Book of Joel約珥書

General Information 一般信息

The Book of Joel, a prophetic book of the Old Testament of the Bible, derives its name from the prophet Joel.該約珥書,一個預言書舊約聖經,源於它的名字從先知喬爾。 Nothing other than his name is known about the prophet.只不過他的名字是了解先知。 The date of composition was probably between 400 and 350 BC, although some scholars place it much earlier (9th - 7th century BC). The book falls into two sections.組成的日期可能是在公元前400和350 ,但也有一些學者把它更早( 9 -公元前7世紀) 。這本書分為兩部分。 The first (1:1 - 2:17) gives an account of a plague of locusts and a drought that ravaged Judah as a symbol of divine judgment.第一次( 1:1 - 2時17分)給出了一個帳戶的蝗災和乾旱的蹂躪猶太的象徵神聖的判斷。 The second (2:18 - 3:21) promises the gift of the spirit of the Lord for the entire population and declares final judgment on all nations, with protection and fertility for Judah and Jerusalem.第二( 2時18分- 3時21分)的禮物承諾的精神,上帝為整個人口,並宣布最終判決後,所有國家,保護和生育率為猶太和耶路撒冷。 The passage on the outpouring of God's Spirit (2:28 - 32) is cited in Saint Peter's Pentecost sermon in Acts 2:17 - 21.通過對大量的上帝的精神( 2時28分- 32 )中提到的是聖彼得在五旬節講道行為2點17分- 21 。

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Book of Joel約珥書

Brief Outline簡要概述

  1. Locust plague and its removal (1:1-2:27)蝗災及其去除( 1:1-2:27 )
  2. Future Day of the Lord (2:28-3:21)未來的主日( 2:28-3:21 )


Jo'el

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Joel, Jehovah is his God.喬爾,耶和華是他的上帝。 (1.) The oldest of Samuel's two sons appointed by him as judges in Beersh eba (1 Sam. 8:2). ( 1 。 )最古老的塞繆爾的兩個兒子由他任命的法官Beersh開放市場( 1山姆。 8:2 ) 。 (See VASHNI.) (2.) A descendant of Reuben (1 Chr. 5:4,8). (見VASHNI 。 ) ( 2 。 )的後裔,魯本( 1染色體。 5:4,8 ) 。 (3.) One of David's famous warriors (1 Chr. 11:38). ( 3 。 )之一大衛著名的勇士( 1染色體。 11點38分) 。 (4.) A Levite of the family of Gershom (1 Chr. 15:7, 11). ( 4 。 )阿列維特的家庭格爾肖姆( 1染色體。 15點07分, 11 ) 。 (5.) 1 Chr. ( 5 。 ) 1染色體。 7:3. 7時03 。 (6.) 1 Chr. ( 6 。 ) 1染色體。 27:20. 27:20 。 (7.) The second of the twelve minor prophets. ( 7 。 )的第二個12輕微先知。 He was the son of Pethuel.他的兒子Pethuel 。 His personal history is only known from his book.他個人的歷史是唯一已知的從他的著作。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Book of Jo'el書Jo'el

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Joel was probably a resident in Judah, as his commission was to that people.喬爾可能是一個居住在猶太,因為他的委員會是為了人民。 He makes frequent mention of Judah and Jerusalem (1:14; 2:1, 15, 32; 3:1, 12, 17, 20, 21).他經常提到猶太和耶路撒冷( 1點14 ; 2:1 , 15 , 32 ; 3:1 , 12 , 17 , 20 , 21 ) 。 He probably flourished in the reign of Uzziah (about BC 800), and was contemporary with Amos and Isaiah.他也許在蓬勃發展時期Uzziah (約公元前800 ) ,是當代與Amos和以賽亞。 The contents of this book are, (1.) A prophecy of a great public calamity then impending over the land, consisting of a want of water and an extraordinary plague of locusts (1:1-2:11).在這本書的內容是, ( 1 。 )預言了公眾的極大災難然後迫在眉睫的土地,包括水和要特別蝗災( 1:1-2:11 ) 。 (2.) The prophet then calls on his countrymen to repent and to turn to God, assuring them of his readiness to forgive (2:12-17), and foretelling the restoration of the land to its accustomed fruitfulness (18-26). ( 2 。 )先知然後呼籲他的同胞悔改和轉向上帝,確保他們的,他願意原諒( 2:12-17 ) ,並預示恢復土地的習慣結實( 18-26 ) 。 (3.) Then follows a Messianic prophecy, quoted by Peter (Acts 2:39). ( 3 。 )接著救世主預言,援引彼得(使徒2時39分) 。 (4.) Finally, the prophet foretells portents and judgments as destined to fall on the enemies of God (ch. 3, but in the Hebrew text 4). ( 4 。 )最後,先知預示徵兆和判斷時,注定要落在敵人的上帝(第三章,但在希伯來文4 ) 。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Book of Joel約珥書

From: Home Bible Study Commentary by James M. Gray 來自:主頁聖經研究評論詹姆斯M灰色

The text of this lesson except the questions is taken from the author's "Synthetic Bible Studies."文這一課以外的問題,是從作者的“聖經的合成研究。 ” Joel was probably the earliest of the prophets whose writings have descended to us. His personal history is unknown further than the bare statement, 1:1.喬爾可能是最早的先知的著作已經下降到我們。他的個人歷史是未知比裸聲明, 1:1 。 His field of labor was presumably Judah rather that Israel, the southern rather than the northern kingdom, because of allusions to the center of public worship which was at Jerusalem, 1:9, 13, 14, 2:15, and because of non-allusions to Israel distinctively.他的外地勞工,而大概是猶太,以色列南部地區,而不是英國,因為典故的中心公共禮拜是在耶路撒冷, 1點09分, 13 , 14 , 2:15 ,由於非暗示以色列鮮明。 Such places as 2:27, and 3:16 are thought to mean Israel as inclusive of Judah, ie, the whole united nation.等地的2時27分,和3:16被認為是指以色列的猶太包容,即整個聯合國。 Although it is assumed, that Joel was the earliest of the prophets, yet the evidence is inferential rather than direct.雖然是假設,即喬爾是最早的先知,但證據是推理,而不是直接的。

He is presumably earlier than Amos who is known to have prophesied somewhere about the close of the eighth century BC, because he seems to be quoted by Amos 5:16-18.他大概是早於阿莫斯納曼誰是已知有預言某處的密切的公元前八世紀,因為他似乎是引述阿莫斯納曼5:16-18 。 He also refers to the same heathen nations as Amos 3:4-6, and to the same physical scourges as prevalent in the land, 1:4, 17, 20.他還提到同異教徒國家的阿莫斯納曼3:4-6 ,並在同一物理禍害作為中普遍存在的土地, 1:4 , 17 , 20 。 (Compare the marginal references to Amos.) (比較的邊際提到阿莫斯納曼。 )

General Outline of the Book概論圖書

As to the book itself we outline the contents of its chapters thus:至於我們這本書本身的內容大綱的章節如下:

Questions 1. 問題 1 。 What chronological relation does Joel bear to the other prophets?什麼時間關係不喬爾承擔其他先知? 2. 2 。 To which kingdom were his messages sent?而英國是他發出的信息? 3. 3 。 What proof is there of this?有什麼證據呢? 4. 4 。 What future blessings are predicted for Israel?什麼樣的未來祝福預計以色列? 5. 5 。 When was the prophecy of 2:28-32 partially fulfilled?當是預言2:28-32部分實現?


Joel喬爾

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

The son of Phatuel, and second in the list of the twelve Minor Prophets. Phatuel的兒子,和第二次的名單中的12個小先知。 Nothing is known of his life.沒有人知道他的生活。 The scene of his labours was the Southern Israelite Kingdom of Juda, and probably its capital Jerusalem, for he repeatedly refers to temple and altar.現場,他的勞動是南部以色列人猶大王國,並可能為其首都耶路撒冷,他一再提到寺廟和祭壇。 The frequent apostrophes to the priests (1:9, 13-14; 2:17) also lead to the inference that Joel himself was of priestly descent.頻繁的撇號的牧師( 1點09 , 13-14 ; 2時17分)還導致推斷喬爾本人神父後裔。

CONTENTS OF JOEL目錄約珥

The seventy-three verses of this small book, in the Massoretic text of the Old Testament, are divided into four, and in the Septuagint and Vulgate into three, chapters, the second and third chapters of the Massoretic text forming one chapter, the second in the Septuagint and Vulgate.在73詩句本小書,在Massoretic文字舊約,分為4個,並在譯本和武加大分為三個章節,第二和第三章的Massoretic文字形成一章,第二在七十和武加大。

The contents of the Prophecy of Joel may be regarded, taken altogether, as a typical presentation in miniature of the chief themes of prophetic discourse: sombre warnings of the judgment of Jahweh, intended to rouse the people from the existing moral lethargy, and joyful, glowingly expressed tidings of Jahweh's work of salvation, designed to keep alive the faith in the coming of the Kingdom of God.的內容預言喬爾可被視為,採取總之,作為一個典型的介紹微型首席主題先知話語:暗淡警告的判決Jahweh ,旨在喚起人們從現有的道德冷漠,和歡樂,暢談表示消息的Jahweh的工作救贖,旨在永葆信心在未來的天國。 These two fundamental thoughts seem to be united, as the misfortunes of the judgment are a process of purification to prepare the people for the reception of salvation, and are in reality only one aspect of the Divine work of redemption.這兩個基本的想法似乎是美國,因為不幸的判決是一個過程的淨化編寫人接待的救恩,並在現實中唯一的一個方面工作的神聖贖回。 In the first main division of the Book of Joel (1:2-2:17) the prophecies are threatenings of the day of judgment; the prophecies in the second division, which embraces the rest of the book (2:18-3:21), are consolatory descriptions of the day of grace.在第一個主要司約珥書( 1:2-2:17 ) threatenings的預言是對一天的判決;預言在第二分區,其中包括其餘的書( 2:18-3 : 21 ) ,是consolatory說明天的寬限期。 The first section is further divided into two discourses on the judgment: Chapter 1:2-20, describes a terrible scourge, a plague of locusts, with which the Prophet's land had been visited; these pests had so completely devoured the fields that not even the material for the meat- and drink-offerings existed.第一部分是進一步分為兩個論述的判斷:第一章1:2-20 ,描述了一個可怕的災禍,一個出現蝗災,與先知的土地已被訪問;這些害蟲,因此完全吞噬的領域,甚至不該材料的肉類和飲料產品的存在。 For this reason the priests are to utter lamentations and to ordain a fast.由於這個原因,神父是完全悲嘆,並任命一個快速。 Chapter 2:1-17, repeats the same thought more emphatically: all these plagues are only the forerunners of still greater scourges in the day of the Lord, when the land of the Prophet shall become a wilderness.章2:1-17 ,重複了同樣的想法更強調:所有這些瘟疫只是前身更大的災禍在主日,當時的土地先知應成為荒野。 The people must, therefore, return to Jahweh, and the priests must entreat the Lord in the holy place.人民,因此必須返回Jahweh ,以及神職人員必須懇求上帝的神聖的地方。 the prophecies in the second section are also divided into two discourses: in 2:18-32, the Lord is appeased by the repentance of the nation and gives the blessing of bounteous harvests.預言中的第二部分,也分為兩個論述:在2:18-32 ,上帝是姑息的懺悔,對民族和給予祝福好又多收成。 Just as in the earlier part the failure of the harvests was a type and foreshadowing of the calamity in the day of judgment, so now the plenty serves as an illustration of the fullness of grace in the kingdom of grace.正如在先前的部分失敗的收穫是一個類型和預示的災難在今天的判決,因此現在的很多的一個例證豐滿的恩典在英國的寬限期。 The Lord will pour out His Spirit upon all flesh, and all who call upon His name shall be saved.上帝將他的精神爭取各肉,並呼籲所有誰,他的名字將被保存。 In chapter 3:1-21, the redemption of Israel is, on the other hand, a judgment upon the heathen nations: the Lord will take vengeance, in the four quarters of the earth, upon those who tyrannized over His people, upon the Philistines, Phoenicians, Edomites, and Egyptians, for the nations are ripe for the harvest in the valley of Josaphat.章3:1-21 ,贖回以色列,另一方面,判決後,異教徒聯合國:上帝將採取報復,在四分之四地球後,這些誰tyrannized他的人,經非利士人,腓尼基人, Edomites ,和埃及人,為國家的時機已經成熟收穫的谷約薩法特。

LITERARY AND THEOLOGICAL CHARACTER OF JOEL文學和神學特徵約珥

Examined as to logical connexion, the four discourses of Joel show a closely united, compact scheme of thought.審查邏輯聯接,四個話語喬爾顯示緊密團結,緊緻格式的思路。 In regard to form they are a Biblical model of rhetorical symmetry.在形式方面,他們是聖經模型的修辭對稱性。 The law of rhetorical rhythm, which as law of harmony regulates the form of the speeches, also shows itself, particularly, in the regular alternation of descriptions in direct or indirect speech, as in the sections given in the first or third person, and in the apostrophes in the second person singular and plural.修辭法的節奏,這是法律規定的和諧形式的演講,也表明本身,特別是在經常交替說明在直接或間接的講話,在各節中給出的第一或第三人,並在撇號中的第二人稱單數和複數。 The first two speeches are alike in construction: 2:1-11 resembles 1:2-12, and 2:12-17, is like 1:13-20.頭兩次講話都是一樣的建築: 2:1-11類似於1:2-12 ,並2:12-17 ,就像是1:13-20 。 Also in the latter two speeches there is a verbal similarity along with the agreement in thought; cf.此外,在後兩個演講有一個口頭相似隨著協議的思想;比照。 in 3:17 and 2:27, the like expression.在3時17和2時27分,類似的表達。 The language of Joel is full of colour, rhetorically animated, and rhythmic.喬爾的語言充滿了色彩,在言論上的動畫,和節奏。 The passages from 1:13 sq., and 2:17, are still used in the Liturgy of the Church during Lent.通道從1點十三平方公里, 2點17分,仍然在使用中的禮儀教會四旬期期間。 His prophecy of the pouring out of the spirit upon all flesh (2:28-32) was afterwards adopted as the first Biblical text of the first Apostolic sermon (Acts 2:16-21).他預言的湧出精神籲請所有肉( 2:28-32 )後來被通過,成為第一個聖經經文第一使徒講道(使徒2:16-21 ) 。 Joel's discourses of the day of judgment, and of the abundance of grace which Jahweh in the fullness of time shall bestow from Sion form one of the most beautiful pages in the eschatology of the Prophets.喬爾的話語當日的判斷和豐富的恩典而Jahweh在適當的時間應賦予從錫安形成一個最美麗的網頁中的末世論的預言。 Some of his fiery pictures seem even to have been borrowed by the writer of the Apocalypse of the New Testament (cf. Joel 3:13, and Apocalypse 14:15).他強烈的一些圖片似乎甚至已借出的作家的啟示新約全書(參見喬爾3點13分,和啟示錄14:15 ) 。

The swarm of locusts, which has so frequently received a symbolical interpretation, is no apocalyptic picture; neither is it a description of the progress of a hostile army under the figure of the imaginary advance of locusts. The passages in 2:4-7, "They shall run like horsemen . . . like men of war they shall scale the wall", make it absolutely certain that a hypothetical swarm of locusts was not taken as a symbol of a hostile army, but that, on the contrary, a hostile army is used to typify an actual swarm of locusts.成群的蝗蟲的,它經常收到了象徵性的解釋,沒有世界末日圖片;既不是它的說明的進展情況下,敵對軍隊的假想圖提前蝗蟲。通道在2:4-7 , “他們應像騎兵。 。 。同男子一樣的戰爭,他們應規模隔離牆” ,絕對肯定,一個假設的蝗蟲群不是作為一個象徵敵對軍隊,但與此相反,一個敵對軍隊是用來典型實際群蝗蟲。 Consequently, Joel refers to a contemporary scourge, and in the rhetorical style of prophecy passes from this to the evils of the day of judgment.因此,喬爾是指當代的禍害,並在修辭風格的預言從這個通行證的邪惡之日作出判決。

DATE OF THE PROPHECY OF JOEL日期預言約珥

The most difficult problem in the investigation of Joel is the date, and the many hypotheses have not led to any convincing result.最困難的問題,在調查喬爾的日期,和許多假設沒有導致任何令人信服的結果。 The first verse of the book does not convey, as other prophetic books do, a definite date, nor do the discourses contain any references to the events of the period, which might form a basis for the chronology of the Prophet.第一詩的書籍沒有轉達,其他預言書做一個明確的日期,也沒有包含任何的話語提及的事件時期,這可能形成一個基礎年表先知。 General history took no notice of plagues of locusts which were of frequent occurrence, and it is an arbitrary supposition to interpret the swarm of locusts as the Scythian horde, which, according to Herodotus (I, 103 sqq.; IV, i), devastated the countries of Western Asia from Mesopotamia to Egypt between the years 630-620 BC The Book of Joel has been variously ascribed to nearly all the centuries of the prophetic era. Rothstein even goes so far as to assign the discourses to various dates, an attempt which must fail on account of the close connexion between the four addresses.通史沒有通知瘟疫的蝗蟲,這是經常發生,這是一個任意的假設來解釋的蝗蟲群的西徐亞人部落,據希羅多德(一, 103 sqq 。 ;四,我) ,破壞在西亞國家從美索不達米亞之間的埃及公元前630-620年的約珥書已不同程度歸因於幾乎所有的數百年的先知時代。羅斯坦甚至甚至指派論述各種日期,企圖它必須考慮到失敗的緊密聯接的四個地址。 The early commentators, in agreement with Jerome, placed the era of composition in the eighth century BC; they took Joel, therefore, as a contemporary of Osee and Amos.早期的評論家認為,在協議傑爾姆,放在時代的組成於公元前八世紀;他們喬爾,因此,作為一個當代的Osee和Amos 。 In justification of this date they pointed out that Joel is placed among the twelve Minor Prophets between Osee and Amos; further, that among the enemies of Juda the book does not mention the Assyrians, who were anathematized by each Prophet from the time they appeared as a power in Asia.在這一日期的理由,他們指出,喬爾被放置在12小先知之間Osee和Amos ;進一步,這是敵人猶大書沒有提及亞述人,誰是anathematized從每個先知的時候,他們似乎權力在亞洲。 However, in a book of three chapters not much weight can be attached to an argument from silence.然而,在一本書的三章沒有多少重量可以附加一個論據沉默。 Those also who agree in placing the book before the Exile do not agree in identifying the king in whose reign Joel lived.那些誰也同意把書流亡之前不同意確定國王在其在位喬爾生活。 The assignment to the period of King Josias is supported by the fact that Joel takes for his theme the day of the Lord, as does the contemporary Prophet Sophonias; to this may be added that the anathema upon the Egyptians may be influenced by the battle of Mageddo (608 BC).轉讓期間,國王Josias支持的事實,即他所花費喬爾主題主日一樣,當代先知Sophonias ;這可能會增加該詛咒的埃及人可能影響戰役Mageddo ( 608年) 。 Later commentators assign the book to the period after the Exile, both because chapter iii assumes the dispersal of the Jews among other nations, and because the eschatology of Joel presupposes the later period of Jewish theology.後來評論家指派本書之後的時期流亡,這是因為假設第三章分散猶太人以及其他國家,因為末世論的喬爾的前提後期猶太神學。 It is, however, impossible for Joel to have been a contemporary of the Prophet Malachias, because of the manner in which the former looks upon the priests of his period as perfect leaders and mediators for the nation.然而,它不可能喬爾已當代先知Malachias ,由於以何種方式前視神父期間,他完美的領袖和調停人的國家。 None of the chronological hypotheses concerning Joel can claim to possess convincing proof.無順序假說關於喬爾可以聲稱擁有令人信服的證據。

Publication information Written by Michael Faulhaber.出版信息作者邁克爾福爾哈貝爾。 Transcribed by Thomas J. Bress. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.轉錄由托馬斯J Bress 。天主教百科全書,體積八。 Published 1910.發布時間1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat , 1910年10月1號。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

See the introductions to the Scriptures of CORNELY, VIGOUROUX, GIGOT, DRIVER, CORNILL, and STRACK.看到介紹了聖經的CORNELY , VIGOUROUX , GIGOT ,司機, CORNILL ,和施特拉克。 For special questions: PEARSON, The Prophecy of Joel (Leipzig, 1885); SEBÖK, Die syrische Uebersetzung der XII kleinen Propheten (Leipzig, 1887); KESSNER, Das Zeitalter des Propheten Joel (Leipzig, 1888); SIEVERS, Alttest.對於特殊的問題:皮爾森預言的喬爾(萊比錫, 1885年) ; SEBÖK ,模具syrische Uebersetzung之十二kleinen Propheten (萊比錫, 1887年) ; KESSNER ,達斯時代之Propheten喬爾(萊比錫, 1888年) ; SIEVERS , Alttest 。 Miscellen (Leipzig, 1907). Miscellen (萊比錫, 1907年) 。 Commentaries on Joel.--Catholic: SCHOLZ (Würzburg, 1885); KNABENBAUER (Paris, 1886); VAN HOONACKER (Paris, 1908); Protestant: SMITH (London, 1897); DRIVER (Cambridge, 1898); ADAMS (London, 1902); NOWACK (2nd ed., Göttingen, 1903); MARTI (Tübingen, 1904); EISELEN (New York, 1907); ORELLI (3rd ed., Munich, 1908).評喬爾.--天主教: SCHOLZ (維爾茨堡, 1885年) ; KNABENBAUER (巴黎, 1886年) ;加值型網路HOONACKER (巴黎, 1908年) ;新教:史密斯(倫敦, 1897年) ;司機(劍橋, 1898年) ;亞當斯(倫敦, 1902年) ; NOWACK (第二版。 ,哥廷根, 1903 ) ; MARTI (圖賓根, 1904年) ; EISELEN (紐約, 1907年) ; ORELLI (第3版。 ,慕尼黑, 1908年) 。 Further bibliography in commentaries.進一步書目評注。


Book of Joel約珥書

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

§ 1. § 1 。 Duplicate Character.重複字符。

-Critical View:臨界查看:

§ 2. § 2 。 Date of the Book:日期的圖書:

Reasons for the Time of Joash.原因時間喬阿什。

Reasons for the Time of Josiah.原因時代的喬賽亞。

Objections to Post-Exilic Date.反對後Exilic日期。

The Plague of Locusts.由於出現蝗災。

§ 3. § 3 。 Theory of the Origin of Joel in Two Different Parts Written at Different Times:理論的起源喬爾在書面兩種不同的零件在不同的時間:

Difference of Back-ground.差異回到地面。

Reasons for the Division.原因司。

Reasons for Later Composition.原因後來組成。

§ 4. § 4 。 Theory of the Revision of an Older Book in a Later Period:理論修訂的舊圖書在以後的時期:

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

The prophecies of the Book of Joel are divided into two parts, comprising respectively (1) ch.預言的約珥書分為兩部分,其中包括分別為( 1 )總。 i.字母i. 2-ii. 2二。 17 and (2) ch. 17 ( 2 )總。 ii.二。 18-iv. 21. 18四。 21 。 The contents of the first part may be summarized as follows: The prophet at the beginning calls the attention of the elders and of all the inhabitants of the land to a coming event the like of which has never been seen, a terrible visitation by locusts (i. 2-7), which will be coincident with a famine, and which will together reduce the entire land to the bitterest misery (i. 10-12, 16-20).的內容,第一部分可歸納如下:先知年初要求注意的長老和所有居民的土地為今後類似的事件從未見過,一個可怕的探視的蝗蟲(一, 2月7日) ,這將是同步的飢荒,並且將共同減少整個土地痛苦苦難(一10月12日, 16日至20日) 。 The prophet exhorts the people to fast, to pray, and to mourn (i. 13 et seq., ii. 1-12 et seq.).先知勸告人們快速,祈禱和哀悼(一13起。 ,二。 1月12日起。 ) 。 In this double visitation the prophet perceives the approach of the "day of the Lord" (i. 15), which is to be ushered in by a terrible affliction (ii. 2-11) unless the people become truly repentant (ii. 12-17).In the second part it is first related how the people did actually bring about a gracious change in God's plans by obeying the prophet's injunctions (ii. 18); this is followed by Yhwh's answer to the prayer of the people (ii. 19 et seq.); then there is the promise of relief from famine through abundant rains and through a marvelous fruitfulness, after which the spirit of prophecy is to be poured out over all flesh, and the day of the Lord will draw near, accompanied by terrifying signs in heaven and earth.在這雙重的先知認為探視的做法, “主日” (一15 ) ,這是將迎來了一個可怕的痛苦(白介素2月11日) ,除非該人成為真正的懺悔(白介素12 -17 ) 。在第二部分是有關如何第一人民確實帶來親切的變化在上帝的計劃,服從先知的禁令(白介素18 ) ;其次是Yhwh的答案禱告的人(二。 19起。 ) ;其次是承諾的救濟飢荒通過豐富的雨水,並通過精彩結實,之後精神預言要湧出的一切肉體和主日將提請附近,伴隨著可怕的跡象天地。 These terrors, however, are not for the Jews, who will be rescued in the day of judgment because they called on the Lord, but for their enemies (iii. 1-5).這些恐怖事件,但是,是不是猶太人,誰將會在當天獲救的判斷,因為他們呼籲上帝,但他們的敵人( iii. 1-5 ) 。 At the time of the change in the fate of Judah and Jerusalem the Lord will gather all nations into the valley of Jehoshaphat (see Jehoshaphat, Valley of), there to be destroyed through the fulfilment of the divine judgment of wrath (iv. 11-13), because they have plundered the treasuries of the Lord and have sold the sons of Judah and of Jerusalem to the sons of the Grecians (iv. 5-8).在時間上的改變命運的猶太和耶路撒冷上帝會收集到所有國家的山谷Jehoshaphat (見Jehoshaphat ,谷) ,有被摧毀通過履行判決的神聖憤怒( iv.第11 - 13 ) ,因為他們掠奪國債勳爵和已售出的兒子猶大和耶路撒冷的兒子Grecians ( iv. 5-8 ) 。 God will be a refuge for His people (iv. 16); strangers will no longer pass through Jerusalem (iv. 17); the soil of Judah will become exceedingly fruitful, and a fountain will even water the valley of Shittim (ie, the unfruitful Jordan valley), whereas Egypt and Edom will be changed into a wilderness on account of the evil they have done to Judah (iv. 18-19).神將是一個為他的人民避難( iv. 16 ) ;陌生人將不再通過耶路撒冷( iv. 17 ) ;土壤的猶太將變得極其富有成果的,甚至會噴泉水谷Shittim (即徒勞約旦谷地) ,而埃及和以東將變為荒原上到邪惡他們這樣做,以猶太( iv. 18-19 ) 。

§ 1. Duplicate Character. § 1 。重複的字符。

-Critical View:臨界查看:

That Joel consists of two parts appears from ii.喬爾說,由兩部分組成從二。 18, which, if the rules of Hebrew syntax are applied, must be construed as a narrative reporting the change of God's attitude subsequent to the exhortation to repentance. 18 ,如果規則希伯來語語法適用,必須被看作是敘述性報告的改變上帝的態度,隨後告誡悔改。 Only through a misunderstanding of the method of Hebrew narrative will the demand be urged, in opposition to this construction, that such a report should necessarily include the story of the actual accomplishment of penitence.只有通過一種誤解的方法,將希伯來文敘述的需求敦促,在反對這一建築,這種報告必須包括的故事實際完成的懺悔。 Stylistic carelessness is very usual in Hebrew narrative; and the act of penitence is left to be supplied by the reader from the context-ie, in this instance from the prophetical exhortation to repentance (the accomplished penitence must be supplied between verses 17 and 18).文體粗心大意是非常正常的希伯來文的敘述;和行為懺悔左須提供的讀者從上下文,即在這種情況下從預言告誡懺悔(懺悔的成就之間必須提供詩句17日和18日) 。 On the other hand, neither the interpretation of the imperfects in verse 17 as jussives nor even the reading of the consecutive imperfects (, etc.) as simple historical imperfects (, etc.) justifies the following translation approved by De Wette, Baudissin, and others: "Then will Yhwh be jealous for His land and will protect His people; and Yhwh will speak and say to His people," etc.另一方面,既不解釋imperfects詩17 jussives甚至也不閱讀連續imperfects (等) ,簡單的歷史imperfects (等) ,證明了以下翻譯核准者Wette , Baudissin ,和其他: “到那時, Yhwh會嫉妒他的土地,並為將保護他的人民和Yhwh會說話,說他的人民”等 In this rendering, which is inadmissible on linguistic grounds, the words following verse 17 appear as a promise connected with the foregoing petition for a return to favor, and the prophecy of Joel would then form a consecutive whole.在這種渲染,這是不能接受的關於語言的理由中,下列詩句17顯示為一個承諾與上述請願恢復青睞,並預言喬爾將形成一個連續的整體。 But even the acceptance of this theory would not remove the difficulties in the way of fixing the time of Joel's prophecy.但即使是接受這一理論將不會刪除困難的方式確定的時間喬爾的預言。

§ 2. § 2 。 Date of the Book:日期的圖書:

Theory of a Pre-Exilic Period: (a) According to the formerly generally accepted opinion, Joel wrote in the beginning of the reign of King Joash (836-797 BC), and was therefore the oldest prophet to leave a book of prophecies.理論預Exilic期: (一)根據以前普遍接受的意見,喬爾中寫道開始國王統治時期喬阿什( 836-797年) ,因此最古老的先知離開了一本書的預言。 This theory of an early date of composition was, above all, strongly supported by the fact that no mention is made of the Assyrians.這一理論的早日組成,首先是大力支持的事實,沒有提到的亞述人。

The beginning of the reign of Joash was urged in view of the failure of the book to refer to or to name the Damascus Syrians, who, according to II Kings xii.開始統治喬阿什敦促鑑於失敗的書提及或名稱大馬士革敘利亞人,誰,根據二國王十二。 18 et seq., seriously threatened Jerusalem under Joash (comp. Hazael). 18起。 ,嚴重威脅耶路撒冷根據喬阿什( comp. Hazael ) 。

Reasons for the Time of Joash.原因時間喬阿什。

In further support of this theory stress was laid on the absence of any reference to the king, which would point to the period of the minority of Joash, while the predominance of the priestly influence led to the conclusion that Joash, at the beginning of his reign, was under the influence of the high priest Jehoiada.為了進一步支持這一理論強調放在沒有任何提及國王,這將指向期間的少數喬阿什,而佔主導地位的祭司影響導致的結論是喬阿什開始時,他在位期間,受到影響的大祭司Jehoiada 。 Another point of agreement in favor of this date was the hostility shown to the Israelites by the nations, mentioned in iv.另一點的協議有利於這一日期是敵視表明猶太人的國家,所提到的四。 (AV iii.) 4, 19, which was made to refer to the rebellion of the Edomites under King Jehoram of Judah (849-842 BC), on which occasion the Arabs and the Philistines plundered Jerusalem (II Chron. xxi. 8 et seq., 16 et seq.; comp. § 3, below). (視頻三) 。 4 , 19 ,這是指叛亂下的Edomites的猶太國王Jehoram ( 849-842年) ,在這一次的阿拉伯人和非利士人掠奪耶路撒冷(二專欄。二十一。 8等以下。 , 16起。 ;補償。 § 3 ,下文) 。

Reasons for the Time of Josiah.原因時代的喬賽亞。

(b) König places the composition of the book at a much later date, but still in the pre-exilic period; namely, in the time of King Josiah, or in the period immediately following. (二)柯尼格地方組成的圖書在更晚的日期,但仍處於前放逐期間,即在規定的時間國王喬賽亞,或在此期間後立即。 His reasons are these: The form of the prophecies is too finished to date from the beginning of the prophetic style of writing; indeed, the linguistic character is that of about the seventh century BC Moreover, the contents reflect the time of Josiah, because it was then that the great famine occurred which Jeremiah (Jer. xiv. 2-6) describes in a similar way to Joel.他的理由是這些:的形式完成的預言是迄今也從一開始的預言文風;事實上,語言特點是,約公元前7世紀此外,內容反映了當時的約書亞,因為它當時的大飢荒發生的耶利米( Jer.十四。 2-6 )描述了一個類似的方法,喬爾。 Finally, the mention of the Egyptians points to the last years of Josiah (or else those immediately following), referring to Josiah's campaign against the Egyptians.最後,提到了埃及人指出,過去幾年的約書亞(或其他人之後,立即) ,指的是喬賽亞的運動,反對埃及人。 The fact that neither the Assyrians nor the Babylonians are alluded to militates against König's dating, since all the other pre-exilic prophets, from Amos to Jeremiah, recognize God's judgment, which is to fall on His people precisely in the extension of the Assyrian and, later, of the Babylonian empire.事實上,無論是亞述人,也沒有提到巴比倫人是有礙於柯尼格的約會,因為所有其他前放逐先知,從阿莫斯納曼以耶利米,承認上帝的判決,這是屬於他的人民恰恰就在延長亞述和後來的巴比倫帝國。

Theory of a Post-Exilic Period: This theory was first, and in the beginning rather hesitatingly, brought forward by Vatke; since then it has been adopted by Merx (who takes the book for a midrash written after 445 BC), by Stade, Kuenen, Wellhausen, Wildeboer, Nowack, Kautzsch, Duhm, Oort, Cornill, and others.理論後Exilic期:這是第一個理論,並在一開始而不是猶豫,提出了Vatke ;自那時以來,它已通過Merx (誰需要這本書的米德拉士書面後445年) ,由體育場, Kuenen ,豪森, Wildeboer , Nowack , Kautzsch , Duhm ,奧爾特, Cornill等。 The last named scholar, holding the book to be a compendium of late Jewish eschatology, places it in the year 400 BC, because Jerusalem at that time not only was inhabited, but had a temple (i 14, ii 15), as well as a wall (ii. 9), which would indicate a period after Nehemiah.最後命名學者,舉行該書的彙編已故猶太末世論,地點是在公元前400年一年,因為耶路撒冷在當時不僅是居住,但有一個寺廟(一14 ,二15 ) ,以及牆(白介素9 ) ,這表明一段時間後,尼希米記。 But he overlooks the fact that the walls mentioned in the text are certainly those of the houses within the city. Of all that has been adduced in support of the post-exilic theory, only passages like iv.但他忽略了一個事實,牆上的案文中提到的當然是這些房屋內的城市。所有這一切已經被引用,以支持後放逐理論,只有代像四。 (AV iii.) 17 really have any weight. (影音三。 ) 17真的有任何重量。 The statement, "Then shall Jerusalem be holy, and there shall no strangers pass through her any more," indicates a city that had been destroyed-a fate that befell Jerusalem only under Nebuchadnezzar (see further § 3, below).On the other hand, iv.聲明說, “到那時,耶路撒冷是神聖的,因此並不陌生應通過她了, ”表明一個城市已被破壞,遭受的命運只有在耶路撒冷尼布甲尼撒(另見第3段) 。論其他另一方面,四。 (AV iii.) 1 can not be appealed to, since the words do not mean, as was formerly believed, "to bring back the captivity"-which would indeed lead to the presupposition that deportation of the inhabitants of Judea and Jerusalem had preceded-but more correctly "to turn the fate." (視頻三) 。 1不能呼籲,因為詞並不意味著,作為原認為, “帶回的囚禁” ,這實際上導致預設的驅逐的居民朱迪亞和耶路撒冷之前,但更正確“把命運。 ”

Objections to Post-Exilic Date.反對後Exilic日期。

The other reasons advanced for the post-exilic theory are not very plausible.其他理由為後放逐理論並不十分可信。 Thus the fact that the king is not mentioned is not remarkable, since the king is likewise not mentioned in Nahum and Habakkuk.因此,事實上,國王沒有提及是不顯著,因為國王也同樣沒有提到內厄姆和哈巴谷。 If silence of this sort is of weight, it ought to be considered just as decisive against a post-exilic dating if the governor and high priest were not mentioned in a work.如果保持沉默,這樣的重量是,它應被視為正如決定性的打擊後放逐約會如果總督和大祭司中沒有提到工作。 Neither is the absence of any mention of the high places and their cult beside the Temple at Jerusalem remarkable, since Isaiah and, before him, Amos recognize only the Temple at Jerusalem as the habitation of God; and Isaiah, unlike Amos and Hosea, even polemizes against other places of worship.也不是沒有任何提及高級場所和他們的邪教在廟旁的耶路撒冷顯著,因為以賽亞書,並在他面前,阿莫斯納曼只承認在耶路撒冷聖殿的居住上帝;和以賽亞,不像阿莫斯納曼和何西阿,即使polemizes對其他宗教活動場所。 When, however, Joel in i.然而,如果在一喬爾 9 speaks of the discontinuance of the meat-and drink-offerings as a calamity, and in i. 9談到停止肉類和飲料產品的災難,並在一 13 et seq. 13起。 calls on the priests to fast in consequence, this should not be considered as proof of any high regard for the ritual, an attitude so utterly foreign to the pre-exilic period.呼籲神職人員快速的後果,這不應該被看作是證明任何高度重視的儀式,態度如此堅決外國預先放逐期間。 Isaiah also mentions the meat-offering (Isa. i. 13), and Amos emphasizes the observance of the Sabbath (Amos viii. 5); and when the pre-exilic prophets reject the external worship of God, they do so only in so far as it tends to represent the whole of man's religious life and to displace entirely the true inner relationship to God (obedience). On the other hand, the appointment of a fast on the occasion of exceptional afflictions is found in the narratives of the Book of Kings (I Kings xxi. 9; comp. II Chron. xx. 3).以賽亞還提到肉類產品( Isa.一13 ) ,和Amos強調遵守安息日(阿莫斯納曼八。 5 ) ;和當前放逐先知拒絕外部崇拜的上帝,他們這樣做只有在因為它往往代表整個人類的宗教生活,並完全取代真正的內在聯繫,以上帝(服從) 。另一方面,任命了一個快速上的講話是非常痛苦的敘述中找到的圖書王(王二十一。 9 ;補償。二專欄。二十。 3 ) 。 It has justly been pointed out that the way in which Joel, by dint of his prophetic office, gives, as it were, higher commands to the priests, does not at all agree with the position which the priesthood occupied during the time of the Persians and later.它理所當然地被指出的方式,喬爾,憑藉他的預言辦公室,給的,因為它有較高的命令來的牧師,沒有在所有同意立場鐸被佔領時期的波斯人後來。 The post-exilic composition of the book can least of all be proved from the mention of the "elders" (see especially i. 14, where, however, is accusative, not vocative), since Joel does not speak of them as official persons, but connotes by "old men" only the most respected of the people. The post-exilic theory, moreover, far from removing difficulties, gives rise to various additional ones of a serious nature.後放逐組成的圖書可以至少所有被證明從提到的“長老” (見特別是一14 ,但是,如果是賓格,而不是呼) ,因為喬爾不會說他們的官方人士,但內涵的“老男人”只有最受人尊敬的人。後放逐理論,此外,遠離消除困難,引起了各種額外的性質嚴重。 In the first place, the acceptance of the post-exilic theory of composition necessitates the wholly improbable hypothesis that the prophet in i. 1 et seq.首先,接受後放逐理論的組成必須完全不可能假設,即在一先知1起。 places himself at the end of time and speaks to the generation of the last day.地方本人在年底的時間和說話產生的最後一天。 Since there is no announcement of the final day, the conclusion is natural that the opening address of the book was intended for the contemporaries of the speaker; but, if so, the apocalyptic interpretation of the opening words becomes impossible, and this negatives one of the most weighty arguments in favor of the late date of composition.由於沒有公佈的最後一天,結論是很自然的開幕詞該書的目的是為同時代的一位發言者,但如果是這樣,在世界末日的解釋開頭變得不可能,這底片之一最重要的理由贊成晚組成。 It must be noticed, moreover, that no mention of a future judgment is made until after iii.但必須注意到的,此外,沒有提及未來的判斷是,直到第三節後。 1 (AV ii. 28), for which reason the nations hostile to Israel are not mentioned until then (eg, in iv. [AV iii.] 2). 1 (影音二。 28 ) ,由於這個原因,聯合國敵視以色列沒有提到那之前(例如,在四。 [影音三。 ] 2 ) 。

The Plague of Locusts.由於出現蝗災。

Another difficulty arises when, for the sake of the post-exilic theory, the locusts are taken to mean not real but "apocalyptic locusts"; that is, such as the fantasy of the prophet has invented to illustrate the final judgment.另一個困難出現時,為了後放逐理論,蝗蟲是指不實際的,但“世界末日蝗蟲” ,即是,如幻想先知發明說明了最後判決。 But the plague of locusts is represented as actually having begun; the prophet describes it without indicating that it is to be expected in the future; and he therefore exhorts his countrymen, who have suffered this affliction with him, to lamentation and repentance.但蝗災是派實際上已經開始;先知介紹它沒有說明,這是可以預期的未來;因此,他敦促他的同胞,誰遭受了這個痛苦的他,以哀悼和懺悔。 Moreover, by "locusts" is not meant, as some have held, the mounted army of a human enemy, for there is nothing in the description to indicate anything else than a real plague of locusts.此外, “蝗蟲”是不是如一些人所持有,該安裝軍隊人類的敵人,因為沒有任何的說明,以說明什麼比一個真正的蝗災。 If it were true that by them the prophet intended horsemen of the enemy, there would result the incongruity of comparing an army of horses and riders to heroes and warriors (ii. 4. et seq.).如果確有其事,通過他們的先知打算騎馬的敵人,有可能導致的不協調比較軍隊的馬匹和騎手,以英雄和勇士隊(白介素4 。起。 ) 。 When the swarms of locusts are called "northern" () in ii.當成群的蝗蟲被稱為“北方” ( )的二。 20, it is indeed most natural to think of an army coming from the north, because locusts in Palestine always come from the south. 20 ,這的確是最自然的想到一個軍隊來自北方,由於蝗蟲的巴勒斯坦總是來自南方。 Whereas it is not unreasonable to argue that the locusts here described might have been driven into Palestine by a northeast wind from the Syrian desert (so Volck), this theory, in face of the more natural explanation of , appears only a makeshift.雖然這不是沒有道理的爭辯說,蝗蟲在這裡描述可能已經駛入巴勒斯坦的東北風從敘利亞沙漠(所謂Volck ) ,這個理論,在面對更自然的解釋,似乎只是一個臨時的。 But the difficulty disappears with the hypothesis next to be considered.但困難消失的假設未來加以考慮。

§ 3. § 3 。 Theory of the Origin of Joel in Two Different Parts Written at Different Times:理論的起源喬爾在書面兩種不同的零件在不同的時間:

Difference of Back-ground.差異回到地面。

The theory that ch.總的理論。 iii.-iv. (AV ii. 28-iii.) are to be separated from i.-ii. (影音二。 28三。 )將分開i.-ii. was first brought forward by Rothstein in the German translation of Driver's "Introduction to the Old Testament," Berlin, 1896 (p. 333).首次提出了羅斯坦的德語翻譯的駕駛員介紹“舊約” ,柏林, 1896年(第333頁) 。 He starts out with the fact that the general assumptions in the two parts are wholly different: in ch.他開始了這樣一個事實,即一般假設在兩部分是兩個完全不同的:在CH 。 i.字母i. et seq. people and state (Judah) appear in unimpaired integrity; the evil of the day is a terrible plague of locusts together with an all-devouring drought; in the passages where the relation to other nations is characterized, there is no trace of a distressing condition brought about, in a political sense, by the enemy (ii. 17; comp. ib. 19b).起。人民和國家(猶太)出現在不受影響的完整性;邪惡的一天是一個可怕的蝗災,連同所有吞食乾旱;在通道在與其他國家的特點是,沒有任何痕跡令人不安的狀況帶來的,在政治意義上說,由敵人(白介素17 ;補償。國際文憑。 19B條) 。 On the other hand, in iii.另一方面,在三。 et seq.起。 (AV ii. 28 et seq.) the whole historical background is a political one; a reference to the time of need indicated in i. (影音二。 28起。 )整個歷史背景是一個政治問題;提到需要的時候指出,一 1 et seq. 1起。 is not to be discovered (no more so in ii. 18); moreover, the people, at least a very large part of them, are in exile; the judgment from which they are to be saved according to i.不被發現(沒有如此二。 18 ) ;此外,人,至少有很大一部分人,流亡的判決加以保存根據一 et seq.起。 has long since come to pass; and Jerusalem is already trodden down and desecrated by Gentiles. Finally, it must be added that a large number of passages in iii. (ii. 28 et seq.) are wholly lacking in originality (with the exception of iv. [iii.] 9 et seq., where probably fragments of a vigorous original have been preserved).長久以來已經成為過去;和耶路撒冷已經走過了和褻瀆,外邦人。最後,必須指出,大量的段落三。 (白介素28起。 )完全缺乏獨創性(除的四。 [三。 ] 9起。 ,那裡可能碎片積極原來已保存) 。 Rothstein concludes from this that ch.羅斯坦最後由這一點,總。 i.字母i. and ii.和二。 were written by Joel during the minority of King Joash; that, on the other hand, ch.寫的喬爾在少數國王喬阿什;說,另一方面,總。 iii.三。 (ii. 28 et seq.) and iv. (白介素28起。 )和第四。 (iii.) date from a postexilic period, and were written by an author whowas lacking in originality, so that he connected his elaboration with the older prophecy in ch. ( iii. )日期從postexilic時期,寫的作者whowas缺乏原創性,所以他連自己制定的老年人預言在CH 。 i.字母i. and ii., as is the recognized case with Obadiah, verses 10-21 (with which section many parallels are found in Joel iii. et seq. [ii. 28 et seq.]) and 1-9. This author, however, who for his part regards the plague of locusts announced in ch.和二。 ,這是公認的情況Obadiah ,詩10月21日(節與許多相似之處是在喬爾三。起。 [二。 28起。 ] )和1-9 。筆者,但是,誰對他關於蝗災宣布在CH 。 ii.二。 as a symbolic reference to the inroad of hostile hordes, also wrote ii.作為一個象徵性的參考侵襲的敵對部落,還寫二。 20, in which place he expressly chose expressions which would lead one to think of the "northern" army (ie, the army of heathen which had already entered the country) together with the swarms of locusts which he interprets symbolically. 20 ,在這種地方,他明確選擇表情這將導致一個想“北”軍隊(即異教徒的軍隊已經進入該國)連同大批蝗蟲他解釋象徵。 In the same way ii.以同樣的方式二。 10-11 (or else only 11a) originated from the same hand, since these verses give the impression that the author meant powerful armies rather than locusts. 10月11日(或其他人只有11A條)源自同一手,因為這些詩給人的印象是,作者意味著強大的軍隊,而不是蝗蟲。

Reasons for the Division.原因司。

When, on the other hand, it is objected (by Baudissin, in "Einleitung in die Bücher des Alten Testaments," 1901, p. 499) that in this way the difficulties attendant on the time determination are by no means removed, since the reasons for and against a pre-exilic date apply to both halves of the book, it must still be recognized (as Baudissin himself admits) that the difficulties of the pre-exilic theory are greater in the second part.當,另一方面,它是反對(由Baudissin ,在“導論在模具Bücher萬老聖經” , 1901年,第499頁) ,這樣的困難隨之而來的時間決心絕不是移除,因為原因和危害預放逐申請之日起的兩本書,它仍然必須承認(如Baudissin自己承認)的困難前放逐理論更大的第二部分。 Moreover, it can not be admitted that the reasons which could justify the acceptance of the pre-exilic theory are found almost entirely in the second part only.此外,它不能被承認的理由可以證明接受前放逐理論幾乎完全被發現的第二部分只。 The placing of the prophecy in the opening period of King Joash's reign, which rested on the identification of the hostilities mentioned in iv.配售的預言在開放期間的國王喬阿什的統治地位,這取決於身份的敵對行動中提到的四。 (iii.) 4 et seq. ( iii. ) 4起。 with the revolt of the Edomites under Jehoram, will, however, have to be abandoned.與反抗的Edomites下Jehoram ,不過,不得不放棄。 The difficulty arises that these descriptions apply even less to a post-exilic period than to the time of King Joash (see below).在出現困難,這些說明也適用於低後放逐期的時間比國王喬阿什(見下文) 。 At any rate the prophetic character of ch.無論如何預言性質的CH 。 i.字母i. and ii., in contrast to the apocalyptic character, which actually begins with iii.和二。相反,在世界末日的性質,實際上始於三。 1 (ii. 28), is alone sufficient (as is also emphasized by Baudissin) to justify the chronological determination of the two parts. 1 (白介素28 ) ,是僅足夠(如還強調Baudissin )證明的時間確定兩部分組成。 Furthermore, the oratorical attitude, the vigorous language, and the originality of expression and of illustrations-of which the picture of being spread out like the morning upon the mountain is found only in Joel (ii. 2)-speak for the older date of composition of the first part. It is wrong to suppose that the perfection of form of this prophecy indicates that it was not written in the first period of prophetical composition, because, in the face of the song of Deborah and of the elegies on Saul and Jonathan, the possibility of perfection of form in the period in which Joel wrote can not be denied; just as in other literatures also the first poetical writings have always been preceded by a longer stage of poetic development.此外,演說的態度,有力的語言,有獨創性的表達和插圖,這些圖片的傳播,這樣早上的山區被發現僅在喬爾(白介素2 ) ,所代表的舊的日期組成的第一部分。這是錯誤的假設完善這一預言的形式表明,它不是寫在第一期預言成分,因為,面對這首歌的德博拉和哀歌對掃羅和喬納森的可能性,形成完善的時期,喬爾寫道不能否認,就像在其他文獻也是第一詩著作一直之前再發展階段的詩意。 Whether or not Joel really prophesied under Joash, or is to be placed only shortly before Amos, is irrelevant, if one separates ch.不論是否真的預言喬爾下喬阿什,或者是只能放在前不久阿莫斯納曼,是無關緊要的,如果一個人總離職。 iii.三。 and iv.和四。 and at the same time ii.同時二。 4, 11, which are based on the early theory. 4日, 11日,這是基於早期的理論。 In favor of the time shortly before Amos, Baudissin has suggested, not without justice, that also in Amos a plague of locusts together with a drought is mentioned as a divine punishment (Amos iv. 6-9; comp. vii. 1-6), and that in this book, as also in Joel iv.有利於前不久阿莫斯納曼時間, Baudissin建議,而不是沒有正義,這也是在埃默斯一蝗災,加上乾旱是作為一個神聖的懲罰(阿莫斯納曼四。 6-9 ;補償。七。 1-6 ) ,而且在這本書,這也是在喬爾四。 (iii.) 4 et seq. ( iii. ) 4起。 (if this passage as well as iv. [iii.] 9 et seq. also dates from an older prophecy), there is a complaint concerning the delivery of captured slaves (Amos i. 6, 9) which, in spite of single variations, makes it easy to suppose that the same event is here meant, namely, the killing of the Judeans at the time of the revolt of Edom against Judah under Jehoram (comp. Amos i. 11 and Joel iv. [iii.] 19). (如果此通道以及四。 [三。 ] 9起。還日期從舊的預言) ,還有有關的投訴提供抓獲奴隸(阿莫斯納曼島6日, 9日) ,其中,儘管單一變化,更容易被假定同一事件是在這裡的意思,即殺害Judeans時的反感以東下對猶太Jehoram ( comp.阿莫斯納曼一11和Joel四。 [三。 ] 19 ) 。 The mention of the "sons of the Grecians" (in iv. [iii.] 6, if this still belongs to the older part) can hardly be taken as a proof against this theory (although it has been brought forward to prove a very late date of composition), since there is no reason why Greeks should not have been mentioned in an early pre-exilic period.報告中提到的“兒子的Grecians ” (中四。 [三。 ] 6 ,如果這仍然屬於較舊的部分)就很難被視為對這一理論的證據(雖然它已經提出了一個非常證明晚組成) ,因為沒有任何理由希臘人不應該提到的早期預放逐期間。

Reasons for Later Composition.原因後來組成。

On the other hand, the fact that most of the data pointing to a post-exilic composition are found in the second half of the book, after ch.另一方面,事實上,大部分的數據顯示後放逐的組成是在下半年的圖書後,總。 iii.三。 (ii. 28), speaks for the later composition of ch. iii. (白介素28 ) ,談到以後的甲烷組成。三。 and iv.和四。 (ii. 28-iii.). (白介素28三。 ) 。 This is assumed on the following grounds: Only Judah is expressly mentioned, whereas the idea seems to be to connote both Judah and Israel (thus ch. iv. [iii.] 2; but not so in ii. 27); also because in the description of the approaching day of judgment for the nations and the glorification of God's people there is no reference to Ephraim; finally, above all, because in iv.這是假設基於以下理由:只有猶太是明確提及,而想法似乎是意味著這兩個猶太和以色列(從而總。四。 [三。 ] 2 ;但並非如此二。 27 ) ;也因為在的描述接近一天的判決的國家和頌揚上帝的子民沒有提到埃弗拉伊姆;最後,最重要的,因為在四。 (iii.) 17, as has already been remarked, not only the destruction of Jerusalem is presupposed, but also the dispersion of God's people, Israel, among the nations, and the division of Israel's land. ( iii. ) 17日,已經表示,不僅破壞耶路撒冷是先決條件,而且還分散上帝的子民,以色列,各國之間,以及該司以色列的土地。

As to the question concerning the prophetic sources of the respective passages, it is probably easier to derive the passages iii.至於關於先知來源各自的通道,它可能是更容易獲得通道三。 5 (ii. 32) from Obadiah, verse 17; iv. 5 (白介素32 )由Obadiah ,詩17 ;四。 (iii.) 18 from Ezek, xlvii. ( iii. ) 18結,四十七。 1 et seq.; and iv. 1起。 ;和第四。 (iii.) 16 from Amos i. ( iii. ) 16阿莫斯納曼島 2-all of them in a part which gives the impression of a dull and barren style of writing-than to suppose these passages in Joel to have been original. 2 ,所有這些在部分給人的印象鈍痛和貧瘠文風比猜想這些段落喬爾已經原始。 For these reasons the supposition that iii.由於這些原因,假定三。 and iv.和四。 (ii. 28-iii.) were written in a post-exilic period seems to offer the easiest solution of the difficulty. (白介素28三。 )寫在後放逐期間似乎提供了最簡單的解決困難。

§ 4. § 4 。 Theory of the Revision of an Older Book in a Later Period: The division of the book into two parts convinces Baudissin (lcp 499) that such a revision must have taken place.理論修訂的舊圖書在以後的時期:分裂的書分為兩部分說服Baudissin (液晶499 ) ,這樣的修訂工作必須發生。 He considers the description of the judgment of the nations with its reference to the scattering of Israel, the division of the land of Yhwh, and the passing of strangers through Jerusalem as additions of the reviser. But the theory leaves open the possibility that single parts of the second half of the book may have belonged to the original composition and were incorporated in the compilation of the later writer, directly or else with certain changes to suit the times.他認為,說明判決的國家,其參照的散射以色列,該司的土地Yhwh ,並通過陌生人通過耶路撒冷為補充的審校。但理論留下了一種可能性,單部分下半年的書籍可能屬於原始組成,並納入彙編後作家,直接或與其他某些改變,以適應時代。 In view of this, and of the further supposition, first suggested by Rothstein, that the second author made changes and additions also in the first part, there is little difference between the two theories. Moreover, it is possible to agree with Baudissin that the original writing does not need to have originated in the Persian period.鑑於這種情況,並進一步假設,第一次提出的羅斯坦,即第二作者提出修改和補充也是在第一部分中,幾乎沒有區別的兩個理論。此外,有可能同意的Baudissin原始書面不需要有起源於波斯時期。 It is indeed advisable to place its composition as late as the time of the Ptolemies, since then the mention of Egypt might refer to the war in Egypt.這確實是最好的地方委員會的組成遲的時候,托勒密,自那時以來,提到埃及可能指的是在埃及的戰爭。

Emil G. Hirsch, Victor Ryssel埃米爾赫斯基灣,維克多Ryssel

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography:參考書目:

Commentaries: Hitzig, in Kommentar zu den Kleinen Propheten, 1838 (new ed. by J. Steiner, 1881, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch); Keil, in Biblischer Kommentar, 3d ed., 1888; Orelli, in Strack and Zoeckler, Kurzgefasster Kommentar, 2d ed., 1888; J.評注:希齊格在Kommentar楚蘭旦Kleinen Propheten , 1838年(新海關。由J.施泰納, 1881年,在Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手冊) ; Keil公司,在Biblischer Kommentar ,三維版。 , 1888年; Orelli ,在施特拉克和Zoeckler , Kurzgefasster Kommentar ,二維版。 , 1888年的J. Wellhausen, Die Kleinen Propheten (transl. with notes in Skizzen und Vorarheiten, part v.), 1892; W.豪森,模具Kleinen Propheten ( transl.與債券在Skizzen與Vorarheiten ,第五部分) , 1892 ;總統 Nowack, in Handkommentar, 1897; B. Nowack ,在Handkommentar , 1897年;灣 Pusey, The Minor Prophets, 1888; FW Farrar, The Minor Prophets, Their Lives and Times, in Men of the Bible series, 1890; KA Credner, Der Prophet Joel, Uebersetzt und Erklärt, 1831; E.蒲賽,未成年人預言, 1888年;防火牆法拉,未成年人先知,他們的生活和時代,男性的聖經系列, 1890年;家Credner報先知喬爾, Uebersetzt與Erklärt , 1831年;大腸桿菌 Meier, Der Prophet Joel, Neu Uebersetzt und Erklärt; Aug.德梅爾,德先知喬爾,神經Uebersetzt與Erklärt ; 8月 Wünsche, Die Weissagung des Propheten Joel, 1872 (gives a complete bibliography on Joel to 1872); Adalbert Merx, Die Prophetie des Joel und Ihre Ausleger, 1879; Beck, Die Propheten Micha und Joel, Erklärt, ed. Wünsche ,模具Weissagung萬Propheten喬爾, 1872年(提供了完整的書目喬爾到1872年) ;阿德爾伯特Merx ,模具Prophetie萬喬爾與Ihre Ausleger , 1879年;貝克,模具Propheten米莎和喬爾, Erklärt ,教育署。 Lindemeyer, 1898; Ant. Lindemeyer , 1898 ;螞蟻。 Scholz, Commentar zum Buche des Propheten Joel, 1885; Eugéne le Savoureux, Le Prophète Joel: Introduction, Critique, Traduction, et Commentaire, 1888; WWL Pearson, The Prophecy of Joel: Its Unity, Its Aim, and the Age of Its Composition, i.肖爾茨, Commentar zum Buche萬Propheten喬爾, 1885年; Eugéne樂Savoureux ,樂Prophète喬爾:導言,批評,翻譯,等評, 1888年; WWL皮爾森的預言喬爾:它的統一,其目的,和年齡的構成島 885; Grätz, Joel, Breslau, 1872; EG Hirsch, The Age of Joel, in Hebraica, New York, 1879; Kessner, Das Zeitalter des Propheten Joel, 1888; G. 885 ;格拉茨,喬爾,布雷斯勞, 1872年;乙二醇赫希,年齡的喬爾,在Hebraica ,紐約, 1879年; Kessner ,達斯時代之Propheten喬爾, 1888年;灣 Preuss, Die Prophetie Joels, 1889; H.普羅伊斯,模具Prophetie Joels , 1889年閣下; Holzinger, Sprachcharakter und Abfassungszeit des Buches Joel, in Stade's Zeitschrift, ix. Holzinger , Sprachcharakter與Abfassungszeit萬Buches喬爾,在體育場的雜誌,九。 89-131; GB Gray, The Parallel Passages in Joel in Their Bearing on the Question of Date, in The Expositor, 1893, Supplement, pp. 89-131 ; GB的灰色,並行通道喬爾在它們對問題的日期,在Expositor , 1893年,補編,頁。 208 et seq.; JC Matthes, in Theologisch Tijdschrift, xix. 208起。 ;巴埃納馬特斯,在Theologisch Tijdschrift ,十九。 34-66, 129-160; xxi. 357-381; AB Davidson, in The Expositor, March, 1888; Volck, Der Prophet Joel, in Herzog-Plitt, Real-Encyc. 34-66 , 129-160 ;二十一。 357-381 ;公司戴維森,在Expositor , 3月, 1888年; Volck報先知喬爾,在赫爾佐格- Plitt ,實時Encyc 。 ix.九。 234-237; Robertson Smith and Driver, Joel, in Encyc. 234至237 ;羅伯遜史密斯和驅動程序,喬爾,在Encyc 。 Brit.EGHV Ry. Brit.EGHV性。


Joel喬爾

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

-1. -1 。 Biblical Data:聖經的數據:

-Critical View:臨界查看:

-1. -1 。 Biblical Data:聖經的數據:

The superscription of the second book of the so-called Minor Prophets names as the author of the book "Joel, the son of Pethuel." Further historical record is wanting.該superscription的第二本書所謂的小先知的名字作為本書的作者“喬爾的兒子Pethuel 。 ”進一步的歷史記錄是希望。 It is even impossible to get an idea of the prophet's personality from the contents of his book, because, in correspondence with its partly oratorical, partly visionary style, all personal traits have been omitted.它甚至不可能得到一個想法先知的人格的內容,他的書,因為,在通信與部分演說,部分有遠見的作風,所有個人特質已經省略。 Only this can be concluded from his writing, that he was a Judean and that at the time of his prophetical activity he lived in Jerusalem.只有這樣,可以得出結論,他寫作,他是猶太人,並在他預言的活動,他住在耶路撒冷。 On the other hand, imaginative suppositions try to prove from passages like Joel i.另一方面,富有想像力的假設試圖證明從通道像喬爾島 9, 13; ii. 9日, 13日;二。 17 that he belonged to the tribe of Levi. 17日,他屬於部落列維。

-Critical View:臨界查看:

The name "Joel" was quite common, being borne by the first-born son of Samuel (I Sam. viii. 2), and by prominent Levites of the time of David (I Chron. vi. 18 et seq.) and of Hezekiah (II Chron. xxix. 12).命名為“喬爾”是相當普遍的,承擔的第一個出生的兒子塞繆爾(一三。八。 2 ) ,以及著名的利的時間大衛(一專欄。六。 18起。 )和Hezekiah (二專欄。二十九。 12 ) 。 "Joel" means "Yhwh is God" (comp. Ps. l. 1; Jer. xxii. 24); it is, therefore, the transposed form of . “喬爾”是指“ Yhwh是上帝” ( comp.聚苯乙烯。湖1 ;哲。二十二。 24 ) ;因此,該轉的形式。 In the face of this clearly recognizable and wholly appropriate meaning of the name, it is not necessary to suppose (with Baudissin) that it is the jussive of (= "may He [ie, God] prove"); nor (with Nestle) that it is the participle of , which, corresponding to the proper names or (Arabic, "wa'il") occurring often in the Sinaitic inscriptions, is supposed to mean "strong-willed."面對這種情況清楚地識別和完全意義上的適當的名稱,這是沒有必要假設(與Baudissin ) ,這是jussive的( = “可能他[即上帝]證明” ) ;或(與雀巢公司)這是分詞的,而相應的適當名稱或(阿拉伯文, “ wa'il ” )常常發生在Sinaitic碑文,就是指“意志堅定。 ” The fact that is found also as a Phenician proper name (see "CIS" 132), proves nothing against the most natural interpretation of the name.這一事實被發現也為Phenician適當的名稱(見“獨聯體” 132 ) ,證明沒有對最自然的解釋的名稱。

What non-Biblical sources tell of the prophet belongs to the realm of fable.什麼非聖經的消息來源告訴先知屬於領域的寓言。 According to pseudo-Epiphanius (ii. 245), Joel was from the town Bethor of the tribe of Reuben; but according to the Syrian pseudo-Epiphanius, the true reading is "Bet Me'on" (to be read instead of ), the place mentioned in the Mesha inscription (line 9) as Moabitic, but which, according to Josh.根據偽埃皮法尼烏斯(白介素245 ) ,喬爾是鎮Bethor部落的魯本,但據敘利亞偽埃皮法尼烏斯,真正的閱讀是“辛貝特Me'on ” (讀取不是) ,地方中提到的Mesha題詞( 9號線) ,作為Moabitic ,但是,據喬希。 xiii.十三。 17, originally belonged to Reuben. 17日,原屬於魯本。

Victor Ryssel, Emil G. Hirsch, M. Seligsohn維克多Ryssel ,埃米爾灣赫希先生Seligsohn

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography:參考書目:

See bibliography under Joel, Book of.V.見書目下喬爾,圖書of.V. Ry. 2.性。 2 。 Eldest son of Samuel and father of Heman the singer (I Sam. viii. 2; I Chron. vi. 18 [AV vi. 33]).長子塞繆爾和父親曼歌手(一三。八。 2 ,我專欄。六。 18 [影音六。 33 ] ) 。 His name is omitted in I Chron. vi.他的名字在我省略慢性。六。 13 (AV vi. 28); the word (= "and the second one"), corrupted into , is erroneously supposed to be the name given by the chronicler to the eldest son of Samuel. 13 (影音六。 28 ) ;一詞( = “和第二個” ) ,損壞到,是錯誤應該是名稱的記錄者,以長子塞繆爾。 Joel and his younger brother Abiah, or Abijah, were made judges in Beer-sheba when Samuel was old and could no longer make his usual circuit (comp. I Sam. vii. 16, 17).喬爾和他的弟弟亞比亞,或Abijah ,提出了法官在啤酒巴當塞繆爾老再也不能讓他通常電路( comp.我薩姆。七。 16日, 17日) 。 They disgraced their office by taking bribes and perverting judgment; and their misdeeds provoked the people to ask for a king (ib. viii. 5 et seq.).他們丟臉他們辦公室的受賄罪和妨礙判斷;和對其違法行為挑起人民要求國王( ib.八。 5起。 ) 。 For the different opinions of the Talmudists with respect to the sins of these two judges see Abijah in Rabbinical Literature.對不同意見的Talmudists方面的罪過這兩個法官見Abijah在猶太教文學。

3. 3 。 An ancestor of Samuel who is mentioned in I Chron.塞繆爾的祖先是誰中提到我專欄。 vi.六。 21 (AV 36), and who in verse 9 (AV 24) is called "Shaul." 21 (視頻36 ) ,誰的詩句9 (影音24 )被稱為“巴” 。 4. 4 。 A Simeonite prince (ib. iv. 35).阿Simeonite王子( ib.四。 35 ) 。 5. 5 。 A Reubenite; father of Shemaiah (ib. v. 4, 8).阿Reubenite ;父親Shemaiah ( ib.五,四,八) 。 6. 6 。 A Gadite chief (ib. v. 12).阿Gadite科長( ib.五12 ) 。 7. 7 。 A chief of Issachar (ib. vii. 3).股長薩迦( ib.七。 3 ) 。 8. 8 。 One of David's mighty men, indicated as the brother of Nathan (ib. xi. 38).一個大衛的威武的男子,表示作為弟弟的彌敦道( ib.十一。 38 ) 。 In the parallel list of II Sam.平行名單二山姆。 xxiii.二十三。 36 he is called "Igal, the son of Nathan." 36 ,他被稱為“ Igal ,彌敦道的兒子。 ” 9. 9 。 A Gershonite Levite, a prince in the time of David (I Chron. xv. 7, xxiii. 8, xxvi. 22).阿Gershonite列維特,王子時代的大衛(一專欄。十五。 7 ,二十三。 8 26 。 22 ) 。 10. 10 。 Son of Pedaiah; a Manassite chief in the time of David (ib. xxvii. 20).兒子Pedaiah一個Manassite的時間長大衛( ib.二十七。 20 ) 。 11. A Kohathite Levite in the time of Hezekiah (II Chron. xxix. 12; comp. No. 2, above). 11 。 Kohathite利未在規定的時間內的Hezekiah (二專欄。二十九。 12 ;補償。第2段) 。 12. 12 。 One of those who married foreign wives (Ezra x. 43).其中一人誰娶外國妻子(以斯拉十43 ) 。 13. 13 。 Son of Zichri; a Benjamite overseer after the Exile (Neh. xi. 9).EGHM Sel.兒子Zichri一個Benjamite監督員後流亡( Neh.十一。 9 ) 。 EGHM服務器。


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