Epistles of John書信的約翰

General Information 一般信息

The Epistles of John are three letters in the New Testament of the Bible traditionally ascribed to Saint John the apostle.約翰的書信三封信是在新約聖經傳統歸咎於聖約翰使徒。 They are classed with the General, or Catholic, Epistles because they are addressed to a general readership rather than to specified churches or individuals.他們與一般歸類,或天主教,書信,因為它們是給一般讀者,而不是指定的教堂或個人。 The first epistle bears no clue to its authorship, but in the other two epistles the author calls himself "the elder."第一書信承擔任何線索其著作權,但在其他兩個書信的作者,自稱為“老。 ” The three letters were probably written in the Roman province of Asia (western Anatolia) toward the end of the 1st century.的三封信很可能寫在羅馬省亞洲(西安納托利亞)即將走到盡頭時, 1世紀。

The first epistle should probably be understood as a general pamphlet written to churches in Anatolia. Its message is about life, meaning eternal life, life in fellowship with God through faith in Jesus Christ. The book was written to give a series of standards by which people can know that they possess eternal life. Two features stand out in the series of tests.第一書信或許應該被理解為一般的小冊子,寫信給教會在安納托利亞。 及其信息的生活,這意味著永恆的生命,生活的獎學金,通過與上帝的信仰耶穌基督。寫這本書給予了一系列的標準,人們可以知道,他們擁有永恆的生命。兩個特點脫穎而出的一系列試驗。 First, the validity of the Incarnation is affirmed against those who claimed special knowledge (see Docetism; Gnosticism) and denied that Christ came in the flesh (1 John 4:2 - 3).首先,有效的體現是肯定誰聲稱對那些專業知識(見Docetism ;諾斯替主義) ,並否認基督是在肉體(約翰一書4點02分- 3 ) 。 The second feature of the test is love. The true follower of Christ is to love as Christ loved (1 John 2:6; 4:7 - 12, 19).第二個特點是,測試的是愛。 真正跟隨基督是愛基督的愛(約翰一書2點06分, 4時07 - 12日, 19日) 。

The second epistle, the shortest book of the Bible, is a note to a church addressed as the "elect lady."第二書信,最短的書聖經,是一所教堂注意處理作為“選舉的女人。 ” In this letter the message of 1 John is applied to a local church situation. The people are warned about teachers with special knowledge. They are encouraged to be hospitable toward one another.在這封信的信息約翰一書應用到地方教會的情況。 人民群眾是警告,教師的專業知識。鼓勵他們好客的一個。 The third epistle is a personal word to Gaius, a follower of the truth. He is encouraged to show kindness to traveling believers who pass his way.第三書信是個人字蓋,跟隨真相。 他感到鼓舞的是表現出善意,以旅遊信徒誰通過他的去路。

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Bibliography 參考書目
WE Vine, Epistles of John (1970).我們葡萄,書信約翰( 1970年) 。


First Epistle of John第一使徒約翰

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The First Epistle of John, the fourth of the catholic or "general" epistles.第一使徒約翰,第四天主教或“一般”書信。 It was evidently written by John the evangelist, and probably also at Ephesus, and when the writer was in advanced age.這顯然是書面的約翰福音,而且也可能在以弗所,當作家是在先進的年齡。 The purpose of the apostle (1:1-4) is to declare the Word of Life to those to whom he writes, in order that they might be united in fellowship with the Father and his Son Jesus Christ.的目的使徒( 1:1-4 )是宣布Word中的生命的對象,他寫道,以使它們可能是美國在研究金的父親和他的兒子耶穌基督。 He shows that the means of union with God are, (1) on the part of Christ, his atoning work (1:7; 2:2; 3:5; 4:10, 14; 5:11, 12) and his advocacy (2: 1); and (2), on the part of man, holiness (1:6), obedience (2:3), purity (3:3), faith (3:23; 4:3; 5:5), and love (2:7, 8; 3:14; 4:7; 5:1).他表明,該方法聯盟與上帝是, ( 1 )上的基督,他的贖罪工作( 1:7 ; 2點02分; 3時零五; 4時10分, 14 ; 5點11 , 12 )和他的宣傳( 2 : 1 )和( 2 ) ,對部分人,成聖( 1時06 ) ,服從( 2:3 ) ,純度( 3點03 ) ,信仰( 3點23分; 4:3 ; 5 : 5 ) ,愛情( 2點07分, 8 ; 3:14 ; 4點07 ; 5:1 ) 。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Second Epistle of John第二使徒約翰

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The Second Epistle of John is addressed to "the elect lady," and closes with the words, "The children of thy elect sister greet thee;" but some would read instead of "lady" the proper name Kyria.第二使徒約翰是給“夫人的選舉” ,並關閉的話, “你的孩子選出迎接你的妹妹, ”但有些人會讀而不是“小姐”的正確名稱Kyria 。 Of the thirteen verses composing this epistle seven are in the First Epistle.詩句的13撰寫此書信7頃在第一書信。 The person addressed in commended for her piety, and is warned against false teachers.討論的人稱讚她的虔誠,並警告不要虛假教師。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Third Epistle of John第三使徒約翰

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The Third Epistle of John is addressed to Caius, or Gaius, but whether to the Christian of that name in Macedonia (Acts 19: 29) or in Corinth (Rom. 16:23) or in Derbe (Acts 20:4) is uncertain.第三使徒約翰是給凱厄斯,或蓋,但是否基督教這一名稱在馬其頓(使徒19 : 29 )或科林斯( Rom. 16:23 ) ,或在Derbe (使徒20點04分)是不確定的。 It was written for the purpose of commending to Gaius some Christians who were strangers in the place where he lived, and who had gone thither for the purpose of preaching the gospel (ver. 7).這是書面的目的是讚揚蓋一些基督徒誰是陌生人在他住的地方,誰去到那裡的目的是宣揚福音(版本7 ) 。 The Second and Third Epistles were probably written soon after the First, and from Ephesus.第二和第三書信可能書面後不久,第一,從以弗所。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Second Epistle of John第二使徒約翰

From: Home Bible Study Commentary by James M. Gray 來自:主頁聖經研究評論詹姆斯M灰色

The second epistle of John is addressed to whom?第二使徒約翰是給誰呢? The word "lady" in the Greek is Kyria, which may be translated as a proper name, and perhaps in this case it should be so understood.改為“小姐” ,在希臘是Kyria ,這可能是翻譯作為一個適當的名字,也許在這種情況下,應加以理解。 Kyria was a common name among the Greeks and refers here, it may be, to some notable saint in the neighborhood of Ephesus, to which John ministered in his old age. Kyria是一個共同的名字是希臘人和這裡是指,可以在一定顯著聖在附近的以弗所,而約翰事奉晚年。 The letter is brief, for the writer is soon to make a visit to this sister in Christ and to speak with her face to face (12).該信是短暫的,因為作者是盡快使訪問這個姐妹在宣講與基督同她面對面( 12 ) 。

And mark the central fact of that truth which consititutes love, the confession that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh.並標誌著中央事實真相而consititutes愛,坦白說,耶穌基督是來自於肉體。 This strikes at the Jew's denial of Jesus, certainly, but also how can Christian Science, which denies the material body confess this?這一襲擊猶太人否認耶穌,當然,也怎能基督教科學,它拒絕材料機構承認嗎? Changing the language again to conform to the Revised Version, we see that they are the deceivers and the anti-Christ in spirit who fail to confess that He "cometh in the flesh."改變語言再次以符合經修訂的文本,我們看到,他們是deceivers和反基督的精神,誰不承認,他“來了的肉體。 ” It is Christ's second coming John has in mind as truly as His first coming.這是基督的第二次來美國已在考慮,他第一次真正的未來。 In the light of the above consider the warning in verse 8.鑑於上述考慮預警詩句8 。 There is danger of believers losing something which belongs to them.有危險的東西信徒失去屬於他們。 That something which belongs to them.有些屬於他們。 That something is "a full reward."這東西是“充分的回報。 ” Compare Luke 19:15-27; I Corinthians 3:11-15; 2 Peter I: 21; 1 Corinthians 3:11-15; 2 Peter 1: them?比較路加福音19:15-27 ;哥林多前書3:11-15 ;彼得後書一: 21 ;哥林多前書3:11-15 ;彼得後書1 :他們? See Matthew 16:27; Revelation 22:12.見馬太16時27 ;啟示22:12 。

Does not the comparison of these passages bear out verse 7 as rendered by the Revised Version?沒有比較,證實了這些段落詩7所提供的修訂版? What is it to transgress as given in verse 9?什麼是它超越所提供的詩句9 ? By the "doctrine of Christ" is not meant merely the things He taught while in the flesh, but the whole doctrine concerning Him, ie, the whole of the Old and New Testaments.由“理論基督”並不意味著僅僅是他教的東西,而在肉體,但有關他整個學說,即整個舊約和新約。 To deny the truth concerning Christ is to deny His first and HIs second coming, and He who denies this "hath not God."否認關於基督的真理否認自己是第一次和他的第二次來,和他誰否認這一點“上帝不是上帝。 ” He may speak much of the "Father," but he only has the Father who has the Son.他發言的大部分“父親” ,但他的父親只有誰的兒子。 To have the One you must have the Other, (9).有一個你必須有其他的, ( 9 ) 。 Observe how strenuous we should be in maintaining this doctrine (v. 10).觀察艱苦,我們應該在維護這一學說(五10 ) 。

The command "receive him not into your house," is relative.命令“他沒有得到進入你的房子” ,是相對的。 It means not that we are to deny him meat and shelter altogether, if he be in need of them, but that we are not to fellowship him as a brother.這意味著,我們不能否認他的肉和住房完全,如果他需要的,但我們不是來研究他的一個兄弟。 Even our personal enemies we are to bless and pray for, if they hunger we are to feed them and if they thirst give them drink.即使我們個人的敵人,我們祝福和祈禱,如果他們的飢餓,我們才能養活他們,如果他們渴望給他們喝。 But those who are the enemies of God by being enemies of His truth, we are to have nothing to do with in the capacity of fellow-Christians.但是,這些誰是上帝的敵人的敵人被他的真理,我們是沒有關係的能力研究員基督徒。 We must not aid them in their plans or bid them God speed.我們決不能幫助他們在他們的計劃或將出價提高他們的上帝速度。 How would such a course on our part involve us (II)?如何將這樣一個過程,我們更需要我們(二) ?

The apostle closes with that allusion to his visit already referred to, and a greeting from Kyria's elect sister.使徒關閉與針對他的訪問已經提到的,一個問候Kyria的選舉妹妹。 Did this mean her sister in the flesh or only in the faith?難道這意味著她的妹妹在肉體或只在信仰? And in this last case was it the apostle's wife?並在這最後一宗個案是它使徒的妻子?

Questions 1. 問題 1 。 How may we translate "lady" and to whom may it refer?我們如何把“夫人” ,並可能是指誰? 2. 2 。 Can you discover in the text the four points under the "Salutation"?你可以發現在文本中的四點的“稱呼” ? 3. 3 。 What is the message of this letter?什麼是信息的這封信? 4. 4 。 What is Christian love?什麼是基督的愛? 5. 5 。 What is its central fact?其核心是什麼事實? 6. 6 。 Who are spiritual anti-Christs?誰是精神上的反基督? 7. 7 。 Have you examined the parallel scriptures on the subject of "reward"?你檢查了平行經文的主題“獎勵” ? 8. 8 。 What is meant by the "doctrine of Christ"?指的是什麼的“原則基督” ? 9. Explain "receive him not into your house." 9 。解釋“接待他沒有進入你的房子。 ”


Third Epistle of John第三使徒約翰

From: Home Bible Study Commentary by James M. Gray 來自:主頁聖經研究評論詹姆斯M灰色

Gaius is a name frequently alluded to by Paul, but whether this were the same individual as any of those is problematical.蓋是一個名字經常提到的保羅,但是這是否是同一個人作為任何這些是問題。 In any event he seems to have been a convert of John (v. 4).在任何情況下,他似乎已經皈依約翰(五4 ) 。 Another form of the name is Caius and this was a very common name indeed.另一種形式的名稱是凱厄斯這是一種非常常見的名字確實。 What distinction in spiritual things is ascribed to Gaius (2)?有什麼區別,精神的東西是屬於蓋( 2 ) ? His soul was prospering even if his bodily health and his business were not, but the apostle is interested in other things as well.他的靈魂是繁榮的,即使他的身體健康和他的生意並沒有,但使徒有興趣,以及其他事情。 The Christian should be careful of his health, and it is compatible with a deep spiritual life that he should have a sucessful business.基督徒應該小心他的健康,這是符合了深刻的精神文化生活,他應該有一個順利的業務。

As to the Christian character of Gaius, three particulars are named: (1) He possessed the truth (3).至於基督教性質蓋,三個細節被命名為: ( 1 )他擁有的真相( 3 ) 。 (2) He walked in the truth, ie, his life and conduct measured up to the light he had received from God, (3, 4). ( 2 )他走進真相,即他的生活和進行量度至輕他收到了來自上帝, ( 3 , 4 ) 。 (3) As walking in the truth he was "careful to maintain good works," especially in the distribution of his means (5, 6). ( 3 )步行真相他是“認真的,要保持良好的工作, ”特別是在他的分配方式( 5 , 6 ) 。 It is noticeable that his "faithfulness" in this regard is mentioned.值得注意的是,他的“忠誠”在這方面提及。 It was not a spasmodic thing on his part, but a steady flow of grace through him.這不是一個痙攣的事情,他的一部分,但源源不斷的寬限期通過他。 His breadth of disposition is also mentioned since his giving was not limited to those he knew but extended to those he did not know (5).他廣度處置也提到,因為他讓並不限於這些,他知道,但對這些,他不知道( 5 ) 。 Some recipients of his bounty are referred to in verse 6, and a journey mentioned toward the expense of which he was contributing (6).有些受助人是他的懸賞中提到的詩句6 ,行程提到的犧牲,他貢獻( 6 ) 。 All this is very realistic, and brings the life of the church in the first century "up to date" as we sometimes say.所有這一切都是非常現實的,並帶來了生活的教會的第一個世紀“最新”我們有時說。 One or two facts are given concerning the recipients of Gaius' gifts equally honoring to them, (7).一個或兩個事實得到關於領取蓋'禮物同樣尊重他們, ( 7 ) 。 Look at the motive of their journey, "His Name's sake," and at the Gentiles," ie, the heathen.看看他們的旅程的動機, “他的名字的緣故, ”和在外邦人“ ,即異教徒。

Whatever the journey was, they might have been assisted in it pecuniarily by those who were not actuated by a love for His name, but their conscience would not permit them to receive such aid.無論是旅行,他們可能已經協助它金錢利益的人誰不動了愛他的名字,但他們的良心不允許他們接受這種援助。 How valuable this example.如何寶貴的這個例子。 And what a close relationship it bears to the teaching of the second epistle about fellowshipping with heretics.什麼密切的關係應當以教學中的第二次書信約fellowshipping與異端。 How should such loyal and self-denying workers as these be treated in the church, and why (8)?應該如何這種忠誠和自我否定,因為這些工人的待遇,教會,以及為什麼( 8 ) ? The Worldly Character of Diotrephes Here we have another type of the professing Christian in the worldly character of Diotrephes, 9-11.世俗特徵Diotrephes在這裡,我們有另一種類型的信奉基督教的世俗性質Diotrephes , 9月11日。 What seems to have been his besetting sin (9)?什麼似乎已經困擾他的罪( 9 ) ? How this experience of John recalls that of Paul in the churches of Corinth, Galatia and Thessalonica?如何這方面的經驗回顧,約翰保羅在教會的科林斯,加拉提亞和塞薩洛尼卡? In what manner did John intend to deal with him (10)?並以何種方式處理約翰打算與他( 10 ) ?

Does this recall anything similar in apostolic authority on Paul's part?這是否召回任何類似管理局在使徒保羅的一部分? How does verse 10 reveal the worldiness and insincerity of Diotrephes?如何詩句10揭示worldiness和誠意的Diotrephes ? What an awfully overbearing, autocratic, unholy man he must have been!什麼是非常霸道,專制,邪惡的人,他一定是! How did he get into the church?如何進入他的教堂? What advice is given Gaius in verse 11?哪些建議是蓋在詩11 ? How does this testify to the relation between faith and works?如何證明這之間的關係的信念和作品? What opposite kind of example is set before him in verse 12?相反的是什麼樣的例子是建立在他面前的詩句12 ? How many kinds of witnesses testify to the Christian character of Demetrius?有多少種證人作證基督教性質德梅? One can not help wondering if this were the Demetrius of Acts 19.一個不禁要問,如果這是在德梅行為19 。 Such trophies of grace are by no mean unusual, Paul was such an one.這種獎杯的寬限期絕不意味著不同尋常的,保羅是這樣的一個。 Note the similarities in the conclusions of this epistle and the one previously considered (13, 14), suggesting that they may have been penned at the same time.注意相似的結論,這書信和一個以前被認為(第13 ,第14 ) ,這表明它們可能已被寫在同一時間。

The Scofield Bible has an interesting note here, saying that "historically, this letter marks the beginning of that clerical assumption over the churches in which the primitive church order disappeared. It also reveals the believers' resource in such a day. John addresses this letter not to the church, but to a faithful man in the church for the comfort of those who were standing fast in the primitive simplicity. Second John conditions the personal walk of a Christian in a day of apostasy; and Third John the personal responsibility in such a day of the believer as a member of the local church."聖經的斯科菲爾德有一個有趣的說明在這裡,他說: “從歷史上看,這封信標誌著該文書假設在教堂中,原始教會秩序消失。它還揭示了信徒的資源在這樣的日子。約翰地址本函沒有教堂,但忠實的人在教堂裡的舒適這些誰站在快速古樸。第二約翰的個人條件步行基督教在一天叛教;和第三約翰在這種個人責任一天的信徒成員的地方教會。 “

Questions 1. 問題 1 。 Analyze the Christian character of Gaius.分析基督教性質蓋。 2. 2 。 What two features marked his faithfulness?什麼他的兩個特徵明顯的忠誠? 3. 3 。 Tell something of the character of the two other men named.一些片段的性質,另外兩名男子的名字。 4. 4 。 What epoch does this epistle mark?什麼時代,這是否書信馬克? 5. 5 。 Distinguish between second and third John.區分第二次和第三次約翰。


Epistles of Saint John書信聖約翰

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

Three canonical books of the New Testament written by the Apostle St. John.三個典型的書籍,撰寫的新約使徒聖約翰。

The subject will be treated under the following heads:這個問題將被視為以下首長:

FIRST EPISTLE第一使徒

I. Authenticity一書

II.二。 Canonicity正規

III.三。 Integrity完整性

IV.四。 Author作者

V. Time and Place五,時間和地點

VI.六。 Destination and Purpose目標和目的

VII.七。 Argument論點

SECOND EPISTLE第二使徒

THIRD EPISTLE第三使徒

FIRST EPISTLE第一使徒

I. Authenticity一書

A. External evidence A.外部證據

The very brevity of this letter (105 verses divided into five chapters) and the lateness of its composition might lead us to suspect no traces thereof in the Apostolic Fathers.非常簡潔本函( 105詩句分為五章)和晚,它的組成可能會導致我們懷疑任何痕跡了在使徒教父。 Such traces there are, some unquestionable.有這樣的痕跡,一些不容置疑的。 St. Polycarp (AD 110-117, according to Harnack, whose chronology we shall follow in this article) wrote to the Philippians: "For whosoever confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the Flesh is Antichrist" (c. vi; Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, 304).聖波利卡普(公元110-117 ,根據哈爾納克,其年代,我們應遵循本文中)寫信給腓利: “對於任何人confesseth不是耶穌基督是來在肉身是敵” (角六;克, “ Patres Apostolici ” ,我, 304 ) 。 Here is an evident trace of I John, iv, 2-3; so evident that Harnack deems this witness of Polycarp conclusive proof that the first Epistle and, consequently, the Gospel of John were written toward the end of the reign of Trajan, ie not later than AD 117 (cf. Chronologie der Altchristlichen Litteratur, I, 658).下面是一個明顯的痕跡約翰一,四, 2月3日;如此的顯而易見,哈爾納克認為證人的確鑿證據,證明波利卡普第一使徒,因此,福音約翰寫即將走到盡頭時,在位圖拉真,即不晚於公元117 (參見Chronologie之Altchristlichen Litteratur ,我, 658 ) 。 It is true that Polycarp does not name John nor quote word for word; the Apostolic Fathers cite from memory and are not wont to name the inspired writer whom they cite.誠然,波利卡普沒有名字,也沒有回复約翰一字;使徒教父引用從內存,而不是慣常的名字靈感的作家他們舉。 The argument from Polycarp's use of I John is strengthened by the fact that he was, according to Irenæus, the disciple of St. John.論據波利卡普使用約翰是加強了這一事實,他是根據Irenæus ,門徒聖約翰。 The distinctively Johannine phrase "come in the Flesh" (en sarki eleluthota) is also used by the Epistle of Barnabas (v, 10; Funk, op. cit., I, 53), which was written about AD 130.獨特Johannine的“一語來,肉中刺” (中文sarki eleluthota )也使用使徒巴納巴斯(五, 10 ;克,同前。前。 ,我, 53歲) ,這是寫關於廣告130 。 We have it on the authority of Eusebius (Hist. eccl., V, xx) that this First Epistle of John was cited by Papias, a disciple of John and fellow of Polycarp (AD 145-160).我們有關於管理局的優西比烏( Hist. eccl 。 ,第五,第XX號) ,這第一使徒約翰提到了帕皮亞,弟子約翰和研究員波利卡普(公元145-160 ) 。 Irenæus (AD 181-189) not only cites I John ii, 18, and v, 1 but attributes the citation to John the Lord's disciple ("Adv. Hær." 3, 16; Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", V, viii). Irenæus (公元181-189 )不僅引用約翰二, 18歲,和V , 1但屬性引用約翰主的門徒( “病毒。 Hær 。 ” 3日, 16日;歐西比烏斯“組織胺。 eccl 。 ” ,第五章,八) 。 The Muratorian Canon (AD 195-205) tells the story of the writing of John's Gospel consequent upon a revelation made to the Apostle Andrew, and adds: "What wonder, then, that John so often in his letters gives us details of his Gospel and says of himself, etc."該穆拉多利佳能(公元195-205 )的故事編寫約翰福音由此提出了一個啟示的使徒安德魯,並補充說: “什麼不知道,那麼,約翰常常在他的信給了我們的細節,他福音並親口說,等“ -- here I John. -在這裡我約翰。 i, 1, is quoted.一, 1 ,是引用。 St. Clement of Alexandria (AD 190-203) quotes v, 3, with his usual indubitable accuracy, and expressly assigns the words to John ("Pædag.", III, xi; Kirch. Comm., ed. I, p. 281). Tertullian (AD 194-221, according to Sunday) tells us that John, in his Epistle, brands as Antichrist those who deny that Christ is come in the flesh (De Præscrip. 33), and clearly attributes to "John the author of the Apocalypse" several passages of the First Epistle (cf. "Adv. Marc.", III, 8, and V, 16, in PL, II, 359 and 543; "Adv. Gnost.", 12, in PL, II, 169; "Adv. Prax.", 15, in PL, II, 196).聖克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞(公元190-203 )的報價五, 3 ,與他一貫的不容置疑的準確性,並明確指定的話約翰( “ Pædag 。 ”第三,第十一;基爾希。通信。編。一,山口281 ) 。良(公元194-221 ,根據星期日)告訴我們,約翰在他的書信,這些品牌的敵誰否認基督來的肉(者Præscrip 。 33 ) ,並明確的屬性,以“約翰作者啟示“若干段落的第一使徒(參見”腺病毒。馬克。 “三,八,和V , 16日,在光致發光,二, 359和543 ; ”病毒。 Gnost 。 “ , 12日,在光致發光,二, 169 ; “病毒。普凱。 ” , 15日,在光致發光,二, 196 ) 。

B. Internal evidence B.內部證據

So striking is the internal evidence in favour of common authorship of the Gospel and First Epistle of John, as to be almost universally admitted.所以引人注目的是內部證據,有利於共同作者的福音和第一使徒約翰,因為幾乎普遍承認。 It cannot be by accident that in both documents we find the ever-recurring and most distinctive words light, darkness, truth, life, and love; the strictly Johannine phrases "to walk in the light", "to be of the truth", "to be of the devil", "to be of the world", "to overcome the world", etc. Only such erratic and sceptical critics as Holtzmann and Schmiedel deny the forcefulness of this argument from internal evidence; they conclude that the two documents come from the same school, not from the same hand.它不能是偶然,在這兩份文件,我們發現以往經常性和最鮮明的話輕,黑暗,真理,生命,愛情;嚴格Johannine三句“步行根據” , “要真相” , “是的魔鬼” , “是世界” , “克服世界”等等,只有這樣的不穩定和懷疑的批評作為Holtzmann和Schmiedel否認這一論點有力的內部證據;他們得出這樣的結論:兩個文件來自同一所學校,而不是從相同的手。

II.二。 Canonicity正規

The foregoing citations, the fact that there never was any controversy or doubt among the Fathers in the matter of the canonicity of the First Epistle of John, the existence of this document in all the ancient translations of the New Testament and in the great uncial manuscripts (Sinaitic, Alexandrian, etc.) -- these are arguments of overwhelming cumulative force to establish the acceptance of this letter by the primitive Church as canonical Scripture, and to prove that the inclusion of the First Epistle of John in the Canon of Trent was only a conciliar acceptance of an existing fact -- the feet that the letter had always been among the Homologoumena of Holy Writ.上述引用的事實,從未有任何爭議或懷疑的父親在這個問題上的正規第一使徒約翰,存在這個文件中所有的古代翻譯的新約,並在大uncial手稿( Sinaitic ,亞歷山大等) -這些論點壓倒累積武力建立接受這封信的原始教會聖經作為典型,並證明列入第一使徒約翰在佳能的特倫特是只有conciliar接受現有的事實-腳,該信一直在Homologoumena聖城令狀。

III.三。 Integrity完整性

The only part of the letter concerning the authenticity and canonicity whereof there is serious question is the famous passage of the three witnesses: "And there are three who give testimony (in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost. And these three are one. And there are three that give testimony on earth): the spirit, and the water, and the blood: and these three are one" (1 John 5:7-8).唯一的一部分,關於信的真實性和正規信守存在著嚴重的問題是著名的通過三名證人: “與有三個誰作證(在天上的父親,這個詞,和聖靈。這些三個1 。而且有3個,使地球上的證詞) :精神,水,和血:和這三個一“ (約翰一書5:7-8 ) 。 Throughout the past three hundred years, effort has been wade to expunge from our Clementine Vulgate edition of canonical Scripture the words that are bracketed.在過去三百年,一直在努力抹去韋德以從我們的克萊門汀武加大版的典型聖經的話是在括號內。 Let us examine the facts of the case.讓我們審查案件的事實。

A. Greek Manuscripts答:希臘手稿

The disputed part is found in no uncial Greek manuscripts and in only four rather recent cursives -- one of the fifteenth and three of the sixteenth century.有爭議的部分是在沒有uncial希臘手稿和只有4個,而在最近cursives之一-第十五屆和3個16世紀。 No Greek epistolary manuscript contains the passage.沒有希臘書信手稿包含通行。

B. Versions灣版本

No Syriac manuscript of any family -- Peshito, Philoxenian, or Harklean -- has the three witnesses; and their presence in the printed Syriac Gospels is due to translation from the Vulgate.沒有敘利亞手稿任何家庭- Peshito , Philoxenian ,或Harklean -有三名證人;他們的存在,在印刷敘利亞文福音是由於翻譯的武加大。 So too, the Coptic manuscripts -- both Sahidic and Bohairic -- have no trace of the disputed part, nor have the Ethiopic manuscripts which represent Greek influence through the medium of Coptic.同樣,科普特手稿-既Sahidic和Bohairic -沒有任何痕跡的爭議部分,也有衣索比亞手稿代表希臘影響假託科普特。 The Armenian manuscripts, which favour the reading of the Vulgate, are admitted to represent a Latin influence which dates from the twelfth century; early Armenian manuscripts are against the Latin reading.亞美尼亞手稿,有利於閱讀的武加大,被接納為代表拉丁美洲的影響力可以追溯到12世紀早期亞美尼亞手稿對拉丁美洲閱讀。 Of the Itala or Old Latin manuscripts, only two have our present reading of the three witnesses: Codex Monacensis (q) of the sixth or seventh century; and the Speculum (m), an eighth or ninth century manuscript which gives many quotations from the New Testament. Even the Vulgate, in the majority of its earliest manuscripts, is without the passage in question.的伊泰萊或舊拉丁美洲手稿中,只有兩個有我們現在讀的三名證人:法典Monacensis ( Q )的第六或第七世紀;和窺鏡(米) ,第八或第九世紀手稿這使許多引用新約全書。即使是武加大,在大多數的最早的手稿,是沒有通過的問題。 Witnesses to the canonicity are: the Bible of Theodulph (eighth century) in the National Library of Paris; Codex Cavensis (ninth century), the best representative of the Spanish type of text: Toletanus (tenth century); and the majority of Vulgate manuscripts after the twelfth century. There was some dispute as to the canonicity of the three witnesses as early as the sixth century: for the preface to the Catholic Epistles in Codex Fuldensis (AD 541-546) complains about the omission of this passage from some of the Latin versions.證人的正規是:聖經的Theodulph ( 8世紀)在巴黎國立圖書館;法典Cavensis (九世紀) ,最好的代表西班牙類型的文字: Toletanus (十世紀) ;和大多數拉丁文聖經手稿在12世紀。有一些爭議的正規的三名證人,早在公元6世紀:為序書信在天主教法典Fuldensis (公元541-546 )抱怨漏掉了這一段的一些拉丁美洲版本。

C. The Fathers c.在父親

(1) Greek Fathers, until the twelfth century, seem one and all to have had no knowledge of the three witnesses as canonical Scripture. ( 1 )希臘教父,直到12世紀,似乎大家已經不知道這三個證人典型聖經。 At times they cite verses 8 and 9 and omit the disputed portions of verses 7 and 8.有時他們列舉的詩句8日和9日和省略有爭議的部分詩句7和第8 。 The Fourth Lateran (AD 1215), in its decree against Abbot Joachim (see Denzinger, 10th ed., n. 431) quotes the disputed passage with the remark "sicut in quibusdam codicibus invenitur".第四次拉特蘭(公元1215年) ,在其法令對艾博特約阿希姆(見Denzinger ,第10版。 ,注431 )報價有爭議通過與備註“ sicut在quibusdam codicibus invenitur ” 。 Thereafter, we find the Greek Fathers making use of the text as canonical.此後,我們找到了希臘教父利用典型的案文。

(2) The Syriac Fathers never use the text. ( 2 )敘利亞文父親從來沒有使用的文字。

(3) The Armenian Fathers do not use it before the twelfth century. ( 3 )亞美尼亞父親不使用它之前的12世紀。

(4) The Latin Fathers make much earlier use of the text as canonical Scripture. ( 4 )拉丁教父使更早使用的文字規範聖經。 St. Cyprian (third century) seems undoubtedly to have had it in mind, when he quotes John, x, 30, and adds: "Et iterum de Patre et Filio et Spiritu Sancto scriptum est -- Et hi tres unum sunt" (De Unitate Ecclesiæ, vi).聖塞浦路斯( 3世紀)似乎已毫無疑問,這一點時,他引用了約翰,第十, 30 ,並補充說: “外星人ET iterum日Patre等Filio等Spiritu Sancto scriptum市盈率-乙基高科技特雷斯克一心必須遵守” (者Unitate教會,六) 。 Clear also is the witness of St. Fulgentius (sixth century, "Responsio contra Arianos" in PL, LXV, 224), who refers to the above witness of St. Cyprian.顯然也是見證街Fulgentius ( 6世紀, “ Responsio康特拉Arianos ”的特等, LXV , 224 ) ,誰是指上述證人聖塞浦路斯。 In fact, outside of St. Augustine, the Fathers of the African Church are to be grouped with St. Cyprian in favour of the canonicity of the passage.事實上,聖奧古斯丁以外,父親非洲教會應歸入聖塞浦路斯有利於正規的通道。 The silence of the great and voluminous St. Augustine and the variation in form of the text in the African Church are admitted facts that militate against the canonicity of the three witnesses.沉默的大篇幅聖奧古斯丁和形式的變化中的文字非洲教會承認的事實,妨礙了正規的三名證人。 St. Jerome (fourth century) does not seem to know the text.聖杰羅姆( 4世紀)似乎不知道的文字。 After the sixth century, the disputed passage is more and more in use among the Latin Fathers; and, by the twelfth century, is commonly cited as canonical Scripture.六世紀後,有爭議的通道是越來越多地使用拉丁教父; ,並在12世紀,是常見的引稱為典型聖經。

D. Ecclesiastical Documents 4教會文獻

Trent's is the first certain ecumenical decree, whereby the Church established the Canon of Scripture.特倫特的是第一某些普世法令,即教會建立了佳能的聖經。 We cannot say that the decree of Trent on the Canon necessarily included the three witnesses.我們不能說的法令特倫特的佳能必然包括三名證人。 For in the preliminary discussions signs that led up to the canonizing of "the entire books with all their parts, as these have been wont to be read in the Catholic Church and are contained in the old Latin Vulgate", there was no reference whatsoever to this special part; hence this special part is not canonized by Trent, unless it is certain that the text of the three witnesses has "been wont to be read in the Catholic Church and is contained in the old Latin Vulgate".在初步討論的跡象,導致對封為“的整個圖書及其所有零部件,因為這些已經習慣來閱讀的天主教會和載於舊拉丁語武加大” ,沒有提及到這個特殊的一部分,因此這部分不是特別冊封的遄,除非可以肯定的是,案文的三個證人“已慣於將改為在天主教會,並載於舊拉丁語武加大” 。 Both conditions must be verified before the canonicity of the text is certain.這兩個條件必須核實前,正規的文字是肯定的。 Neither condition has as yet been verified with certainty; quite the contrary, textual criticism seems to indicate that the Comma Johanninum was not at all times and everywhere wont to be read in the Catholic Church and is not contained in the original old Latin Vulgate.既不條件尚未核實確定性;恰恰相反,考據學似乎表明,逗號Johanninum並非在任何時候,都習慣將閱讀中的天主教會和不包含在原來的舊拉丁語武加大。

However, the Catholic theologian must take into account more than textual criticism; to him the authentic decisions of all Roman Congregations are guiding signs in the use of the Sacred Scripture, which the Church and only the Church has given to him as the Word of God.然而,天主教神學,必須考慮到以上考據學;對他的真正決定所有羅馬教區指導標誌使用聖經,這是教會和教會只給了他作為神的話語。 He cannot pass over the disciplinary decision of the Holy Office (13 January, 1897), whereby it is decreed that the authenticity of the Comma Johanninum may not with safety (tuto) be denied or called into doubt.他不能越過紀律決定羅馬辦事處( 1897年1月13日) ,即它是命令的真實性逗號Johanninum不得與安全( tuto )要求被拒絕或質疑。 This disciplinary decision was approved by Leo XIII two days later.這紀律決定批准利奧十三世在兩天後。 Though his approval was not in forma specifica, as was Pius X's approval of the Decree "Lamentabili", all further discussion of the text in question must be carried on with due deference to this decree.雖然他同意在形式上不規範,如皮尤斯X的批准法令“ Lamentabili ” ,所有進一步討論中的文字問題,必須進行適當尊重這項法令。 (See "Revue Biblique", 1898, p. 149; and Pesch, "Prælectiones Dogmaticæ", II, 250.) (見“雜誌Biblique ” , 1898年,第149頁;和佩施, “ Prælectiones Dogmaticæ ” ,二, 250 。 )

IV.四。 Author作者

It was of chief moment to determine that this letter is authentic, ie, belongs to the Apostolic age, is Apostolic in its source, and is trustworthy.這是科長的時刻,以確定這封信是真實的,即屬於使徒時代,是使徒在其來源,是值得信賴的。 Among those who admit the authenticity and canonicity of the letter, some hold that its sacred writer was not John the Apostle but John the Presbyter.在那些誰承認的真實性和正規的信中,有的認為它不是神聖的作家約翰使徒但約翰牧師。 We have traced the tradition of the Apostolic origin of the letter back to the time of St.我們已經找到的傳統起源的使徒信回到聖時 Irenæus. Irenæus 。 Harnack and his followers admit that Irenæus, the disciple of Polycarp, assigns the authorship to St. John the Apostle; but have the hardihood to throw over all tradition, to accuse Irenæus of error in this matter, to cling to the doubtful witness of Papias, and to be utterly regardless of the patent fact that throughout three centuries no other ecclesiastical writer knows anything at all of this John the Presbyter.哈納克和他的追隨者承認Irenæus的弟子波利卡普,指定作者,以聖約翰使徒;但有hardihood把所有的傳統,指責依錯誤在這個問題上,緊緊的懷疑的見證帕皮亞,並是完全不顧事實,即在整個專利三個世紀沒有其他教會作家知道什麼在所有這一切的牧師約翰。 The doubtful witness of Papias is saved for us by Eusebius ("Hist. eccl." III, xxxix, Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, p. 350): "And if any one came my way who had been a follower of the elders, I enquired the sayings of the elders -- what had Andrew, or what had Peter said, or what Philip, or what Thomas or James, or what John (he ti Ioannes) or Matthew or any one else of the disciples of the Lord; and what were Aristion and John the elder, the disciples of the Lord, saying?"可疑的見證帕皮亞保存我們的優西比烏( “組織胺。 eccl 。 ”三,第39屆,馮克, “ Patres Apostolici ” ,我,第350名) : “如果任何一個來到我的方式一直是誰的追隨者長老,我詢問格言的長者-什麼安德魯,或彼得說了什麼,或者什麼菲利普,或者什麼或詹姆斯托馬斯,或者約翰(他鈦Ioannes )或馬修或任何其他人的門徒主是什麼Aristion和老約翰的門徒的主,說什麼嗎? “ (a te Apistion kai ho presbuteros Ioannes, oi tou kuriou mathetai legousin). (一德Apistion啟浩presbuteros Ioannes ,愛民頭kuriou mathetai legousin ) 。 Harnack insists that Eusebius read his sources thoroughly; and, on the authority of Eusebius and of Papias, postulates the existence of a disciple of the Lord named John the Elder, who was distinct from John the Apostle; and to this fictitious John the Elder assigns all the Johannine writings.哈爾納克堅持優西比烏讀他的消息來源進行徹底,以及對權威的優西比烏和帕皮亞,假設存在一個弟子勳爵任命John老年人,誰是有別於約翰使徒;並為此虛構指派老約翰所有Johannine著作。 (See Geschichte der Altchristliche Litteratur, II, i, 657.) With all Catholic authors, we consider that either Eusebius alone, or Papias and Eusebius, erred, and that Irenæus and the rest of the Fathers were right, in fact we lay the blame at the door of Eusebius. (見史Altchristliche Litteratur ,二,一, 657 。 )及所有天主教作家,我們認為,無論優西比烏獨立,或帕皮亞和優西比烏,犯過錯誤,而且Irenæus和其他的父親是正確的,事實上,我們奠定了的責任推給優西比烏。 As Bardenhewer (Geschichte der Altkirchlichen Literatur, I, 540) says, Eusebius set up a straw man.作為Bardenhewer (史Altkirchlichen文學,我, 540 )說,優西比烏成立了一個稻草人。 There never was a John the Elder.人們永遠不會是一個老約翰。 So think Funk (Patres Apostolici, I, 354), Dr. Salmon (Dictionary of Christian Biography, III, 398), Hausleiter (Theol. Litteraturblatt, 1896), Stilting, Guerike, and others.因此,認為克( Patres Apostolici ,我, 354 ) ,鮭魚博士(基督教傳記詞典,三, 398 ) , Hausleiter ( Theol. Litteraturblatt , 1896年) , Stilting , Guerike等。

Eusebius is here a special pleader.優西比烏這裡是一個特殊pleader 。 He opposes the millennium.他反對千年。 Wrongly fancying that the Apocalypse favours the Chiliasts, he assigns it to this John the Elder and tries to rob the work of its Apostolic authority, the clumsiness of expression of Papias gives occasion to Eusebius in proof of the existence of two disciples of the Lord named John.誤以為該啟示贊成Chiliasts ,他分配到本約翰的哥哥和試圖搶劫工作的使徒權威,笨拙的表達帕皮亞提供機會,優西比烏在證明存在著兩個弟子勳爵命名約翰。 To be sure, Papias mentions two Johns -- one among the Apostles, the other in a clause with Aristion.可以肯定的是,帕皮亞提到兩個約翰-使徒之一,其他的條款Aristion 。 Both are called elders; and elders here (presbuteroi) are admitted by Eusebius to be Apostles, since he admits that Papias got information from those who had met the Apostles (substituting ton apostolon for ton presbuteron; see Hist. eccl., III, xxxix, 7).這兩個被稱為長老和長老在這裡( presbuteroi )被接納的優西比烏是使徒,因為他承認,帕皮亞獲得這些信息誰會見了使徒(代噸apostolon為每噸presbuteron ;見組織胺。 eccl 。 ,第三,第39屆, 7 ) 。 Hence it is that Papias, in joining John with Aristion, speaks of John the Elder and not of Aristion the Elder; Aristion was not an elder or Apostle.因此它是帕皮亞,在加入約翰與Aristion ,講約翰的哥哥和不Aristion的老年人; Aristion不是一個老人或使徒。 The reason for joining the Aristion with John at all is that they were both witnesses of the present to Papias, whereas all the Apostles were witnesses of the past generation.之所以加入Aristion與John在所有的是,他們兩個人的證人向帕皮亞,而所有的使徒都目睹了過去一代。 Note that the second aorist (eipen) is used in regard to the group of witnesses of the past generation, since there is question of what they had said, whereas the present (legousin) is used in regard to the witnesses of the present generation, ie Aristion and John the Elder, since the question is what they are now saying.請注意,第二aorist ( eipen )中使用有關本集團的證人的過去一代,因為有什麼問題,他們說,而本( legousin )是用於關於證人本代,即Aristion和John老,因為這個問題是他們現在說。 The Apostle John was alive in the time of Papias. He and he alone can be the elder of whom Papias speaks.使徒約翰還活著的時候帕皮亞。他,他就可以成為老人帕皮亞說話。 How is it, then, that Papias mentions John twice?怎麼那麼,帕皮亞提到約翰兩次? Hausleiter conjectures that the phrase he ti Ioannes is a gloss (Theol. Litteraturblatt, 1896). Hausleiter猜測,這句話他鈦Ioannes是光澤( Theol. Litteraturblatt , 1896年) 。 It is likelier that the repetition of the name of John is due to the clumsiness of expression of Papias.這是一個更有可能是重複的名字約翰是由於笨拙的表達帕皮亞。 He does not mention all the Apostles, but only seven; though he undoubtedly means them all. His mention of John is quite natural in view of the relation in which he stood to that Apostle.他沒有提到所有的使徒,但只有7個;但他無疑是他們所有人。他提到約翰是很自然的關係的看法,他為這一使徒。 After mention of the group that were gone, he names the two from whom he now receives indirect information of the Lord's teaching; these two are the disciple Aristion and John the Apostle.在提到工作組,都不見了,他的名字的兩個人,現在他從收到間接信息的上帝教學;這兩個是門徒Aristion和約翰使徒。

V. Time and Place五,時間和地點

Irenæus tells us the letter was written by St. John during his stay in Asia (Adv. Hær., III, i). Irenæus告訴我們寫這封信是由聖約翰訪問期間,他在亞洲( Adv. Hær 。 ,三,一) 。 Nothing certain can be determined in this matter.沒有一定的可確定在這個問題上。 The arguments are probable in favour of Ephesus and also for the last few years of the first century.可能的論點是有利於以弗所,也為過去幾年的世紀。

VI.六。 Destination and Purpose目標和目的

The form is that of an encyclical letter.的形式是,一個通諭信。 Its destination is clearly the churches which St. John evangelized, he speaks to his "little children", "beloved", "brethren", and is affectionate and fatherly throughout the entire letter.其目標顯然是其中聖約翰教堂evangelized ,他講他的“小朋友” , “親愛的” , “兄弟” ,是感情和慈父般的整個信。 The purpose is identical with the purpose of the Fourth Gospel -- that his children may believe in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and that believing may have life eternal in His name (1 John 5:13; John 20:31).這樣做的目的是相同的,其目的是第四福音-他的兒童可能相信耶穌基督,上帝的兒子,並認為可能有生命永恆的以他的名義(約翰一書5點13 ;約翰20:31 ) 。

VII.七。 Argument論點

A logical analysis of the letter would be a mistake.邏輯分析的信將是一個錯誤。 The thought is built up not analytically but synthetically.思想是沒有建立起來,但綜合分析。 After a brief introduction, St. John works up the thought that God is Light (i, 5); so, too, should we walk in the light (i, 7), keep from sin (i, 6-ii, 6), observe the new commandment of love (ii, 7), since he that loves is in the light and he that hates is in darkness (ii, 8-iii).經過簡短的介紹中,聖約翰工程的認為,上帝是光(一, 5 ) ; ,所以,我們應該走在輕(一, 7 ) ,繼續由黃大仙(一, 6 - 2 , 6 ) ,觀察新誡命的愛(二, 7 ) ,因為他的愛是根據他的恨是在黑暗中(二, 8 - 3 ) 。 Then follows the second leading Johannine thought that God is Love (iii-v, 12).接著的第二大Johannine認為,天主是愛( III - V族, 12 ) 。 Love means that we are sons of God (iii, 1-4); Divine sonship means that we are not in sin (iii, 4-13), that we love one another (iii, 13-44), that we believe in Jesus Christ the Son of God (iv, 5, 6); for it was love that impelled God to give us His only Son (iv, 7-v, 12).愛意味著,我們是上帝的兒子(三, 1月4日) ;神聖sonship意味著我們不能在黃大仙(三, 4月13日) ,我們彼此相愛(三13-44 ) ,我們認為在耶穌基督神的兒子(四,五,六) ;因為它是愛情促使上帝給我們的兒子(四, 7五, 12 ) 。 The conclusion (v, 13-end) tells the reader that the purpose of the letter is to inculcate faith in Jesus Christ, since this faith is life eternal.結論(五, 13年底)告訴讀者的目的,該信是灌輸信仰耶穌基督,因為這是生命永恆的信念。 In this conclusion as well as in other parts of the letter, the same salient and leading Johannine thoughts recur to defy analysis.在這個結論以及其他地方的信,同樣突出的和領先的Johannine思想發生藐視分析。 John had two or three things to say; he said these two or three things over and over again in ever varying form.約翰有兩個或三件事說;他說,這些兩個或三個東西一遍一遍在以往不同的形式。

SECOND EPISTLE第二使徒

These thirteen verses are directed against the same Docetic errors and germs of Gnosticism which St. John strives to uproot in his Gospel and First Epistle. Harnack and some others, who admit the canonicity of the Second and Third Epistles, assign them to the authorship of John the Elder; we have shown that this John the Elder never existed.這些13詩句是針對同一Docetic錯誤和細菌的諾斯替主義的聖約翰努力剷除,並在他的福音第一書信。哈爾納克和一些其他國家,誰承認的正規第二和第三書信,轉讓給作者約翰的老年人;我們已經表明,這個老約翰從未存在。 The authenticity of this second letter is attested by very early Fathers.的真實性,這第二封信是很早就證明了父親。 St. Polycarp ("Phil.", VII, i; Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, 304) cites rather II John, 7, than I John, 4.聖波利卡普( “菲爾。 ” ,第七章,我;克, “ Patres Apostolici ” ,我, 304 ) ,而二約翰指出,第7 ,比我約翰, 4 。 St. Irenæus expressly quotes II John, 10, as the words of "John the Disciple of the Lord". The Muratorian Canon speaks of two Epistles of John.聖Irenæus明確引號二約翰, 10日,作為的話, “約翰門徒上帝” 。講的穆拉多利佳能兩個書信約翰。 St. Clement of Alexandria speaks of the larger Epistle of John; and, as a consequence, knows at least two. Origen hears witness to the two shorter letters, which "both together do not contain a hundred lines" and are not admitted by all to be authentic.聖克萊門特亞歷山大談到較大的使徒約翰,因此,知道至少有兩個。奧利聽到證人的兩個較短的信件, “兩者不包含100線” ,不承認所有真實可信。 The canonicity of these two letters was long disputed.在正規的這兩封信是長期有爭議。 Eusebius puts them among the Antilegomena.優西比烏使它們之間的Antilegomena 。 They are not found in the Peshito.他們沒有發現在Peshito 。 The Canon of the Western Church includes them after the fourth century; although only Trent's decree set the question of their canonicity beyond the dispute of such men as Cajetan.佳能的西方教會,包括他們在四世紀;雖然只有特倫特的法令規定的問題,超出了他們的正規爭端這種男人Cajetan 。 The Canon of the Eastern Church, outside that of Antioch, includes them after the fourth century.佳能了東方教會之外的安提阿,包括他們在四世紀。 The style and manner of the second letter are very like to those of the first.的風格和方式的第二封信中都非常喜歡那些第一。 The destination of the letter has been much disputed.的目的地信已經取得了很大爭議。 The opening words are variously interpreted -- "The ancient to the lady Elect, and her children" (ho presbuteros eklekte kuria kai tois teknois autes).的開頭語是不同的解釋- “古代的夫人電器,和她的孩子” (何presbuteros eklekte庫裡開tois teknois autes ) 。 We have seen that the elder means the Apostle.我們已經看到,老手段使徒。 Who is the lady elect?誰是小姐選舉? Is she the elect Kyria? The lady Eklekte?她的當選Kyria ?的夫人Eklekte ? A lady named Eklekte Kyria?一位女士命名Eklekte Kyria ? A lady elect, whose name is omitted?一位女士當選,他的名字被忽略? A Church?教會? All these interpretations are defended.所有這些解釋是辯護。 We consider, with St. Jerome, that the letter is addressed to a particular church, which St. John urges on to faith in Jesus Christ, to the avoidance of heretics, to love.我們認為,與聖杰羅姆,該信是針對某一特定的教會,其中聖約翰敦促以信仰耶穌基督,避免異端,愛。 This interpretation best fits in with the ending to the letter -- "The children of thy sister Elect salute thee."這種解釋在最適合的結束的信- “孩子們的敬禮你妹妹電器你。 ”

THIRD EPISTLE第三使徒

Fourteen verses addressed to Gaius, a private individual. 14詩句給蓋,個人。 This Gaius seems to have been not an ecclesiastic but a layman of means.這蓋似乎已經不是一個牧師,但一個門外漢的手段。 He is praised by John for his hospitality to visiting brethren (verses 2-9).他稱讚約翰他招待來訪的兄弟(詩句2-9 ) 。 The Apostle then goes on: "I had written perhaps to the church; but Diotrephes, who loveth to have the pre-eminence among them, doth not receive us" (verse 9).使徒接著說: “我曾寫信也許教會;但Diotrephes ,誰愛有至高無上,其中doth沒有收到我們” (詩9 ) 。 This Diotrephes may have been the bishop of the Church.這Diotrephes可能已經主教的教會。 He is found fault with roundly, and Demetrius is set up for an example.他是發現故障圓圓,和德梅建立了一個例子。 This short letter, "twin sister", as St. Jerome called it, to the second of John's letters, is entirely a personal affair.這個簡短的信, “孿生姐妹” ,因為它要求聖杰羅姆,第二的約翰的信,完全是個人的私事。 No doctrine is discussed.沒有理論進行了討論。 The lesson of hospitality, especially of care for the preachers of the Gospel is insisted on.熱情好客的教訓,特別是照顧傳教士的福音是堅持。 The earliest certain recognition of this letter as Apostolic is by St. Denis of Alexandria (third century). Eusebius refers to the letters called "the second and third of John, whether these chance to belong to the evangelist or to someone else with a name like to his" ("Hist. eccl.", III xxv; Schwartz, II, 1, p. 250).最早的某些承認本函作為使徒是聖丹尼斯的亞歷山大( 3世紀) 。優西比烏指信所謂的“第二次和第三次的約翰,不論這些機會屬於傳播者或別人的名稱喜歡他的“ ( ”組織胺。 eccl 。 “三二十五;施瓦茨,二, 1 ,第250頁) 。 The canonicity of the letter has already been treated.在正規的信已經治療。 The greeting and ending of this letter are internal evidence of composition by the author of the previous Johannine letter. The simple and affectionate style, the firmness of the rebuke of Diotrephes are strictly Johannine.問候和結束這封信的證據是國內作者所組成的前Johannine信。簡單親切作風,堅定的指責Diotrephes嚴格Johannine 。 Nothing certain is known as to time and place of writing; but it is generally supposed that the two small letters were written by John towards the end of his long life and in Ephesus.沒有肯定的是被稱為以時間和地點的書面形式,但人們普遍假定,這兩個英文字母寫的約翰快要結束時他長期生活和以弗所。

Publication information Written by Walter Drum.出版信息書面由Walter鼓。 Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.轉錄的厄尼Stefanik 。天主教百科全書,體積八。 Published 1910.發布時間1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat , 1910年10月1號。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約


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