, but is read in the Greek Church.第三個不舉行在偽經,而是改為在希臘教會。 Its design is to comfort the Alexandrian Jews in their persecution.其設計是為了安慰亞歷山大在其迫害猶太人。 Its writer was evidently an Alexandrian Jew.它的作者顯然是一個亞歷山大猶太人。 The fourth was found in the Library of Lyons, but was afterwards burned.第四個被發現在圖書館里昂,但後來被燒毀。 The fifth contains a history of the Jews from BC 184 to BC 86.第五包含的歷史,猶太人從公元前184至公元前86 。 It is a compilation made by a Jew after the destruction of Jerusalem, from ancient memoirs, to which he had access.這是一個彙編所作的猶太人在耶路撒冷的破壞,從古老的回憶錄中,他所訪問。 It need scarcely be added that none of these books has any divine authority.它需要指出的是,幾乎沒有這些書籍有任何神聖的權力。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


The Books of Machabees帳簿Machabees

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

The title of four books, of which the first and second only are regarded by the Church as canonical; the third and fourth, as Protestants consider all four, are apocryphal.標題的四本書,其中第一和第二只被視為教會的典範;第三次和第四次,因為考慮到所有四個新教徒,都未經證實。 The first two have been so named because they treat of the history of the rebellion of the Machabees, the fourth because it speaks of the Machabee martyrs.頭兩個已如此命名是因為他們對待歷史的叛亂的Machabees ,第四次,因為它談到Machabee烈士。 The third, which has no connection whatever with the Machabee period, no doubt owes its name to the fact that like the others it treats of a persecution of the Jews.第三,它沒有任何連接的Machabee期間,毫無疑問要歸功於它的名字一樣的事實,它如何對待別人的迫害猶太人。 For the canonicity of I and II Mach.對於正規的第一和第二馬赫。 see CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT看到佳能舊約

THE FIRST BOOK OF MACHABEES第一本書的MACHABEES

(Makkabaion A; Liber Primus Machabaeorum). ( Makkabaion甲;書普里默斯Machabaeorum ) 。

Contents目錄

The First Book of the Machabees is a history of the struggle of the Jewish people for religious and political liberty under the leadership of the Machabee family, with Judas Machabeus as the central figure.第一本書的Machabees是一個歷史的鬥爭,猶太人民的宗教和政治自由的領導下Machabee家庭,與猶大Machabeus作為中心人物。 After a brief introduction (i, 1-9) explaining how the Jews came to pass from the Persian domination to that of the Seleucids, it relates the causes of the rising under Mathathias and the details of the revolt up to his death (i, 10-ii); the glorious deeds and heroic death of Judas Machabeus (iii-ix, 22); the story of the successful leadership of Jonathan (ix, 23-xii), and of the wise administration of Simon (xiii-xvi, 17).簡要介紹(一, 1月9日) ,說明如何來的猶太人通過從波斯統治,在Seleucids ,它涉及的根源上升下Mathathias和詳細的反抗行動去世(一, 10 - 2 ) ;的光輝事蹟和壯烈犧牲的猶大Machabeus (第三至第九, 22條) ;的故事,成功地領導喬納森(九, 23 - 12 ) ,和明智的管理西蒙(第十三至十六, 17 ) 。 It concludes (xvi, 18-24) with a brief mention of the difficulties attending the accession of John Hyrcanus and with a short summary of his reign (see MACHABEES, THE).報告的結論( 16 , 18-24 ) ,以簡要地提到了困難出席加入約翰Hyrcanus和簡要他統治(見MACHABEES的) 。 The book thus covers the period between the years 175 and 135 BC這本書因此涉及之間的這段時間裡, 175和135年

Character字符

The narrative both in style and manner is modelled on the earlier historical books of the Old Testament.說明無論在風格和方式是仿照先前史書舊約。 The style is usually simple, yet it at times becomes eloquent and even poetic, as, for instance, in Mathathias's lament over the woes of the people and the profanation of the Temple (ii, 7-13), or in the eulogy of Judas Machabeus (iii, 1-9), or again in the description of the peace and prosperity of the people after the long years of war and suffering (xiv, 4-15). The tone is calm and objective, the author as a rule abstaining from any direct comment on the facts he is narrating.樣式通常是簡單的,但它有時甚至成為雄辯和詩意,例如,在Mathathias的悲嘆的悲哀人民和褻瀆聖殿(二, 7月13日) ,或在悼詞猶大Machabeus (三, 1月9日) ,或再次說明,和平與繁榮的人在多年的戰爭和苦難(十四, 4月15日) 。的語氣是平靜的,客觀的,作者作為一項規則棄權任何直接評論的事實,他敘述。 The more important events are carefully dated according to the Seleucid era, which began with the autumn of 312 BC It should be noted, however, that the author begins the year with spring (the month Nisan), whereas the author of II Mach.更重要的事件是精心月根據塞流西時代,開始於公元前312秋季應該指出的是,作者從今年春季(尼散月) ,而作者二馬赫。 begins it with autumn (the month Tishri). By reason of this difference some of the events are dated a year later in the second than in the first book.它與秋天開始(每月提市黎月) 。憑著這種差異的一些事件的日期,一年後在第二比第一本書。 (Cf. Patrizzi, "De Consensu Utriusque Libri Mach.", 27 sq.; Schürer, "Hist. of the Jewish People", I, I, 36 sq.). (參見Patrizzi “者合意Utriusque利布里馬赫。 ” , 27平方米; Schürer , “組織胺。猶太人民” ,我,我, 36平方米) 。

Original Language原文

The text from which all translations have been derived is the Greek of the Septuagint.的文字,所有的翻譯已經產生是希臘的譯本。 But there is little doubt that the Septuagint is itself a translation of a Hebrew or Aramaic original, with the probabilities in favour of Hebrew.但毫無疑問的是,在七十本身就是一個翻譯的希伯來語或阿拉姆原來,與概率贊成希伯來語。 Not only is the structure of the sentences decidedly Hebrew (or Aramaic); but many words and expressions occur which are literal renderings of Hebrew idioms (eg, i, 4, 15, 16, 44; ii, 19, 42, 48; v, 37, 40; etc.).不僅是句子結構的決定性希伯來語(或阿拉姆) ;但許多詞語出現的文字渲染希伯來習語(例如,一, 4 , 15 , 16 , 44 ;二, 19 , 42 , 48 ; v , 37 , 40 ;等等) 。 These peculiarities can scarcely be explained by assuming that the writer was little versed in Greek, for a number of instances show that he was acquainted with the niceties of the language.這些特點幾乎可以被解釋為假定的作家幾乎沒有精通希臘文,有許多實例表明,他結識了微妙的語言。 Besides, there are inexact expressions and obscurities which can be explained only in the supposition of an imperfect translation or a misreading of a Hebrew original (eg, i, 16, 28; iv, 19, 24; xi, 28; xiv, 5). The internal evidence is confirmed by the testimony of St. Jerome and of Origen. The former writes that he saw the book in Hebrew: "Machabaeorum primum librum Hebraicum reperi" (Prol. Galeat.).此外,還有不確定性的表達和obscurities這可以解釋只有在假設的一個不完美的翻譯或誤讀的希伯來文原(例如,我, 16 , 28 ;四, 19 , 24 ;十一28 ; 14 , 5 ) 。內部證據證實的證詞聖杰羅姆和奧利。前寫道,他認為這本書在希伯來文: “ Machabaeorum primum librum Hebraicum reperi ” ( Prol. Galeat 。 ) 。 As there is no ground for assuming that St. Jerome refers to a translation, and as he is not likely to have applied the term Hebrew to an Aramaic text, his testimony tells strongly in favour of a Hebrew as against an Aramaic original.因為沒有任何理由假設聖杰羅姆提到了翻譯,並因為他是不太可能採用了長期的阿拉姆希伯來文,他的證詞告訴強烈贊成希伯來語對一個阿拉姆原始。 Origen states (Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", vi, 25) that the title of the book was Sarbeth Sarbane el, or more correctly Sarbeth Sarbanaiel.奧利國(優西比烏, “組織胺。 Eccl 。 ” ,六, 25 ) ,該圖書的書名是Sarbeth Sarbane報,或更正確Sarbeth Sarbanaiel 。 Though the meaning of this title is uncertain (a number of different explanations have been proposed, especially of the first reading), it is plainly either Hebrew or Aramaic.雖然這一名稱的含義是不確定的(許多不同的解釋已提出,特別是一讀) ,這顯然是任何希伯來語或阿拉姆。 The fragment of a Hebrew text published by Chwolson in 1896, and later again by Schweitzer, has little claim to be considered as part of the original.片段的希伯來文字出版的Chwolson於1896年,後來又由施魏策爾,幾乎沒有要求被視為是原來的。

Author and Date of Composition作者和日期的組成

No data can be found either in the book itself or in later writers which would give us a clue as to the person of the author.無數據可以發現無論是在這本書本身,還是在以後的作家這將使我們的線索的人,作者。 Names have indeed been mentioned, but on groundless conjecture.名字確實已經提到,但根據的猜想。 That he was a native of Palestine is evident from the language in which he wrote, and from the thorough knowledge of the geography of Palestine which he possessed.他是一個土生土長的巴勒斯坦是顯而易見的語言中,他寫道,從透徹了解地理的巴勒斯坦,他擁有。 Although he rarely expresses his own sentiments, the spirit pervading his work is proof that he was deeply religious, zealous for the Law, and thoroughly in sympathy with the Machabean movement and its leaders.雖然他很少表達自己的情緒,普遍的精神,這證明他的工作,他深感宗教,熱心的法律,並徹底的同情Machabean運動及其領導人。 However, strange to say, he studiously avoids the use of the words "God" and "Lord" (that is in the better Greek text; in the ordinary text "God" is found once, and "Lord" three times; in the Vulgate both occur repeatedly. But this is probably due to reverence for the Divine James, Jahweh and Adonai, since he often uses the equivalents "heaven", "Thou", or "He". There is absolutely no ground for the opinion, maintained by some modern scholars, that he was a Sadducee. He does not, it is true, mention the unworthy high-priests, Jason and Menelaus; but as he mentions the no less unworthy Alcimus, and that in the severest terms, it cannot be said that he wishes to spare the priestly class. The last verses show that the book cannot have been written till some time after the beginning of the reign of John Hyrcanus (135-105 BC), for they mention his accession and some of the acts of his administration. The latest possible date is generally admitted to be prior to 63 BC, the year of the occupation of Jerusalem by Pompey; but there is some difference in fixing the approximately exact date. Whether it can be placed as early as the reign of Hyrcanus depends on the meaning of the concluding verse, "Behold these [the Acts of Hyrcanus] are written in the book of the days of his priesthood, from the time (xx xx, "ex quo") that he was made high priest after his father". Many understand it to indicate that Hyrcanus was then still alive, and this seems to be the more natural meaning. Others, however, take it to imply that Hyrcanus was already dead. In this latter supposition the composition of the work must have followed close upon the death of that ruler. For not only does the vivid character of the narrative suggest an early period after the events, but the absence of even the slightest allusion to events later than the death of Hyrcanus, and, in particular, to the conduct of his two successors which aroused popular hatred against the Machabees, makes a much later date improbable. The date would, therefore, in any case, be within the last years of the second century BC然而,奇怪的是,他故意避免使用“上帝”和“上帝” (即在更好的希臘文字;在普通文本“上帝”被發現後,與“上帝”的3倍;在大麥都不斷發生。但是,這可能是由於敬畏神的詹姆斯, Jahweh和阿多乃,因為他經常使用的等值“天國” , “你”或“他。 ”是絕對沒有理由認為,保持一些現代學者,他是一個Sadducee 。他不這樣做,這是真的,更不用說不配高神父, Jason和墨涅拉俄斯;但他提到,不辜負Alcimus ,並在最嚴厲的條款,就不能他說,他希望避免祭司類。最後的經文表明,這本書不能被寫入到一段時間後開始統治約翰Hyrcanus ( 135-105年) ,因為他們提到他的加入和一些行為他的政府。最新的可能是普遍承認的日期是63年前,當年的佔領耶路撒冷的朴茨茅斯,但有一些差異,固定的大約確切日期。是否可以放在儘早統治的Hyrcanus取決於意義的結論詩句, “看,這些[行為的Hyrcanus ]撰寫的這本書的天他的神職,從時間( 20 × × , ”前維持現狀“ ) ,他寫了大祭司之後,他的父親。 “許多人的理解,表明Hyrcanus當時仍然活著,這似乎是更自然的含義。然而,其他國家是否可以意味著Hyrcanus已經死亡。在後一種假設的組成的工作必須密切注視一旦死亡的統治者。不僅沒有生動的敘事特徵表明前期的事件之後,但沒有哪怕是一丁點針對事件不遲於死亡Hyrcanus ,尤其是,以進行他的兩個接班人引起流行的仇恨對Machabees ,提出了許多日後難以置信。日期,因此,在任何情況下,是在過去幾年的公元前二世紀

Historicity歷史性

In the eighteenth century the two brothers EF and G. Wernsdorf made an attempt to discredit I Mach., but with little success.早在十八世紀英法的兩個兄弟和G. Wernsdorf試圖詆毀我馬赫。 ,但收效不大。 Modern scholars of all schools, even the most extreme, admit that the book is a historical document of the highest value.現代學者的所有學校,即使是最極端的情況下,承認這本書是一份歷史性文件的最高值。 "With regard to the historical value of I Mach.", says Cornill (Einl., 3rd ed., 265), "there is but one voice; in it we possess a source of the very first order, an absolutely reliable account of one of the most important epochs in the history of the Jewish people." “關於歷史價值的I馬赫。 ”說, Cornill ( Einl. ,第3版。 , 265 ) , “只有一個聲音,在它擁有的一個來源的第一個命令,一個絕對可靠的帳戶其中一個最重要的時代在歷史上的猶太人民。 “ The accuracy of a few minor details concerning foreign nations has, however, been denied.準確性的幾個小細節外國聯合國但是,被拒絕。 The author is mistaken, it is said, when he states that Alexander the Great divided his empire among his generals (i, 7), or when he speaks of the Spartans as akin to the Jews (xii, 6, 7, 21); he is inexact in several particulars regarding the Romans (viii, 1 sq.); he exaggerates the numbers of elephants at the battle of Magnesia (viii, 6), and some other numbers (eg, v, 34; vi, 30, 37; xi, 45, 48).作者是錯誤的,這是說,當時他指出,亞歷山大大帝的帝國之間的分歧將軍(一, 7 ) ,或當他談到斯巴達一樣荒唐可笑的猶太人( 12 , 6 , 7 , 21 ) ;他是不精確的幾個細節就羅馬書(八, 1平方米) ;他誇大數字的大象之戰氧化鎂(八, 6人) ,和其他一些數字(例如,五, 34 ;六, 30 , 37 ;十一, 45 , 48 ) 。 But the author cannot be charged with whatever inaccuracies or exaggerations may be contained in viii, 1-16.但是,作者不能被落案控以任何錯誤或誇張可能載於八, 1月16日。 He there merely sets down the reports, inexact and exaggerated, no doubt, in some particulars, which had reached Judas Machabeus.他有僅僅規定的報告,準確和誇大了,毫無疑問,在一些細節,達到了猶大Machabeus 。 The same is true with regard to the statement concerning the kinship of the Spartans with the Jews. The author merely reproduces the letter of Jonathan to the Spartans, and that written to the high-priest Onias I by Arius.同樣,關於聲明的親屬關係的斯巴達人與猶太人。作者只是抄錄的信喬納森的斯巴達人,並書面向高牧師Onias我的阿里烏斯。

When a writer simply reports the words of others, an error can be laid to his charge only when he reproduces their statements inaccurately.當一個作家只是報告的話,其他人的錯誤可以被解僱,他負責抄錄只有當他的發言不準確。 The assertion that Alexander divided his empire among his generals (to be understood in the light of vv. 9 and 10, where it is said that they "made themselves kings . . . and put crowns on themselves after his death"), cannot be shown to be erroneous.聲稱他的亞歷山大帝國分裂之間將軍(可以理解參照的VV 。 9日和10 ,它是說,他們“作出自己的國王。 。 。 ,並冠上自己去世後” ) ,不能證明是錯誤的。 Quintus Curtius, who is the authority for the contrary view, acknowledges that there were writers who believed that Alexander made a division of the provinces by his will.昆圖斯庫爾提烏斯,誰是權威的相反的觀點,承認有作家認為,亞歷山大誰了各省司他將。 As the author of I Mach is a careful historian and wrote about a century and a half before Q. Curtius, he would deserve more credit than the latter, even if he were not supported by other writers.正如作者本人馬赫是一個認真的歷史學家寫的一個半世紀前問:庫爾提烏斯,他將得到更多的信貸比後者,即使他不支持其他作家。 As to the exaggeration of numbers in some instances, in so far as they are not errors of copyists, it should be remembered that ancient authors, both sacred and profane, frequently do not give absolute figures, but estimated or popularly current numbers.至於誇張的數字在一些情況下,只要他們沒有錯誤copyists ,應該記住,古老的作家,既神聖和世俗的,往往沒有絕對的數字,但估計或民選當前號碼。 Exact numbers cannot be reasonably expected in an account of a popular insurrection, like that of Antioch (xi,45,48), because they could not be ascertained.確切的數字無法合理預期的帳戶全民起義一樣,安提阿(十一, 45,48 ) ,因為他們無法確定。 Now the same was often the case with regard to the strength of the enemy's forces and of the number of the enemy slain in battle.現在同樣是經常發生的情況方面的力量,敵人的力量和數量的敵人在戰鬥中被殺害。 A modifying clause, such as "it is reported", must be supplied in these cases.阿修改條款,如“據報導” ,必須提供在這些案件中。

Sources來源

That the author used written sources to a certain extent is witnessed by the documents which he cites (viii, 23-32; x, 3-6, 18-20, 25-45; xi, 30-37; xii, 6-23; etc.). ,作者採用書面來源在一定程度上是看到的文件,他引用(八23-32 ;十, 3-6 , 18-20 , 25-45 ;十一30-37 ;十二, 6月23日;等) 。 But there is little doubt that he also derived most of the other matter from written records of the events, oral tradition being insufficient to account for the many and minute details; There is every reason to believe that such records existed for the Acts of Jonathan and Simon as well as for those of Judas (ix, 22), and of John Hyrcanus (xvi, 23-24).但毫無疑問的是,他還衍生大多數其他事項由書面記錄的事件,口述傳統正在不足以帳戶許多微小的細節,我們完全有理由相信,這些記錄存在的行為喬納森和西蒙以及為這些猶大(九, 22歲) ,以及約翰Hyrcanus ( 16 , 23日至24日) 。 For the last part he may also have relied on the reminiscences of older contemporaries, or even drawn upon his own.最後一部分,他也可能依賴於老年人的同時代人的回憶,甚至利用自己的。

Greek Text and Ancient Versions古希臘文字和版本

The Greek translation was probably made soon after the book was written.希臘翻譯很可能作出後不久,這本書撰寫。 The text is found in three uncial codices, namely the Sinaiticus, the Alexandrinus, and the Venetus, and in sixteen cursive manuscripts The textus receptus is that of the Sixtine edition, derived from the Codex Venetus and some cursives.案文中發現三個uncial codices ,即西奈抄本的頸,和Venetus ,並在16行草手稿的是, textus receptus的Sixtine版,來自法典Venetus和一些cursives 。 The best editions are those of Fritzsche ("Libri Apocryphi VT", Leipzig, 1871, 203 sq.) and of Swete "OT in Greek", Cambridge, 1905, III, 594 sq.), both based on the Cod.最好的版本是弗里切( “利布里Apocryphi虛擬化技術” ,萊比錫, 1871年, 203平方米)和Swete “催產素在希臘” ,劍橋, 1905年,三, 594平方米) ,這兩個基礎上的COD 。 Alexandrinus.頸。 The old Latin version in the Vulgate is that of the Itala, probably unretouched by St. Jerome.舊版本中的拉丁美洲是拉丁文聖經的伊泰萊,可能unretouched聖杰羅姆。 Part of a still older version, or rather recension (chap. i-xiii), was published by Sabatier (Biblior. Sacror. Latinae Versiones Antiquae, II, 1017 sq.), the complete text of which was recently discovered in a manuscripts at Madrid.一部分仍然舊版本,或者更確切地說recension (第一章,十三) ,出版了薩巴蒂爾( Biblior. Sacror 。 Latinae Versiones Antiquae ,二, 1017平方米) ,完整的文本是最近發現的手稿在馬德里。 Two Syriac versions are extant: that of the Peshitto, which follows the Greek text of the Lucian recension, and another published by Ceriani ("Translatio Syra photolithographice edita," Milan, 1876, 592-615) which reproduces the ordinary Greek text.兩個現存敘利亞文版本:即Peshitto ,繼希臘文盧西安recension ,另外公佈的Ceriani ( “ Translatio Syra photolithographice鯛, ”米蘭, 1876年, 592-615 ) ,其中轉載了普通希臘文字。

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACHABEES第二卷MACHABEES

(Makkabaion B; Liber Secundus Machabaeorum). ( Makkabaion B組;書Secundus Machabaeorum ) 。

Contents目錄

The Second Book of Machabees is not, as the name might suggest, a continuation of the First, but covers part of the same ground.第二卷Machabees並非如名字所顯示的,繼續進行,但涉及的一部分,同地面。 The book proper (ii, 20-xv, 40) is preceded by two letters of the Jews of Jerusalem to their Egyptian coreligionists (i, 1-ii, 19).這本書正確的(二20 - 15 , 40 )是前兩封信的猶太人在耶路撒冷的埃及coreligionists (一, 1 - 2 , 19 ) 。 The first (i, 1-10a), dated in the year 188 of the Seleucid era (ie 124 BC), beyond expressions of goodwill and an allusion to a former letter, contains nothing but an invitation to the Jews of Egypt to celebrate the feast of the Dedication of the Temple (instituted to commemorate its rededication, 1 Maccabees 4:59; 2 Maccabees 10:8).第一次(我1 - 10A條) ,日期為今年188塞流西時代(即124年) ,以後表達的善意和暗指前信,包含只不過邀請埃及的猶太人,以慶祝節日的奉獻精神寺(設立,以紀念其再次, 1馬加比四時59分; 2馬加比10時08分) 。 The second (i, 10b-ii, 19), which is undated, is from the "senate" (gerousia) and Judas (Machabeus) to Aristobulus, the preceptor or counsellor of Ptolemy (DV Ptolemee)第二個(一, 10B條,二, 19 ) ,這是日期,是從“美國” ( gerousia )和猶大( Machabeus )以阿里斯托布魯斯的導師或輔導員的托勒密(數碼Ptolemee )

(Philometor), and to the Jews in Egypt. ( Philometor ) ,並在埃及的猶太人。 It informs the Egyptian Jews of the death of Antiochus (Epiphanes) while attempting to rob the temple of Nanea, and invites them to join their Palestinian brethren in celebrating the feasts of the Dedication and of the Recovery of the Sacred Fire.它通知埃及猶太人的死亡安提阿哥(伊皮法尼斯) ,而企圖行劫寺Nanea ,並邀請他們加入他們的巴勒斯坦兄弟在慶祝節日的獻身精神和對恢復的聖火。 The story of the recovery of the sacred fire is then told, and in connection with it the story of the hiding by the Prophet Jeremias of the tabernacle, the ark and the altar of incense. After an offer to send copies of the books which Judas had collected after the example of Nehemias, it repeats the invitation to celebrate the two feasts, and concludes with the hope that the dispersed of Israel might soon be gathered together in the Holy Land.故事的恢復聖火,然後說,在這方面的故事,隱藏的先知赫雷米亞斯的幕,方舟和香壇。要約後寄送書籍的猶大收集後的例子Nehemias ,它重複了邀請,慶祝這兩個節日,並得出結論,希望分散以色列可能很快就會聚集在聖地。

The book itself begins with an elaborate preface (ii, 20-33) in which the author after mentioning that his work is an epitome of the larger history in five books of Jason of Cyrene states his motive in writing the book, and comments on the respective duties of the historian and of the epitomizer.這本書本身首先闡述前言(二20-33 ) ,其中提到的作者後,他的工作是一個縮影較大歷史5本書的傑森的昔蘭尼國家他的動機在寫這本書,和評論各自的職責,歷史學家和epitomizer 。 The first part of the book (iii-iv, 6) relates the attempt of Heliodoris, prime minister of Seleucus IV (187-175 BC), to rob the treasures of the Temple at the instigation of a certain Simon, and the troubles caused by this latter individual to Onias III. The rest of the book is the history of the Machabean rebellion down to the death of Nicanor (161 BC), and therefore corresponds to I Mach., I, 11-vii, 50. Section iv, 7-x, 9, deals with the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Maccabees 1:11-6:16), while section x, l0-xv, 37, records the events of the reigns of Antiochus Eupator and Demetrius I (1 Maccabees 6:17-7:50).第一部分的書(三,四,六)涉及的企圖Heliodoris ,總理西四( 187-175年) ,搶劫的寶藏寺在其唆使一定西蒙,以及造成的麻煩由後者個人Onias三。其餘的書是歷史上的叛亂,以Machabean死亡尼卡諾爾( 161年) ,因此相當於本人馬赫。 ,我, 11七, 50 。第四節, 7十,九,涉及統治安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯( 1馬加比1:11-6:16 ) ,而第十節10 - 15 , 37 ,記錄事件的時期安提阿哥Eupator和德梅口( 1馬加比6:17-7:50 ) 。 II Mach.二馬赫。 thus covers a period of only fifteen years, from 176 to 161 BC But while the field is narrower, the narrative is much more copious in details than I Mach., and furnishes many particulars, for instance, names of persons, which are not found in the first book.從而涵蓋了一段只有15年,從公元前176至161但外地窄,敘事更豐富的細節比我馬赫。 ,並提供了許多細節,例如,名單上的人,這是未找到在第一本書。

Object and Character對象和特徵

On comparing the two Books of Machabees it is plainly seen that the author of the Second does not, like the author of the First, write history merely to acquaint his readers with the stirring events of the period with which he is dealing.比較兩本書的Machabees顯然是看到了作者的第二次不一樣,作者首先,寫歷史只是熟悉他的讀者與攪拌事件期間,他處理。 He writes history with a view to instruction and edification.他寫的歷史,以指導和啟發。 His first object is to exalt the Temple of Jerusalem as the centre of Jewish worship.他的第一個目標是發揚寺耶路撒冷為中心的猶太人崇拜。 This appears from the pains he takes to extol on every occasion its dignity and sanctity.這似乎帶來的痛苦所採取的頌揚,每次它的尊嚴和神聖。 It is "the great temple", (ii, 20), "the most renowned" and "the most holy in all the world" (ii, 23; v, 15), "the great and holy temple" (xiv, 31); even heathen princes esteemed it worthy of honour and glorified it with great gifts (iii, 2-3; v, 16; xiii, 23); the concern of the Jews in time of danger was more for the holiness of the Temple than for their wives and children (xv, 18); God protects it by miraculous interpositions (iii, xiv, 31 sq.) and punishes those guilty of sacrilege against it (iii, 24 sq.; ix, 16; xiii, 6-8; xiv, 31 sq.; xv, 32); if He has allowed it to be profaned, it was because of the sins of the Jews (v, 17-20).這是“偉大的聖殿教” , (二20 ) , “最知名的”和“最神聖的所有世界” (二23 ;五, 15 ) , “偉大和神聖的聖殿教” ( 14月31日) ;甚至異教徒王子是值得尊敬的榮譽和榮耀與偉大的禮物(三, 2月3日;五, 16 ; 13 , 23 ) ;所關注的猶太人在時間上的危險更是神聖的聖殿比為他們的妻子和子女( 15 , 18 ) ;上帝保護它的神奇interpositions (三,第十四條, 31平方米)並懲罰那些犯有褻瀆反對(三, 24平方米;第九, 16條;第十三6-8 ;十四, 31平方米;十五, 32 ) ;如果他允許它是褻瀆,這是因為該罪的猶太人(五17-20 ) 。 It is, no doubt, with this design that the two letters, which otherwise have no connexion with the book, were prefixed to it.這是毫無疑問,這個設計,這兩個字母,否則沒有任何聯接的書,它是前綴。 The author apparently intended his work specially for the Jews of the Dispersion, and more particularly for those of Egypt, where a schismatical temple had been erected at Leontopolis about l60 BC The second object of the author is to exhort the Jews to faithfulness to the Law, by impressing upon them that God is still mindful of His covenant, and that He does not abandon them unless they first abandon Him; the tribulations they endure are a punishment for their unfaithfulness, and will cease when they repent (iv, 17; v, 17, 19; vi, 13, 15, 16; vii, 32, 33, 37, 38; viii, 5, 36; xiv, 15; xv, 23, 24).作者顯然是他的工作,專門針對猶太人的分散,特別是對那些埃及,在分裂的廟宇已豎立Leontopolis約l60公元前第二個對象的作者是敦促猶太人忠實於法律,給他們留下深刻印象的,上帝依然銘記他的公約,並說,他不放棄他們,除非他們首先放棄他忍受的磨難,他們是一種懲罰他們的不忠,並停止他們懺悔(四, 17 ; v , 17 , 19 ;六, 13 , 15 , 16 ;七, 32 , 33 , 37 , 38 ;八, 5 , 36 ; 14 , 15 ;十五, 23 , 24 ) 。 To the difference of object corresponds a difference in tone and method.的不同對象對應不同的語氣和方法。 The author is not satisfied with merely relating facts, but freely comments on persons and acts, distributing praise or blame as they may deserve when judged from the standpoint of a true Israelite. Supernatural intervention in favour of the Jews is emphasized.作者並不滿足僅僅是有關的事實,但自由意見和行為的人,分發讚揚或責備,因為它們可能值得判斷的角度來看真正的以色列人。超自然的干預有利於猶太人的重要性。 The style is rhetorical, the dates are comparatively few.作風是修辭的日期是相對較少。 As has been remarked, the chronology of II Mach.正如人們所說,在年表二馬赫。 slightly differs from that of I Mach.稍微不同於我馬赫。

Author and Date作者和日期

II Mach.二馬赫。 is, as has been said, an epitome of a larger work by a certain Jason of Cyrene.是,正如人們所說的,一個縮影更大的工作一定傑森的昔蘭尼。 Nothing further is known of this Jason except that, judging from his exact geographical knowledge, he must have lived for some time in Palestine.沒有其他人知道這傑森但,從他的確切地理知識,他必須有一段時間生活在巴勒斯坦。 The author of the epitome is unknown.作者的縮影不明。 From the prominence which he gives to the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, it has been inferred that he was a Pharisee.從突出的給予他的理論,死人復活,已推斷,他是一個法利賽人。 Some have even maintained that his book was a Pharisaical partisan writing.有些人甚至認為他的書是一個Pharisaical黨派寫作。 This last, at tiny rate, is a baseless assertion.這最後,在微小的速度,是毫無根據的斷言。 II Mach.二馬赫。 does not speak more severely of Alcimus than I Mach., and the fact that it mentions the high-priests, Jason and Menelaus, by name no more proves it to be a Pharisaic partisan writing than the omission of their names in I Mach.不會說更嚴重的Alcimus比我馬赫。 ,以及它提到了高神父, Jason和墨涅拉俄斯,沒有更多的名字,證明它是一個比Pharisaic黨派書面漏掉了自己的名字在我馬赫。 proves that to be a Sadducee production.證明是一個Sadducee生產。 Jason must have finished his work shortly after the death of Nicanor, and before disaster overtook Judas Machabeus, as he not only omits to allude to that hero's death, but makes the statement, which would be palpably false if he had written later, that after the death of Nicanor Jerusalem always remained in the possession of the Jews (xv, 38).傑森必須完成他的工作後不久死亡尼卡諾爾,並超越了之前災害猶大Machabeus ,因為他不僅忽略以暗示說,英雄的死亡,但使聲明,這將是明顯錯誤的,如果他寫了之後,後死亡尼卡諾爾耶路撒冷始終掌握在猶太人( 15 , 38 ) 。 The epitome cannot have been written earlier than the date of the first letter, that is 124 BC的縮影不能寫的日期提前的第一個字母,即公元前124

As to the exact date there is great divergence.至於確切日期有很大的分歧。 In the very probable supposition that the first letter was sent with a copy of the book, the latter would be of about the same date.在很可能的假設,第一次致函與這本書,後者將約在同一日期。 It cannot in any case be very much later, since the demand for an abridged form of Jason's history, to which the author alludes in the preface (ii, 25-26), must have arisen within a reasonably short time after the publication of that work.它不能在任何情況下都非常以後,由於需求的簡略形式傑森的歷史,而作者提到的前言(二, 25日至26日) ,必須出現在相當短的時間公佈後說,工作。 The second letter must have been written soon after the death of Antiochus, before the exact circumstances concerning it had become known in Jerusalem, therefore about 163 BC That the Antiochus there mentioned is Antiochus IV and not Antiochus III, as many Catholic commentators maintain, is clear from the fact that his death is related in connection with the celebration of the Feast of the Dedication, and that he is represented as an enemy of the Jews, which is not true of Antiochus III.第二封信必須是書面後不久死亡安提阿哥,確切情況之前,關於它已成為眾所周知在耶路撒冷,因此這公元前約163的安提阿哥有提到是安提阿哥四,而不是安提歐楚三世,因為許多天主教評論家維護,是明確的是,有關他的死亡是與慶祝節日的獻身精神,以及他的代表作為一個猶太人的敵人,這是不正確的安提阿哥三。

Original Language原文

The two letters which were addressed to the Jews of Egypt, who knew little or no Hebrew or Aramaic, were in all probability written in Greek.這兩封信是針對猶太人的埃及,誰知道很少或根本沒有希伯來文或阿拉姆語,是在所有的概率書面希臘。 That the book itself was composed in the same language, is evident from the style, as St. Jerome already remarked (Prol. Gal.).這本書本身是由在相同的語言,是顯而易見的作風,為聖杰羅姆已經指出( Prol.半乳糖。 ) 。 Hebraisms are fewer than would be expected considering the subject, whereas Greek idioms and Greek constructions are very numerous. Hebraisms少於預計將考慮這個問題,而希臘和希臘建築成語非常多。 Jason's Hellenistic origin, and the absence in the epitome of all signs that would mark it as a translation, are sufficient to show that he also wrote in Greek.賈森的希臘血統,以及缺乏的縮影所有跡象表明,將標誌著它作為一個翻譯,足以表明,他也寫在希臘。 Historicity.-- The Second Book of Machabees is much less thought of as a historical document by non-Catholic scholars than the First, though Niese has recently come out strongly in its defence.歷史性.--第二卷Machabees小得多思想作為一個歷史文件,非天主教的學者比第一,但Niese最近出來強烈的辯護。 The objections brought against the two letters need not, however, concern us, except in so far as they affect their authenticity, of which hereafter.反對提起的兩封信沒有必要,但是,使我們感到關切,但只要影響到他們的真實性,其中以下。 These letters are on the same footing as the other documents cited in I and II Mach.; the author is therefore not responsible for the truth of their contents.這些信件是在同樣的基礎上的其他文件中提到的第一和第二馬赫。 ;作者因此不負責的真理的內容。 We may, then, admit that the story of the sacred fire, as well as that of the hiding of the tabernacle, etc., is a pure legend, and that the account of the death of Antiochus as given in the second letter is historically false; the author's credit as a historian will not in the least be diminished thereby.我們可能會,那麼,承認的故事聖火,以及藏匿的窩棚等,是一個純粹的傳說,而到了死亡的安提阿哥給出的第二封信是歷史虛假的;作者的信貸作為歷史學家不會在最不被削弱,從而。 Some recent Catholic scholars have thought that errors could also be admitted in the book itself without casting any discredit on the epitomizer, inasmuch as the latter declines to assume responsibility for the exact truth of all its contents.最近的一些天主教學者們認為,錯誤也可以在書中承認,自己沒有任何詆毀鑄造的epitomizer ,因為後者拒絕承擔責任的具體事實的所有內容。 But though this view may find some support in the Vulgate (ii, 29), it is hardly countenanced by the Greek text.但是,儘管這種看法可能會發現一些支持武加大(二29 ) ,這是難以贊同由希臘文字。 Besides, there is no need to have recourse to a theory which, while absolving the author from formal error, would admit real inaccuracies in the book, and so lessen its historical value.此外,就沒有必要訴諸理論,同時免除作者正式錯誤,將承認真正的錯誤在這本書,因此減輕其歷史價值。 The difficulties urged against it are not such as to defy satisfactory explanation.困難敦促反對不如違抗令人滿意的解釋。 Some are based on a false interpretation of the text, as when, for instance, it is credited with the statement that Demetrius landed in Syria with a mighty host and a fleet (xiv, 1), and is thus placed in opposition to I Mach., vii, 1, where he is said to have landed with a few men.有些是基於一個錯誤的解釋文字,如,舉例來說,這是記入的聲明說,德梅降落在敘利亞與強大的主機和的船隊(十四, 1 ) ,因此是放置在反對餘馬赫。 ,七, 1 ,他在那裡據說降落幾個男子。 Others are due to subjective impressions, as when the supernatural apparitions are called into question.另一些是由於主觀印象,如超自然顯現的質疑。 The exaggeration of numbers has been dealt with in connexion with I Mach.誇大的數字已經被處理的聯接與I馬赫。

The following are the main objections with some real foundation: (1) The campaign of Lysias, which I Mach., iv, 26-34, places in the last year of Antiochus Epiphanes, is transferred in II Mach., xi, to the reign of Antiochus Eupator; (2) The Jewish raids on neighbouring tribes and the expeditions into Galilee and Galaad, represented in I Mach., v, as carried on in rapid succession after the rededication of the temple, are separated in II Mach.以下是主要的反對與一些真正的基礎: ( 1 )的運動Lysias ,我馬赫。 ,四, 26-34 ,地方在過去的一年裡的安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯,是在二轉馬赫。 ,十一,對在位安提阿哥Eupator ; ( 2 )以色列襲擊鄰國部族和探險到加利利和Galaad ,代表我馬赫。 ,五,為迅速進行繼承後重新廟宇,是分開的二馬赫。 and placed in a different historical setting (viii, 30; x, 15-38; xii, 10-45); (3) The account given in II Mach., ix, differs from that of I Mach., vi, regarding the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, who is falsely declared to have written a letter to the Jews; (4) The picture of the martyrdoms in vi, 18-vii, is highly coloured, and it is improbable that Antiochus was present at them.並放置在不同的歷史背景(八, 30 ;第十15-38 ;十二, 10-45 ) ; ( 3 )帳戶中二馬赫。 ,九,不同於我馬赫。 ,六,關於死亡安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯,誰是虛報寫了一封信給猶太人; ( 4 )的圖片martyrdoms在六, 18七,高度顏色,這是不大可能的安提阿哥出席了他們。

To these objections it may be briefly answered: (1) The campaign spoken of in II Mach., xi, is not the same as that related in I Mach., iv; (2) The events mentioned in viii, 30 and x, 15 sq. are not narrated in I Mach., v. Before the expedition into Galaad (xii, 10 sq.) can be said to be out of its proper historical setting, it would have to be proved that I Mach.這些反對意見可以簡要地回答: ( 1 )運動談到在二馬赫。 ,十一,是不一樣的,有關在我馬赫。 ,四; ( 2 )中提到的活動八, 30和X , 15平方米是不是在我講述馬赫。 ,訴前考察納入Galaad (十二, 10平方米)可以說是出其應有的歷史背景,就必須要證明,我馬赫。 invariably adheres to chronological order, and that the events grouped together in chap.總是堅持以時間順序排列,而且事件中組合到一起的第一章。 v took place in rapid succession; (3) The two accounts of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes differ, it is true, but they fit very well into one another. v發生在快速繼承; ( 3 ) ,這兩個帳戶的死亡安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯不同,這是事實,但他們非常適合到一個。

Considering the character of Antiochus and the condition he was in at the time, it is not at all improbable that he wrote a letter to the Jews; (4) There is no reason to doubt that in spite of the rhetorical form the story of the martyrdoms is substantially correct.考慮到性質安提阿哥和條件,他在的時候,它不是在所有難以置信,他寫了一封信給猶太人; ( 4 )有沒有理由懷疑,儘管口頭形式的故事martyrdoms大大正確的。 As the place where they occurred is unknown, it is hard to see on what ground the presence of Antiochus is denied.作為地方發生是未知的,很難看到地面上的存在安提阿哥被拒絕。 It should be noted, moreover, that the book betrays accurate knowledge in a multitude of small details, and that it is often supported by Josephus, who was unacquainted with it.應當指出,此外,這本書知識的背叛準確眾多小細節,這往往是支持約瑟夫,誰是不了解它。 Even its detractors admit that the earlier portion is of the greatest value, and that in all that relates to Syria its knowledge is extensive and minute.甚至詆毀承認,早先的部分是最大的價值,而且在所有涉及到敘利亞的知識是廣泛的和分鐘。 Hence it is not likely that it would be guilty of the gross errors imputed to it.因此,不太可能,這將是犯了嚴重錯誤歸咎於它。

Authenticity of the Two Letters真實性的兩封信

Although these letters have a clear bearing on the purpose of the book, they have been declared to be palpable forgeries.雖然這些信有一個明確的關係的目的,這本書,他們被宣布為明顯是偽造的。 Nothing, however, justifies such an opinion.但是,沒有任何東西證明這樣一個觀點。 The glaring contradiction in the first letter, which represents the climax of affliction as having been experienced under Demetrius II, has no existence.的突出矛盾的第一個字母,它代表的高潮苦惱作為經歷過德梅下二,已不存在。 The letter does not compare the sufferings under Demetrius with those of the past, but speaks of the whole period of affliction including the time the time of Demetrius.不信的痛苦比較之下德梅同過去一樣,但談到整個時期的痛苦,包括時間的時候德梅。 The legend of the sacred fire etc., proves nothing against the genuineness of the second letter, unless it be shown that no such legend existed at the time.的傳說聖火等,證明並不反對真實性的第二封信,除非它是表明,沒有這樣的傳說存在的時間。 The false account of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes is rather a proof in favour of the authenticity of the letter.虛假帳戶逝世安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯是相當有利的證據的真實性,一封信。 Such an account would be quite natural if the letter was written soon after the first news, exaggerated and distorted as first news often is, had reached Jerusalem.這樣的帳戶將是很自然的,如果寫的信後不久,首次新聞,誇大和歪曲的新聞常常是第一次,已經達到耶路撒冷。 There remains only the so-called blunder of attributing the building of the Temple to Nehemias.還有只有所謂失誤的主要原因是建設廟Nehemias 。 The very improbability of such a gross blunder on the part of an educated Jew (the supposed forger) should have made the critics pause.非常不大可能這樣一個嚴重的錯誤的一部分,一個受過教育的猶太人(假定偽造)應暫停了批評。 Nehemias put the last touches to the Temple (Nehemiah 2:8; Josephus, "Antiq.", XI, 5:6) which justifies the use of oikodomesas. Nehemias把最後涉及到廟(尼希米記2點08 ;約瑟夫, “ Antiq 。 ”十一,五點06分) ,其中的理由使用oikodomesas 。 Codex 125 (Mosquensis) reads oikonomesas "having ordered the service of the temple and altar"; this would remove all difficulty (cf. Nehemiah 10:32 sq.; 13 sqq.).法典125 ( Mosquensis )內容oikonomesas “有命令服務的寺廟和祭壇” ,這將消除一切困難(參見尼希米記10:32平; 13 sqq 。 ) 。

Greek Text and Versions希臘文字和版本

The Greek text is usually found in the same manuscripts as I Mach.; it is wanting, however, in the Cod.希臘文字通常是在同樣的手稿,我馬赫。 ;它是希望,然而,在鱈魚。 Sinaiticus, The Latin version in the Vulgate is that of the Itala.西奈抄本,拉丁美洲版本的拉丁文聖經是的伊泰萊。 An older version was published by Peyron and again by Ceriani from the Codex Ambrosianus.舊版本出版了Peyron一再Ceriani從法典Ambrosianus 。 A third Latin text is found in the Madrid manuscripts which contains an old version of I Mach.第三個是拉丁美洲的文字中找到馬德里手稿包含的版本過舊我馬赫。 The Syriac version is often a paraphrase rather than a translation.敘利亞版本往往是意譯,而不是一個翻譯。

THE THIRD AND FOURTH BOOKS OF MACHABEES第三次和第四次的書籍MACHABEES

III Mach.三馬赫。 is the story of a persecution of the Jews in Egypt under Ptolemy IV Philopator (222-205 BC), and therefore has no right to its title.是講述了一個迫害猶太人在埃及托勒密四下Philopator ( 222-205年) ,因此沒有權利確定其名稱。 Though the work contains much that is historical, the story is a fiction.雖然工作包含大量的歷史,故事是虛構的。 IV Mach.四馬赫。 is a Jewish-Stoic philosophical treatise on the supremacy of pious reason, that is religious principles, over the passions.是一個猶太斯多葛哲學論至高無上的虔誠的原因,這是宗教原則,在激情。 The martyrdorm of Eleazar and of the seven brothers (2 Maccabees 6:18-7) is introduced to illustrate the author's thesis.該martyrdorm的埃萊亞薩和七個兄弟( 2馬加比6:18-7 )介紹,說明了作者的論文。 Neither book has any claim to canonicity, though the first for a while received favourable consideration in some Churches.無論是書的任何索賠,以正規,但第一次獲得了有利的考慮,而在一些基督教協進會。

Publication information Written by F. Bechtel.出版信息作者:樓貝克特爾。 Transcribed by Robert H. Sarkissian. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IX.轉錄由羅伯特H薩爾基相。天主教百科全書,體積九。 Published 1910.發布時間1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat , 1910年10月1號。 Remy Lafort, Censor.雷米Lafort ,審查。 Imprimatur.認可。 +John M. +約翰M Farley, Archbishop of New York法利,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

GIGOT, Spec. GIGOT ,規格。 Introd., I (New York, 1901), 365 sq.; CORNELY, Introd., II (Paris, 1897), I, 440 sq.; KNABENBAUER, Comm. Introd 。 ,我(紐約, 1901 ) , 365平方米; CORNELY , Introd 。 ,第二章(巴黎, 1897年) ,我, 440平方米; KNABENBAUER ,商業。 in Lib.在庫。 Mach.馬赫。 (Paris, 1907); PATRIZZI, De Consensu Utriusq. (巴黎, 1907年) ; PATRIZZI ,者合意Utriusq 。 Lib.庫。 Mach.馬赫。 (Rome, 1856); FRÖLICH, De Fontibus Historiae Syriae in Lib. (羅馬, 1856年) ; FRÖLICH ,者Fontibus Historiae Syriae在庫。 Mach.馬赫。 (Vienna, 1746); KHELL, Auctoritas Utriusq. (維也納, 1746年) ; KHELL ,權威Utriusq 。 Lib.庫。 Mach.馬赫。 (Vienna, 1749); HERKENNE, Die Briefe zu Beginn des Zweiten Makkabäerbuches (Freiburg, 1904); GILLET, Les Machabées (Paris, 1880); BEURLIER in Vig. (維也納, 1749年) ; HERKENNE ,模具書信楚蘭Beginn萬Zweiten Makkabäerbuches (弗賴堡, 1904年) ; GILLET ,法國Machabées (巴黎, 1880年) ; BEURLIER在維格。 Dict.快譯通。 de la Bible, IV, 488 sq.; LESÊTRE, Introd., II (Paris, 1890); VIGOUROUX, Man.德拉薩聖經,四, 488平方米; LESÊTRE , Introd 。 ,第二章(巴黎, 1890年) ; VIGOUROUX ,曼。 Bibl., II (Paris, 1899), 217 sq.; IDEM, La Bible et la Critique Ration., 5th ed., IV, 638 sq.; SCHÜRER, Hist. Bibl 。 ,第二章(巴黎, 1899 ) , 217平方米;同上,香格里拉酒店等聖經批判配給。 ,第5版。 ,四, 638平方米; SCHÜRER ,組織胺。 of the Jewish People (New York, 1891), II, iii, 6 sq.; 211 sq.; 244 sq.; FAIRWEATHER in HASTINGS, Dict.猶太人民(紐約, 1891年) ,二,三, 6平方米; 211平方米; 244平方米;費爾韋瑟在黑斯廷斯,快譯通。 of the Bible, III, 187 sq.; NIESE, Kritik der beiden Makkabäerbücher (Berlin, 1900); GRIMM, Kurzgefasstes Exeg. Handbuch zu den Apokryphen, Fasc.聖經,三, 187平方米; NIESE ,批判beiden Makkabäerbücher (柏林, 1900年) ;羅賓漢, Kurzgefasstes Exeg 。手冊楚蘭旦Apokryphen ,汽。 3 and 4 (Leipzig, 1853, 1857); KEIL, Comm. über die Bücher der Makkabäer (Leipzig, 1875); KAUTZSCH (AND KAMPHAUSEN), Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des AT (Tübingen, 1900).第3和第4 (萊比錫, 1853年, 1857年) ; Keil公司,商業。黚er Bücher死亡之Makkabäer (萊比錫, 1875年) ; KAUTZSCH (與KAMPHAUSEN ) ,模具之Apokryphen與Pseudepigraphen在(圖賓根, 1900年) 。


Books of Maccabees圖書的馬加比

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

I. Original Language.一,原始語言。

Author.作者。

Date.日期。

Sources and Integrity.來源和完整性。

Historical and Religious Character.歷史和宗教性質。

Sources.來源。

The Letters.信件。

Authorship and Character.作者身份和性格。

Integrity and Character.完整和性質。

Author and Date.作者和日期。

Eschatology.末世論。

II.A second article on the Book of Maccabees is inserted as treating the subject from a Jewish standpoint.-J.第二條第II.A的圖書的馬加比插入作為治療的主題從一個猶太standpoint.約翰遜。

I Maccabees.餘馬加比。

II Maccabees.二馬加比。

III Maccabees.三馬加比。

IV Maccabees.四馬加比。

V Maccabees. V馬加比。

I. There are four books which pass under this name-I, II, III, and IV Maccabees.一,有四本書是通過根據本名稱一,二,三和四馬加比。 The first of these is the only one of the four which can be regarded as a reliable historical source.第一個是唯一的一個四個它可被視為一個可靠的歷史來源。

I Maccabees: The First Book of the Maccabees covers the period of forty years from the accession of Antiochus (175 BC) to the death of Simon the Maccabee (135 BC).餘馬加比:第一本書的馬加比所述期間的四十年從加入安提阿哥( 175年)的死亡西蒙Maccabee ( 135年) 。 Its contents are as follows: Ch. i.其內容如下:總。島 1-9 is a brief historical introduction; i. 1月9日是一個簡單的歷史介紹;島 10-ii. 10二。 70 treats of the rise of the Maccabean revolt; iii. 70對待的崛起Maccabean反抗;三。 1-ix. 1至第九。 22 is devoted to the Maccabean struggle under Judas; ix. 22是專門Maccabean鬥爭猶大;九。 23-xii. 23十二。 53, to the fortunes of Israel under Jonathan; xiii. 53 ,對以色列的命運下喬納森;十三。 1-xvi. 1 -十六。 24, to the administration of Simon. 24 ,向行政部門的西蒙。 The events are followed with intense interest and sympathy. At times the enthusiasm of the writer rises to a high pitch and breaks out into poetry of a genuine Semitic character (comp. iii. 3-9).該事件後,濃厚的興趣和同情。在時代的熱情,作家上升到一個高音調和休息,到詩歌真正猶太人字符( comp.三。 3-9 ) 。 The style is simple, terse, restrained, and objective, modeled throughout on that of the historical books of the Old Testament.款式簡單,簡潔,克制和目標,各地對這一模式的歷史書籍舊約。 The fact that just proportions are observed in treating the different parts of the narrative proves the author to have been a writer of considerable skill.事實上,只是比例觀察治療的不同部分的說明證明了作者是一個作家的相當的技巧。 He dates all events in terms of the Seleucid era.他的所有活動日期條款的塞流西時代。

Original Language.原始語言。

It is clear from the Semitic idioms which occur throughout the work that it was composed in a Semitic language (see, for example, ii. 40, iv. 2), and certain passages indicate with great clearness that the original language was Hebrew (see ii. 39, iii. 19).顯然,從發生閃成語整個工作,它的組成主義語言(例如,見二。 40 ,四。 2 ) ,和某些段落顯示非常清晰的原文是希伯來文(見二。 39 ,三。 19 ) 。 To this fact Origen and Jerome also bear testimony, though it is possible that the version or paraphrase known to them was Aramaic.這一事實奧利和杰羅姆也證明,儘管它可能是已知的版本或解釋他們是阿拉姆語。

The Hebrew original seems not to have borne the name "Maccabees," though it is not known what was its real designation.希伯來原來似乎沒有承擔的名稱是“馬加比” ,但不知道什麼是真正的稱號。 Eusebius ("Hist. Eccl." vi. 25) quotes Origen as authority for the name Σαρβηθ Σαβαναι, a name which has been explained in many different ways.優西比烏( “組織胺。 Eccl 。 ”六。 25 )報價奧利作為權威的名稱Σαρβηθ Σαβαναι ,這個名字已經在許多不同的解釋方式。 For some of these see Grimm ("Das Erste Buch der Makkabäer," p. xvii.).對於其中的一些見格林( “達斯Erste書之Makkabäer , ”第17 。 ) 。 Dalman ("Grammar," p. 6), whom Torrey (Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl.") follows, takes the name as a corruption of (= "Book of the Hasmoneans").達爾曼( “語法” ,第6頁) ,其中多(陳和黑色, “ Encyc 。 Bibl 。 ” )如下,以名稱作為一個腐敗的( = “圖書哈斯摩年王朝” ) 。 If this be the correct interpretation, an Aramaic translation of the book must have been made at an early time, and it was this translation which was known to Origen and Jerome-a view which does not seem improbable.如果這是正確的解釋,一個阿拉姆語翻譯這本書一定是在早期的時間,正是這種翻譯這是眾所周知的奧利和Jerome ,這種看法似乎並不難以置信。 Be this as it may, the Hebrew was translated very early into Greek, and the Greek only has survived.是這樣,因為它可能會,希伯來文翻譯成希臘文很早,和希臘只存活。 The Greek version seems to be a literal one, often preserving the Semitic, and sometimes even the Hebrew, idiom; but it is clear, and probably it is, on the whole, a satisfactory translation.希臘版本似乎是一個字面上的一個,經常保持猶太人的,有時甚至是希伯來文,成語,但很明顯,而且可能是,總體上令人滿意的翻譯。 It is transmitted in three uncial manuscripts of the Septuagint-the Codex Sinaiticus, the Codex Alexandrinus, and the Codex Venetus-as well as in several cursives.它是傳播的三個uncial手稿的譯本,法典西奈抄本,法典頸,以及食品法典Venetus ,以及在若干cursives 。

Author.作者。

Concerning the author no information is obtainable beyond that which may be inferred from the book itself.關於作者沒有任何資料可超出可能推斷出這本書本身。 He was a devout and patriotic Jew who lived and wrote in Palestine.他是一個虔誠的和愛國的猶太人生活和誰寫在巴勒斯坦。 This latter fact is proved by his intimate and exact geographical knowledge of the Holy Land (comp. iii. 24; vii. 19; ix. 2-4, 33, 34, 43; xii. 36-40; xiii. 22, 23; xvi. 5, 6) and by his lack of accurate knowledge of any of the foreign countries which he mentions.這後一項事實證明了他的親密和精確的地理知識的聖地( comp.三。 24 ;七。 19 ;九。 2-4 , 33 , 34 , 43 ;十二。 36-40 ;十三。 22日, 23日;十六。 5日, 6日)和他缺乏準確了解的情況任何國家,他提到。 The author was also a loyal admirer of the Hasmonean family; he believed that to it Israel owed her deliverance and existence.筆者也是一個忠實的崇拜者的Hasmonean家庭;他認為,以色列向它欠她解脫和存在。 He admired not only the military deeds of Judas (comp. v. 63), but also those of Jonathan (comp. x. 15-21) and Simon (comp. xiv. 4-15).他羨慕不僅軍事行動的猶大( comp.五63 ) ,而且還有喬納森( comp.十15-21 )和西蒙( comp.十四。 4月15日) 。 The narrative is told not as though deliverance came by miracle, but as though it was due to the military genius of these men, exercised under the favoring guidance of God (i. 64, iii. 8).敘述說好像不是來解脫的奇蹟,但好像是因為軍事天才的這些人,行使的指導下,有利於上帝(一64 ,三。 8 ) 。 Curiously enough the word "God" does not appear in the work, nor does the word "Lord."有趣的單詞“上帝”沒有出現在工作,也沒有用“上帝。 ” The idea is not lacking, however, as in the Book of Esther, but is represented by "Heaven," or by the pronoun "He."這個想法並不缺乏,但是,由於在以斯帖記,但所代表的“天堂” ,或由代詞“他” 。 The author was a deeply religious man in spite of this mannerism.作者是一個深受宗教的人,儘管這一怪癖。 He was very zealous for the Law and for the national religious institutions (see i. 11, 15, 43; ii. 20-22; iii. 21), for the Scriptures (i. 56, iii. 48), and for the Temple (i. 21, 39; iii. 43).他很熱心的法律和宗教機構的國家(見一, 11 , 15 , 43 ;二。 20-22 ;三。 21 ) ,以聖經(一56 ,三。 48 ) ,以及寺(一21 , 39 ;三。 43 ) 。

Date.日期。

It should be noted, also, that throughout the work the priesthood is represented in a favorable light.應當指出,另外,在整個工作鐸派代表參加了良好的光線。 The renegade priests Jason and Menelaus are not mentioned-a fact in striking contrast with the treatment which the Second Book of the Maccabeesaccords them.背叛的神職人員Jason和墨涅拉俄斯沒有提到一個事實,鮮明的對比與待遇的第二次圖書Maccabeesaccords他們。 From these facts Geiger conjectured that the author was a Sadducee, and most recent writers follow him in this opinion, although they consider him wrong in calling the First Book of the Maccabees a partizan document; its temperate and just tone certainly redeems it from such a stricture.從這些事實推測,蓋格的作者是一個Sadducee和最近作家遵循他的這一見解,但他們認為他錯了,要求的第一本書的馬加比一游擊文件;其溫帶和公正的語氣肯定贖回它從這樣的狹窄。 The terminus a quo of the work is found in the fact that John Hyreanus I., who began to reign in 135 BC, is mentioned at the close of the book (xvi. 21-24).總站一現狀的工作中發現的事實,約翰Hyreanus一,誰開始統治135年,是結束時所提到的這本書( xvi. 21日至24日) 。 As the Romans are throughout spoken of in terms of respect and friendliness, it is clear that the terminus ad quem must be sought at some time before the conquest of Jerusalem by Pompey in 63 BC As to whether the date can be more nearly determined scholars are not agreed.正如羅馬整個談到在尊重和友好,很顯然,總站廣告關於必須尋求在一段時間才能征服耶路撒冷的龐培在63公元前至於日期可以更近決心學者不同意。 The determining fact is held by most to be the statement in xvi.確定的事實是,絕大多數的聲明是在十六。 23, 24, that the "rest of the acts of John . . . are written in the chronicles of his high-priesthood." 23日, 24日,即“其他行為的約翰。 。 。是寫在他的編年史高鐸。 ” It is thought by many that this implies that John had died and that a sufficient time had elapsed since his death to permit the circulation of the chronicles.有人認為許多人表示這意味著美國已經死亡,而且有足夠的時間已經過去了,因為他的死亡,允許流通的編年史。 Bissell (Lange's "Commentary," p. 479) thinks that not more than a score or two of years had passed, while Schürer ("Hist. of the Jewish People," div. ii., vol. iii., p. 8) and Fairweather (in "Cambridge Bible" and Hastings, "Dict. Bible") think that not more than a decade or two had elapsed, and date the work in the first or second decade of the first century BC Torrey, on the other hand, thinks ("Encyc. Bibl.") that this reference to the chronicle of the priesthood is an imitation of well-known passages in the Books of Kings, that it was intended solely as a compliment to John, and that the work was composed early in his reign (ie, soon after 135 BC) by one who had been an interested spectator of the whole Maccabean movement.比斯爾(蘭格的“評注” ,頁479 )認為,不超過評分或兩個年過去了,而Schürer ( “組織胺。猶太人民, ”股利。二。 ,第二卷。三。 ,第8頁)和費爾韋瑟(在“劍橋聖經”和黑斯廷斯, “快譯通。聖經” )認為,不超過10年或20年已經過去了,和日期的工作,第一個或第二個十年的公元前一世紀多,另一方面另一方面,認為( “ Encyc 。 Bibl 。 ” ) ,這個參考紀事鐸是模仿著名的段落中的圖書國王,這是僅僅作為一個補充約翰,而且工作早在他的組成統治(即後不久, 135年)由一個誰是一個有興趣的觀眾全體Maccabean運動。 The vivid character of the narrative and the fact that it closes so abruptly after the death of Simon make this a very plausible view.生動的敘述性質和事實,即它關閉,以便突然去世後,西蒙使這是一個非常合理的觀點。

Sources and Integrity.來源和完整性。

Those who maintain the later date of the work are obliged to account for the vivid details which it contains by supposing that the writer employed older sources, such as letters and memoranda.這些誰維持日後的工作都必須考慮到的生動細節它包含的假設,作者僱用老年人來源,如信函和備忘錄。 In Torrey's view no such sources are needed, as the author, where he did not have personal knowledge, could have talked with participants or eye-witnesses of the events.在多的觀點沒有這種來源的需要,作為作者,他沒有個人的知識,也有可能跟參與者或目擊者的事件。 In either case the First Book of the Maccabees is one of the best sources known for the history of the Jews.在這兩種情況下的第一本書的馬加比是最好的消息來源知道歷史上的猶太人。

JD Michaelis held that Josephus used the Hebrew original of the book, which differed in some important particulars from the present text.約旦第納爾米氏認為,約瑟夫使用希伯來原來這本書的不同而不同,在一些重要細節,由目前的案文。 Destinon ("Die Quellen des Josephus," 1882) revived this theory and endeavored to prove (pp. 80 et seq.) that ch. Destinon ( “模具之約瑟夫Quellen , ” 1882年)恢復了這一理論,並努力證明(第80條及以後各條。 )說,總。 xiv.-xvi. were not contained in the edition used by Josephus. xiv. -十六。沒有包含在所使用的版本約瑟夫。 Destinon bases his argument on the fact that Josephus treats this portion very scantily in comparison with his treatment of the other material of the book, although these chapters contain quite as much and as interesting material. Destinon基地他的論點的事實是約瑟夫對待這部分非常暴露相比,其待遇與其他材料的書籍,但這些章節包含相當多和有趣材料。 He has been followed by Wellhausen ("IJG" pp. 222 et seq.).他一直其次豪森( “ IJG ”頁。 222起。 ) 。 But Torrey (in "Encyc. Bibl."), by utilizing the investigations of Mommsen, has shown that Josephus actually knew some of this material and introduced it at a later point in his work ("Ant." xiv. 8, § 5), in describing the history of Hyrcanus II.但多(在“ Encyc 。 Bibl 。 ” ) ,利用蒙森的調查已經表明,約瑟夫其實知道一些這方面的材料,並介紹在稍後一點在他的工作( “螞蟻。 ”十四。 8 § 5 ) ,在描述歷史的Hyrcanus二。 In all probability, therefore, the First Book of the Maccabees has retained its original form.在所有的可能性,因此,第一本書的馬加比保留了其原有形態。

Bibliography:參考書目:

Grimm, Das Erste Buch der Makkabäer, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apokryphen, 1853; Wace, Apocrypha; Bissell, Apocrypha, in Lange's Commentary; Fairweather and Black, First Book of Maccabees, in Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges; Kautzsch, Apokryphen; Torrey, Schweizer's Hebrew Text of I Maccabees, in Jour.格林,達斯Erste書之Makkabäer ,在Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手冊楚蘭旦Apokryphen , 1853 ; Wace ,偽經;比斯爾,偽經,在蘭格的評注;費爾韋瑟和黑色,第一本書的馬加比,在劍橋聖經為學校和學院; Kautzsch , Apokryphen ;多,施魏策爾的希伯萊文字的I馬加比,在季刊。 Bib.圍兜。 Lit.里拉。 xxii.二十二。 51-59. II Maccabees: The Second Book of the Maccabees opens with two letters written by Jews resident in Palestine to brethren dwelling in Egypt. 51-59 。二馬加比:第二卷的馬加比開篇寫的兩封信的猶太人居住在巴勒斯坦的兄弟住在埃及。 The first letter occupies ch.第一個字母佔地總。 i.字母i. 1-10a; the second, ch. 1 - 10A條;第二,甲烷。 i. 10b-ii.一10B條第二。 18. 18 。 These letters, it is thought by some, formed no part of the original work.這些函件中,它是由一些思想,形成的一部分,沒有原創作品。 The preface is found in ch.序文中發現,在CH 。 ii.二。 19-32, and states that Jason of Cyrene had composed five books on the Maccabean revolt, which the writer undertakes to epitomize for his readers. Ch. 19-32 ,並指出,傑森的昔蘭尼了五本書組成的Maccabean反抗,這是作家承諾體現為他的讀者。總。 iii.三。 relates how the attempt of Heliodorus to plunder the Temple was miraculously thwarted; ch.涉及如何試圖赫利俄多洛斯掠奪廟奇蹟挫敗;總。 iv.四。 narrates the wickedness of the high priests Jason and Menelaus, and of Simon, the Temple overseer; ch.敘述了邪惡高級神職人員Jason和墨涅拉俄斯和西蒙,聖殿監督員;總。 v., how Antiochus began the persecution of the Jews; ch.五,如何安提阿哥開始迫害猶太人;總。 vi.六。 and vii., the story of the martyrdom of Eleazar and the seven young men and their mother; while ch.和第七。 ,故事的殉道埃萊亞薩和7個年輕的男子和他們的母親,而膽固醇。 viii.-xv. are occupied with the history of the wars of Judas Maccabeus.被佔領的歷史戰爭的猶大Maccabeus 。

Historical and Religious Character.歷史和宗教性質。

The time covered by this material is barely fifteen years, from the very end of the reign of Seleucus IV., whose servant was Heliodorus, to the victory of Judas over Nicanor (175-160 BC).所涵蓋的時間這種材料幾乎十五年,從一結束統治塞魯克斯四。 ,他的僕人是赫利俄多洛斯,取得了勝利猶大超過尼卡諾爾( 175-160年) 。 The reason why the book terminates here is to be found in its aim, which was to set before the Jews of the Diaspora the importance of observing the two Maccabean feasts-the Feast of the Dedication and the Feast of Nicanor.為什麼這本書終止是中可以找到它的目的,這是擺在猶太人流亡的重要性,遵守兩個Maccabean節,節的獻身精神和節尼卡諾爾。 In no other way, the writer believed, could they share in the glory and the fruits of the great struggle for liberty.在沒有其他辦法,作者認為,他們能分享榮譽和成果的偉大鬥爭爭取自由。 The author is so intent on this that though he has lauded Judas as a splendid example of religious patriotism he passes in silence over his death.作者是這樣的意圖在此,雖然他讚揚猶大作為一個燦爛的例子,他的宗教愛國主義通行證,他在沉默中死亡。 The writer further takes occasion often to impress upon his readers the sacred character of the Temple at Jerusalem, which the Diaspora might easily undervalue.作者還時刻往往使他的讀者的神聖性,在耶路撒冷的聖殿,而散居可能很容易低估。 In contrast with I Maccabees, the language of II Maccabees is highly religious.在與我馬加比,第二語言的馬加比高度宗教。 God appears as the great "Sovereign" who miraculously delivers His people (see iii. 24 and, perhaps, ii. 21).上帝似乎是偉大的“主權”誰奇蹟發表人(見三。 24日,也許二。 21 ) 。 The author is a religious teacher (see iii. 1 et seq., iv. 15-17, v. 17-20, et al.); he did not write for the sake of the history as such.作者是宗教教師(見三。 1起。 ,四。 15-17 ,五, 17日至20日,等。 ) ;他不寫,為了這樣的歷史。 This places his work in a very different class from that of I Maccabees.這使他的工作在一個非常不同的階級,與我馬加比。 In the earlier part he supplies some welcome information not contained in I Maccabees, and in nearly every chapter are interesting facts-some of them confirmed by Josephus-which may, with caution, be used.在較前部分,他歡迎一些供應信息中不包含本人馬加比,並在幾乎每一個章節是有趣的事實,其中一些人證實了約瑟夫,這可能,謹慎使用。 But his purpose, style, and temperament are such that, since the time of Ewald, it has been recognized that the work is not a sober and restrained history like I Maccabees, but is rhetorical and bombastic.但他的宗旨,作風,氣質是這樣,因為時間埃瓦爾德,人們已經認識到,這項工作不是一個冷靜,克制的歷史就像我馬加比,但修辭和嘐。

Sources.來源。

One important fact to be noted is the writer's belief in the bodily resurrection of the dead (see vii. 9, 11, 14, 36; xiv. 16; and especially xii. 43-45).一個重要的事實必須指出的是作家的信念,在身體上,死人復活(見七。 9 , 11 , 14 , 36 ;十四。 16 ; ,特別是十二。 43-45 ) 。 This, together with his attitude toward the priesthood asshown in his lifting the veil which I Maccabees had drawn over Jason and Menelaus, led Bertholdt and Geiger to regard the author as a Pharisee and the work as a Pharisaic party document. This much, at least, is true-the writer's sympathies were with the Pharisees.這一點,加上他的態度在他的司鐸asshown解除面紗,我馬加比提請戰勝Jason和墨涅拉俄斯,導致Bertholdt和蓋格把作者作為法利賽人和工作作為Pharisaic黨的文件。這一點,至少,是真作家的同情與法利賽人。 The author claims that he epitomized the work of Jason of Cyrene (ii. 23), which seems to have been his only source, unless he himself prefixed the two letters to his work.作者聲稱,他的工作體現傑森的昔蘭尼(白介素23 ) ,這似乎是他唯一的來源,除非他本人前綴的兩封信給他的工作。 Jason is thought by Schürer (lcp 212) to have compiled his work from hearsay shortly after 160 BC at Cyrene.傑森的思想Schürer (液晶212 )已彙編傳聞他的工作後不久,從公元前160在昔蘭尼。 If this is true, the work of Jason, like II Maccabees, concluded with the victory over Nicanor.如果這是事實,賈森的工作一樣,馬加比二,最後戰勝了巴拉圭。 There can be no doubt that both the work of Jason and that of his epitomizer (ie, the author of II Maccabees) were written in Greek, and that the latter was a Hellenistic Jew.毫無疑問,這兩個工作的傑森和他的epitomizer (即作者,二馬加比)是希臘文寫的,後者是希臘猶太人。

There is a reference in ch.有一個參考,在CH 。 xv.十五。 37 to the Book of Esther, which would preclude any earlier date of authorship than about 130 BC (see Cornill, "Einleitung," p. 252). 37到以斯帖記,這將排除任何較早的日期作者比約130卑詩(見Cornill , “導論” ,第252頁) 。 On the other hand, II Maccabees was known to the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (see Peak, in "The Century Bible," p. 223) and to Philo (see Schürer, lcp 214).另一方面,二馬加比已知的作者書信向希伯來書(見山頂,在“世紀聖經”第223頁) ,並斐羅(見Schürer ,液晶214 ) 。 The work, therefore, must have been composed about the beginning of the common era.這項工作,因此,必須已組成約開始共同的時代。

The Letters.信件。

The two letters prefixed to II Maccabees have excited much discussion.兩封信的開頭,以二馬加比有興奮廣泛的討論。 Some scholars regard them as the basis of the author's work, which he himself prefixed to it because they treat of the topics of which he wished to speak-the Temple at Jerusalem and the importance of observing its feasts.一些學者認為它們是根據作者的工作,他本人前綴來對待它,因為它們的主題,他想說話,在耶路撒冷的聖殿,並必須遵守它的節日。 Others hold that the letters were placed in their present position by a later hand, while some believe them to be fabricated.其他人認為的信件被安置在他們目前的立場,稍後另一方面,雖然有些人認為它們是偽造的。 There is in the letters nothing which is inconsistent with their belonging to the time from which they profess to come, and there seems to be no good reason for doubting that it was the epitomist himself who prefixed them to the book.人們的信中沒有這不符合它們屬於時間從他們信奉來,而且似乎沒有很好的理由懷疑,這是誰epitomist前綴他們自己的圖書。 For details see the works mentioned below.詳情見下文提到的作品。

Bibliography:參考書目:

Grimm, Zweites, Drittes, und Viertes Bücher der Makkabäer, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zu den, Apokryphen; Wace, Apocrypha; Kautzsch, Apokryphen; Bruston, Trois Lettres des Juifs de Palestine, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1890, x.格林, Zweites , Drittes ,與Viertes Bücher之Makkabäer ,在Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手冊楚蘭旦, Apokryphen ; Wace ,偽經; Kautzsch , Apokryphen ; Bruston ,三河文學之Juifs日巴勒斯坦,在體育場的雜誌, 1890年,十 110 et seq.; Torrey, Die Briefe 2 Makkabäer, i. 110起。 ;多,模具書信2 Makkabäer島 1-ii. 1 - 2 。 18, ib. 18日,國際文憑。 1900, xx. 1900年,二十。 225 et seq.; Herkenne, Die Briefe zu Beginn des Zweiten Makkabäerbuches, 1904. 225起。 ; Herkenne ,模具書信楚蘭Beginn萬Zweiten Makkabäerbuches , 1904年。

III Maccabees: The Third Book of the Maccabees has in reality nothing to do either with the Maccabees or with their times.三馬加比:的第三本書的馬加比在現實無關或者與馬加比或其次。 It received its name probably because it is a fiction concerning the persecution of the Jews by a foreign king; that king was Ptolemy Philopator (222-205 BC).它收到了它的名字可能是因為它是一個虛構的迫害猶太人的外國國王,國王是托勒密Philopator ( 222-205年) 。 The story runs as follows: After Ptolemy's defeat of Antiochus III.故事運行如下:在托勒密的失敗安提阿哥三。 in 217 BC, at the battle of Raphia, the former visited Jerusalem and tried to enter the Temple, but was miraculously prevented (i. 1-ii. 24).在公元前217 ,在戰役Raphia ,前訪問了耶路撒冷,並試圖進入廟宇,但奇蹟般地阻止(一1 - 2 。 24 ) 。 Returning to Alexandria, he assembled the Jews in the hippodrome to be massacred, but the necessity of writing down their names exhausted the paper in Egypt, so that they escaped (ii. 25-iv. 21).回到亞歷山大,他的猶太人聚集在賽馬場的屠殺,但必須寫上自己的姓名用盡了埃及,使他們逃脫(白介素25四。 21 ) 。 Next the king devised a plan for having the Jews trampled to death by elephants; this also was frustrated in various improbable ways (v. 1-vi. 21).下一步國王制定了一項計劃,在猶太人的踐踏致死的大象,這也不大可能挫折各種途徑(五1 -六。 21 ) 。 The king then underwent a change of heart and bestowed great favor on the Jews, and the day on which this occurred was ever after celebrated as a festival in memory of the deliverance (vi. 22-vii. 23).然後,國王接受了心臟和變化賦予大忙的猶太人,以及日,這是以往任何時候都發生後,作為一個節日慶祝活動以紀念解脫( vi. 22七。 23 ) 。

Authorship and Character.作者身份和性格。

The author of this fiction was certainly an Alexandrian Jew who wrote in Greek, for its style is even more rhetorical and bombastic than that of II Maccabees.作者本小說當然是誰寫亞歷山大猶在希臘,它的風格更是修辭和嘐比二馬加比。 The work begins abruptly and is thought to be but a fragment of a once larger whole.突然開始的工作和被認為是,但片段的一次較大的整體。 Whether there is any foundation for the story concerning Philopator with which the writer begins there is no means of knowing.是否有任何的基礎,故事關於Philopator與作家開始有沒有辦法知道。 If true, it is one of a very few grains of fact in the whole account.如果屬實,這是極少數穀物事實上在整個帳戶。 Josephus ("Contra Ap." ii. 5) tells how Ptolemy Physco (146-117 BC) cast the Jews of Alexandria, who, as adherents of Cleopatra, were his political opponents, to intoxicated elephants.約瑟夫( “康特拉鴨。 ”二。 5 )講述托勒密Physco ( 146-117年)鑄造的猶太人亞歷山大,誰,因為信徒克利歐佩特拉,被他的政治對手,以陶醉大象。 When the elephants turned on his own people the king saw a sudden apparition and gave up his purpose.當大象打開自己的人民看到了國王突然幻影和放棄他的目的。 The Jews, it is added, celebrate the day of their deliverance.猶太人,這是說,慶祝他們的解脫。 It would seem that the author of III Maccabees, anxious to connect this celebration with Jerusalem, has transferred it to an earlier Ptolemy and given it an entirely unhistorical setting.看來,作者三馬加比,希望這次慶祝活動連接以耶路撒冷,已經移交到一個較早的托勒密和賦予它一個完全unhistorical設置。 His narrative can not be regarded as a successful fiction, as it abounds in psychological as well as historical improbabilities.他說明不能被視為一個成功的小說,因為它有許多的心理和歷史improbabilities 。

This work was written later than II Maccabees, for its author made use of that book (see ii. 9; comp. II Macc. vi. 18 et seq. and xiv. 35 with III Macc. iii. 25-33; see also Grimm, lcp 220).這項工作是書面不遲於二馬加比,其作者利用了這本書(見二。 9 ;補償。二Macc 。六。 18起。和十四。 35三Macc 。三。 25-33 ;又見格林,液晶220 ) 。 He can not have written earlier, therefore, than the end of the first century BC On the other hand, he can not have written later than the first century CE or his work would not have been used by Christians.他不能寫的,因此,不是結束的公元前一世紀另一方面,他不能有書面不遲於一世紀CE或他的工作就不會被使用的基督徒。 Ewald regarded this work as a polemic against Caligula and dated it accordingly about 40 CE; this view has been abandoned by more recent writers, since Philopator is not represented as claiming divine honors.埃瓦爾德把這項工作作為論戰月對古拉和大約40個相應的行政長官;這一觀點已被放棄的更近的作家,因為Philopator不派自稱神聖稱號。

Bibliography:參考書目:

In addition to the works cited in the bibliography to the second part of this article: Deissmann, Bible Studies, 1901, pp. 341-345; I.此外,工程中所引用的書目的第二部分,本文: Deissmann ,聖經研究, 1901年,頁。 341-345 ;一 Abrahams, in JQR 1896-97, ix.亞伯拉罕在JQR 1896年至1897年,九。 39 et seq.; Ewald, Gesch. 39起。 ;埃瓦爾德, Gesch 。 des Volkes Israel, iv.萬國Volkes以色列,四。 611-614. IV Maccabees: The Fourth Book of the Maccabees, so called, is a semiphilosophic discourse, or sermon, on the "supremacy of the pious reason" (ch. i. 1). 611-614 。四馬加比:第四圖書馬加比,所謂的,是一個semiphilosophic話語,或講道,關於“至高無上的虔誠的理由” (章一1 ) 。 It consists of a prologue (i. 1-12) and of two principal parts.它包括一個序幕(一1月12日)和兩個主要的部分。 The first of these (i. 13-iii. 18) is devoted to the elucidation of the author's philosophical thesis, and the second (iii. 19-xviii. 24) to the illustration of the thesis by examples drawn from II Maccabees.其中第(一13三。 18 )是用於闡明了作者的哲學論文,第二( iii. 19 - 18 。 24 )的說明,論文的例子取自二馬加比。 In the latter portion of the work there is, first (iii. 19-iv. 26), a brief review of the sufferings of the Jews under Seleucus and his son(?) Antiochus Epiphanes; the conquering power of reason is illustrated (v. 1-vii. 23) by the example of Eleazar, drawn from II Macc.在後者的部分工作,首先是( iii. 19四。 26 ) ,簡要地回顧了痛苦的猶太人根據塞魯克斯和他的兒子( ? )安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯的征服力的原因是說明(五。 1至七。 23 )的例子埃萊亞薩,從二Macc 。 v. 18-31; by that of the seven brethren (vii. 24-xiv. 10), drawn from II Macc.五18-31 ;由七個兄弟( vii. 24 - 14 。 10 ) ,從二Macc 。 vii.七。 1-23; and by that of their mother (xiv. 11-xvi. 25), taken from II Macc. 1月23日;和由他們的母親( xiv. 11 - 16 。 25 ) ,從二Macc 。 vii.七。 25 et seq. In ch. 25起。在CH 。 xvii.十七。 and xviii.和十八。 the author expresses his impressions with reference to these martyrdoms.作者對他的印象提及這些martyrdoms 。

It appears, therefore, that the only connection this work has with the Maccabees is in the fact that the author's illustrations are drawn from the Second Book of the Maccabees.似乎因此,只有這方面的工作與馬加比是在這樣一個事實,即作者的插圖是從第二卷的馬加比。

Integrity and Character.完整和性質。

Ch.總。 xviii.十八。 3-24 has been thought by several scholars to be the work of a later hand, but the opinion does not appear to be well founded. Ch. 3月24日已被一些學者認為是工作以後的手,但輿論似乎不很有道理。總。 xvii.十七。 2 would form a weak ending to the book, while xviii. 2將成為一個薄弱結束的圖書,而十八。 20-24 suits well the style of the author of the earlier parts, and the apparent incongruity of xviii. 20-24訴訟以及風格的作者早些時候部分,明顯不協調的十八。 6-19 would seem to be designed in this hortatory composition to make a strong impression on its hearers. 6月19日似乎是設計在這勸告的組成作出了深刻的印象其聽眾。 This latter view is strengthened if it be remembered that the work is throughout a discourse addressed directly to listeners (comp. i. 1, 7; ii. 13; xiii. 19; xviii. 1).這後一種觀點得到加強,如果記住的是,這項工作是整個話語直接向聽眾( comp.島1日, 7日;二。 13 ;十三。 19 ;十八。 1 ) 。 Ewald and Freudenthal called it a sermon and held that it is an example of Alexandrian synagogue preaching, but this view is now abandoned, for even in the Diaspora the sermon of the synagogue was usually founded on a passage from the Bible.埃瓦爾德和弗賴登塔爾稱之為講道,並認為它是一個例子,亞歷山大猶太教堂講道,但這種觀點現在已經被遺棄,甚至在海外的布道的猶太教堂,通常基礎上通行的聖經。 This discourse, also, is too abstruse for an ordinary congregation; it is an address to a more select circle. Its style is oratorical and ornate, though not so extravagant as that of III Maccabees.這話語,也太深奧的一個普通的組織;它是一個地址,更選擇循環。其風格和華麗的演說,雖然沒有那麼奢侈的是三馬加比。 It contains a large philosophic element of the Stoic type, though its author possessed a taste for philosophy rather than real philosophical insight.它包含了大量的哲學要素斯多葛類型,但其作者具有哲學味道的,而不是真正的哲學洞察力。 It contains also a core of Judaism.它包含一個核心猶太教。 The writer was a Jew who could clothe his religion in a philosophic garb in accordance with the tendency of the times.作者是一個猶太人誰可以穿在他的宗教哲學外衣根據時代的發展趨勢。 The Hellenic and the Jewish elements in his work both appear at their best and in a combination almost without a parallel; the nearest example is the New Testament Epistle to the Hebrews.希臘和猶太分子在他的工作都出現在最佳狀態,並結合幾乎沒有一個平行;最近的例子是,新約使徒的猶太人。

Author and Date.作者和日期。

It is probable, therefore, that the author of IV Maccabees was an Alexandrian Jew.這是可能的,因此,作者四馬加比是亞歷山大猶太人。 Eusebius ("Hist. Eccl." iii. 10) and Jerome ("De Viris Illustribus," xiii.) ascribe the work to Josephus-an opinion which was for a long time followed, and which has caused the text of IV Maccabees to be included in many editions of the works of Josephus.優西比烏( “組織胺。 Eccl 。 ”三。 10 )和杰羅姆( “者Viris Illustribus , ”十三。 )賦予的工作約瑟夫安認為這是很長一段時間之後,並已造成了文本四馬加比對包括在許多版本的作品約瑟夫。 But the language and style of the work differ so radically from those of the writings of Josephus that it is clear that this is a mistaken opinion.但是,語言和風格不同的工作,以便從這些根本的著作約瑟夫說,很明顯,這是一種錯誤的看法。 Of some of its historical combinations, as in iv.它的一些歷史的組合,如在四。 5 and v. 1, Josephus could hardly have been guilty. 5 ,五, 1 ,約瑟夫很難犯。 The writer of IV Maccabees had certainly come under the influence of the culture of Alexandria, even if he lived and wrote in some other city.作者四馬加比肯定受到影響的文化亞歷山大,即使他生活和寫在其他一些城市。 As to the time when the book was written, the data for an opinion are the same as in the case of III Maccabees: it was written probably at the close of the last century BC or during the first century CE, and before the time of Caligula, for the Jews seem to have been at peace at the time.至於這本書的時候寫,數據的意見是相同的,如三馬加比:它是書面可能結束時,上個世紀,或在公元前一世紀行政長官,和之前的時間卡利古拉,為猶太人似乎已經在和平的時候。

Eschatology.末世論。

The writer is a strong believer in immortality, but he has abandoned the Pharisaic standpoint of II Maccabees, which recognizes a bodily resurrection, and holds to the view that all souls exist forever, the good being together in a state of happiness (xvii. 18), with the Patriarchs (v. 37) and with God (ix. 8 and xvii. 18).作者是堅信不死,但他已放棄了Pharisaic馬加比二的觀點,承認身體的復活,並堅持認為,所有的靈魂永遠存在的良好合作,目前的狀態幸福( xvii. 18 ) ,與始祖(五37 )和與上帝( ix. 8和第XVII 。 18 ) 。 These views are the more striking as they are entwined with the same narratives which in II Maccabees express the more materialistic view.這些意見是更加突出,因為它們是交織在一起同樣說明在二馬加比表達更唯物主義觀點。 The writer holds, also, that the suffering of the martyrs was vicarious; by it they wrought deliverance for their nation (comp. i. 11, xvii. 19-23, xviii. 24).作者認為,此外,該痛苦的烈士是替代;由它造成的解脫,他們對他們的國家( comp.一11 ,十七。 19-23 , 18 。 24 ) 。

Bibliography:參考書目:

For the Greek text of IV Maccabees, as well as of the other books, see Swete, The Old Testament in Greek, vol.希臘文四馬加比,以及其他書籍,見Swete ,舊約希臘文,第二卷。 iii., 1894;三。 , 1894年;

for the translation, see Kautzsch, Apokryphen, ii.翻譯,見Kautzsch , Apokryphen ,二。 152 et seq.; for introductions, see Bissell in Lange's Commentary, and Schürer, History of the Jewish People; see also Bensly, The Fourth Book of Maccabees in Syriac, 1895.TGAB II.A second article on the Book of Maccabees is inserted as treating the subject from a Jewish standpoint.-J. 152起。 ;的引進,見比斯爾在蘭格的評論,並Schürer ,歷史的猶太人民;又見Bensly ,第四次圖書的馬加比在敘利亞, 1895.TGAB第二條第II.A的圖書的馬加比插入作為處理這一問題從一個猶太standpoint.約翰遜。

I Maccabees.餘馬加比。

I Maccabees, now extant only in Greek, was originally composed in Hebrew or Aramaic, most probably the former; but the original can not have been long in circulation.餘馬加比,目前現存的唯一的希臘語,最初由希伯來文或阿拉姆語,最有可能在前;但原來不能長期以來一直在流通。 The fragment of a Hebrew text of I Maccabees published by Chwolson (1896) and again by Schweizer (1901) is not part of the original; and it may well be that even Origen knew only an Aramaic translation and not the original.片段的希伯來文我馬加比出版的Chwolson ( 1896年) ,並再次由瑞士( 1901 )不屬於原始,它很可能是,即使奧利只知道一個阿拉姆語翻譯,而不是原來的。 He calls (Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." vi. 25) I Maccabees Σαρβηθ Σα(ρ)βαναιελ, a title which has given rise to much conjecture.他呼籲(優西比烏, “組織胺。 Eccl 。 ”六。 25 )我馬加比Σαρβηθ Σα ( ρ ) βαναιελ ,標題已引起很多猜測。 Only two suggestions need be named: Derenbourg's ("Book of the Family of the Chief of the People of God"), given in his "Essai sur l'Histoire et la Géographie de la Palestine" (p. 450, Paris, 1867), and Dalman's , in his "Grammatik des Jüdisch-Palästinischen Aramäisch" (p. 6, Leipsic, 1894).只需要兩個建議被命名為: Derenbourg的( “圖書家庭首席人民的上帝” ) ,因為在他的“ Essai要件的歷史和地理香格里拉香格里拉巴勒斯坦” (第450 ,巴黎, 1867 )和蜂的,在他的“語法之Jüdisch - Palästinischen Aramäisch ” (第6頁, Leipsic , 1894年) 。 Of the name "Maccabees" it may be mentioned that in a text of the Megillat Anteyukas ("JQR" xi. 291 et seq.) the reading is (= "the zealot"), which would be very acceptable were it better attested.名稱“馬加比”值得一提的是在文本的Megillat Anteyukas ( “ JQR ”十一。 291起。 )閱讀是( = “的狂熱” ) ,這將是非常可以接受的,它更好的證明。

As to the date of the book, much turns on the meaning of the last two verses.至於這本書之日起,很多原來的含義在過去兩年的詩句。 Some critics, indeed, doubt the authenticity of the whole of the last section (xiv. 16-xvi. 24), but the trend of opinion is in favor of the integrity of the book.一些批評,事實上,毫無疑問的真實性,整個最後一節( xiv. 16 - 16 。 24 ) ,但這一趨勢的意見是贊成的完整性,這本書。 Schürer and Niese (in "Kritik der Beiden Makkabäerbücher," Berlin, 1900) maintain that the last verses imply that I Maccabees was written after the death of John Hyrcanus (105 BC), but there is good reason for holding that the reference is to the beginning (135 BC) and not to the end of Hyrcanus' reign (see "JQR" xiii. 512 et seq.). Critics are practically unanimous in attaching great value to I Maccabees as a historical record. Schürer和Niese (在“批判Beiden Makkabäerbücher , ”柏林, 1900 )堅持認為,在過去的經文意味著,我馬加比寫逝世後,約翰Hyrcanus ( 105年) ,但有充分理由認為在此提到的是年初( 135年) ,而不是結束Hyrcanus '統治(見“ JQR ”十三。 512起。 ) 。影評人幾乎一致的高度價值,我馬加比作為一個歷史記錄。 "On the whole, the book must be pronounced a work of the highest value, comparing favorably, in point of trustworthiness, with the best Greek and Roman histories" (Torrey). “總的來說,這本書,必須突出工作的最高值,比較看好,這一點的可信度,最好的希臘和羅馬的歷史” (多) 。 This is high praise; but it is fully deserved (comp. Schürer, "Gesch." iii. 141).這是高度讚揚,但它完全值得( comp. Schürer , “ Gesch 。 ”三。 141 ) 。 Niese (lc) has done good service in vindicating the authenticity of Judas' embassy to Rome; and it is no peculiar demerit in I Maccabees that in the reports of the numbers engaged in battle, of speeches, and even of documents, its account is inexact and sometimes quite incredible. Niese (立法會)做了良好的服務在維護真實性的猶大'大使館羅馬;並沒有特殊的記在我馬加比說,在報告中的數字進行了戰鬥,演講,甚至文件,其帳戶不確切的,有時是相當驚人的。 Such defects are shared by Thucydides and Livy.這種缺陷的共同修昔底德和李維。 The substance, not the exact form, of documents was given by ancient historians.就實質而言,沒有確切的形式,文件是由古代的史學家。 On the other hand, it differs somewhat from the Biblical histories in its standpoint.另一方面,它不盡相同的聖經歷史的角度來看。 The divine element is not wanting, and success is ultimately traced (as in Mattathias' deathbed utterances) to God.神聖的因素是不想,並最終成功追踪(如在Mattathias '臨終話語)上帝。 Judas invariably sings psalms of thanksgiving for victory, and the key-note of the revolt is "Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us,but unto thy name give glory" (Ps. cxv. 1).猶大總是唱詩篇感恩的勝利,關鍵注意到起義“不是告訴我們,主啊,不是告訴我們,但給你的名字榮耀” ( Ps. cxv 。 1 ) 。 The period also, as many hold, gave rise to numerous new psalms.這一時期還,因為許多人,引起了許多新的詩篇。 But in I Maccabees, nevertheless, history is written from the human standpoint.但是,在我馬加比,然而,歷史是人寫的角度。 Victory is earned by endeavor as well as bestowed by grace.勝利是賺取的努力以及賦予寬限期。 Partly because of this phenomenon, it was urged by Geiger ("Urschrift," 1857, pp. 200-230) that one may detect a dynastic purpose in the book and that its author was a Sadducean apologist for the Hasmoneans.這部分是因為這種現象,有人敦促格爾( “ Urschrift , ” 1857年,頁。 200-230 ) ,一個可探測王朝在這本書的目的,其作者是Sadducean代言人的哈斯摩年王朝。

It is certainly true that the author is silent concerning the worst excesses of the (Sadducean) high priests, and attaches primary importance to the founder of the dynasty, Mattathias.的確,作者是沉默的關於最惡劣的暴行( Sadducean )高神父,並高度重視的創始人王朝, Mattathias 。 Mattathias is unknown to II Maccabees, though the latter is supposed by Geiger to be a Pharisaic counterblast to the Sadducean I Maccabees. Mattathias不知道二馬加比,儘管後者理應由蓋格是一個Pharisaic counterblast的Sadducean我馬加比。 Yet, strangely enough, in the Pharisaic tradition of the Talmud and Synagogue Mattathias plays a large part, so large that Judas is thrown into the background.然而,奇怪的是,在Pharisaic傳統塔爾穆德和猶太教堂Mattathias發揮了很大一部分,如此之大,猶大是扔進背景。

On one important point some modern writers are unfair to the book. God is not "named" in it; the term "heaven" replaces the divine name.對一些重要的一點是不公平的現代作家的書籍。上帝不是“命名為”在它的“天堂”取代了神聖的名字。 From this the inference has been drawn that "God was absolutely conceived as reigning in the remote heaven, and no longer as dwelling among the people by the Shekinah" (Fairweather and Black, "I Maccabees," Introduction, p. 47).從這一點推斷已經繪說: “上帝是絕對設想衛冕在偏遠的天堂,不再是居住在人民群眾中的Shekinah ” (費爾韋瑟和黑色, “我馬加比” ,導言,第47頁) 。 This is as false an inference as would be a similar conclusion from the opening words of the Lord's Prayer, "Our Father who art in Heaven."這是作為一個推論是錯誤的將是一個類似結論的開頭語主禱文, “我們的父親誰的藝術天堂。 ” God is not "named" throughout the Lord's Prayer.上帝不是“命名為”全國主禱文。 In I Maccabees the personal pronoun is most significantly used (iii. 22, 51; iv. 10, 55) with relation to the term "heaven"; and, more remarkable still, the pronoun is sometimes used (ii. 61) without any noun at all: "And thus consider ye from generation to generation, that none that put their trust in him shall want for strength."馬加比在我的個人代詞是最重要的使用( iii. 22 , 51 ;四。 10 , 55 )與有關的“天堂” ; ,更引人注目的是,代詞有時用(白介素61 )在沒有任何名詞在所有: “ ,從而考慮葉代,沒有他們的信任,使他不得想要的力量。 ” That there grew up a disinclination to "name" God is undoubted; but whatever the origin of this scrupulosity, it was not any sense of the remoteness of God (see discussion by Benjacob, "Im Namen Gottes," p. 164, Berlin, 1903).有成長了不願“名稱”上帝是不容置疑的,但不管的起源這一scrupulosity ,這不是任何意義上的偏遠上帝(見討論Benjacob , “林Namen上帝” ,第164頁,柏林, 1903年) 。 From the Maccabean period onward God becomes ever nearer to Israel.從Maccabean期間起上帝變得接近以色列。 If there was a fault at all, it was not that God became too transcendent; the tendency was rather in the direction of overfamiliarity than of undue aloofness.如果有故障,所有的,這不是上帝變得超然;的趨勢是相當的方向發展,而不是過分過分超然態度。

II Maccabees.二馬加比。

Unlike I Maccabees, the book known as II Maccabees was written in Greek.不像我馬加比,這本書被稱為二馬加比寫於希臘。 For the history of the war it is of less value than I Maccabees, though some recent writers (in particular Niese) have maintained the opposite opinion.對於歷史上的戰爭是價值不大比我馬加比,雖然最近的一些作家(尤其是Niese )一直保持著相反的意見。 It adds, however, important particulars regarding the events that led up to the Maccabean revolt.它補充說,不過,重要的細節就事件導致的Maccabean反抗。 Besides this, II Maccabees, written quite independently of I Maccabees, is a strong support of the general truth of the familiar story of the revolt, though II Maccabees is embellished with angelical and miraculous ornament foreign to the first book.此外,二馬加比,書面相當獨立的I馬加比,是一個強有力的支持總務真相的故事的反抗,但二馬加比採用了奇蹟般的飾品angelical和外國的第一本書。 Its style is rhetorical, its purpose didactic.其風格是修辭,其目的說教。 It emanated from Alexandria and was addressed to the Greek-speaking Jews of the Diaspora.它出自亞歷山大,並給希臘講猶太人散居。 It was designed to impress on them the unity of Judaism, the importance of Jerusalem as the center of religious life, and the duty of observing the two feasts of Ḥanukkah and Nicanor's Day (nullsee Nicanor).它的目的是使他們的團結,猶太教,耶路撒冷的重要性為中心的宗教生活,並有責任遵守這兩個節日的光明和尼卡諾爾日( nullsee尼卡諾爾) 。 That the book has a Pharisaic color is undoubted, but not in the sense of being a partizan pamphlet in reply to I Maccabees, which, indeed, the author of II Maccabees most probably did not know.這本書有一個Pharisaic無疑顏色,但不是在某種意義上是一個游擊小冊子在回答我馬加比,而事實上,作者二馬加比最有可能不知道。 Moreover, II Maccabees takes no account of Mattathias, nor, indeed, of any of the band of heroes except Judas; and this is not easily forced into evidence of Pharisaic partizanship.此外,二馬加比不考慮Mattathias ,也沒有,事實上,任何帶英雄除猶大,這是不容易被迫證據Pharisaic partizanship 。 On the other hand, in II Macc.另一方面,在二Macc 。 xiv.十四。 6 Judas is represented as the leader of the Hasidtæans, who have many points in common with the Pharisees, and from whom the Hasmoneans were soon alienated. 6猶大是派領導人Hasidtæans ,誰有許多共同點的法利賽,並從他們的哈斯摩年王朝很快疏遠。

Of specifically non-Sadducean doctrines, II Maccabees has a very clear expression of belief in the resurrection.具體非Sadducean理論,二馬加比有一個非常明確的表達信仰的復活。 Death is a "short pain that bringeth everlasting life" (II Macc. vii. 36; comp. other passages in the same chapter and xiv. 46).死亡是一種“短期痛苦bringeth永生” (二Macc 。七。 36 ;補償。其他段落中的同一章和第十四章。 46 ) 。 Judas is represented (II Macc. xii. 43 et seq.) as making offerings for the dead because "he took thought of the resurrection."猶大的代表(二Macc 。十二。 43起。 )為使產品的死亡,因為“他思想的復活。 ” The reference to such offerings is, however, without parallel in Jewish literature, and nothing is otherwise known of such offerings being made at the Temple in Jerusalem (see Israel Lévi, "La Commemoration des Ames dans le Judaïsime," in "REJ" xxix. 48).的提法是這樣的產品,但是,如果沒有並行的猶太文學,並沒有其他已知的這類產品正在作出在耶路撒冷的聖殿(見以色列列維“香格里拉紀念沙漠中的艾姆斯樂Judaïsime , ”在“ REJ ”第29屆。 48 ) 。

The book is usually held to belong to the latter part of the first century BC; Jason (of whose work it purports to be an epitome) wrote at least a century earlier.這本書是通常屬於後者的一部分,公元前一世紀;賈森(對他們的工作看來是一個縮影)寫道至少一個世紀早期。 Niese places II Maccabees at the date 125-124 BC, thus regarding it as older than, as well as superior to, I Maccabees.馬加比二Niese地方的日期公元前125-124 ,從而把它作為以上,以及優越,我馬加比。 In this preference of the second to the first book, Niese stands practically alone, but he has done great service in vindicating the importance and value of the former (comp. also Sluys, "De Maccabæorum Libris I et II Quæstiones," Amsterdam, 1904).在這第二優先的第一本書, Niese實際上僅停留,但他做了偉大的服務,維護的重要性和價值前( comp.還Sluys “者Maccabæorum藏書I等二Quæstiones ” ,阿姆斯特丹, 1904年) 。 It remains to add that the authenticity of the letters prefixed to II Maccabees has been fiercely assailed.它仍是補充說的真實性,信件開頭,以二馬加比一直在激烈的抨擊。 Yet it is coming to be recognized that the letters have a clear bearing on the design of the book, as explained above, and it is quite conceivable, though very improbable, that they were part of the original work of Jason.然而,這是今後必須認識到的信件有一個明確的軸承的設計書,如上面所解釋,這是非常可能的,但非常不可能,他們的一部分,原來的工作,賈森。 On these letters see, besides earlier literature, Herkenne, "Die Briefe zu Beginn des Zweiten Makkabäerbuchs," Freiburg, 1904. One point remains.對這些信件看到,除了先前文獻, Herkenne , “模具書信Beginn之祖Zweiten Makkabäerbuchs ” ,弗賴堡, 1904年。有一點仍然存在。 The martyrdoms described in II Maccabees, especially of the mother and her seven sons, have given the book undying value as an inspiration and encouragement to the faithful of all ages and creeds.中所描述的martyrdoms二馬加比,特別是母親和她的七個兒子,給了這本書的價值作為一個永恆的靈感和鼓勵忠實所有年齡和信仰。 As will be seen below (in connection with IV Maccabees), this feature of the Maccabean heroism made a special appeal to the Christianity of the first four centuries.從下文可以看出(與四馬加比) ,此功能的Maccabean英雄特別呼籲基督教第一四個世紀。 "The figure of the martyr, as the Church knows it, dates from the persecution of Antiochus; all subsequent martyrologies derive from the Jewish books which recorded the sufferings of those who in that day were strong and did exploits" (E. Bevan, "House of Seleucus," 1902, ii. 175). “這個數字的烈士,因為教會知道,日期從迫害安提阿哥;其後所有martyrologies源自猶太人的書籍記錄的痛苦那些誰在這一天也被強大的攻擊” (東文“眾議院塞魯克斯, “ 1902年,二。 175 ) 。

III Maccabees.三馬加比。

III Maccabees purports to record a persecution of the Jews in Alexandria during the reign of Ptolemy (IV.) Philopator (222-204 BC).三馬加比意圖記錄迫害猶太人的亞歷山大時期的托勒密( IV. ) Philopator ( 222-204年) 。 The Jews are assembled in the hippodrome, and 500 infuriated elephants are to be let loose upon them.猶太人聚集在跑馬場, 500激怒大象將讓它們鬆散。 In the event the elephants turned against the persecutors, and the Jews not only escaped, but were treated with muchhonor by the king.一旦大象轉向反對迫害,和猶太人不僅逃脫,但治療muchhonor由國王。 That there is much of the fabulous in this story is obvious, and it may well be that the similar story told in Josephus ("Contra Ap." ii. 5) concerning Ptolemy (VII.) Physcon is, as most assume, the original of III Maccabees.有很多在這神話般的故事是顯而易見的,它很可能會說,類似的故事告訴約瑟夫( “康特拉鴨。 ”二。 5 )關於托勒密( VII. ) Physcon的,因為大多數承擔,原的三馬加比。 The book would thus belong at the latest to the first century CE; at the earliest to the last century BC Recently important new light has been thrown on the book by the discovery of early Jewish settlements in the Fayum.這本書將因此屬於至遲於行政長官的第一個世紀;最早在上個世紀的新的重要公元前最近輕拋在了這本書的發現早期的猶太人定居點的法尤姆。 On independent gounds, the present writer ("JQR" ix. 39) and Prof. A. Büchler ("Tobiaden und Oniaden," pp. 172 et seq., Vienna, 1899) have put forward the theory that the book refers to a persecution in the Fayum. Certainly, the rapid transference of Jewish allegiance from Egyptian to Syrian hegemony about 200 BC finds its explanation if the Jews of Egypt were then undergoing persecution.關於獨立gounds ,本作家( “ JQR ”九。 39 )和教授答: Büchler ( “ Tobiaden與Oniaden , ”頁。 172起。 ,維也納, 1899年)提出的理論,這本書是指迫害的法尤姆。毫無疑問,迅速轉移效忠猶太人從埃及向敘利亞霸權約200公元前認定其解釋,如果埃及的猶太人,然後進行迫害。 That the author was an Alexandrian is unquestionable. ,作者是亞歷山大是不容置疑的。 On the other hand, Willrich ("Hermes," 1904, xxxix. 244) disputes the Fayum theory and supports the view that the book is best explained as referring to Caligula.另一方面, Willrich ( “愛馬仕” , 1904年,第39屆。 244 )糾紛的法尤姆理論和支持這樣的觀點,這本書是最好的解釋是指古拉。

IV Maccabees.四馬加比。

The beautiful work known as IV Maccabees is a homily, not a history. As Freudenthal was the first to show, it is a sermon addressed to a Greekspeaking audience, and delivered probably on Ḥanukkah ("Die Flavius Josephus Beigelegte Schrift über die Herrschaft der Vernunft [IV Makkabäerbuch]," Breslau, 1869), the thesis being that, reason (religion) can control the passions; the author illustrates this from many examples, especially from the story of the Maccabean martyrdoms as related in II Macc.美麗的工作被稱為四馬加比是一個講道,而不是歷史。正如弗賴登塔爾首先表明,它是一個講道給一Greekspeaking觀眾,並可能對光明( “模具弗拉菲烏斯約瑟夫Beigelegte Schrift黚er死於統治理性[四Makkabäerbuch ] , “布雷斯勞, 1869年) ,論文被認為,原因(宗教)可以控制的激情;撰文說明了這一點從許多例子,特別是從的故事Maccabean martyrdoms有關在二Macc 。 vi., vii.六。 ,七。 A very noble level of eloquence is reached by the writer, and the book is in many ways one of the best products of the syncretism of Hebraic and Greek thought. The authorship of IV Maccabees was at one time ascribed (as by Eusebius, Jerome, and other authorities) to Josephus, but this is clearly wrong.一個非常崇高的口才是所達成的作家,和這本書在許多方面是一個最好的產品的融合希伯來和希臘思想。作者的四馬加比是在同一時間歸因(通過優西比烏,杰羅姆,和其他主管部門)的約瑟夫,不過這顯然是錯誤的。 Nothing can with definiteness be asserted as to the date of the book; it belongs probably to the period shortly before the fall of Jerusalem.沒有任何東西可以與定性主張以日期的圖書;它所屬的時期可能前不久秋天耶路撒冷。 In its present form it contains possibly some Christian interpolations (eg, vii. 19, xiii. 17, xvi. 25), but they are certainly very few and insignificant.以其目前的形式可能包含一些基督教插值(如七。 19 ,十三。 17日,十六。 25 ) ,但他們肯定是極少數和微不足道。 Later on, Christian homilists used the same topic, the martyrdoms, as the theme for sermons; the Church maintained a Maccabean feast (though not on the same date as the Jews) for at least four centuries.後來,基督教homilists使用了同樣的主題, martyrdoms ,為主題的說教;教會保持Maccabean節日(儘管不是在同一日期猶太人)至少4個世紀。 Homilies by Gregory Nazienzen and Chrysostom for the festival of Aug. 1 (the "Birthday of the Maccabees") are extant on this subject.講道詞的格雷戈里Nazienzen和金口的節8月1日(以下簡稱“生日馬加比” )是現存的關於這一問題的。 On the "Maccabees as Christian Saints" see Maas in "Monatsschrift," xliv. 145 et seq.關於“馬加比基督教聖徒”見馬斯在“月刊, ”四十四。 145起。

V Maccabees. V馬加比。

V Maccabees, so called by Cotton ("Five Books of Maccabees," 1832), is known also as the Arabic II Maccabees. V馬加比,所謂棉花( “五本書的馬加比” , 1832年) ,是也稱為阿拉伯文二馬加比。 It is included in the Paris and London Polyglots.它包括在巴黎和倫敦Polyglots 。 It has clear relations to II Maccabees, the Arabic "Yosippus," and the Hebrew "Yosippon."它有明確的關係,二馬加比,阿拉伯語“ Yosippus ”和希伯來文“ Yosippon 。 ” Late in origin and without historical value, the book is, however, of considerable importance from other points of view.JIA晚在原產地和歷史價值,這本書,但是,相當重要性的其他點view.JIA

Crawford Howell Toy, George A. Barton, Joseph Jacobs, Israel Abrahams克勞福德霍威爾玩具,喬治巴頓,約瑟夫雅各布斯,以色列亞伯拉罕

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。


Maccabees馬加比

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

Name given to the Hasmonean family.名字被給Hasmonean家庭。 Originally the designation "Maccabeus" (Jerome, "Machabæus") was applied solely to Judas, the third son of Mattathias the Hasmonean (I Macc. ii. 4, iii. 1, et passim), Mattathias' other sons having different surnames; but as Judas became the leader of the party after his father's death, and as he was also the most heroic warrior, his surname was applied not only to all the descendants of Mattathias, but even to others who took part in the revolutionary movement under the leadership of the Hasmoneans.最初的名稱為“ Maccabeus ” (杰羅姆, “ Machabæus ” )是僅適用於猶大,第三個兒子Mattathias的Hasmonean (一Macc 。二。 4 ,三。 1 ,等各處) , Mattathias的其他兩個兒子有不同的姓氏;但是,隨著猶大成為黨的領導人後,他父親去世,作為他也最英勇的戰士,他的姓是不僅適用於所有的後裔Mattathias ,甚至對他人誰參加了革命運動的領導哈斯摩年王朝。 Hence the title "Books of the Maccabees."因此,題目是“書籍的馬加比。 ”

The etymology of the name, in spite of the efforts of the scholars, who have advanced various theories on the subject, remains undetermined.的詞源的名字,儘管努力的學者,誰擁有先進的各種理論,關於這個問題,仍然未定。 According to Jerome ("Prologus Galeatus"), the First Book of the Maccabees was originally written in Hebrew.據杰羅姆( “ Prologus Galeatus ” ) ,第一本書的馬加比最初寫的希伯來文。 Origen (in Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." book vi., last chapter) even gives the Hebrew title, ; thus the Greek and Latin forms of the name must have been transliterations from the Hebrew.奧利(中優西比烏, “組織胺。 Eccl 。 ”書六。 ,最後一章)甚至使希伯來語標題;因此,希臘文和拉丁文形式的名稱必須是transliterations從希伯來文。

But the original Hebrew text is lost; and there is no mention of the name either in the Talmud or in the Midrash, where the family is always referred to as "the Hasmoneans."但是原來的希伯來文丟失;並沒有提及的名字無論是在塔爾穆德或米德拉士,那裡的家庭總是稱為“哈斯摩年王朝” 。 In later Hebrew writings the name occurs in two forms, , transliterated from the Latin, and , according to the Greek spelling.在以後的希伯來文書寫的名字出現在兩種形式,譯音來自拉丁美洲,並根據希臘拼寫。 The latter form is generally explained as meaning "the hammer," a surname given to Judas on account of his heroism.後者的形式一般解釋為“錘子”的姓氏給猶大考慮到他的英雄氣概。 Iken ("Symbolæ Litterariæ," i. 184, Bremen, 1744) derives it from the Arabic "manḳab" (= "general"), while, according to others, the name originated in the fact that Modin, where Mattathias dwelt, was in the territory of Gad (Reland, "Palästina," p. 901), the banner of which tribe bore the inscription , the final letters of the names Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. is, however, the preferred form; it occurs in "Yosippon" (ch. xx.), and is explained by Gorionides as meaning "the hero," though it is not known in what way. Iken ( “ Symbolæ Litterariæ , ”一184 ,不來梅, 1744年)源於它的阿拉伯文“ manḳab ” ( = “一般” ) ,同時,根據其他人的名字起源於一個事實,即莫丁,其中Mattathias談到,是在其境內的蓋德(雷蘭, “ Palästina , ”頁901 ) ,它的旗幟部落負有題詞,最後的字母名稱亞伯拉罕,以撒和雅各。然而,首選形式,它發生在“ Yosippon ” (章二十。 ) ,並解釋了Gorionides的意思是“英雄” ,但不知道以什麼方式。 Others explain it as composed of the initials of (Ex. xv. 11), written on the banner of the Hasmoneans, or as the initials of .其他解釋它的首字母組成的(例如,十五。 11 ) ,寫在旗幟哈斯摩年王朝,或縮寫。 But the statement that it was the surname of Judas only is against these interpretations.但聲明說,這是姓的猶大不僅是對這些解釋。 Curtiss ("The Name Machabee," Leipsic, 1876) derives it from = "to extinguish"; thus would mean "the extinguisher," which agrees with the interpretation of Gorionides.柯蒂斯( “的名字Machabee , ” Leipsic , 1876年)源於它= “滅火” ;因此,將意味著“滅火器” ,其中同意的解釋Gorionides 。 Finally, the following two opinions may be added: (1) that the Hebrew read = "he who hides himself," referring to the fact that the Hasmoneans hid themselves in the mountains (I Macc. ii. 28); (2) that of Filosseno Luzzatto that it is a Greek word, an anagram of Βιαομάχος = "violent warrior."最後,以下兩種意見可能會時間: ( 1 ) ,希伯萊閱讀= “誰隱藏自己” ,指的是這樣一個事實,即哈斯摩年王朝隱瞞自己在山里(我Macc 。二。 28 ) ; ( 2 )的Filosseno Luzzatto ,這是一個希臘詞,一個字謎的Βιαομάχος = “暴力戰士。 ” For the history of the Maccabees see Hasmoneans; Judas Maccabeus; Mattathias Maccabeus.對於歷史上的馬加比見哈斯摩年王朝;猶大Maccabeus ; Mattathias Maccabeus 。

Joseph Jacobs, M. Seligsohn約瑟夫雅各布斯先生Seligsohn

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography:參考書目:

A. Levi, in Mossé, ii.答:列維在Mossé ,二。 6; E. 6 ;大腸桿菌 Levi, in Univers Israélite, xlvi.列維,在大學Israélite ,四十六。 330; D. 330 4 Oppenheim, in Ha-Maggid, xvii., Nos. 5, 6; P.奧本海姆,在河Maggid ,十七。 ,第5 ,第6 ;體育 Perreau, in Vessillo Israelitico, xxviii. Perreau ,在Vessillo Israelitico ,二十八。 76, 113; Wetstein, in Ha-Maggid, xxiii., No. 19; Zipser, in Ben Chananja, iii. 76 , 113 ; Wetstein ,在河Maggid ,二十三。 ,第19號; Zipser ,在本Chananja ,三。 497 et seq.; Winer, BR i. 497起。 ;納,巴島 631, sv Judas.JM Sel. 631 ,西沃特Judas.JM服務器。


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