Book of Judith朱書

A book in the Old Testament Apocrypha 一本書,舊約偽經

General Information 一般信息

A book of the Old Testament in versions of the Bible based on the Greek Septuagint, Judith is included with the Apocrypha in the Authorized and Revised Standard versions; it does not appear at all in the Hebrew Bible.一本在舊約聖經版本的基礎上,希臘譯本,朱迪附帶偽經核定和修訂標準的版本,它不會出現在所有在希伯來文聖經。 The work of an unknown author, the book is a fictitious account of the deliverance of Israel from a foreign army by Judith, the devout and beautiful heroine who first beguiled and then beheaded the Assyrian commander Holofernes.工作的一個未知的作者,這本書是虛構的帳戶的解脫以色列撤出外國軍隊的朱迪,虔誠而美麗的女主人公誰第一受騙然後斬首亞述指揮官何。 The book is dated to the Maccabean period in the 2d century BC.這本書的Maccabean月期間在二維世紀。

Although the besieged city of Bethulia is described as being in Samaria, Samaritans are curiously unmentioned. Deliberate anachronisms, such as calling the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar "king of the Assyrians," were probably intended to signal readers that Judith is not exact history but a call to celebrate recent victories of the Maccabees and to inspire further resistance to Hellenizing enemies. The ritual scrupulosity of the heroine suggests an early pharisaic origin for the book.雖然圍城的Bethulia是被描述為在撒馬利亞,樂善好施是奇怪的提及。故意過時,如要求巴比倫國王尼布甲尼撒王“的亞述人, ”很可能打算信號讀者,朱迪沒有確切的歷史,但要求最近慶祝勝利的馬加比和激勵進一步阻力Hellenizing敵人。儀式scrupulosity的主人公建議早日pharisaic出身的圖書。

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Bibliography 參考書目
T Craven, Artistry and Faith in the Book of Judith (1983). Ť文,藝術和信仰在這本書中的朱迪( 1983年) 。


Book of Judith朱書

General Information 一般信息

Judith is the fourth book of the Old Testament Apocrypha in those versions of the Bible following the Greek Septuagint (generally Roman Catholic and Orthodox versions).朱迪是第四本書舊約偽經在這些版本的聖經,希臘七十以下(通常是羅馬天主教和東正教的版本) 。 Judith is included with the Apocrypha in the King James Version; it does not appear in the Hebrew Bible.朱迪附帶偽經的國王詹姆斯版本,它不會出現在希伯來聖經。 The work of an unknown author, the book falls into two roughly equal parts.工作的一個未知的作者,這本書分為大致相等的部分。 In the first part (chapters 1-7), King Nebuchadnezzar, "who reigned over the Assyrians in the great city of Nineveh" (Judith 1:1), sends his general Holofernes to punish the western nations because they have refused to join him in a war against Media.在第一部分(第一章1-7 ) ,國王尼布甲尼撒, “誰統治亞述人在這個偉大的城市尼納瓦” (猶1:1 ) ,將他的一般何懲罰西方國家,因為他們拒絕加入他在戰爭的媒體。 Holofernes marches against them, and all except the Israelites submit. At this point in the narrative Achior, leader of the Ammonites, warns Holofernes that God will defend the Israelites so long as they remain faithful.何遊行反對他們,和所有的以色列人除了提交。在這一點上說明中Achior ,領導人的菊石,何,上帝警告將捍衛猶太人只要他們繼續忠實。 Holofernes, however, disregarding the warning, surrounds the Israelites in the ancient Palestinian town of Bethulia, near Jerusalem.何,但是,無視警告,圍繞著古老的猶太人在巴勒斯坦城鎮Bethulia ,耶路撒冷附近。

In the second part of the book (chapters 8-16), the pious and beautiful widow Judith (Hebrew, "Jewess") volunteers to deliver the Israelites after rebuking them for losing faith in God when under siege.在第二部分的書籍(章8月16日) ,是虔誠的,美麗的妻子朱迪(希伯來文, “ Jewess ” )志願人員提供譴責以色列人後他們失去對上帝的信仰時,被圍困。 She goes to the Assyrian camp, pretending to be an informer against her people, and charms Holofernes, who invites her to a banquet in his tent.她去亞述營,冒充舉報人對她的人,魅力何,誰請她在他的宴會帳篷。 At the banquet, Holofernes becomes drunk and falls asleep.在宴會上喝醉了何成為屬於睡著了。 Judith seizes a sword, beheads him, wraps the severed head in a bag, and returns with it to her people.朱迪抓住劍, beheads他,包裝頭顱在一個袋子,並回報給她的人。 The jubilant Israelites then attack the leaderless Assyrians, who flee in panic.在歡快的以色列人進行攻擊的領導亞述人,誰逃離恐慌。 Judith leads the people in a song of celebration and praise, and then all go to Jerusalem to offer thanksgiving.朱迪領導人民在一首歌的慶祝和讚揚,然後前往耶路撒冷所有提供感恩。

Most modern scholars recognize that Judith is a historical romance written for didactic purposes.最現代的學者認識到,朱迪是一個歷史的浪漫書面的教學目的。 The author appears to have deliberately ignored historical fact in order to focus attention exclusively on the religious message.作者似乎故意無視歷史事實,以便將注意力集中於專門的宗教訊息。 Nebuchadnezzar II, for example, was king of Babylon, but he was never styled "king of Assyria," nor did he have his capital at the Assyrian capital Nineveh, which was destroyed in 612BC by his father, Nabopolassar.尼布甲尼撒二世,例如,是巴比倫國王,但他從未稱為“國王亞述, ”也沒有他的資本在亞述首都尼尼微,被摧毀的612BC由他的父親, Nabopolassar 。 Indeed, any participation by the historical Nebuchadnezzar in the story of Judith is a chronological impossibility: Nebuchadnezzar died in 562BC, while the action of Judith is said to take place after the end of the Babylonian Captivity in 538 (4:3; 5:19).事實上,任何參與的歷史尼布甲尼撒在朱迪的故事是一個順序不可能:尼布甲尼撒死於562BC ,而行動的朱迪是說將在結束後的巴比倫囚禁在538 ( 4:3 ; 5時19分) 。 The geography of Judith is similarly open to question.地理的朱迪也同樣值得商榷。 The itinerary of Holofernes and his army (2:21-28) is geographically impossible, and the site of Bethulia - the town around which the action revolves - resists identification, despite the presence of topographical details in the text that should fix its location with precision.何的路線和他的軍隊( 2:21-28 )在地理上是不可能的,與該網站的Bethulia -圍繞這個鎮的行動圍繞-抗拒確定,儘管存在地形細節的案文中應指定其位置,精度。

Judith betrays affinities with Ezekiel and Joel, as well as with Daniel and other apocalyptic writings.朱迪背叛親和力與厄澤克爾和Joel ,以及與丹尼爾和其他世界末日著作。 Both the apocalyptic element in the book and certain details of the narrative suggest that it dates from the period of the Maccabees.這兩個因素的啟示,並在書中的某些細節的敘述表明,它可追溯到期馬加比。 Nebuchadnezzar, for example, is said to have wanted "to destroy all local gods so that the nations should worship Nebuchadnezzar alone and people of every language and nationality should hail him as a god" (3:8).尼布甲尼撒例如,據說是要“摧毀所有地方神,以便使聯合國應單獨禮拜尼布甲尼撒和人民的每一種語言和國籍應讚揚他為神” ( 3時08分) 。 Yet it was the Seleucids, not the Assyrians or Babylonians, whose kings first insisted on divine honors.然而,這是Seleucids ,而不是亞述人或巴比倫人,其國王首先堅持神聖的榮譽。 In that case, "Nebuchadnezzar" might represent Antiochus IV, while "Holofernes" may stand for his general Nicanor, "Assyrians" for the Seleucid Syrians, and "Nineveh" for Antiochus's capital Antioch.在這種情況下, “尼布甲尼撒”可能代表安提阿哥四,而“何”的立場,他可能一般尼卡諾爾, “亞述人”的塞流西敘利亞人和“尼納瓦”的安提阿哥首都安提阿。 This interpretation is supported by the existence of a Hebrew Midrash that tells the story of Judith in an abbreviated form, explicitly assigning it to the period of Seleucid oppression.這種解釋的支持,存在著一種希伯萊米德拉士說講述的朱迪在一個簡短的形式,明確賦予它的時期塞流西壓迫。


Ju'dith

Advanced Information 先進的信息

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Book of Judith朱書

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

HISTORY歷史

Nabuchodonosor, King of Nineveh, sends his general Holofernes to subdue the Jews. Nabuchodonosor國王尼納瓦,向他的將軍何制服猶太人。 The latter besieges them in Bethulia, a city on the southern verge of the Plain of Esdrelon.後者besieges他們Bethulia ,一個城市的南部邊緣的平原Esdrelon 。 Achior, the Ammonite, who speaks in defense of the Jews, is maltreated by him and sent into the besieged city to await his punishment when Holofernes shall have taken it. Achior的菊石,誰講國防的猶太人,是由他和虐待發送到圍城,等待他的處罰時,何應採取它。 Famine undermines the courage of the besieged and they contemplate surrender, but Judith, a widow, upbraids them and says that she will deliver the city.飢荒破壞的勇氣,他們的圍攻和考慮投降,但朱迪,寡婦, upbraids他們說,她將提供城市。 She goes into the camp of the Assyrians and captivates Holofernes by her beauty, and finally takes advantage of the general's intoxication to cut off his head.她進入營地的亞述和何所著迷她的美貌,並最終利用一般的中毒切斷他的頭部。 She returns inviolate to the city with his head as a trophy, and a sally on the part of the Jews results in the rout of the Assyrians.她返回不可侵犯的城市,他的頭部作為一個獎杯,以及莎莉的部分猶太人的結果大勝亞述人。 The book closes with a hymn to the Almighty by Judith to celebrate her victory.這本書關閉了讚美詩的萬能的朱迪,以慶祝她的勝利。

THE TEXT

The book exists in distinct Greek and Latin versions, of which the former contains at least eighty-four verses more than the later.這本書存在於不同的希臘文和拉丁文版本,其中前者包含至少84詩句超過為準。 St. Jerome (Praef. in Lib.) says that he translated it from the Chaldaic in one night, "magis sensum e sensu, quam ex verbo verbum transferens" (aiming at giving sense for sense rather than adhering closely to the wording).聖杰羅姆( Praef.在庫。 )說,他翻譯的Chaldaic在一個晚上, “馬吉斯sensum é意義,華富前動詞verbum transferens ” (目的是使意義的意識,而不是堅持密切的措辭) 。 He adds that his codices differed much, and that he expresses in Latin only what he could clearly understand of the Chaldaic.他補充說,他codices差別很大,他表示在拉美只有他能明白的Chaldaic 。

Two Hebrew versions are known at present, a long one practically identical with the Greek text, and a short one which is entirely different; we shall return to the latter when discussing the origin of the book.兩個希伯來文版本被稱為目前,漫長的幾乎相同的希臘文本,並在短期這是一個完全不同的;我們將返回到後者在討論的起源的書。 The Chaldaic, from which St. Jerome made our present Vulgate version, is not recoverable unless it be identified with the longer Hebrew version mentioned above.該Chaldaic ,從聖杰羅姆使我們本拉丁文聖經版本,是無法收回的,除非它被看作是長期希伯來語版本如上所述。 If this be the case we can gauge the value of St. Jerome's work by comparing the Vulgate with the Greek text.如果這種情況我們可以衡量的價值,聖杰羅姆的工作比較武加大與希臘文字。 We at once find that St. Jerome did not exaggerate when he said that he made his translation hurriedly.我們一旦發現,在聖杰羅姆沒有誇大,他說,他在他的翻譯匆匆。 Thus a comparison between vi, 11, and viii, 9 shows us a certain confusion relative to the names of the elders of Bethulia -- a confusion which does not exist in the Septuagint, where also x, 6, should be compared.因此,一個比較六,第11和第八章, 9顯示我們一定混亂相對姓名的長老Bethulia -混亂不存在的譯本,其中也設6 ,應加以比較。 Again in iv, 5, the high priest is Eliachim, which name is later changed into Joachim (xv, 9) -- an allowable change but somewhat misleading: the Septuagint is consistent in using the form Joachim.又在四,五,大祭司是Eliachim ,這名字是後來改為約阿希姆(十五, 9 ) -一個允許變化,但有些誤導:在七十是一貫的使用形式約阿希姆。 Some of the historical statements in the Septuagint directly conflict with those of the Vulgate; for example, the thirteenth year (Vulgate) of Nabuchodonosor becomes the eighteenth in the Septuagint, which also adds a long address of the king to Holofernes.一些歷史報表中譯本與那些直接衝突的武加大,例如,第十三年(武加大)的Nabuchodonosor成為第十八在七十,這還增加了一個長期解決的國王何。 St. Jerome has also frequently condensed the original-always on the supposition that the Septuagint and the longer Hebrew version do really represent the original.聖杰羅姆還經常簡明的原始總是在假定的七十和長期希伯來語版本確實是代表了原始。

To give but one instance:但給一個實例:

Septuagint (2:27): "And he came down into the plain of Damascus at the time of the wheat harvest, and burnt up all their fields, their flocks and their herds he delivered to destruction, their cities he ravaged, and the fruits of their fertile plains he scattered like chaff, and he struck all their young men with the edge of the sword."七十( 2時27分) : “和他下到平原大馬士革的時候,收割小麥,並燒毀了所有的領域,他們的羊群和牛群,他提供給破壞,他們的城市,他蹂躪,和水果其肥沃的平原,他想分散箔條,他擊中所有年輕人的邊緣劍。 “

Vulgate (2:17): "And after these things he went down into the plains in the days of the harvest, and he set all the corn on fire, and he caused all the trees and vineyards to be cut down."武加大( 2時17 ) : “和這些事情後,他走下平原天的收穫,他將所有的玉米火,他造成的所有樹木和葡萄園被砍掉。 ”

With regard to the Septuagint version of the Book of Judith it should be noted that it has come down to us in two recensions: Codex B or Vaticanus on the one hand, and Codex Alexandrinus with Codex Sinaiticus on the other.至於七十版圖書的朱迪應當指出的是,它可以歸結為我們在兩個recensions :法典B或Vaticanus一方面,並與食品法典頸西奈抄本問題。

HISTORICITY歷史性

Catholics with very few exceptions accept the book of Judith as a narrative of facts, not as an allegory.天主教徒與極少數例外接受預訂的朱迪作為說明事實,而不是作為一個寓言。 Even Jahn considers that the genealogy of Judith is inexplicable on the hypothesis that the story is a mere fiction ("Introductio", Vienna, 1814, p. 461).即使雅恩認為,家譜的朱迪是令人費解的假設上的故事僅僅是小說( “引” ,維也納, 1814年,第461頁) 。 Why carry out the genealogy of a fictitious person through fifteen generations?為什麼要進行家譜一個虛構的人,通過15幾代? The Fathers have ever looked upon the book as historical.父親曾經期待這本書時的歷史。 St. Jerome, who excluded Judith from the Canon, nonetheless accepted the person of the valiant woman as historical (Ep. lxv, 1).聖杰羅姆,誰排除朱迪從佳能,但是接受的人的勇敢女性歷史( Ep. lxv , 1 ) 。

Against this traditional view there are, it must be confessed, very serious difficulties, due, as Calmet insists, to the doubtful and disputed condition of the text.對這一傳統的觀點有,但必須承認,非常嚴重的困難,因為,作為卡爾梅特堅持,到懷疑和爭議的條件的文字。 The historical and geographical statements in the book, as we now have it, are difficult to understand: thus的歷史和地理聲明書,因為我們現在有了它,是很難理解:因此,

Nabuchodonosor was apparently never King of Nineveh, for he came to the throne in 605, whereas Nineveh was destroyed certainly not later than 606, and after that the Assyrians ceased to exist as a people; Nabuchodonosor顯然是從來沒有國王尼納瓦,他來到了王位605 ,而被摧毀肯定尼納瓦不得遲於606 ,之後的亞述不復存在作為一個民族;

the allusion in i, 6, to Erioch, King of the Elicians, is suspicious; we are reminded of the Arioch of Gen., xiv, i.典故中的一,六,以Erioch ,王Elicians ,是可疑的,我們提醒Arioch的將軍,十四島 The Septuagint makes him King of the Elumaens, presumably the Elamites,讓他的七十王Elumaens ,大概是Elamites ,

the character of Nabuchodonosor is hardly that portrayed for us on the monuments: in the India House Inscription, for example, his sentiments are remarkable for the modesty of their tone.的性質,很難說Nabuchodonosor為我們描繪的紀念碑:在印度國會銘文,例如,他的感情是顯著的謙遜的語氣。 On the other hand, we must remember that, as Sayce says, the "Assyrian kings were most brazen-faces liars on their monuments";另一方面,我們必須記住,作為Sayce說, “亞述國王最厚顏無恥面臨騙子他們的紀念碑” ;

the name Vagao, or the Septuagint Bagoas, for the eunuch of Holofernes is suggestive of the Bagoses, who, according to Josephus (Antiquities, XI, vii, 1), polluted the temple and to whom apparently we have a reference in the recently discovered papyri from Assuan;名稱Vagao ,或七十Bagoas ,為宦官的何是暗示的Bagoses ,誰,根據約瑟夫(古物,十一,七, 1 ) ,污染了寺廟和向誰顯然我們有一個提法,最近發現紙莎草紙從Assuan ;

the mixture of Babylonian, Greek, and Persian names in the book should be noted;混合物的巴比倫,希臘,波斯和在圖書名稱應當指出;

the genealogy of Judith as given in the Vulgate is a medley: that given in the three principal Greek codices is perhaps better but varies in every one.該家譜的朱迪給出的拉丁文聖經是混合泳:鑑於中的三個主要希臘codices也許是更好,但在每一個不同。 Still it is an historical genealogy, though ill-conserved;不過這是一個歷史的家譜,但虐待保守;

a geographical puzzle is presented by the Vulgate of ii, 12-16; the Septuagint is much superior, and it should be noted that throughout this version, especially in Codex B, we have the most interesting details furnished us (cf. particularly i, 9; ii, 13, 28-9).地理之謎是由武加大對二, 12月16日;的七十優越得多,它應該指出的是,在整個這個版本,特別是在食品法典乙,我們最有趣的細節家具我們(見特別是我, 9 ;二, 13 , 28-9 ) 。 The Septuagint also gives us information about Achior which is wanting in the Vulgate; it is apparently hinted in vi, 2, 5, that he was an Ephraimite and a mercenary hired by Moad;該譯本也給我們的信息Achior這是想在武加大;這顯然是暗示在六, 2 , 5 ,他是一名Ephraimite和僱用的僱傭軍Moad ;

Bethulia itself is a mystery: according to the Septuagint it was large, had streets and towers (vii, 22, 32), and withstood a long siege at the hands of a vast army. Bethulia本身就是一個謎:根據七十是大,但街道和塔(七, 22 , 32 ) ,並經過長期圍困在手中的一個龐大的軍隊。 Its position, too, is stated with minuteness; it stood on the edge of the Plain of Esdrelon and guarded the pass to Jerusalem; yet no trace of the existence of such a place is to be found (unless we accept the theory of Conder, "Handbook", 5th ed., p. 239);它的立場,也指出了minuteness ;它站在邊緣的平原Esdrelon和守護傳遞給耶路撒冷;還沒有痕跡的存在,這樣一個地方是可以找到(除非我們接受理論Conder , “手冊” ,第5版。 ,第239頁) ;

the names, Judith (Jewess), Achior (brother of light), and Bethulia (?Bethel, ie ?Jerusalem, or perhaps from the Hebrew meaning "virgin" -- in the shorter Hebrew version Judith is called not "the widow" but "the virgin", ie Bethulia), sound rather like symbolic names than those of historical places or persons;的名稱,朱迪( Jewess ) , Achior (哥哥的光)和Bethulia ( ?貝瑟爾,即?耶路撒冷,或者由希伯來文意思是“處女” -在較短的希伯來文版朱迪被稱為不是“寡婦” ,但“聖母” ,即Bethulia ) ,聲音一樣具有象徵意義的名字,而不是那些歷史的地方或個人;

in Judith's speech to Holofernes there is (xi, 12, 15) some apparent confusion between Bethulia and Jerusalem;在朱迪的講話,以何有(十一, 12日, 15日)一些明顯的混亂和耶路撒冷之間Bethulia ;

while the events are referred to the time of Nabuchodonosor, and therefore to the close of the Hebrew monarchy, we seem to have in v, 22, and viii, 18-19, an allusion to the time subsequent to the Restoration; there is no king in Palestine (iv, 5), but only a high priest, Joachim or Eliachim; and in iv, 8; xi, 14; xv, 8 (Sept.), the Sanhedrin is apparently mentioned;而被稱為事件時Nabuchodonosor ,從而結束時希伯來語君主制,我們似乎已經在五, 22日和第八章, 18日至19日,指的是以後的時間恢復;沒有國王在巴勒斯坦(四,五) ,但只有大祭司,約阿希姆或Eliachim ;並在四, 8 ;十一14 ;十五, 8 ( 9月) ,公會顯然提到;

the book has a Persian and even a Greek colouring, as is evidenced by the recurrence of such names as Bagoas and Holofernes.這本書有一個波斯甚至希臘染色,這是證明了這再次發生此類名稱Bagoas和何。

These are serious difficulties, and a Catholic student must be prepared to meet them.這些都是嚴重的困難,和一個天主教的學生必須作好準備,以滿足這些需求。 There are two ways of doing so.有兩種方法這樣做。

(a) According to what we may term "conservative" criticism, these apparent difficulties can every one be harmonized with the view that the book is perfectly historical and deals with facts which actually took place. (一)根據什麼,我們可能長期“保守”的批評,這些顯而易見的困難,可每一個統一的看法,這本書是完全的歷史和涉及的事實,確實發生了。 Thus, the geographical errors may be ascribed to the translators of the original text or to copyists living long after the book was composed, and consequently ignorant of the details referred to.因此,地理錯誤可能是歸因於譯員的原始文字或copyists生活這本書後不久組成,因此不知道詳情提到。 Calmet insists that the Biblical Nabuchodonosor is meant, while in Arphaxad he sees Phraortes whose name, as Vigoroux (Les Livres Saints et La Critique Rationaliste, iv, 4th ed.) shows, could easily have been thus perverted.卡爾梅特堅持認為,聖經Nabuchodonosor意味著,而在Arphaxad他認為Phraortes他的名字,因為Vigoroux (法國圖書聖徒等香格里拉批判Rationaliste ,四,第4版。 )顯示,可以很容易地被從而扭曲。

Vigoroux, however, in accordance with recent Assyrian discoveries, identifies Nabuchodonosor with Assur-bani-pal, the contemporary of Phraortes. Vigoroux ,但是,根據最近的亞述人的發現,確定Nabuchodonosor與亞述巴尼朋,當代的Phraortes 。 This enables him to refer the events to the time of the captivity of Manasses under Assur-bani-pal (2 Chronicles 33:11; cf. Sayce, "Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments", 4th ed., p. 458).這使他提及的事件的時候,被關押Manasses根據亞述巴尼- PAL (可歷代誌下33:11 ;比照。 Sayce , “高等批判與裁決的紀念物” ,第4版。 ,第458頁) 。 It is further maintained that the campaign conducted by Holofernes is well illustrated in the records of Assur-bani-pal which have come down to us.此外,還堅持認為,所進行的活動是很好的說明何中記錄的亞述薩迪爾帕爾已下降到我們。 And these facts will undoubtedly afford an explanation of the apparent allusion to the captivity; it was indeed a Restoration, but that of Manasses, not that under Esdras.和這些事實,無疑將提供一個解釋顯然指的是圈養,它確實是一個恢復,而Manasses ,而不是根據埃斯德拉斯。 The reference, too, to the Sanhedrin is doubtful; the term gerousia is used of the "ancients" in Lev., ix, 3, etc. Lastly, Conder's identification of Bethulia with Mithilia (loc. cit. supra) is highly probable.該參考,也為公會是令人懷疑的;任期gerousia使用的“古人”的列夫。 ,第九,第3條,等最後, Conder的鑑定Bethulia與Mithilia (如上。前)極有可能。 Moreover, the writer who described the strategical position in iv, 1-6, knew the geography of Palestine thoroughly.此外,作家誰描述的戰略地位,四, 1月6日,知道地理巴勒斯坦徹底。 And we are given details about the death of Judith's husband which (viii, 2-4) can hardly be attributed to art, but are rather indications that Judith represents a really existing heroine.我們正在考慮有關的死亡朱迪的丈夫這(八, 2月4日)幾乎不能歸咎於藝術,而是跡象表明,一個真正朱迪現有海洛因。 With regard to the state of the text it should be noted that the extraordinary variants presented in the various versions are themselves a proof that the versions were derived from a copy dating from a period long antecedent to the time of its translators (cf. Calmet, "Introd. in Lib. Judith").關於國家的文字應當指出的是非凡的變種中提出的各種版本本身證明,該版本是從一份追溯到一個時期長期前提時的翻譯(見卡爾梅特, “ Introd 。在庫。朱迪” ) 。

(b) Some few Catholic writers are not satisfied with Calmet's solution of the difficulties of the Book of Judith; they deem the errors of translators and of scribes to be no sufficient explanation in this matter. ( b )一些少數天主教作家不滿意卡爾梅特的解決的困難書朱迪;他們認為這些錯誤的翻譯和文士並沒有足夠的解釋,這件事。 These few Catholics, together with the non-Catholics that do not care to throw the book over entirely into the realm of fiction, assure us that the Book of Judith has a solid historical foundation.這些少數的天主教徒,連同非天主教徒,不小心丟了這本書完全變成小說,向我們保證這本書的朱迪具有堅實的歷史基礎。 Judith is no mythical personage, she and her heroic deed lived in the memory of the people; but the difficulties enumerated above seem to show that the story as we now have it was committed to writing at a period long subsequent to the facts.朱迪沒有神話人物,她和她的英勇行為生活在記憶的人,但上面列舉的困難似乎表明,這個故事,因為我們現在有它致力於書面長一個時期以後的事實。 The history, so it is maintained, is vague; the style of composition, the speeches, etc., remind us of the Books of Machabees.歷史上,因此它是維持,是含糊不清的風格組成,演講等,提醒我們的書Machabees 。 A remarkable knowledge of the Psalter is evinced (cf. 7:19 and Psalm 105:6; 7:21, and Psalm 78:10, 93:2; 9:6, 9, and Psalm 19:8; 9:16, and Psalm 146:10; 13:21, and Psalm 105:1).一個突出知識Psalter是明證(見7時19分和詩篇105:6 ; 7點21分,和詩篇78:10 , 93:2 ; 9時06分, 9 ,和詩篇十九時08 ; 9時16分,和詩篇146:10 ; 13時21分,和詩篇105:1 ) 。 Some of these psalms must almost certainly be referred to the period of the Second Temple.其中一些詩篇必須幾乎肯定會提到期間的第二聖殿。 Again, the High Priest Joachim must presumably be identified with the father of Eliashib, and must therefore have lived in the time of Artaxerxes the Great (464-424 BC Cf. Josephus, "Antiquities", XI, vi-vii).同樣,大祭司約阿希姆必須確定大概的父親Eliashib ,因此必須住在規定的時間內的阿爾塔克賽爾克斯大(公元前464-424參看。約瑟夫, “古物” ,十一,六,七) 。 We referred above to a shorter Hebrew version of the book; Dr. Gaster, its discoverer, assigns this manuscript to the tenth or eleventh century AD (Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archaeol., XVI, pp. 156 sqq.).我們上面提到較短的希伯來語版的書;博士法莫替丁,其發現者,賦予這一手稿的第十次或11世紀的廣告(訴訟的SoC 。的Bibl 。 Archaeol 。 ,第十六頁。 156 sqq 。 ) 。 It is exceedingly brief, some forty lines, and gives us only the gist of the story.這是極其短暫的,大約有40行,使我們唯一的精神的故事。 Yet it seems to offer a solution to many of the difficulties suggested above.然而,這似乎提供了一個解決的許多困難上述建議。 Thus Holofernes, Bethulia, and Achior, all disappear; there is a very natural explanation of the purification in xii, 7; and, most noticeable of all, the enemy is no longer an Assyrian, but Seleucus, and his attack is on Jerusalem, not on Bethulia.因此,何, Bethulia ,並Achior ,所有消失;有一種很自然的解釋淨化十二, 7 ;和,最顯著的是,敵人不再是亞述人,但塞魯克斯,他的攻擊是在耶路撒冷,不是Bethulia 。

If it could be maintained that we have in this manuscript the story in its original form, and that our canonical book is an amplification of it, we should then be in a position to explain the existence of the numerous divergent versions.如果它可以保持我們在這一手稿的故事在其原來的形式,我們的典型書是擴大了的時候,我們應該能夠解釋存在許多不同的版本。 The mention of Seleucus brings us down to Machabean times, the title of Judith, now no longer the "widow" but the "virgin", may explain the mysterious city; the Machabean colouring of the story becomes intelligible, and the theme is the efficacy of prayer (cf. 6:14-21; 7:4; 2 Maccabees 15:12-16).提及塞魯克斯使我們下降到Machabean次的標題朱迪,現在不再是“寡婦” ,但“處女” ,可能可以解釋這個神秘的城市;的Machabean染色的故事成為可理解的,和這次會議的主題是療效祈禱(見6:14-21 ;七時04分; 2馬加比15:12-16 ) 。

CANONICITY正規

The Book of Judith does not exist in the Hebrew Bible, and is consequently excluded from the Protestant Canon of Holy Scripture.朱書中不存在希伯來聖經,並因此被排除在新教佳能的聖經。 But the Church has always maintained its canonicity.但是,教會一直保持其正規。

St. Jerome, while rejecting in theory those books which he did not find in his Hebrew manuscript, yet consented to translate Judith because "the Synod of Nicaea is said to have accounted it as Sacred Scripture" (Praef. in Lib.).聖杰羅姆,而拒絕那些書籍在理論上,他沒有發現在他的希伯來文手稿,還同意把朱迪因為“主教尼西亞據說是佔它作為聖經” ( Praef.在庫。 ) 。 It is true that no such declaration is to be found in the Canons of Nicaea, and it is uncertain whether St. Jerome is referring to the use made of the book in the discussions of the council, or whether he was misled by some spurious canons attributed to that council, but it is certain that the Fathers of the earliest times have reckoned Judith among the canonical books; thus St. Paul seems to quote the Greek text of Judith, viii, 14, in I Cor., ii, 10 (cf. also 1 Corinthians 10:10, with Judith 8:25).誠然,沒有這樣的聲明中可以找到的規尼西亞,以及目前尚不能確定是否聖杰羅姆是指使用了這本書在理事會的討論情況,或者他是否誤導了一些虛假的大砲由於安理會,但可以肯定的是,父親的最早的時候都不可忽視朱迪之間的典型的書籍,因此聖保祿似乎回复希臘文朱迪,第八,第14 ,在我心病。 ,二, 10 (比照。還哥林多前書10:10 ,與朱迪8時25分) 。 In the early Christian Church we find it quoted as part of Scripture in the writing of St. Clement of Rome (First Epistle ot the Corinthians, lv), Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Tertullian.在早期基督教教會我們找到它的一部分引用聖經中的寫作聖克萊門特的羅馬(第一使徒催產素的科林蒂安,低壓) ,克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞,奧利和良。

Publication information Written by Hugh T. Pope.出版信息作者休噸教皇。 Transcribed by Michael T. Barrett.轉錄的邁克爾巴雷特。 Dedicated to Judy Van Horn The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.致力於朱迪範霍恩的天主教百科全書,體積八。 Published 1910.發布時間1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat , 1910年10月1號。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

Consult the various Biblical dictionaries and introductions; also Civilta Cattolica (1887).徵詢各聖經字典和引進;也嚴重制約( 1887年) 。 The best summary of the various view and arguments on the question is in GIGOT, Special Introd., I; cf.最好的總結了各種觀點和論據的問題是,在GIGOT ,特別Introd 。 ,我;比照。 also especially SCHURER, The Jewish People in the Time of Christ, div.還特別SCHURER ,猶太人民在時代的基督,股利。 II, vol.二,第二卷。 III; VIGOUROUX, La Bible et les Decouvertes Modernes, IV (5th ed.), 275-305; BRUENGO, Il Nabucodonosor di Giuditta (Rome, 1888).三; VIGOUROUX ,香格里拉聖經等萊Decouvertes現代,第四章(第5版。 ) , 275-305 ; BRUENGO ,金正日Nabucodonosor迪Giuditta (羅馬, 1888年) 。


Book of Judith朱書

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

Title.標題。

General Character and Contents.一般性質和內容。

Historical Setting.歷史背景。

The City Bethulia.城市Bethulia 。

Identity of Bethulia.身份Bethulia 。

Literary and Religious Importance.文學和宗教意義。

Original Language; Versions.原文;版本。

Author and Date.作者和日期。

Possible Date of Composition.儘早組成。

Title.標題。

An Apocryphal book in sixteen chapters.一個未經證實的16本書的章節。 The book receives its title from the name of its principal character, Judith ( = "Jewess"; in the Greek transliteration, Ἰουδείθ), a name found also in Gen. xxvi. 34 (comp. the corresponding masculine proper name in Jer. xxxvi. 14, 21, 23).這本書獲得其所有權的名稱及其主要特點,朱迪( = “ Jewess ” ;在希臘的音譯, Ἰουδείθ ) ,一個名字也發現將軍二十六。 34 ( comp.相應的男性適當的名稱在哲。三十六。 14 , 21 , 23 ) 。

The Book of Judith is a story written for house-hold reading, While it may properly be classed as didactic, yet it is one of those popular tales in which the chief concern of the writer is with the telling of the story rather than with the pointing of a moral, and in which the wish to interest takes precedence even of the desire to instruct.朱書的故事寫的房屋進行閱讀,雖然可以適當地歸類為說教,但它是其中的一個故事中,流行的主要關注的作家是在講故事,而不是指著一個道義上的,並在其中要優先甚至利益的願望指示。 What gained for the book its high esteem in early times, in both the Jewish and the Christian world, was its intrinsic merit as a story, rather than its religious teaching or its patriotism.什麼為這本書獲得了崇高的敬意早期,在這兩個猶太和基督教世界,是其內在價值作為一個故事,而不是宗教教學或其愛國主義。

General Character and Contents.一般性質和內容。

It is, furthermore, a historical novel; that is, its scenes are definitely located as to place and time and connected with important personages of history, with the purpose of adding life to the narrative.這是,此外,歷史小說,也就是說,其場面絕對是位於以地點和時間,並與重要人物的歷史,目的是增加生活的說明。 This feature it has in common with such stories as those of Ruth, Esther, Daniel, and especially with the Book of Tobit, the work most nearly akin to it.此功能已經在與這樣的故事的那些露絲,以斯帖,丹尼爾,特別是與圖書的托比書,幾乎大部分的工作類似於它。 But in Judith the names of persons and localities are introduced in such profusion and with such minuteness of detail as have no parallel in the other old Jewish compositions of this class.但是,在朱迪的人的姓名和地方介紹了這種豐富和這種minuteness的細節沒有平行的其他成分的舊猶太這個類。

The events of the narrative are represented as taking place on the occasion of the hostile advance of an "Assyrian" army into Palestine.所發生的事件的敘述是代表作為上發生之際,敵對提前一個“亞述”軍隊進入巴勒斯坦。 The inhabitants of a certain Jewish city called "Bethulia," (properly "Betylua") can check the advance of the enemy, because their city occupies the narrow and important pass through which is the entrance into Judea (Judith iv. 7 et seq., viii. 21-24).居民一定猶太城市稱為“ Bethulia ” (正確“ Betylua ” )可以查看進步的敵人,因為他們的城市中佔有重要的狹隘和穿過這是進入朱迪亞(朱迪四。 7起。 ,第八章。 21-24 ) 。 But the Assyrians, instead of attempting to force the pass, blockade the city and cut off its water-supply.但是,亞述人,而不是試圖通過武力,封鎖城市,切斷其水供應。 In the distress which follows, Judith, a woman of Bethulia, works deliverance for her city-and thus for all Judea and Jerusalem-by bewitching the Assyrian captain, Holofernes, and cutting off his head.在這危難如下,朱迪,一個女人的Bethulia ,工程解救她的城市,從而為所有猶太和耶路撒冷的迷人亞述隊長,何,並切斷了他的頭部。

Historical Setting.歷史背景。

The book begins with a date, "the twelfth year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar," and everything moves with the air of a precise account of actual events.這本書開始的日期, “在12年的統治尼布甲尼撒, ”一切行動與空中精確到實際事件。 But the way in which the narrative at once makes open sport of chronology and history is very striking. Nebuchadnezzar is the king of Assyria, and reigns in Nineveh(!).但是,以何種方式敘述一次使開放運動的年代和歷史是非常驚人的。尼布甲尼撒是亞述國王,並支配著尼納瓦( ! ) 。 The Jews, who have "newly returned from the captivity" (iv. 3, v. 19), are in no sense his subjects; indeed, his chief captain has apparently never heard of them (v. 3).猶太人,誰擁有“新回來囚禁” ( iv.三,五, 19 ) ,是沒有意義的主題,事實上,他的首席隊長顯然從來沒有聽說過他們(五3 ) 。 Yet the writer of this story was a well-informed man, familiar with foreign geography (i. 6-10, ii. 21-28), and well acquainted with the Hebrew Scriptures (i. 1; ii. 23; v. 6-19; viii. 1, 26; ix. 2 et seq.).然而,作家這個故事是一個消息靈通的人,熟悉外國地理( 6月10日一,二。 21-28 ) ,以及熟悉希伯來聖經(一1 ;二。 23 ;訴6 -19 ;八。 1 , 26 ;九。 2起。 ) 。 It must therefore be concluded either that the principal names of the story are a mere disguise, or that they were chosen with a purely literary purpose, and with the intent to disclaim at the outset any historical verity for the tale.因此,必須締結或者名稱,主要的故事是一個單純的掩飾,或者說他們選擇與一個純粹的文學目的,故意放棄首先任何真實的歷史故事。 The former supposition is not rendered plausible by any consideration, and fails utterly to account for the peculiarities of the narrative; the latter, on the contrary, gives a satisfactory explanation of all the facts.前作出的假設是沒有任何可信的審議,並沒有完全考慮到的特殊情況的說明;後者,相反,給出了令人滿意的解釋所有的事實。 That is, with the very first words of the tale, "In the twelfth year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, who reigned over the Assyrians in Nineveh," the narrator gives his hearers a solemn wink.也就是說,與第一個字的故事“在12年的統治尼布甲尼撒,誰統治亞述人在尼尼微, ”敘述者給他聽一個莊嚴的眨了一下眼睛。 They are to understand that this is fiction, not history.他們明白,這是小說,不是歷史。 It did not take place in this or that definite period of Jewish history, but simply "once upon a time," the real vagueness of the date being transparently disguised in the manner which has become familiar in the folk-tales of other parts of the world.它沒有在這個或那個一定時期猶太人的歷史,而只是“曾幾何時, ”真正的含糊不清的日期被偽裝成透明的方式已經成為熟悉的民間故事的其他部分世界。

The City Bethulia.城市Bethulia 。

Both the name and the site of the city in which the scene of the story is laid have been the subject of much debate.名稱和地點的城市中,現場的故事奠定了很多的主題辯論。 It is beyond all question that the narrator in describing Bethulia is describing a real place with which he is personally familiar.毫無疑問,敘述者在敘述Bethulia是一個真正地描述了他本人熟悉。 The plain requirements of the description are these: a large city in the hill-country of Samaria, on the direct road from Jezreel to Jerusalem, lying in the path of the enemy, at the head of an important pass, a few hours (vi. 11, vii. 1-3) south of Geba.平原要求說明這些:一個大型城市中的山國的撒馬利亞,直接道Jezreel耶路撒冷,躺在道路上的敵人,在頭部的一個重要通行證,幾個小時(六。 11日,七。 1-3 )南部迦巴。 This Geba is the of the Talmud, the modern Jeba', two or three hours northeast of Samaria, at the point where the ascent into the mountainous country begins.這迦巴是在塔木德,現代Jeba ' ,兩三個小時東北薩馬利亞,在點上升到多山的國家開始。 Between this point and the plain of Jezreel there is nothing resembling a pass.這一點,並與平原Jezreel沒有任何類似的通行證。 Holofernes, with the division of his army which had just chastised the coast cities (iii. 6 et seq.), was in the van.何,與該司的他的軍隊剛剛批評沿海城市( iii. 6起。 ) ,是在貨車內。 A considerable body now joined him from the east (Moab, Ammon, Edom, etc.; v. 2, vii. 8).相當現在加入他從東(莫阿布,阿蒙,以東等;五, 2 ,七。 8 ) 。 The statement that his vast army "encamped between Geba and Seythopolis" (iii. 10) suits all the conditions perfectly.聲明說,他的豐富軍“營地之間迦巴和Seythopolis ” ( iii. 10 )適合所有條件完美。

Identity of Bethulia.身份Bethulia 。

As Torrey first pointed out, in the "Journal of the American Oriental Society," xx.作為第一次多指出,在“雜誌美國東方學會, ”二十。 160-172, there is one city, and only one, which perfectly satisfies all the above-mentioned requirements, namely, Shechem. 160-172 ,有一個城市,只有一個,這完全滿足上述所有要求,即示劍。 A great army, with its baggage-trains, breaking camp at Geba in the morning (vii. 1), would arrive in the afternoon at the springs in the broad valley (ib. 3) just under Shechem.偉大的軍隊,其行李列車,打破營地迦巴上午( vii. 1 ) ,將抵達下午在溫泉中的廣泛谷( ib. 3 )只根據示劍。 This, moreover, is the city which occupies the all-important pass on this route, the pass by which "was the entrance into Judea" (iv. 7). Furthermore, each one of the details of topography, which the writer introduces in great number, finds its unmistakable counterpart in the surroundings of Shechem.這一點,此外,是城市佔有最重要的通過本路線,在經過這“是進入猶大” ( iv. 7 ) 。此外,每一個細節的地形,它的作者介紹了在偉大的號碼,找到明確的對應周圍示劍。 The valley below the city is on the west side (vii. 18; comp. ib. verses 13, 20).山谷低於城市西側( vii. 18 ;補償。國際文憑。詩句13日, 20日) 。 The "fountain of water in the camp" (xii. 7) is the modern Bait al-Ma, fifteen minutes from Shechem.該“噴泉中的水營” ( xii. 7 )是現代餌鋁馬, 15分鐘從示劍。 The ascent to the city was through a narrowing valley (xiii. 10; comp. x. 10).上升的城市是通過縮小谷( xiii. 10 ;補償。十10 ) 。 Whether the words "for two men at the most" (iv. 7) are an exaggeration for the sake of the story, or whether they truly describe the old fortifications of the city, it is impossible to say with certainty.是否改為“兩名男子在最” ( iv. 7 )是一種誇張,為了這個故事,或者他們是否真正說明舊的防禦工事的城市,就不可能肯定地說。 At the head of this ascent, a short distance back from the brow of the bill, stood the city (xiv. 11).在擔任這一上升,很短的距離從額頭的條例草案,為市( xiv. 11 ) 。 Rising above it and overlooking it were mountains (vii. 13, 18; xv. 3).超越它,俯瞰這是山區( vii. 13日, 18日;十五。 3 ) 。 The "fountain" from which came thewater-supply of the city (vii. 12 et seq.) is the great spring Ras el-'Ain, in the valley (ἐν τῷ αὐλῶνι, ib. 17) just above Shechem, "at the foot" of Mount Gerizim.該“噴泉”從其中thewater供應的城市( vii. 12起。 )是偉大的春天拉斯艾- 'Ain ,在山谷中( ἐν τῷ αὐλῶνι , B節。 17 )略高於示劍“ ,在腳“的山Gerizim 。 The abundant water-supply of the modern city is probably due to a system of ancient underground conduits from this one spring; see Robinson, "Physical Geography of the Holy Land," p.豐富的水供應的現代城市可能是因為制度的古老的地下管道從這個春天;看到羅賓遜, “自然地理聖地, ”第 247, and Guérin, "Samarie," i. 247 ,和卡介苗, “賴” ,一 401 et seq. 401起。 Further corroborative evidence is given by the account of the blockade of Bethulia in vii.進一步佐證給予帳戶的封鎖Bethulia在七。 13-20. "Ekrebel" is 'Aḳrabah, three hours southeast of Shechem, on the road to the Jordan; "Chusi" is Ḳuza (so GA Smith and others), two hours south, on the road to Jerusalem. 13-20 。 “ Ekrebel ”是' Aḳrabah ,三個小時東南示劍,道路上的約旦“ ; Chusi ”是Ḳuza (所謂遺傳史密斯和其他人) ,兩個小時南,道路上的耶路撒冷。 The identity of Bethulia with Shechem is thus beyond all question. Bethulia的身份與示劍因此,毫無疑問。

The reason for the pseudonym is obvious.其原因是顯而易見的化名。 Because of the feeling of the Jews toward the Samaritans, the name "Shechem" could not be repeatedly used in a popular tale of this character for the city whose people wrought deliverance for Jerusalem and for the sanctuary of the Jews.由於感情的猶太人對撒瑪利亞,名稱為“示劍”不能反复使用的流行故事,這個人物的城市的人民帶來解脫的耶路撒冷和猶太人的避難所。 The original form of "Betylua" (Greek, Βαιτουλουα, etc.; Latin, "Bethulia," whence the modern usage) is quite uncertain.原始形式的“ Betylua ” (希臘語, Βαιτουλουα等;拉丁美洲, “ Bethulia , ”何處現代用法)是相當不確定的。 The favorite = "House of God," is not improbable.最喜歡的= “眾議院的上帝, ”不是不可能。

Literary and Religious Importance.文學和宗教意義。

Judith is certainly one of the very best extant specimens of old Jewish story-telling, and forms a worthy companion-piece to Tobit, which it surpasses in vividness of style.朱迪當然是最好的標本,現存的舊猶太講故事,並形成了有價值的同伴片以托比書,它超越了生動的風格。 Its author introduces a considerable variety of material, but all in due proportion; everything is subordinated to the main action, and the interest never flags.作者介紹了一種相當不同的材料,但都在適當的比例;一切服從的主要行動,並沒有國旗的利益。 The principal scenes are painted very vigorously, and a striking picture is often sketched in a few words (comp. x. 10, 18; xiii. 13; xiv. 6).主要場面畫非常積極,而且往往是驚人的圖片中描繪了幾句話( comp.十, 10 , 18 ;十三。 13 ;十四。 6 ) 。 The poem in the closing chapter is a fine composition, plainly the work of no ordinary writer. The book has a distinctly religious trend, and is well calculated to inspire both patriotism and piety.這首詩的最後一章是一個很好的組成,工作顯然不是普通的作家。這本書有一個明顯的宗教趨勢,是計算激發愛國主義和虔誠兩個。 For the history of the Jewish religion, however, it contributes little of importance.對於歷史上的猶太人的宗教,但是,它的貢獻甚微的重要性。 Views and doctrines which have nothing to do with the progress of the story are not introduced.觀點和理論,沒有任何的進展的故事沒有介紹。

Original Language; Versions.原文;版本。

As most students of the book have recognized, it was originally written in Hebrew.由於大部分學生已經認識到這本書,它最初是在希伯來文。 The standard Greek version bears the unmistakable marks of a translation from this language.希臘版的標準負有明確的標誌從這個翻譯的語言。 The idioms are those of classical Hebrew; and yet the dialect in which the book is composed is plainly a living one.該習語是那些古典希伯來語;然而,方言在這本書顯然是組成一個活生生的。 The diction is fresh and vigorous, and not noticeably reminiscent of the canonical Old Testament.文字是新鮮和活力,而不是明顯地想起典型舊約。

The wide-spread popularity of the story is attested, as in the case of Tobit, by the existence of a number of separate recensions; these do not, however, diverge very widely from one another.在廣泛普及的故事證明,如托比書,是存在著一些不同的recensions ;這些不這樣做,然而,分歧非常廣泛的一個。 Three Greek forms have been preserved: (1) the standard text, found in most manuscripts (including the principal uncials) and given in all the printed editions; in all probability the recension which most nearly represents the original form of the story; (2) a somewhat corrected and "improved" recension, represented by Codex 58 (Holmes and Parsons) and by the Old Latin and Syriac versions; and (3) a text closely related to the preceding, found in Codices 19 and 108. 3名希形式已保存: ( 1 )的標準文本,發現在大多數的手稿(包括主要uncials ) ,並在所有的印刷版,在所有的可能性recension這幾乎代表了最原始形式的故事; ( 2 )略有更正和“改良” recension為代表的食品法典58 ( Holmes和帕森斯)和拉丁美洲和敘利亞舊版本;和( 3 )文字密切相關的前,中Codices 19和108 。 The Old Latin translation exists in several divergent forms.老拉丁美洲翻譯中存在幾個不同的形式。 The Vulgate version was made by Jerome (according to his own testimony hastily and with considerable freedom) from an Aramaic text.在拉丁文聖經版本是由杰羅姆(根據他自己的證言急忙和相當自由)從阿拉姆文本。 It gives the narrative in a form which is both much abridged and plainly secondary.它的說明的形式是非常簡略和顯然是次要的。

The several Hebrew versions of Judith are all comparatively recent, and are quite worthless for the criticism of the book.希伯來語的幾個版本的朱迪都比較近,而且是相當值錢的批評,這本書。 Two of these are given in Jellinek, "BH" i.其中兩個給出耶林涅克, “波黑”一 130-141, ii. 130-141 ,二。 12-22; another is published by Gaster in "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch." 12月22日;另一種是在發表的法莫替丁“過程。紹奇。 Bibl 。弓。 ” xvi.十六。 156-163. 156-163 。 These are all free adaptations of the story, very much abridged.這些都是免費的故事改編的,非常簡略。

Author and Date.作者和日期。

The author of Judith beyond question lived and wrote in Palestine. He was a Jew, not a Samaritan, and probably dwelt near Shechem.作者朱迪毫無疑問的生活,寫在巴勒斯坦。他是猶太人,而不是一個撒瑪利亞人,並且很可能住在示劍。 From the manner and frequency of the mention of Dothan (iii. 9 [?]; "Dothaim," iv. 6; vii. 3, 18; viii. 3)-if the Greek text can be trusted-it might perhaps be conjectured that his home was there. From the prominence given in the book to the ceremonial law, many have drawn the conclusion that its author was a Pharisee; but this is hardly a safe conclusion.從方式和頻率的提及多森( iii. 9 [ ? ] ; “ Dothaim , ”四。 6 ;七。 3 , 18 ;八。 3 ) ,如果希文可以信任,或許可以推測他的家在那裡。從突出本書的禮儀法,許多人得出結論,其作者是法利賽人;但是這並不是一個安全的結論。 All that can be inferred with certainty is, that the punctilious performance of rites and ceremonies was popularly recognized at that time as characteristic of the extreme type of "holiness" demanded by the story for its heroine.這一切都可以推斷肯定是,該拘泥形式表現的儀式和禮節是普遍公認的,當時為特徵的極端形式的“神聖”的故事所要求的女主人公。 There is nowhere in the story any hint that its writer would have recommended such punctiliousness as desirable for the Jews in general, any more than the admiring Christian biographers of Simeon Stylites appear to think that it would be well for the people to follow his example.有沒有在任何暗示的故事,其作者將這種punctiliousness建議是可取的猶太人一般情況下,任何超過欣賞基督教傳記的西梅昂Stylites似乎認為,這將是很好的人效仿他的做法。 As for the tale invented to deceive Holofernes (xi. 12-16), it is of course not necessary to suppose that even such a saint as Judith would have regarded this transgression of the Law, in a time of distress, as a grievous sin.至於發明的故事來欺騙何( xi. 12月16日) ,這當然是沒有必要猜想,即使是這樣的聖朱迪會認為這侵法,在危難的時候,作為一個嚴重的罪過。

Possible Date of Composition.儘早組成。

The tale of Judith, as has already been observed, is not given any genuine historical setting; nor is it likely that its author himself connected it with any particular time.朱迪的故事,正如已經指出,沒有得到任何真正的歷史背景,也不是可能,它的作者自己連接它與任何特定的時間。 The names, Jewish and Persian, of his principal characters he selected with the freedom which belongs to any popular narrator.的姓名,猶太人和波斯語,他的主要角色,他選擇的自由屬於任何流行敘述者。 There is nothing in the book which gives any direct clew to its date, or any precise indication of the circumstances of the Jews at the time when it was written. The passage iii.再沒有比這本書讓任何直接線索的日期,或任何確切的跡象的情況下猶太人時是書面。歲月三。 8 is plainly a reminiscence of the measures taken by Antiochus Epiphanes. 8顯然是懷舊所採取的措施安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯。 It may also fairly be urged that the glorification of Shechem in this transparent way is much more easily conceivable after 120 BC, when John Hyrcanus took and humbled the city, than before that date, when it was a perpetual thorn in the side of the Jews.它也可能被要求相當美化示劍在這透明的方式更容易想像120年後,當約翰Hyrcanus了和卑微的城市,超過此日期之前,當它是一個永久的眼中釘一側的猶太人。 On the other hand, the character of the Hebrew in which the book is written (see above) favors a comparatively early date.另一方面,性質的希伯來文中,這本書是寫(見上文) ,有利於比較早日實現。 One would probably not be far out of the way in placing it near the beginning of the first century BC The book is first quoted by Clement of Rome (Ep. I. ad Corinth., c. 55), near the end of the first century of the common era.一個可能不會遠的方式,把它附近的開始公元前一世紀這本書是首次引用克萊門特的羅馬( Ep. I.廣告科林斯。角55 ) ,即將結束的第一次世紀共同的時代。

Crawford Howell Toy, Charles C. Torrey克勞福德霍威爾玩具,查爾斯多

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography:參考書目:

The principal commentaries are those by Fritzsche, 1853, Ball in the Speaker's Commentary, 1888, and Scholz.主要評論是由弗里切, 1853年,球在發言者的評注, 1888年,和肖爾茨。 2d ed., 1896; Löhr translates the book in Kautzsch's Apokryphen; Nestle contributes helpful notes on the text in his Marginalien und Materialien, 1893; see also Gaster, in Hastings, Dict.二維版。 , 1896年; Löhr翻譯這本書在Kautzsch的Apokryphen ;雀巢有助於幫助的說明中的文字他Marginalien與Materialien , 1893年;又見法莫替丁,在黑斯廷斯,快譯通。 Bible; Porter, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc.聖經;波特,在陳和黑色, Encyc 。 Bibl.TCCT


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