Book of Jeremiah, Jeremias耶利米書,赫雷米亞斯

General Information 一般信息

The Book of Jeremiah, second of the Major Prophets or longer books of the prophetic collection of the Old Testament of the Bible, derives its name from the prophet Jeremiah who lived in Anathoth, on the outskirts of Jerusalem.該耶利米書,第二次主要先知或更長的預言書收集舊約聖經,源於它的名字從先知耶利米誰住在Anathoth ,在耶路撒冷郊區。 His prophetic career ranged from about 626 BC, during the reign of Josiah, at least to the fall of Jerusalem (586 BC) and the deportation of the population; at this time Jeremiah was taken by the remaining Jewish community to Egypt, where he died.他的預言生涯從約626公元前時期的喬賽亞,至少到秋季耶路撒冷( 586年)和驅逐出境的人口;在這個時候採取了耶利米其餘猶太社區埃及,他在那裡去世。 The career of Jeremiah embraced the period of Josiah's reformation (626 - 622 BC); the years of resurgent Judaic nationalism (608 - 597 BC); the period leading to the final demise of Judah (597 - 586 BC); and the time in Egypt.職業生涯的耶利米期間接受安南的改革( 626 - 622年) ;多年的民族主義復活的猶太教( 608 - 597年) ;期間導致最後滅亡猶太( 597 - 586年) ;和時間埃及。

The message of Jeremiah was a call to moral reform to establish a personal relationship between God and humankind. He advocated resignation in the face of political and religious crisis and denounced sin as a perversion of creation.耶利米的信息一種道義上的改革要求建立的個人關係,上帝和人類。他主張辭職在面臨政治和宗教危機和譴責罪惡的歪曲創造。 He called urgently for repentance so that turning to God might lead to a new creation; he thus prefigured the New Testament notion of the "new covenant."他呼籲緊急懺悔,使轉向天主可能導致新的創造;因此,他預示新約的概念“新盟約。 ”

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息來源
Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects我們所列出的2300名宗教科目
E-mail電子郵件
The Book of Jeremiah is composed of a collection of sayings, as well as autobiographical passages, the "confessions of Jeremiah."該耶利米書組成的集合的話,以及自傳式通道,在“自白耶利米。 ” Considerable debate has developed over the designation of an original scroll containing Jeremiah's words in contrast to later rewriting of the scroll - both a rewriting engineered by Jeremiah and several successive editions of the book running through the Deuteronomistic period.大量的辯論已經發展了指定一個原始渦旋載耶利米的話相反,後來改寫滾動-既是一個重寫策劃耶利米和連續版本的圖書貫穿Deuteronomistic時期。 To reconstruct the original scroll in detail does not seem possible.重建原始滾動詳細似乎不可能。 The "confessions," probably an original collection in its own right, includes the passages in 11:18 - 23; 12:1 - 6; 15:10; 17:14 - 18; 18:18 - 23; 20:7 - 13, 14 - 18, and perhaps also 15:15 - 20.的“供詞” ,可能是一個原始收集在自己的權利,包括段落11:18 - 23 ; 12:1 - 6 ; 15:10 ; 17:14 - 18 ; 18:18 - 23 ; 20時07分- 13日, 14日- 18日,也許還15:15 - 20 。 The parallel for these "confessions" lies in the lamentation or complaint Psalms.這些平行的“供詞”在於訴苦或投訴詩篇。

They reveal Jeremiah's dramatic inner conflict in his struggle to surrender himself to God.它們揭示耶利米的戲劇衝突在他的內心鬥爭自首上帝。 In addition, the book contains some royal sayings (21:13 - 14; 22:1 - 7, 10, 13 - 19, 24 - 27, 28, 29 - 30); a minor collection "concerning the prophets"; one of optimistic sayings; and a group of oracles against foreign nations (46 - 51).此外,這本書包含了一些皇家諺語( 21:13 - 14 ; 22:1 - 7 , 10 , 13 - 19 , 24 - 27 , 28 , 29 - 30 ) ;一個小集“關於先知” ;之一樂觀的說法,以及一組神諭對外國國家( 46 - 51 ) 。

George W Coats喬治W科茨

Bibliography 參考書目
S Blank, Jeremiah: Man and Prophet (1961); SM Fettke, Messages to a Nation in Crisis: An Introduction to the Prophecy of Jeremiah (1983); G Fohrer, Introduction to the Old Testament (1968); WL Holladay, "Jeremiah the Prophet," in The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible Supplement (1976), Jeremiah One (1986), Jeremiah Two (1989), and Jeremiah: A Fresh Reading (1990); JA Soggin, Introduction to the Old Testament (1976).縣空白,耶利米:人與先知( 1961年) ;釤Fettke ,郵件對一個國家的危機:介紹預言耶利米( 1983年) ; G Fohrer ,介紹舊約( 1968年) ;輪候冊有3 , “耶利米先知, “在翻譯的聖經詞典補編( 1976年) ,耶利米之一( 1986年) ,耶利米兩個( 1989年) ,和耶利米:一種新鮮讀( 1990年) ;茉莉Soggin ,介紹舊約( 1976年) 。


Book of Jeremiah, Jeremias耶利米書,赫雷米亞斯

Brief Outline簡要概述

  1. Jeremiah's oracle against the theocracy (1:1-25:38)耶利米的甲骨文對神( 1:1-25:38 )
  2. Events in the life of Jeremiah (26:1-45:5)事件生活中的耶利米( 26:1-45:5 )
  3. Jeremiah's oracles against foreign nations, Egypt, Philistines, Moab, Ammonites, Edom, Damascus, Kedar, Hazor, Elam, Babylon.耶利米的神諭反對外國國家,埃及,非利士人,莫阿布,菊石,以東,大馬士革,凱達爾, Hazor ,伊拉姆,巴比倫。 (46:1-51:64) ( 46:1-51:64 )
  4. Appendix: The fall of Jerusalem and related events (52:1-34)附錄:耶路撒冷的陷落和有關活動( 52:1-34 )


Jeremi'ah

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Jeremiah, raised up or appointed by Jehovah.耶利米,提出或任命的耶和華。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Book of Jeremi'ah書Jeremi'ah

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The Book of Jeremiah consists of twenty-three separate and independent sections, arranged in five books.該耶利米書包括23分開和獨立的部分,安排了五本書。 I. The introduction, ch.一,導言,甲烷。 1. 1 。 II.二。 Reproofs of the sins of the Jews, consisting of seven sections, (1.) ch. Reproofs的罪孽的猶太人,包括七個部分, ( 1 。 )總。 2; (2.) ch. 2 ; ( 2 。 )總。 3-6; (3.) ch. 3月6日; ( 3 。 )總。 7-10; (4.) ch. 7月10日; ( 4 。 )總。 11-13; (5.) ch. 11月13日; ( 5 。 )總。 14-17:18; (6.) ch. 14-17:18 ; ( 6 。 )總。 17:19-ch. 17:19路。 20; (7.) ch. 20 ; ( 7 。 )總。 21-24. 21-24 。 III.三。 A general review of all nations, in two sections, (1.) ch.作一般性審查,所有國家,在兩部分, ( 1 。 )總。 46-49; (2.) ch. 46-49 ; ( 2 。 )總。 25; with an historical appendix of three sections, (1.) ch. 25 ;與歷史附錄三部分, ( 1 。 )總。 26; (2.) ch. 26 ; ( 2 。 )總。 27; (3.) ch. 27 ; ( 3 。 )總。 28, 29. 28日, 29日。 IV.四。 Two sections picturing the hopes of better times, (1.) ch.兩節想像的希望,更美好的時代, ( 1 。 )總。 30, 31; (2.) ch. 30 , 31 ; ( 2 。 )總。 32,33; to which is added an historical appendix in three sections, (1.) ch. 34:1-7; (2.) ch. 32,33 ;這是歷史上增加了一個附錄三個部分, ( 1 。 )總。 34:1-7 ; ( 2 。 )總。 34:8-22; (3.) ch. 34:8-22 ; ( 3 。 )總。 35. 35 。 V. The conclusion, in two sections, (1.) ch.五,最後,在兩部分, ( 1 。 )總。 36; (2.) ch. 36 ; ( 2 。 )總。 45. 45 。 In Egypt, after an interval, Jeremiah is supposed to have added three sections, viz., ch.在埃及,後間隔,耶利米理應增加了三個部分,即。 ,甲烷。 37-39; 40-43; and 44. 37-39 ; 40-43 ;和44 。 The principal Messianic prophecies are found in 23:1-8; 31:31-40; and 33:14-26.主要彌賽亞的預言是在23:1-8 ; 31:31-40 ;和33:14-26 。 Jeremiah's prophecies are noted for the frequent repetitions found in them of the same words and phrases and imagery.耶利米的預言都指出的頻繁重複他們的發現在相同的單詞和短語和圖像。 They cover the period of about 30 years.它們涵蓋了為期約30年。

They are not recorded in the order of time.他們中沒有記錄的順序的時間。 When and under what circumstances this book assumed its present form we know not.何時及在何種情況下承擔這本書目前的形式,我們不知道。 The LXX.該LXX 。 Version of this book is, in its arrangement and in other particulars, singularly at variance with the original.版本的這本書,在其安排和其他細節,奇不符合原來的。 The LXX.該LXX 。 omits 10:6-8; 27:19-22; 29:16-20; 33:14-26; 39:4-13; 52:2, 3, 15, 28-30, etc. About 2,700 words in all of the original are omitted.省略10:6-8 ; 27:19-22 ; 29:16-20 ; 33:14-26 ; 39:4-13 ; 52:2 , 3日, 15日, 28日至30日,約2700字等所有原來是被省略。 These omissions, etc., are capricious and arbitrary, and render the version unreliable.這些遺漏等,反复無常和任意,並提供可靠的版本。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Jeremias赫雷米亞斯

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

(THE PROPHET.) (先知) 。

Jeremias lived at the close of the seventh and in the first part of the sixth century before Christ; a contemporary of Draco and Solon of Athens.赫雷米亞斯生活結束時的第七和第一部分的公元前6世紀,一個當代的德拉科和梭倫雅典。 In the year 627, during the reign of Josias, he was called at a youthful age to be a prophet, and for nearly half a century, at least from 627 to 585, he bore the burden of the prophetic office.在627年期間,統治Josias ,他呼籲在一個年輕的年齡是一個先知,以及近半個世紀以來,至少從627到585 ,他承擔的負擔預言辦公室。 He belonged to a priestly (not a high-priestly) family of Anathoth, a small country town northeast of Jerusalem now called Anatâ; but he seems never to have performed priestly duties at the temple.他屬於一個祭司(不是一個高祭司)系列Anathoth ,一個小國東北部的小鎮現在稱為あ耶路撒冷,但他似乎從來沒有履行司鐸職責的廟宇。 The scenes of his prophetic activity were, for a short time, his native town, for the greater part of his life, the metropolis Jerusalem, and, for a time after the fall of Jerusalem, Masphath (Jeremiah 40:6) and the Jewish colonies of the Dispersion in Egypt (Jeremiah 43:6 sqq.).現場活動是他的預言,很短的時間,他的城市,更多地是他的生命,大都市耶路撒冷,並在一段時間之後,美軍在耶路撒冷, Masphath (耶利米40:6 )和猶太殖民地分散在埃及(耶利米43:6 sqq 。 ) 。 His name has received varying etymological interpretations ("Lofty is Jahwah" or "Jahweh founds"); it appears also as the name of other persons in the Old Testament.他的名字已收到不同的詞源解釋( “高是Jahwah ”或“ Jahweh創建” ) ;似乎也為其他人的名字在舊約。 Sources for the history of his life and times are, first, the book of prophecies bearing his name, and, second, the Books of Kings and of Paralipomenon (Chronicles).來源歷史上的生命和時間是:第一,這本書的預言同時他的名字,第二,圖書的國王和Paralipomenon (編年史) 。 It is only when taken in connection with the history of his times that the external course of his life, the individuality of his nature, and the ruling theme of his discourses can be understood.只有當採取與他的歷史時期,外部過程中他的生命,他的個性的性質,與執政的主題,他的話語是可以理解的。

I. PERIOD OF JEREMIAS一期赫雷米亞斯

The last years of the seventh century and the first decades of the sixth brought with them a series of political catastrophes which completely changed national conditions in Western Asia.過去幾年來的第七世紀的頭幾十年第六帶來了一系列政治災難徹底改變國情西亞。 The overthrow of the Assyrian Empire, which was completed in 606 by the conquest of Ninive, induced Nechao II of Egypt to attempt, with the aid of a large army, to strike a crushing blow at the ancient enemy on the Euphrates.推翻亞述帝國,這是完成了606所征服Ninive ,誘導Nechao第二埃及嘗試,借助有大量軍隊,罷工遭到毀滅性的打擊敵人在古老的幼發拉底河。 Palestine was in the direct route between the great powers of the world of that era on the Euphrates and the Nile, and the Jewish nation was roused to action by the march of the Egyptian army through its territory.巴勒斯坦在直接路線大國之間的世界的那個時代的幼發拉底河和尼羅河和猶太民族是激奮由3月的埃及軍隊通過其領土。 Josias, the last descendent of David, had begun in Jerusalem a moral and religious reformation "in the ways of David", the carrying out of which, however, was frustrated by the lethargy of the people and the foreign policy of the king. Josias的最後後裔,大衛,已開始在耶路撒冷一個道德和宗教的改革“的方式大衛”進行,但感到失望的昏睡人民和外交政策的國王。 The attempt of Josias to check the advance of the Egyptians cost him his life at the battle of Mageddo, 608.企圖Josias檢查提前埃及人的生活使他在戰鬥Mageddo , 608 。 Four years later, Nechao, the conqueror at Mageddo, was slain by Nabuchodonosor at Carchemish on the Euphrates.四年後, Nechao ,征服者在Mageddo ,被殺害的Nabuchodonosor在Carchemish的幼發拉底河。 From that time Nabuchodonosor's eyes were fixed on Jerusalem.從那個時候Nabuchodonosor的眼睛固定在耶路撒冷。 The last, shadowy kings upon the throne of David, the three sons of Josias–Joachaz, Joakim, and Sedecias–hastened the destruction of the kingdom by their unsuccessful foreign policy and their anti-religious or, at least, weak internal policy.最後,影子國王寶座後,大衛,三個兒子Josias - Joachaz , Joakim ,和Sedecias ,趕緊破壞英國的外交政策的失敗和他們的反宗教的,或者至少薄弱的內部政策。 Both Joakim and Sedecias, in spite of the warnings of the prophet Jeremias, allowed themselves to be misled by the war party in the nation into refusing to pay the tribute to the King of Babylon.雙方Joakim和Sedecias ,儘管有警告先知赫雷米亞斯,允許自己被誤導的戰爭中的國家黨將拒絕支付的敬意巴比倫國王。 The king's revenge followed quickly upon the rebellion.國王的報復之後迅速的叛亂。 In the second great expedition Jerusalem was conquered (586) and destroyed after a siege of eighteen months, which was only interrupted by the battle with the Egyptian army of relief.在第二個偉大的探險隊征服耶路撒冷( 586 ) ,並摧毀圍困後, 18個月,這是唯一的戰鬥打斷了與埃及軍隊的救濟。 The Lord cast aside his footstool in the day of his wrath and sent Juda into the Babylonian Captivity.上帝拋棄他的腳凳的一天,他的憤怒和發送到巴比倫的猶大圈養。

This is the historical background to the lifework of the Prophet Jeremias: in foreign policy an era of lost battles and other events preparatory to the great catastrophe; in the inner life of the people an era of unsuccessful attempts at reformation, and the appearance of fanatical parties such as generally accompany the last days of a declining kingdom.這是歷史背景lifework先知赫雷米亞斯:在外交政策的時代,失去了戰鬥和其他活動的籌備工作的巨大災難;內人民生活的時代,在改革的嘗試失敗,並出現狂熱當事人如通常伴隨的最後幾天下降王國。 While the kings from the Nile and the Euphrates alternately laid the sword on the neck of the Daughter of Sion, the leaders of the nation, the kings and priests, became more and more involved in party schemes; a Sion party, led by false prophets, deluded itself by the superstitious belief that the temple of Jahweh was the unfailing talisman of the capital; a fanatically foolhardy war party wanted to organize a resistance to the utmost against the great powers of the world; a Nile party looked to the Egyptians for the salvation of the country, and incited opposition to the Babylonian lordship.雖然國王的尼羅河和幼發拉底河交替奠定了劍上的頸部的女兒,錫永,領導人的國家,國王和祭司,成為越來越多地參與黨的計劃; 1錫安黨為首的假先知,矇騙自己的迷信,該廟Jahweh是始終如一的護身符的資本,一個魯莽的戰爭狂熱黨要組織抵抗極為反對大國的世界;一個尼羅河黨期待的埃及人拯救國家,煽動反對巴比倫貴族身份。 Carried away by human politics, the people of Sion forgot its religion, the national trust in God, and wished to fix the day and hour of its redemption according to its own will.帶走人類政治,錫永忘了人民的宗教,國家對上帝的信仰,並希望解決的日期和時間的贖回按照自己的意願。 Over all these factions the cup of the wine of wrath gradually grew full, to be finally poured from seven vessels during the Babylonian Exile laid upon the nation of the Prophets.所有這些派別的一杯葡萄酒的憤怒漸漸充分,將最後由7艘倒在巴比倫放逐後,國家規定的先知。

II.二。 MISSION OF JEREMIAS團赫雷米亞斯

In the midst of the confusion of a godless policy of despair at the approach of destruction, the prophet of Anathoth stood as "a pillar of iron, and a wall of brass".在一片混亂的godless政策上的絕望的做法破壞,先知的Anathoth站在為“的一個支柱鐵,銅牆” 。 The prophet of the eleventh hour, he had the hard mission, on the eve of the great catastrophe of Sion, of proclaiming the decree of God that in the near future the city and temple should be overthrown.先知的最後一刻,他的硬任務前夕,大災難的錫永,宣布該法令的上帝,在不久的將來,城市和寺廟應該被推翻。 From the time of his first calling in vision to the prophetic office, he saw the rod of correction in the hand of God, he heard the word that the Lord would watch over the execution of His decree (i, 11 sq.).從他的第一個要求在遠景的預言辦公室,他看到了棒的修正上帝之手,他聽到這個詞的主將監督執行其命令(一, 11平方米) 。 That Jerusalem would be destroyed was the constant assertion, the ceterum censeo of the Cato of Anathoth.耶路撒冷將被摧毀的是不斷斷言,該ceterum censeo的卡托的Anathoth 。 He appeared before the people with chains about his neck (cf. xxvii, xxviii) in order to give a drastic illustration of the captivity and chains which he foretold.他出庭的人鏈,他的脖子(參見二十七,二十八) ,以便使大幅度說明圈養和連鎖店,他預言。 The false prophets preached only of freedom and victory, but the Lord said: "A liberty for you to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine" (xxxiv, 17).宣揚的假先知只有自由和勝利,但主說: “一個自由,你的劍,向瘟疫和飢荒” (三十四, 17 ) 。 It was so clear to him that the next generation would be involved in the overthrow of the kingdom that he renounced marriage and the founding of a family for himself (xvi, 104), because he did not wish to have children who would surely be the victims of the sword or become the slaves of the Babylonians.就這樣向他表明,下一代將參與推翻王國,他放棄了婚姻和建立家庭為自己( 16 , 104 ) ,因為他不希望孩子誰必將成為受害者劍或成為奴隸的巴比倫人。 His celibacy was consequently a declaration of his faith in the revelation granted him of the destruction of the city.他獨身因此宣布他的信念,給予他的啟示的破壞的城市。 Jeremias is thus the Biblical and historical counterpart of Cassandra in the Homeric poems, who foresaw the fall of Troy, but found no credence in her own house, yet was so strong in her conviction that she renounced marriage and all the joys of life.赫雷米亞斯因此聖經和歷史對應卡桑德拉在荷馬詩歌,誰預見秋天特洛伊,但沒有發現任何可信,她自己的房子,但如此強烈,她堅信,她放棄所有的婚姻和生活的樂趣。

Along with this first task, to prove the certainty of the catastrophe of 586, Jeremias had the second commission to declare that this catastrophe was a moral necessity, to proclaim it in the ears of the people as the inevitable result of the moral guilt since the days of Manasses (2 Kings 21:10-15); in a word, to set forth the Babylonian Captivity as a moral, not merely a historical, fact.隨著這一首要任務,以證明確定性的災難586 ,赫雷米亞斯了第二委員會宣布,這場災難是一個道義上的必要性,宣布它的耳朵的人的必然結果,因為道義上的內疚天Manasses (列王紀下21:10-15 ) ;一句話,闡明巴比倫圈養是一種道德,而不僅僅是一個歷史,事實。 It was only because the stubborn nation had thrown off the yoke of the Lord (Jeremiah 2:20) that it must bow its neck under the yoke of the Babylonians.只是由於頑固國家已擺脫的枷鎖勳爵(耶利米2點20分) ,它必須屈服於其頸部的枷鎖下的巴比倫人。 In order to arouse the nation from its moral lethargy, and to make moral preparation for the day of the Lord, the sermons of the preacher of repentance of Anathoth emphasized this causal connection between punishment and guilt, until it became monotonous.為了調動各方面的國家從道義上昏睡,並作出道義上的準備主日,在布道的牧師的懺悔Anathoth強調了這一點懲罰之間的因果關係和內疚,直到它成為單調。 Although he failed to convert the people, and thus to turn aside entirely the calamity from Jerusalem, nevertheless the word of the Lord in his mouth became, for some, a hammer that broke their stony hearts to repentance (xxiii, 29).雖然他沒能轉換人民,從而反過來又撥出完全來自耶路撒冷的災難,然而這個詞勳爵在他的嘴裡開始,對一些人來說,錘子爆發的石心悔改( 23 , 29 ) 。 Thus, Jeremias had not only "to root up, and to pull down", he had also in the positive work of salvation "to build, and to plant" (i, 10).所以,赫雷米亞斯不僅“剷除,並拆除” ,他還積極在工作救贖“建設,以及工廠” (一, 10 ) 。 These latter aims of the penitential discourses of Jeremias make plain why the religious and moral conditions of the time are all painted in the same dark tone: the priests do not inquire after Jahweh; the leaders of the people themselves wander in strange paths; the prophets prophesy in the name of Baal; Juda has become the meeting-place of strange gods; the people have forsaken the fountain of living water and have provoked the Lord to anger by idolatry and the worship of high places, by the sacrifice of children, desecration of the Sabbath, and by false weights.這些目標,後者悔罪話語赫雷米亞斯清楚為什麼宗教和道德條件的時間都畫在同一個黑暗的基調:祭司不探問Jahweh ;領導的人民自己遊蕩在陌生的道路;先知預言的名義,巴爾;猶大已成為會場的奇怪神;人民拋棄的源泉生活用水,並挑起了憤怒的上帝的崇拜偶像和高的地方,由犧牲兒童,褻瀆在安息日,並以虛假重量。 This severity in the discourses of Jeremias makes them the most striking type of prophetic declamation against sin.這嚴重的話語使他們的赫雷米亞斯最突出的類型的預言declamation打擊罪惡。 One well-known hypothesis ascribes to Jeremias also the authorship of the Books of Kings.一位知名的假說賦予赫雷米亞斯也是作者的圖書的國王。 In reality the thought forming the philosophical basis of the Books of Kings and the conception underlying the speeches of Jeremias complement each other, inasmuch as the fall of the kingdom is traced back in the one to the guilt of the kings, and in the other to the people's participation in this guilt.在現實中形成的思想的哲學基礎圖書國王和基本概念的發言赫雷米亞斯互相補充,因為秋天王國追溯到在一個有罪的國王,以及其他對人民群眾的參與這一罪行。

III.三。 LIFE OF JEREMIAS壽命的赫雷米亞斯

A far more exact picture of the life of Jeremias has been preserved than of the life of any other seer of Sion.遠更準確地了解生命的赫雷米亞斯一直保持的生活比其他任何先知的錫永。 It was an unbroken chain of steadily growing outward and inward difficulties, a genuine "Jeremiad".這是一個完整的鏈的穩步增長外向和內向的困難,真正的“ Jeremiad ” 。 On account of the prophecies, his life was no longer safe among his fellow-citizens of Anathoth (xi, 21 sqq.), and of no teacher did the saying prove truer that "a prophet hath no honour in his own country".對帳戶的預言,他的生活已經不再安全是他的同胞公民Anathoth (十一, 21 sqq 。 ) ,以及沒有老師也說,證明真實說: “先知上帝沒有履行在自己的國家” 。 When he transferred his residence from Anathoth to Jerusalem his troubles increased, and in the capital of the kingdom he was doomed to learn by corporal suffering that veritas parit odium (truth draws hatred upon itself).當他從他的住所轉移到耶路撒冷他Anathoth增加麻煩,並在首都王國,他是注定要學習的體罰痛苦Veritas的巴odium (真理提請仇恨自我) 。 King Joakim could never forgive the prophet for threatening him with punishment on account of his unscrupulous mania for building and for his judicial murders: "He shall be buried with the burial of an ass" (xxii, 13-19).國王Joakim可能永遠不會原諒的先知對他的懲罰威脅到他的肆無忌憚的狂熱建設和他的司法謀殺: “他將被安葬在墓地的屁股” ( 22 , 13-19 ) 。 When the prophecies of Jeremias were read before the king, he fell into such a rage that he threw the roll into the fire and commanded the arrest of the prophet (xxxvi, 21-26).當預言赫雷米亞斯宣讀國王之前,他陷入這種憤怒,他把卷成消防和指揮逮捕先知( 36 , 21-26 ) 。 Then the word of the Lord came to Jerermias to let Baruch the scribe write again his words (xxxvi, 27-32).然後的話,上帝來到Jerermias讓巴魯克的抄寫寫他的話( 36 , 27-32 ) 。 More than once the prophet was in prison and in chains without the word of the Lord being silenced (xxxvi, 5 sqq.); more than once he seemed, in human judgment, doomed to death, but, like a wall of brass, the word of the Almighty was the protection of his life: "Be not afraid . . . they shall not prevail: for I am with thee, saith the Lord, to deliver thee" (i, 17-19).不止一次先知是在監獄中和在鏈不包含勳爵被壓制(三十六, 5 sqq 。 ) ;不止一次他似乎在人類的判斷,注定要死亡,但是,像一堵牆的黃銅的詞的全能是保護他的生命: “不要害怕。 。 。他們不得佔上風:因為我跟你, saith勳爵,提供你” (一, 17日至19日) 。 The religious opinion he maintained, that only by a moral change could a catastrophe in outward conditions prepare the way for improvement, brought him into bitter conflict with the political parties of the nation.宗教他堅持認為,只有道義上的變化可能在離港災難鋪平道路條件的改善,帶來了激烈的衝突把他的政黨的國家。 The Sion party, with its superstitious confidence in the temple (vii, 4), incited the people to open revolt against Jeremias, because, at the gate and in the outer court of the temple, he prophesied the fate of the holy place in Silo for the house of the Lord; and the prophet was in great danger of violent death at the hands of the Sionists (xxvi; cf. vii).黨的錫永,其迷信的信心寺(七, 4 ) ,煽動人民反抗赫雷米亞斯開放,因為,在大門口,在法院外的廟,他預言的命運聖地在筒倉為眾議院上帝;和先知是非常危險的暴力致死的手中猶太复國主義者( 26 ;比照。七) 。 The party friendly to Egypt cursed him because he condemned the coalition with Egypt, and presented to the King of Egypt also the cup of the wine of wrath (xxv, 17-19); they also hated him because, during the siege of Jerusalem, he declared, before the event, that the hopes placed on an Egyptian army of relief were delusive (xxxvi, 5-9). The party of noisy patriots calumniated Jeremias as a morose pessimist (cf. xxvii, xxviii), because they had allowed themselves to be deceived as to the seriousness of the crisis by the flattering words of Hananias of Gabaon and his companions, and dreamed of freedom and peace while exile and war were already approaching the gates of the city.黨的友好埃及詛咒他,因為他譴責聯軍與埃及,並提交給埃及國王還一杯葡萄酒的憤怒( 25 , 17日至19日) ;他們也恨他,因為,在包圍耶路撒冷,他宣布,在這次活動的希望放在了埃及軍隊的救濟被迷惑(三十六, 5月9日) 。黨嘈吵愛國者誣衊赫雷米亞斯作為一個孤僻悲觀(參見二十七,二十八) ,因為他們允許自己被欺騙的嚴重性,危機的恭維話Hananias的Gabaon和他的同伴,和夢想的自由與和平而流亡和戰爭已接近蓋茨的城市。 The exhortation of the prophet to accept the inevitable, and to choose voluntary submission as a lesser evil than a hopeless struggle, was interpreted by the war party as a lack of patriotism.叮嚀先知接受不可避免的,並選擇自願提交的兩害取其輕比無望的鬥爭,被解釋戰爭黨作為一個沒有愛國心。 Even at the present day, some commentators wish to regard Jeremias as a traitor to his country–Jeremias, who was the best friend of his brethren and of the people of Israel (II Mach. xv, 14), so deeply did he feel the weal and woe of his native land.即使在今天,一些評論家希望方面赫雷米亞斯作為叛徒對他的國家,赫雷米亞斯,誰是最好的朋友,他的兄弟和以色列人民的(二馬赫。十五14 ) ,因此,他深深感受到疾苦的家鄉土地。 Thus was Jeremias loaded with the curses of all parties as the scapegoat of the blinded nation.因此是赫雷米亞斯裝載了咒罵各方作為替罪羊的失明的國家。 During the siege of Jerusalem he was once more condemned to death and thrown into a miry dungeon; this time a foreigner rescued him from certain death (xxxvii-xxxix).在圍攻耶路撒冷,他再次被判處死刑,並扔進泥濘地牢;這個時候外國人救出被某些死亡(三十七- XXXIX )號。

Still more violent than these outward battles were the conflicts in the soul of the prophet.還有比這些更猛烈的戰鬥是外向的衝突中的靈魂,是先知。 Being in full sympathy with the national sentiment, he felt that his own fate was bound up with that of the nation; hence the hard mission of announcing to the people the sentence of death affected him deeply; hence his opposition to accepting this commission (i, 6).被完全同情的民族感情,他認為自己的命運是相連的,在國家,因此,很難使命的人民宣布判處死刑的影響下了深刻的;因此,他反對接受這一委員會(一, 6 ) 。 With all the resources of prophetic rhetoric he sought to bring back the people to "the old paths" (vi, 16), but in this endeavour he felt as though he were trying to effect that "the Ethopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots" (xiii, 23).與所有的資源,尋求先知的言論,他帶回的人“的舊路徑” (六, 16 ) ,但在這項工作中他覺得好像他正在努力的影響“的Ethopian改變他的皮膚,或豹他的點“ ( 13 , 23 ) 。 He heard the sins of his people crying to heaven for vengeance, and forcibly expresses his approval of the judgment pronounced upon the blood-stained city (cf. vi).他聽到了他的人民的罪過哭泣天堂報復,並強行表示批准宣判後,沾滿鮮血的城市(見六) 。 The next moment, however, he prays the Lord to let the cup pass from Jerusalem, and wrestles like Jacob with God for a blessing upon Sion.在未來的時刻,然而,他祈禱上帝讓杯離開耶路撒冷, wrestles像雅各與上帝的祝福後,錫永。 The grandeur of soul of the great sufferer appears most plainly in the fervid prayers for his people (cf. especially xiv, 7-9, 19-22), which were often offered directly after a fiery declaration of coming punishment.雄偉的靈魂,偉大的患者會出現最明顯的激切祈禱他的人(見特別是十四, 7月9日, 19日至22日) ,這往往直接提供的聲明後,火熱的未來懲罰。 He knows that with the fall of Jerusalem the place that was the scene of revelation and salvation will be destroyed. Nevertheless, at the grave of the religious hopes of Israel, he still has the expectation that the Lord, notwithstanding all that has happened, will bring His promises to pass for the sake of His name.他知道,隨著秋季的耶路撒冷的地位,這是現場的啟示和拯救將被銷毀。儘管如此,在嚴重的宗教希望以色列,他仍然期望上帝,儘管這一切已經發生,將實現自己的諾言通過為了他的名字。 The Lord thinks "thoughts of peace, and not of affliction", and will let Himself be found of those who seek (xxix, 10-14).勳爵認為, “和平的思考,而不是痛苦” ,並接受別人的發現那些誰尋求(第29屆, 10月14日) 。 As He watched to destroy, so will He likewise watch to build up (xxxi, 28).因為他看到,銷毀,所以他將同樣觀賞建立(三十一, 28 ) 。 The prophetic gift does not appear with equal clearness in the life of any other prophet as alike a psychological problem and a personal task.預言禮物似乎並不具有同等清晰生活中的任何其他先知作為同樣的心理問題和個人的任務。 His bitter outward and inward experiences give the speeches of Jeremias a strongly personal tone.他痛苦的離港及抵港的經驗給予的發言赫雷米亞斯強烈個人基調。 More than once this man of iron seems in danger of losing his spiritual balance.一次以上的鐵人的危險,似乎失去了精神的平衡。 He calls down punishment from heaven upon his enemies (cf. xii, 3; xviii, 23).他呼籲從天上下來的懲罰後,他的敵人(見第十二章, 3 ; 18 , 23 ) 。 Like a Job among the prophets, he curses the day of his birth (xv, 10; xx, 14-18); he would like to arise, go hence, and preach instead to the stones in the wilderness: "Who will give me in the wilderness a lodging place . . . and I will leave my people, and depart from them?"就像一個職業的先知,他咒罵的一天,他出生( 15 , 10 ;二十, 14日至18日) ;他希望出現的,請因此,鼓吹而是石頭在野外: “誰給我在野外一住宿的地方。 。 。 ,我會離開我的人,離開他們呢? “ (ix, 2; Heb. text, ix, 1). (九, 2 ;希伯來。文字,九, 1 ) 。 It is not improbable that the mourning prophet of Anathoth was the author of many of the Psalms that are full of bitter reproach.這不是不可能的哀悼先知Anathoth是作者的許多詩篇是充滿痛苦的責備。

After the destruction of Jerusalem, Jeremias was not carried away into the Babylonian exile.被毀後耶路撒冷,赫雷米亞斯沒有帶走到巴比倫流亡。 He remained behind in Chanaan, in the wasted vineyard of Jahweh, that he might continue his prophetic office.他仍然留在Chanaan ,在浪費了葡萄園的Jahweh ,他可能會繼續他的預言辦公室。 It was indeed a life of martyrdom among the dregs of the nation that had been left in the land.這確實是一個生命的烈士的沉渣泛起的民族,被留在土地上。 At a later date, he was dragged to Egypt by emigrating Jews (xi-xliv).在稍後的日期,他被拖到埃及移民猶太人(西XLIV )號決議。 According to a tradition first mentioned by Tertullian (Scorp., viii), Jeremias was stoned to death in Egypt by his own countrymen on account of his discourses threatening the coming punishment of God (cf. Hebrews 11:37), thus crowning with martyrdom a life of steadily increasing trials and sorrows.根據傳統首先提到的特土良( Scorp. ,八) ,赫雷米亞斯被人用石頭打死在埃及的他自己的同胞就到他的話語威脅未來懲罰神(參見希伯來書11點37分) ,從而與殉道加冕生活的不斷增加審判和悲傷。 Jeremias would not have died as Jeremias had he not died a martyr.赫雷米亞斯不會死亡赫雷米亞斯,他不會死了一名烈士。 The Roman Martyrology assigns his name to 1 May.羅馬Martyrology指派他的名字,以5月1日 Posterity sought to atone for the sins his contemporaries had committed against him.後人試圖彌補的罪過他同時代對他的承諾。 Even during the Babylonian Captivity his prophecies seem to have been the favourite reading of the exiles (2 Chronicles 36:21; Ezra 1:1; Daniel 9:2).即使在圈養巴比倫他的預言似乎已經成為最喜歡讀的流亡者(歷代誌下36:21 ;以斯拉1:1 ;丹尼爾9點02分) 。 In the later books compare Ecclus., xlix, 8 sq.; 2 Maccabees 2:1-8; 15:12-16; Matthew 16:14.在後來的書籍比較Ecclus 。 , xlix , 8平方米; 2馬加比2:1-8 ; 15:12-16 ;馬太16時14分。

IV.四。 CHARACTERISTIC QUALITIES OF JEREMIAS特徵品質的赫雷米亞斯

The delineation in II and III of the life and task of Jeremias has already made plain the peculiarity of his character.劃定在第二和第三的生活和工作的赫雷米亞斯已經平原的特殊性他的性格。 Jeremias is the prophet of mourning and of symbolical suffering.赫雷米亞斯是先知的哀悼和痛苦的象徵。 This distinguishes his personality from that of Isaias, the prophet of ecstasy and the Messianic future, of Ezechiel, the prophet of mystical (not typical) suffering, and of Daniel, the cosmopolitan revealer of apocalyptic visions of the Old Covenant.這從他的個性區別的伊薩亞,先知的迷魂藥和彌賽亞將來Ezechiel ,先知的神秘(不典型)的痛苦,和丹尼爾,這個國際大都會的revealer的世界末日設想舊盟約。 No prophet belonged so entirely to his age and his immediate surroundings, and no prophet was so seldom transported by the Spirit of God from a dreary present into a brighter future than the mourning prophet of Anathoth.沒有先知,以便完全屬於他的年齡和他周圍的環境,也沒有先知是很少經聖靈從沉悶本到一個更光明的未來比哀悼先知Anathoth 。 Consequently, the life of no other prophet reflects the history of his times so vividly as the life of Jeremias reflects the time immediately preceding the Babylonian Captivity.因此,生活中沒有其他先知反映他的歷史時期,使生動的生活赫雷米亞斯反映時間緊接巴比倫圈養。 A sombre, depressed spirit overshadows his life, just as a gloomy light overhangs the grotto of Jeremias in the northern part of Jerusalem.一個極為暗淡,抑鬱精神黯然失色他的生命,就像一個陰鬱的輕懸洞穴的赫雷米亞斯在北部地區的耶路撒冷。 In Michelangelo's frescoes on the ceilings of the Sistine chapel there is a masterly delineation of Jeremias as the prophet of myrrh, perhaps the most expressive and eloquent figure among the prophets depicted by the great master.在米開朗基羅的壁畫的天花板的西斯廷教堂有一個巧妙的劃分赫雷米亞斯作為先知的沒藥,也許是最有說服力的數字表達和中描繪先知的大師。 He is represented bent over like a tottering pillar of the temple, the head supported by the right hand, the disordered beard expressive of a time of intense sorrow, and the forehead scored with wrinkles, the entire exterior a contrast to the pure soul within.他是代表彎下腰來像一個蹣跚支柱廟,所支持的頭部,右手,無序鬍子表達了時間的緊張悲痛和得分與皺紋的額頭,整個外觀對比的純粹的靈魂內。 His eyes seem to see blood and ruins, and his lips appear to murmur a lament.他的眼睛似乎看到鮮血和廢墟,和他的嘴唇似乎雜音1悲嘆。 The whole picture strikingly portrays a man who never in his life laughed, and who turned aside from scenes of joy, because the Spirit told him that soon the voice of mirth should be silenced (xvi, 8 sq.).全貌驚人地描述誰從來沒有一個人在笑他的生命,誰把除了場面的喜悅,因為精神告訴他,很快的聲音,歡笑應該保持沉默( 16 , 8平方米) 。

Equally characteristic and idiosyncratic is the literary style of Jeremias.同樣的特點和個性是文學風格的赫雷米亞斯。 He does not use the classically elegant language of a Deutero-Isaias or an Amos, nor does he possess the imagination shown in the symbolism and elaborate detail of Ezechiel, neither does he follow the lofty thought of a Daniel in his apocalyptic vision of the history of the world.他不使用語言的古典優雅的Deutero -伊薩亞或阿莫斯納曼,也不具備想像中顯示的象徵意義,並擬訂詳細的Ezechiel ,也沒有他的崇高思想後續的丹尼爾在他的世界末日的歷史眼光世界各地。 The style of Jeremias is simple, without ornament and but little polished.赫雷米亞斯的風格很簡單,沒有裝飾,但很少和拋光。 Jerome speaks of him as "in verbis simplex et facilis, in majestate sensuum profundissimus" (simple and easy in words, most profound in majesty of thought).杰羅姆談到他為“在verbis單純等facilis ,在majestate sensuum profundissimus ” (簡單易用的話,最深刻的思想陛下) 。 Jeremias often speaks in jerky, disjointed sentences, as if grief and excitement of spirit had stifled his voice.赫雷米亞斯往往都在幹,不連貫的句子,如悲傷,興奮的精神已經扼殺他的聲音。 Nor did he follow strictly the laws of poetic rhythm in the use of the Kînah, or elegiac, verse, which had, moreover, an anacoluthic measure of its own.他也沒有嚴格遵循法律的詩節奏的使用Kînah ,或輓歌,詩,其中,此外, anacoluthic衡量自己的。 Like these anacoluthæ so are also the many, at times even monotonous, repetitions for which he has been blamed, the only individual expressions of the mournful feeling of his soul that are correct in style.喜歡這些anacoluthæ所以也很多,有時甚至單調,重複了他一直認為,只有個別表達式的悲哀感覺他的靈魂是正確的風格。 Sorrow inclines to repetition, in the manner of the prayers on the Mount of Olives.悲傷傾向於重複的方式,在祈禱的橄欖山。 Just as grief in the East is expressed in the neglect of the outward appearance, so the great representative of elegiac verse of the Bible had neither time nor desire to adorn his thoughts with a carefully chosen diction.正如悲痛中的東中表示忽視外表,所以大代表輓歌詩聖經既沒有時間也沒有希望裝飾他的思想,以精心挑選的詞。

Jeremias also stands by himself among the prophets by his manner of carrying on and developing the Messianic idea.赫雷米亞斯還站在自己的先知,他的方式的繼承和發展的彌賽亞想法。 He was far from attaining the fullness and clearness of the Messianic gospel of the Book of Isaias; he does not contribute as much as the Book of Daniel to the terminology of the gospel.他還遠遠沒有達到豐滿和清晰的彌賽亞福音書伊薩亞;他並不有助於一樣但以理書的術語的福音。 Above all the other great prophets, Jeremias was sent to his age, and only in very isolated instances does he throw a prophetic light in verbal prophecy on the fullness of time, as in his celebrated discourse of the Good Shepherd of the House of David (xxiii, 1-5), or when he most beautifully, in chapters xxx-xxxiii, proclaims the deliverance from the Babylonian Captivity as the type and pledge of the Messianic deliverance.上述所有其他偉大的先知,赫雷米亞斯被送到他的年齡,只有在極個別情況下,他拋出的先知預言光在口頭上的豐滿的時間,因為在他的慶祝話語善牧的眾議院大衛(二十三, 1月5日) ,或當他最漂亮,章三十,三十三,宣布從巴比倫解脫圈養的類型和保證彌賽亞解脫。 This lack of actual Messianic prophecies by Jeremias has its compensation; for his entire life became a living personal prophecy of the suffering Messias, a living illustration of the predictions of suffering made by the other prophets.這種缺乏實際的赫雷米亞斯彌賽亞的預言有其補償;他的整個生命成為個人生活預言的痛苦弭賽亞,一個活生生的例子痛苦的預測所提出的其他先知。 The suffering Lamb of God in the Book of Isaias (liii, 7) becomes in Jeremias a human being: "I was as a meek lamb, that is carried to be a victim" (Jeremiah 11:19).苦難上帝的羔羊在這本書中的伊薩亞( liii , 7 )在赫雷米亞斯成為一個人: “我是作為一個溫順羔羊,這是必須進行的受害者” (耶利米十一時19分) 。 The other seers were Messianic prophets; Jeremias was a Messianic prophecy embodied in flesh and blood.其他的預言家是彌賽亞先知;赫雷米亞斯是彌賽亞的預言所體現的血肉。 It is, therefore, fortunate that the story of his life has been more exactly preserved than that of the other prophets, because his life had a prophetic significance.因此,幸運的是,他的故事生活一直更確切地說保存比其他先知,因為他的生活有一個預言意義。 The various parallels between the life of Jeremias and of the Messias are known: both one and the other had at the eleventh hour to proclaim the overthrow of Jerusalem and its temple by the Babylonians or Romans; both wept over the city which stoned the prophets and did not recognize what was for its peace; the love of both was repaid with hatred and ingratitude.各相似之處生活赫雷米亞斯和弭賽亞是眾所周知的:有一個和其他已在最後一刻宣布推翻耶路撒冷及其寺的巴比倫人或羅馬書;哭了兩個城市投擲石塊和先知不承認是其和平;的愛都還清了仇恨和忘恩負義。 Jeremias deepened the conception of the Messias in another regard.赫雷米亞斯深化概念弭賽亞在另一個方面。 From the time the prophet of Anathoth, a man beloved of God, was obliged to live a life of suffering in spite of his guiltlessness and holiness from birth, Israel was no longer justified in judging its Messias by a mechanical theory of retribution and doubting his sinlessness and acceptableness to God because of his outward sorrows.從先知Anathoth ,一名男子敬愛的上帝,不得不生活的痛苦,儘管他無辜和聖潔從出生,以色列不再是合理的判斷其弭賽亞的機械論和懷疑他的報復清白和acceptableness上帝,因為他向外悲傷。 Thus the life of Jeremias, a life as bitter as myrrh, was gradually to accustom the eye of the people to the suffering figure of Christ, and to make clear in advance the bitterness of the Cross.因此,生活的赫雷米亞斯,一個痛苦的生活,作為沒藥,逐漸適應了眼睛的人的痛苦數字基督,並作出明確的事先的辛酸十字架。 Therefore it is with a profound right that the Offices of the Passion in the Liturgy of the Church often use the language of Jeremias in an applied sense.因此,它是一個深刻的權利,辦事處的工作激情禮儀教會經常使用的語言,赫雷米亞斯中的應用意義。

V. THE BOOK OF THE PROPHECIES OF JEREMIAS五之書預言赫雷米亞斯

A. Analysis of Contents A.分析目錄

The book in its present form has two main divisions: chapters i-xiv, discourses threatening punishment which are aimed directly against Juda and are intermingled with narratives of personal and national events, and chapters xlvi-li, discourses containing threats against nine heathen nations and intended to warn Juda indirectly against the polytheism and policy of these peoples. In chapter i is related the calling of the prophet, in order to prove to his suspicious countrymen that he was the ambassador of God.這本書以其目前的形式主要有兩部分:第一至第十四,論述威脅懲罰的目的是直接針對猶大和相互交織的說明個人和國家的活動,並章四十六麗,論述載威脅九個國家和異教徒旨在警告猶大間接對多神教和政策對這些國家人民。在第一章中的有關要求的先知,為了證明他的可疑的同胞,他是上帝的大使。 Not he himself had assumed the office of prophet, but Jahweh had conferred it upon him notwithstanding his reluctance.不是他本人就任先知,但Jahweh授予它賦予儘管他不願意。 Chapters ii-vi contain rhetorical and weighty complaints and threats of judgment on account of the nation's idolatry and foreign policy.第二章第六包含修辭和重大投訴和威脅的判斷上到國家的盲目崇拜和外交政策。 The very first speech in ii-iii may be said to present the scheme of the Jeremianic discourse.的第一個演講中二,三可以說,目前該計劃的Jeremianic話語。 Here also appears at once the conception of Osee which is typical as well of Jeremias: Israel, the bride of the Lord, has degraded herself into becoming the paramour of strange nations.這裡還出現一次的概念,這是典型的Osee以及對赫雷米亞斯:以色列,新娘的主,已經退化到自己成為姦夫奇怪的國家。 Even the temple and sacrifice (vii-x), without inward conversion on the part of the people, cannot bring salvation; while other warnings are united like mosaics with the main ones.即使寺廟和犧牲(第七至第十) ,而內向轉換的一部分人,不能帶來救贖;而其他警告美國一樣的馬賽克,其主要的。 The "words of the covenant" in the Thorah recently found under Josias contain threatenings of judgment; the enmity of the citizens of Anathoth against the herald of this Thorah reveals the infatuation of the nation (xi-xii). Jeremias is commanded to hide a linen girdle, a symbol of the priestly nation of Sion, by the Euphrates and to let it rot there, to typify the downfall of the nation in exile on the Euphrates (xiii).該“字的公約”在Thorah最近發現含有threatenings根據Josias判決;敵意的公民Anathoth對先驅報本Thorah揭示了痴迷的國家(十一至十二章) 。赫雷米亞斯是隱藏命令亞麻布帶,象徵著國家的祭司錫永,在幼發拉底河和讓它腐那裡,以典型的倒台國家流亡在幼發拉底河(十三) 。 The same stern symbolism is expressed later by the earthen bottle which is broken on the rocks before the Earthen Gate (xix, 1-11).同樣的象徵意義是斯特恩表示稍後將土瓶是破碎的岩石之前,土門(十九, 1月11日) 。 According to the custom of the prophets (1 Kings 11:29-31; Isaiah 8:1-4; Ezekiel 5:1-12), his warnings are accompanied by forcible pantomimic action.根據自定義的先知(列王紀上11:29-31 ;以賽亞書8:1-4 ;厄澤克爾5:1-12 ) ,他的警告的同時,強行pantomimic行動。 Prayers at the time of a great drought, statements which are of much value for the understanding of the psychological condition of the prophet in his spiritual struggles, follow (xiv-xv).祈禱的時候,一個偉大的乾旱,報表是多少價值的認識,心理狀態的先知在他的精神鬥爭,後續(十四,十五) 。 The troubles of the times demand from the prophet an unmarried and joyless life (xvi-xvii).麻煩的時代需求先知未婚和悁生活(十六,十七) 。 The creator can treat those he has created with the same supreme authority that the potter has over clay and earthen vessels.創作者可以治療這些,他創造了相同的最高權力機構,擁有超過哈利波特粘土和陶器。 Jeremias is ill-treated (xviii-xx).赫雷米亞斯是虐待(十八,二十) 。 A condemnation of the political and ecclesiastical leaders of the people and, in connection with this, the promise of a better shepherd are uttered (xxi-xxiii).譴責政治和宗教領導人和人民,在這方面,承諾一個更美好的牧羊人的話( 21 - 23 ) 。 The vision of the two baskets of figs is narrated in chapter xxiv. The repeated declaration (ceterum censeo) that the land will become a desolation follows (xxv).一再聲明( ceterum censeo ) ,土地將成為一個荒涼如下( XXV )號決議。 Struggles with the false prophets, who take wooden chains off the people and lead them instead with iron ones, are detailed.鬥爭的假先知,誰採取了木製鏈人民和帶領他們不是鐵的,有詳細。 Both in a letter to the exiles in Babylon, and by word of mouth, Jeremias exhorts the captives to conform to the decrees of Jahweh (xxvi-xxix).在寫信給流亡在巴比倫,並通過口耳相傳,赫雷米亞斯規勸俘虜,以符合法令Jahweh (二十六,二十九) 。 Compare with this letter the "epistle of Jeremias" in Baruch, vi.比較本函的“使徒赫雷米亞斯”在巴魯克,六。 A prophecy of consolation and salvation in the style of a Deutero-Isaias, concerning the return of God's favour to Israel and of the new, eternal covenant, is then given (xxx-xxxiii).一個預言的安慰和救贖的風格的Deutero -伊薩亞關於歸還上帝的贊成,以色列和新的,永恆的盟約,然後給出(三十,三十三) 。 The chapters following are taken up largely with narratives of the last days of the siege of Jerusalem and of the period after the conquest with numerous biographical details concerning Jeremias (xxxiv-xlv).以下的章節基本上採取與說明的最後幾天的包圍耶路撒冷和之後的時期征服無數簡歷細節赫雷米亞斯(三十四- XLV )號。

B. Literary Criticism of the Book灣文學批評的書

Much light is thrown on the production and genuineness of the book by the testimony of chapter xxxvi; Jeremias is directed to write down, either personally or by his scribe Baruch, the discourses he had given up to the fourth year of Joakim (604 BC).大量光投擲的生產和真實性,這本書的證詞章三十六;赫雷米亞斯是針對寫下來,親自或由他編劇巴魯克的論述,他放棄了到第四個年頭Joakim ( 604年) 。 In order to strengthen the impression made by the prophecies as a whole, the individual predictions are to be united into a book, thereby preserving documentary proof of these discourses until the time in which the disasters threatened in them should actually come to pass.為了加強印象所作的預言作為一個整體,個人的預測是將聯合國變成了一本書,從而維護的證明文件,這些話語,直到時間的災害威脅,他們應該真正成為過去。 This first authentic recension of the prophecies forms the basis of the present Book of Jeremias.這是第一個真實的預言recension形式根據本書的赫雷米亞斯。 According to a law of literary transmission to which the Biblical books are also subject–habent sua fata libelli (books have their vicissitudes)–the first transcript was enlarged by various insertions and additions from the pen of Baruch or of a later prophet.根據法律的文學傳播而聖經書籍也主題habent法官法塔libelli (書籍有其滄桑)首次全文擴大各插入和增補從筆的巴魯克或稍後先知。 The attempts of commentators to separate these secondary and tertiary additions in different cases from the original Jeremianic subject-matter have not always led to as convincing proof as in chapter lii.評論員的企圖分開這些二級和三級增加在不同情況下從原來的Jeremianic標的物並不總是導致的令人信服的證據作為章理。 This chapter should be regarded as an addition of the post-Jeremianic period based on 2 Kings 24:18-25:30, on account of the concluding statement of li: "Thus far are the words of Jeremias." Cautious literary criticism is obliged to observe the principle of chronological arrangement which is perceptible in the present composition of the book, notwithstanding the additions: chapters i-vi belong apparently to the reign of King Josias (cf. the date in iii, 6); vii-xx belong, at least largely, to the reign of Joakim; xxi-xxxiii partly to the reign of Sedecias (cf. xxi, 1; xxvii, 1; xxviii, 1; xxxii, 1), although other portions are expressly assigned to the reigns of other kings: xxxiv-xxxix to the period of the siege of Jerusalem; xl-xlv to the period after the destruction of that city.本章應視為增加後Jeremianic期的基礎上列王紀下24:18-25:30 ,就到了總結發言,李: “迄今的話,赫雷米亞斯。 ”謹慎文學批評有義務遵守的原則,時間安排,這是明顯在本書組成的,儘管補充:第一至六章屬於顯然是國王統治時期Josias (參見中的日期三, 6 ) ;七第二十條屬於,至少在很大程度上,對統治Joakim ; 21 -三十三部分統治Sedecias (參見21 , 1 ;二十七, 1 ;二十八, 1 ;三十二, 1 ) ,但其他部分都明確分配給其他的統治國王:三十四,三十九的時期包圍耶路撒冷;儀,第四十五以後的期間遭到破壞的城市。 Consequently, the chronology must have been considered in the arrangement of the material.因此,年表必須被視為在安排材料。 Modern critical analysis of the book distinguishes between the portions narrated in the first person, regarded as directly attributable to Jeremias, and those portions which speak of Jeremias in the third person.現代批判分析的書區分部分敘述的第一人,被視為直接歸因於赫雷米亞斯,這些部分是講赫雷米亞斯的第三人。 According to Scholz, the book is arranged in "decades", and each larger train of thought or series of speeches is closed with a song or prayer.據肖爾茨,這本書是安排在“十年” ,每個大的思路和一系列講話是在最後一首歌曲或祈禱。 It is true that in the book parts classically perfect and highly poetic in character are often suddenly followed by the most commonplace prose, and matters given in the barest outline are not seldom succeeded by prolix and monotonous details.的確,在這本書的部分經典的完美和高度詩意的性質常常是突然其次是最常見的散文,和事項提供最基本大綱不是很少成功的冗長和單調的細節。 After what has been said above concerning elegiac verse, this difference in style can only be used with the greatest caution as a criterion for literary criticism.之後,上面已經說了關於輓歌詩,這種差異的風格只能用最大的謹慎作為一項標準的文學批評。 In the same way, investigation, of late very popular, as to whether a passage exhibits a Jeremianic spirit or not, leads to vague subjective results.以同樣的方式,調查,最近非常流行,對是否通過表現出Jeremianic精神或沒有,導致模糊的主觀結果。 Since the discovery (1904) of the Assuan texts, which strikingly confirm Jer., xliv, 1, has proved that Aramaic, as the koine (common dialect) of the Jewish colony in Egypt, was spoken as early as the fifth and sixth centuries BC, the Aramaic expressions in the Book of Jeremias can no longer be quoted as proof of a later origin of such passages.自從發現( 1904年)的Assuan文本,這明顯證實哲。 ,四十四, 1 ,已經證明,阿拉姆語,因為koine (共同語)猶太殖民地在埃及,講早在第五和第六世紀卑詩省的阿拉姆在書中表達的赫雷米亞斯再也不能被引用的證明稍後起源有關段落。 Also, the agreement, verbal or conceptual, of texts in Jeremias with earlier books, perhaps with Deuteronomy, is not in itself a conclusive argument against the genuineness of these passages, for the prophet does not claim absolute originality.此外,協議,口頭或概念,在赫雷米亞斯文本與先前的書籍,也許申命記,本身並非是決定性的論點的真實性,這些通道,為先知不要求絕對原創。

Notwithstanding the repetition of earlier passages in Jeremias, chapters l-li are fundamentally genuine, although their genuineness has been strongly doubted, because, in the series of discourses threatening punishment to the heathen nations, it is impossible that there should not be a prophecy against Babylon, then the most powerful representative of paganism.儘管重複前面段落赫雷米亞斯,章升利從根本上真正的,儘管他們一直強烈的真實性表示懷疑,因為在一系列論述威脅懲罰的異教徒國家,就不可能不應該有一個預言反對巴比倫,然後是最強大的代表異教。 These chapters are, indeed, filled with the Deutero-Isaian spirit of consolation, somewhat after the manner of Is., xlvii, but they do not therefore, as a matter of course, lack genuineness, as the same spirit of consolation also inspires xxx-xxxiii.這些章節是,事實上,充滿Deutero - Isaian精神的安慰,有些方式後的是。 ,四十七,但他們並不因此,作為一個理所當然的,缺乏真實性,因為同樣的精神安慰,也激發三十-三十三。

C. Textual Conditions of the Book角考條件的圖書

The arrangement of the text in the Septuagint varies from that of the Hebrew text and the Vulgate; the discourses against the heathen nations, in the Hebrew text, xlvi-li, are, in the Septuagint, inserted after xxv, 13, and partly in different order.安排中的文字譯本不同,在希伯來文和拉丁文聖經的話語對異教徒的國家,在希伯來文的文字,四十六麗,是在七十,之後插入二十五, 13日,和部分在不同的秩序。 Great differences exist also as to the extent of the text of the Book of Jeremias.巨大差異也是存在的範圍內的案文圖書的赫雷米亞斯。 The text of the Hebrew and Latin Bibles is about one-eighth larger than that of the Septuagint.案文希伯來文和拉丁文聖經約八分之一大於七十。 The question as to which text has preserved the original form cannot be answered according to the theory of Streane and Scholz, who declare at the outset that every addition of the Hebrew version is a later enlargement of the original text in the Septuagint.的問題是,這些文字保留了原來的形式不能回答根據理論Streane和肖爾茨,誰宣布開始時,每增加了希伯來語版本稍後擴大原文的譯本。 Just as little can the difficulty be settled by avowing, with Kaulen, an a priori preference for the Masoretic text.正如一些困難是可以解決的avowing ,與Kaulen ,事先傾向於馬所拉文本。 In most cases the Alexandrian translation has retained the better and original reading; consequently, in most cases the Hebrew text is glossed.在大多數情況下,亞歷山大翻譯保留了更好的和原來的閱讀;因此,在大多數情況下,希伯來文是掩飾。 In a book as much read as Jeremias the large number of glosses cannot appear strange.在一本書的大部分內容赫雷米亞斯大量的粉飾不能出現奇怪。 But in other cases the shorter recension of the Septuagint, amounting to about 100 words, which can be opposed to its large lacunæ, as compared with the Masorah, are sufficient proof that considerable liberty was taken in its preparation.但在其他情況下,短recension的七十,相當於大約100字,可反對將其大的缺陷,而Masorah ,有足夠證據證明是相當自由的準備。 Consequently, it was not made by an Aquila, and it received textual changes in the literary transmission.因此,它不是由一個雕,它收到的文本變化,文學的傳播。 The dogmatic content of the discourses of Jeremias is not affected by these variations in the text.教義的內容,論述的赫雷米亞斯不會受到這些變化的案文。

VI.六。 LAMENTATIONS哀歌

In the Greek and Latin Bibles there are five songs of lament bearing the name of Jeremias, which follow the Book of the Prophecy of Jeremias.在希臘文和拉丁文聖經有五首歌曲的悲嘆軸承的名稱赫雷米亞斯,其中按照預訂的預言赫雷米亞斯。 In the Hebrew these are entitled Kinôth.在希伯來文這些都有權Kinôth 。 from their elegiac character, or the 'Ekhah songs after the first word of the first, second, and fourth elegies; in Greek they are called Threnoi, in Latin they are known as Lamentationes.從他們的輓歌性質,或' Ekhah歌曲後的第一個字的第一,第二和第四輓歌;在希臘,他們被稱為Threnoi ,在拉丁美洲,他們被稱為Lamentationes 。

A. Position and Genuineness of Lamentations答:現在的位置和真實性耶利米哀歌

The superscription to Lamentations in the Septuagint and other versions throws light on the historical occasion of their production and on the author: "And it came to pass, after Israel was carried into captivity, and Jerusalem was desolate, that Jeremias the prophet sat weeping, and mourned with this lamentation over Jerusalem, and with a sorrowful mind, sighing and moaning, he said".該superscription以耶利米哀歌在七十和其他版本全輕的歷史之際,他們的生產和對作者: “和它來傳遞,在以色列進行到圈養,耶路撒冷是荒涼的,這赫雷米亞斯先知星期六哭泣,和哀悼這一悲嘆了耶路撒冷,並與一個令人傷心的考慮,嘆息和呻吟,他說。 “ The inscription was not written by the author of Lamentations, one proof of this being that it does not belong to the alphabetical form of the elegies. It expresses, however, briefly, the tradition of ancient times which is also confirmed both by the Targum and the Talmud.碑文寫的是作者耶利米哀歌,一個證明了這一點是它不屬於字母形式的輓歌。安理會表示,但是,簡單地說,傳統的遠古時代也是雙方確認的根和在塔木德。 To a man like Jeremias, the day on which Jerusalem became a heap of ruins was not only a day of national misfortune, as was the day of the fall of Troy to the Trojan, or that of the destruction of Carthage to the Carthaginian, it was also a day of religious inanition.一個男人想赫雷米亞斯,日,耶路撒冷成為一堆廢墟不僅是國家的不幸一天,就是一天的秋季特洛伊的木馬,或者銷毀迦太基的迦太基,它還有一天的宗教空虛。 For, in a religious sense, Jerusalem had a peculiar importance in the history of salvation, as the footstool of Jahweh and as the scene of the revelation of God and of the Messias.因為,在一個宗教意義上說,耶路撒冷有特殊重要的歷史見證,作為腳凳的Jahweh和現場的啟示上帝和弭賽亞。 Consequently, the grief of Jeremias was personal, not merely a sympathetic emotion over the sorrow of others, for he had sought to prevent the disaster by his labours as a prophet in the streets of the city.因此,悲痛赫雷米亞斯是個人,而不僅僅是同情的悲傷情緒他人,因為他曾試圖阻止他的勞動災害作為先知的街道。 All the fibres of his heart were bound up with Jerusalem; he was now himself crushed and desolate.所有的纖維,他的心是相連的耶路撒冷;他現在自己粉碎和荒涼。 Thus Jeremias more than any other man was plainly called–it may be said, driven by an inner force–to lament the ruined city as threnodist of the great penitential period of the Old Covenant.因此赫雷米亞斯超過其他任何人顯然要求,可以說,驅動的內力,悲嘆廢墟市threnodist偉大悔罪時期的舊盟約。 He was already prepared by his lament upon the death of King Josias (2 Chronicles 35:25) and by the elegiac songs in the book of his prophecies (cf. xiii, 20-27, a lament over Jerusalem).他已編寫了他的悲嘆一旦死亡國王Josias (歷代誌下35:25 )和輓歌歌曲在書中,他預言(見第十三條, 20日至27日,一個悲嘆耶路撒冷) 。 The lack of variety in the word-forms and in the construction of the sentences, which, it is claimed, does not accord with the character of the style of Jeremias, may be explained as a poetic peculiarity of this poetic book. Descriptions such as those in i, 13-15, or iv, 10, seem to point to an eye witness of the catastrophe, and the literary impression made by the whole continually recalls Jeremias.缺乏多樣化的文字形式和建設中的句子,其中有人聲稱,不符合的性質作風赫雷米亞斯,原因可能是作為一個獨特的詩詩的書。說明如那些在一, 13日至15日,或四, 10 ,似乎指向一個目擊者的災難,和文學印象所作的整體不斷回顧赫雷米亞斯。 To this conduce the elegiac tone of the Lamentations, which is only occasionally interrupted by intermediate tones of hope; the complaints against false prophets and against the striving after the favour of foreign nations; the verbal agreements with the Book of Prophecy of Jeremias; finally the predilection for closing a series of thoughts with a prayer warm from the heart–cf.這一有利於該輓歌基調耶利米哀歌,這只是偶爾中斷中間色調的希望;投訴假先知和努力後,對外國的贊成聯合國的口頭協議,以圖書的預言赫雷米亞斯;最後,偏愛關閉了一系列想法祈禱溫暖的心比照。 iii, 19-21, 64-66, and chapter v, which, like a Miserere Psalm of Jeremias, forms a close to the five lamentations.三, 19-21 , 64-66和第五章,其中,像一個求主憐憫的赫雷米亞斯詩篇,形成了密切的五個悲嘆。 The fact that in the Hebrew Bible the Kinôth was removed, as a poetic work, from the collection of prophetic books and placed among the Keth&úhîm, or Hagiographa, cannot be quoted as a decisive argument against its Jeremiac origin, as the testimony of the Septuagint, the most important witness in the forum of Biblical criticism, must in a hundred other cases correct the decision of the Masorah. Moreover, the superscription of the Septuagint seems to presuppose a Hebrew original.事實上,在希伯來文聖經Kinôth被刪除,作為一個富有詩意的工作,從收集的預言書,放在各Keth & úhîm ,或Hagiographa ,不能被引用的一個決定性的論點對Jeremiac出身,作為證詞的譯本,最重要的證人在論壇聖經批評,必須在其他案件100正確的決定, Masorah 。此外, superscription的譯本似乎預示希伯來原始。

B. Technical Form of the Poetry of Lamentations B.技術形態詩歌耶利米哀歌

(1) In the first four laments the Kînah measure is used in the construction of the lines. ( 1 )在頭四個感嘆的Kînah措施是用於建設的方針。 In this measure each line is divided into two unequal members having respectively three and two stresses, as for example in the introductory first three lines of the book.這一措施在每一行分為兩個不平等的成員分別有三個和兩個強調,例如在頭三行介紹的書籍。

(2) In all five elegies the construction of the verses follows an alphabetical arrangement. ( 2 )在所有五個輓歌建設的詩句如下一個字母安排。 The first, second, fourth, and fifth laments are each composed of twenty-two verses, to correspond with the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet; the third lament is made up of three times twenty-two verses.第一,第二,第四和第五次感嘆,每個組成的2002年的詩句,以符合的信件數量在希伯來文字母表;第三感嘆是由3次22詩句。 In the first, second, and fourth elegies each verse begins with a letter of the Hebrew alphabet, the letters following in order, as the first verse begins with Aleph, the second with Beth, etc.; in the third elegy every fourth verse begins with a letter of the alphabet in due order.在第一,第二和第四輓歌開始,每個詩信的希伯來字母,字母下面的命令,作為第一個詩始於阿萊夫,第二次與貝絲等;第三輓歌每4名詩開始以字母順序在適當的時候。 Thus, with a few exceptions and changes (Pê, the seventeenth, precedes Ayin the sixteenth letter), the Hebrew alphabet is formed from the initial letters of the separate verses.因此,除少數例外情況和變化(體育,第十七,先Ayin第十六信) ,希伯來字母組成的首字母的單獨的詩句。 How easily this alphabetical method can curb the spirit and logic of a poem is most clearly shown in the third lament, which, besides, had probably in the beginning the same structure as the others, a different initial letter to each of the original verses; it was not until later that a less careful writer developed each verse into three by means of ideas taken from Job and other writers.多麼容易這個字母方法可以遏制的精神和邏輯的一首詩是最清楚地表明在第三哀嘆,而此外,很可能在一開始的結構相同的其他國家,不同的初始寫信給每一個原始的詩句;直到後來,一個不太認真制定每一個作家詩分為三的方式,從工作思路和採取的其他作家。

(3) As to the structure of the strophe, it is certain that the principle followed in some cases is the change of the person of the subject as speaker or one addressed. ( 3 )的結構strophe ,可以肯定的是,遵循的原則是在某些情況下的變化,人的主題發言或一個問題。 The first elegy is divided into a lament over Sion in the third person (verses 1-11), and a lament of Sion over itself (verses 12-22).第一輓歌分為悲嘆錫永在第三人(經文1月11日) ,並悲嘆自己的錫永在(詩12月22日) 。 In the first strophe Sion is the object, in the second, a strophe of equal length, the subject of the elegy.在第一strophe錫永對象,在第二, strophe同等長度,主題的輓歌。 In 11c, according to the Septuagint, the third person should be used.在11C條,根據七十,第三人應當使用。 In the second elegy, also, the intention seems to be, with the change of strophe, to change from the third person to the second, and from the second to the first person.在第二個輓歌,也意圖似乎是,隨著變化strophe ,改變從第三人的第二次,從第二到的第一人。 In verses 1-8 there are twenty-four members in the third person; in 13-19 twenty-one in the second person, while in 20-22, a strophe in the first person, the lament closes in a monologue. 1月8日在詩句有24名中的第三人;在13-19 2001年在第二次人,而在20日至22日,一個strophe第一人,悲嘆收盤獨白。 In the third lament, as well, the speech of a single subject in the first person alternates with the speech of several persons represented by "we" and with colloquy; verses 40-47 are clearly distinguished by their subject "we" from the preceding strophe, in which the subject is one individual, and from the following strophe in the first person singular in verses 48-54, while the verses 55-66 represent a colloquy with Jahweh.在第三個悲嘆,以及這一講話在一個單一的主題的第一人候補委員的講話幾個人所代表的“我們”和座談會;詩句40-47明確區分其主題為“我們”從上述strophe ,其中的主題是個人的,並從以下strophe第一人稱單數在48-54詩句,而詩句55-66代表座談會與Jahweh 。 The theory of the writer, that in the structure of Hebrew poetry the alternation of persons and subjects is a fixed principle in forming strophes, finds in Lamentations its strongest confirmation.理論的作家,即結構中的希伯來詩歌交替的人員和對象是固定的原則,形成strophes ,發現在其最強大的耶利米哀歌確認。

(4) In the structure of the five elegies regarded as a whole, Zenner has shown that they rise in a steady and exactly measured progression to a climax. ( 4 )結構中的五個輓歌視為一個整體,真蘭已經表明,他們在一個穩定的上升和準確衡量進展的高潮。 In the first elegy there are two monologues from two different speakers.在第一悲歌有兩個獨白從兩個不同的發言者。 In the second elegy the monologue develops into an animated dialogue.在第二個輓歌的獨白發展成為一個動畫對話。 In the third and fourth elegies the cry of lamentation is louder still, as more have joined in the lament, and the solitary voice has been replaced by a choir of voices.在第三和第四輓歌的呼聲正在高漲的悲嘆的是,隨著越來越多的已加入的哀嘆,而孤立的聲音取代了一個合唱團的聲音。 In the firth lament a third choir is added.在特弗斯悲嘆合唱團是第三次補充。 Literary criticism finds in the dramatic construction of the book a strong argument for the literary unity of Lamentations.文學批評中找到的戲劇性建設一個強有力的論點書的文學統一耶利米哀歌。

C. Liturgical Use of Lamentations角禮儀使用耶利米哀歌

The Lamentations have received a peculiar distinction in the Liturgy of the Church in the Office of Passion Week.該耶利米哀歌收到了特殊的區別禮儀教會辦公室的激情週。 If Christ Himself designated His death as the destruction of a temple, "he spoke of the temple of his body" (John 2:19-21), then the Church surely has a right to pour out her grief over His death in those Lamentations which were sung over the ruins of the temple destroyed by the sins of the nation.如果耶穌指定他的去世被毀壞寺廟, “他談到了他的身體廟” (約2:19-21 ) ,然後教會肯定有權傾訴她的痛苦他的逝世,在這些耶利米哀歌這是宋的廢墟廟宇摧毀了罪惡的民族。

Publication information Written by M. Faulhaber.出版信息書面由M.福爾哈貝爾。 Transcribed by WGKofron. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.轉錄的WGKofron 。天主教百科全書,體積八。 Published 1910.發布時間1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat , 1910年10月1號。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

For a general introduction to Jeremias and Lamentations see the Biblical Introduction of CORNELY, VIGOUROUX, GIROT, DRIVER, CORNILL, STRACK.對於一般介紹赫雷米亞斯和悲嘆看到聖經介紹CORNELY , VIGOUROUX , GIROT ,司機, CORNILL ,施特拉克。 For special questions of introduction: CHEYNE, Jeremiah (1888); MARTZ, Der Prophet Jeremias von Anatot (1889); ERBT, Jeremia und seine Zeit (Göttingen, 1902); GILLIES, Jeremiah, the Man and His Message (London, 1907); RAMSAY, Studies in Jeremiah (London, 1907); WORKMAN, The Text of Jeremiah (Edinburgh, 1889); STREANE, The Double Text of Jeremiah (Cambridge, 1896); SCHOLZ, Der masoretische Text und die Septuagintaübersetzung des B. Jeremias (Ratisbon, 1875); FRANKL, Studien über die LXX und Peschito zu Jeremia (1873); NETELER, Gliederung der B. Jeremias (Münster, 1870).對於特殊問題的簡介:陳,耶利米( 1888 ) ;馬茨報先知赫雷米亞斯馮Anatot ( 1889年) ; ERBT , Jeremia和他的時代(哥廷根, 1902年) ;機,耶利米,該男子和他的信息(倫敦, 1907年) ;拉姆齊研究耶利米(倫敦, 1907年) ;工人,全文耶利米(愛丁堡, 1889年) ; STREANE ,雙重文本耶利米(劍橋, 1896年) ; SCHOLZ ,明鏡masoretische文字與模具Septuagintaübersetzung萬灣赫雷米亞斯( Ratisbon , 1875年) ; FRANKL , Studien黚er死於LXX與Peschito楚蘭Jeremia ( 1873年) ; NETELER , Gliederung河畔灣赫雷米亞斯(明斯特, 1870年) 。 Commentaries on Jeremias issued in the last decades.–Catholic: SCHOLZ (Würzburg, 1880); TROCHON (Paris, 1883); KNABENBAUER (Paris, 1889); SCHNEEDORFER (Vienna, 1903).評赫雷米亞斯發表在過去decades.天主教: SCHOLZ (維爾茨堡, 1880年) ; TROCHON (巴黎, 1883年) ; KNABENBAUER (巴黎, 1889年) ; SCHNEEDORFER (維也納, 1903年) 。 Protestant: PAYNE SMITH in the Speaker's Commentary (London, 1875); CHEYNE in SPENCE, Commentary (London, 1883-85); BALL (New York, 1890); GIESEBRECHT in NOWACK, Handkommentar (Göttingen, 1894); DUHM in MARTI, Kurzer Hand-Commentar (Tübingen and Leipzig, 1901); DOUGLAS (London, 1903); ORELLI (Munich, 1905).新教: PAYNE史密斯發言者的評注(倫敦, 1875年) ;陳中彭斯評(倫敦, 1883年至1885年) ;球(紐約, 1890年) ; GIESEBRECHT在NOWACK , Handkommentar (哥廷根, 1894年) ; DUHM在馬蒂Kurzer手Commentar (蒂賓根大學和萊比錫, 1901年) ;道格拉斯(倫敦, 1903年) ; ORELLI (慕尼黑, 1905年) 。 Commentaries on Lamentations:–Catholic: SEISSENBERGER (Ratisbon, 1872); TROCHON (Paris, 1878); SCHÖNFELDER (Munich, 1887); KNABENBAUER (Paris, 1891); MINOCCHI (Rome, 1897); SCHNEEDORFER (Vienna, 1903); ZENNER, Beiträge zur Erklärung der Klagelieder (Freiburg im Br., 1905).評耶利米哀歌:天主教: SEISSENBERGER ( Ratisbon , 1872年) ; TROCHON (巴黎, 1878年) ; SCHÖNFELDER (慕尼黑, 1887年) ; KNABENBAUER (巴黎, 1891年) ; MINOCCHI (羅馬, 1897年) ; SCHNEEDORFER (維也納, 1903年) ;真蘭, Beiträge楚Erklärung之Klagelieder (弗賴堡一二。 , 1905年) 。 Protestant: RAABE (Leipzig, 1880); OETTLI (Nördlingen, 1889); LÖHR (Göttingen, 1891); IDEM in NOWACK, Handkommentar (Göttingen, 1893); BUDDE in MARTI Kurzer Hand-Commentar (Freiburg im Br., 1898).新教:拉阿比(萊比錫, 1880年) ;歐特列(諾德林根, 1889年) ; LÖHR (哥廷根, 1891年) ; IDEM在NOWACK , Handkommentar (哥廷根, 1893年) ;布德在MARTI Kurzer手Commentar (弗賴堡一二。 , 1898 ) 。 For monographs see the latest commentaries and the bibliographies in the Biblical periodicals.對於專著看到最新的評注和書目中的聖經期刊。


Book of Jeremiah耶利米書

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

Three Sections.三節。

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

§ I. The Prophecies in Part I.: §一,預言在第一部分:

-Critical View:臨界查看:

Dated Prophecies.月預言。

§ II. §二。 Displaced, Disputed, and Non-Authentic Passages of Part I.:流離失所,有爭議的,與非正宗通道的第一部分:

Relations with Deutero-Isaiah.與Deutero -以賽亞。

Passage on Sabbath Not Genuine.通過對安息日不是正版。

Ungenuine Passages in Later Sections. Ungenuine段落後面各節。

§ III. §三。 The Historical Sections of Parts I. and II.:歷史科的零件一和二。 :

Ch.總。 xxvi.二十六。 and xxxv.-xlv.和xxxv. -第四十五。

Work of Baruch.工作巴魯克。

§ IV. §四。 The Prophecies Against Foreign Peoples in Part III.:預言對外國人民在第三部分。 :

Prophecy Not by Jeremiah.預言並非由耶利米。

Oracles Worked Over.甲骨文任職過。

Not Before the End of the Exile.不能在年底前流亡。

§ V. Sources of the Book of Jeremiah, According to Duhm: §五源耶利米書,根據Duhm :

Duhm's Analysis. Duhm的分析。

Parts Ascribed to Baruch.部分歸因於巴魯克。

Messianic Passages.彌賽亞通道。

§ VI. §六。 Relation of the Hebrew Text to the Septuagint:關係的希伯來語文字譯本:

Additions to the Septuagint.增加了七十。

§ VII. §七。 Origin of the Book of Jeremiah:起源耶利米書:

Final Redaction.最後Redaction 。

Three Sections.三節。

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

Contents: At the beginning of the book is a superscription (i. 1-3) which, after giving the parentage of Jeremiah, fixes the period of his prophetical activity as extending from the thirteenth year of Josiah to the eleventh of Zedekiah (ie, the year of the second deportation, 586 BC).內容:年初,這本書是一個superscription (一, 1月3日) ,在給父母耶利米,修復期間,他的預言的活動範圍由去年的第十三安南向第十一屆的Zedekiah (即,今年第二次被驅逐, 586年) 。 This period certainly does not cover the whole contents of the book; hence probably the superscription was originally that of an older book of smaller compass.這一時期當然並不覆蓋整個這本書的內容,因此可能是superscription原來的舊圖書的小羅盤。 This is followed by the first part, i.這是遵循的第一部分,一, 4-xxxviii. 4三十八。 28a, containing prophecies concerning the kingdom of Judah and incidents from the life of the prophet up to the destruction of Jerusalem and the second deportation. 28A款,其中載有關於預言猶太王國和事件的生命先知行動摧毀耶路撒冷和第二次被驅逐出境。 Only one passage treats of a different subject, viz., ch.只有一個通道對待不同的主題,即。 ,甲烷。 xxv.二十五。 13 et seq., containing Yhwh's command to Jeremiah, according to which the prophet was to proclaim God's judgment to foreign peoples. 13起。載Yhwh的命令耶利米,其中先知被宣布上帝的判決外國人民。 The second part of the book, xxxviii.第二部分的圖書,三十八。 28b-xliv. 28B款,四十四。 30, contains prophecies and narrations from the period following the destruction of Jerusalem. 30日,載述的預言和之後的一段時間裡摧毀耶路撒冷。 As an appendix to this, in ch.作為附錄這一點,在CH 。 xlv., is a short warning to Baruch on the occasion of his writing down the words of Jeremiah.第四十五。 ,是一種短警告巴魯克之際,他寫下英文單詞耶利米。 A third part, xlvi.-li., comprises prophecies against foreign peoples.第三部分, xlvi.-li. ,包括對外國人民的預言。 At the end are given, by way of appendix, historical data (lii.) concerning Zedekiah, the deportation of the captives to Babylon, and the change in the fortunes of King Jehoiachin.結束時,給出了附錄的方式,歷史數據( lii. )關於Zedekiah ,驅逐俘虜到巴比倫,以及改變命運的國王Jehoiachin 。

§ I. The Prophecies in Part I.: §一,預言在第一部分:

-Critical View:臨界查看:

In he first part no consistent plan of arrangement, either chronological or material, can be traced.第一部分中,他沒有一致的計劃安排,無論是時間或材料,可追溯。 The speeches not being separated by superscriptions, and data generally (though not always as to time and occasion) being absent, it is very difficult to fix the date of composition.的講話沒有被分隔superscriptions和數據通常(但並不總是以時間和機會)缺席,這是非常困難的解決之日起組成。 In this first part, however, may be distinguished different groups which, with a single exception, reflect substantially the successive phases of the development of Jeremiah's prophetic activity.在這第一部分,然而,可以區分不同的群體,是唯一的例外,反映出大幅度連續階段的發展,耶利米的預言活動。 These groups are five in number, as follows:這些團體在5個號碼,如下:

(1) Ch. ( 1 )總。 i.字母i. 4-vi. 4六。 30, belonging to the reign of Josiah. 30日,屬於統治的喬賽亞。 Its first passage, describing the calling of the prophet, is also chronologically the oldest (iii. 6b-18, fixed by the superscription as belonging to the time of Josiah, does not harmonize with the assumed historical background [see below, § II.]; the superscription is undoubtedly a later addition).第一次通過,說明了要求的先知,也是最古老的順序( iii.型- 18 ,固定的superscription屬於喬賽亞時,不承擔協調與歷史背景[見下文,第二。 ] ;的superscription無疑是一個後來此外) 。

(2) Ch. ( 2 )總。 vii.-xx., in the main, of the time of Jehoiakim. vii.-xx. ,主要是時間的Jehoiakim 。 This group contains passages that belong to earlier and later dates respectively.這組包含段落屬於較早,其後日期分別。 For instance, ch.例如,甲烷。 xi.十一。 1-8 is earlier: the mention of the "words of the covenant" assigns it to the antecedent period (Josiah) and as having been written soon after the discovery of the Book of Deuteronomy. 1月8日早:提及的“字樣的公約”賦予它的前身期間(約書亞)和已被寫入後不久,發現了此書的申命記。 Ch.總。 xiii.十三。 is certainly later, and probably belongs to the time of the young king Jehoiachin (see below, § II.). Other passages in this group should be excluded as not being by Jeremiah, or at least as having been only partially written by him: ch.當然後來,大概是屬於時間的年輕國王Jehoiachin (見下文,第二) 。 。其他段落中的這組應排除由耶利米沒有,或者至少有只得到部分寫的他說:總。 ix.九。 22 et seq.; ch. 22起。 ;總。 ix.九。 24 et seq.; ch. 24起。 ;總。 x. 1-16; and the sermon on the Sabbath, ch. 1月16日;和講道在安息日,甲烷。 xvii.十七。 19-27 (see below, § II.). Dated Prophecies. 19-27 (見下文,第二) 。 。日期預言。

(3) Speeches from various periods: ( 3 )演講各個時期:

(a) a proclamation of the certain fall of Jerusalem made, according to the superscription to Zedekiah and the people, during the siege of Jerusalem, ie, about 588 BC (xxi. 1-10); ( a )在宣布某些屬於耶路撒冷提出,根據superscription以Zedekiah和人民,在圍攻耶路撒冷,即大約公元前588 ( xxi. 1月10日) ;

(b) menacing prophecies against the kings of Judah in the time of Jehoiakim (608;xxi. 11-xxii. 19), completed by the passage xxii. 20-30, descriptive of the leading away of Jehoiachin into captivity (597); (二)對威脅的預言的猶太國王的時候Jehoiakim ( 608 ;二十一。 11 - 22 。 19 ) ,完成了通過二十二。 20-30 ,描述領先以外的Jehoiachin到圈養( 597 ) ;

(c) threats against the "unfaithful shepherds" (ie, the prophets), the promise of peace and of the real shepherd (after 597), and warnings against false prophets and godless priests (perhaps in the time of Jehoiakim; xxiii. 1-8, 9-40); (三)威脅, “不忠牧羊人” (即先知)的承諾,和平與真正的牧羊犬(後597 ) ,並警告假先知和godless祭司(也許是時代的Jehoiakim ;二十三。 1 -8 , 9-40 ) ;

(d) the vision of the two baskets of figs, illustrating the fate of the captives and of those who were left behind, from the period after the first deportation by Nebuchadnezzar, in 597 (xxiv.); ( d )在設想的兩個籃子無花果,說明命運的俘虜和那些誰被留下,由以後的時期第一驅逐尼布甲尼撒,在597 ( xxiv. ) ;

(e) threats of punishments to be inflicted on Judah and the surrounding nations, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, ie, the year of the battle of Carchemish (605; xxv.); (五)威脅的懲罰是對猶太和周邊國家,在第四個年頭Jehoiakim ,即一年的戰役Carchemish ( 605 ;二十五。 ) ;

(f) the first of the historical passages recounting Jeremiah's prophecy in the Temple (comp. vii.), his arrest, his threatened death, and his rescue, in which connection the martyrdom of the prophet Uriah is briefly mentioned (xxvi.). ( f )在第一次的歷史段落敘述耶利米的預言在廟( comp.七。 ) ,他被逮捕,他的死亡威脅,他的救援,在這方面,殉道的先知尤賴厄是簡述( xxvi. ) 。

(4) Utterances from the time of Zedekiah (see § II.), with an appendix, the last connected prophecy of any length, in ch. ( 4 )話語之時起的Zedekiah (見第二。 ) ,並附錄,最後連接的任何長度的預言,在CH 。 xxxv., treating of the fidelity of the Rechabites and of the unfaithfulness of Judah. This dates from a somewhat earlier period, that of Jehoiakim (because certainly before 597), and thus forms a transition to the first passages of the narrative sections.三十五。 ,治療的保真度Rechabites和不忠的猶太。此日期從某種程度上同期,即Jehoiakim (因為肯定前597 ) ,從而形成了一個過渡的第一段落的說明部分。

(5) The fifth group of part I. consists of the first half of the historical narrative concerning Jeremiah's life and work, xxxvi.-xxxviii. ( 5 )第五組第一部分由上半年的歷史敘事關於耶利米的生活和工作, xxxvi. -三十八。 28a, and may be thus divided: 28A款,並可能因此分為:

(a) account of the writing, destruction, and rewriting of the prophecies of Jeremiah under Jehoiakim (xxxvi.); (一)帳戶的寫作,破壞,並改寫耶利米的預言下Jehoiakim ( xxxvi. ) ;

(b) narratives and sayings from the time of Zedekiah, who is introduced as a new ruler at the beginning of this historical account (xxxvii. 1), although often mentioned before in the prophecies (xxxvii.-xxxviii. 28a). (二)說明和諺語之時起的Zedekiah ,誰介紹了作為一個新的統治者在本月初的歷史記錄( xxxvii. 1 ) ,但往往在前面提到的預言( xxxvii. -三十八。 28A款) 。

§ II. §二。 Displaced, Disputed, and Non-Authentic Passages of Part I.:流離失所,有爭議的,與非正宗通道的第一部分:

Relations with Deutero-Isaiah.與Deutero -以賽亞。

In group 2 the short admonition in ix.第2組短期告誡在九。 22 et seq. 22起。 is certainly not genuine; it is a warning against self-glorification and an appeal to those who would boast to glory in the knowledge of God instead.當然不是真正的,它是一種警告自我美化和呼籲那些誰將擁有走向輝煌的知識而不是上帝。 As its sententious style indicates, it was probably taken from a collection of wise sayings.其簡潔的風格表明,它可能是從收集了明智的諺語。 The question as to the genuineness of the second short utterance, ix.的問題時的真實性第二短的話語,九。 24 et seq., which proclaims God's punishment upon the uncircumcised-the heathen who are uncircumcised in the flesh, and the Israelites who are uncircumcised in heart-can not be so easily decided, since the Biblical conception of being uncircumcised in heart is found elsewhere in Jeremiah. 24起。 ,宣布上帝的懲罰後,猶太人的,是誰的異教徒割包皮的肉體,和以色列人誰是猶太人的心臟不能輕易決定,因為聖經的概念正在割包皮在別處找不到的心在耶利米。 Again, the following section, x.同樣,下面一節,十 1-16, is certainly not genuine. 1月16日,當然不是真實的。 Here, in a style wholly like that of Deutero-Isaiah, the speaker mocks at the unreality of idols, which exist only as images and hence are not to be feared; this recalls the time of Deutero-Isaiah and the idols of Babylon rather than the period of Jeremiah and the tendency of his contemporaries to worship other gods than Yhwh.在這裡,在一個風格完全一樣, Deutero -以賽亞,發言者嘲笑的不切實際的偶像,這不僅是存在的圖像,因此不應該擔心,這回憶的時候Deutero -以賽亞和偶像,而不是巴比倫期間,耶利米和趨勢他同時代的其他神崇拜比Yhwh 。 The interpolated Aramaic verse (x. 11) is held by Duhm to be a magic formula with which the later Jews, who did not know much Hebrew, used to exorcise the various evil spirits in the air, shooting stars, meteors, and comets.插值阿拉姆詩(十11 )是由Duhm是一個神奇公式與後來猶太人,誰不知道多少希伯來語,用於驅除各種邪靈在空中,流星,流星雨,和彗星。 In xi.-xx., besides various additions to Jeremiah's sayings which can not be by the prophet himself, there are two passages which till now have generally, and probably rightly, been held to be genuine, although they do not belong to the time of Jehoiakim.在xi.-xx. ,除了各種補充耶利米的說法,不能被自己的先知,有兩個通道到現在已普遍,並可能正確,被認為是真正的,儘管他們不屬於時間的Jehoiakim 。 That the passage xi.該通道十一。 1-8 is earlier, and belongs to the time of Josiah, has been explained above (§ I.). 1月8日早,並屬於安南時已被上面解釋( §一) 。 Ch.總。 xiii., however, must have been written later than Jehoiakim's time; after a symbolic narrative of a girdle buried beside the Euphrates, and which, in that it is soiled and unfit for use, represents Israel and Judah, the passage treats of the king and "queen"-that is, the queen mother-to whom it is announced that they must descend from their throne; and the deportation of the whole of Judah is similarly foretold.十三。然而,必須是書面不遲於Jehoiakim的時間;後一個象徵性的敘事的腰帶旁邊的幼發拉底河埋葬,而且,因為它是臟和不宜使用,代表以色列和猶太,通過對待國王和“女王” ,即王母到誰宣布,他們必須從自己的王位下降;以及驅逐整個猶太是同樣的預言。 The king in this case, however, with whom his mother is mentioned on equal terms, is certainly (comp. xxii. 26, xxix. 2) the youthful Jehoiachin, and the time is shortly before his deportation to Babylon.國王在這種情況下,然而,其中提到他的母親是在平等的條件,肯定是( comp.二十二。 26日,第29屆。 2 )青春Jehoiachin ,時間是前不久他被驅逐到巴比倫。

Passage on Sabbath Not Genuine.通過對安息日不是正版。

The one non-authentic passage incorporated in group 2 is that concerning the Sabbath, xvii.的一個非真實的通道納入第二組是關於安息日,十七。 19-27. 19-27 。 The reason why the prophet can not be credited with the authorship of this passage, though in form and content it is not unlike Jeremiah, is the high value put upon the observance of holy days, which is wholly foreign to the prophet. The author of the passage not only recommends the keeping of the Sabbath day holy as a day of rest ordained by God, but he even goes so far as to make the possibility of future salvation, and even directly the destruction of Jerusalem, depend upon the observance or non-observance of this day.為什麼先知不能歸功於作者的這段話,但在形式和內容上是沒有什麼不同耶利米,是把高價值的紀念節日,這是完全陌生的先知。作者通過不僅建議保持神聖的安息日作為休息日祝聖的上帝,但他甚至迄今為止,使未來的可能性救贖,甚至直接破壞耶路撒冷,取決於遵守或不遵守這一天。

In group 3, ch.第3組,甲烷。 xxv.二十五。 is doubtful (see below, § IV., in connection with the prophecy against foreign peoples in xlvi.-li.). In group 4 (of the time of Zedekiah) certain parts of the promises in xxx.-xxxiii.令人懷疑(見下文,第四。 ,結合預言對外國人民在xlvi.-li. ) 。在第4組(的時間Zedekiah )某些部分的承諾xxx. -三十三。 have given rise to doubt in more than one respect. Of the three sections in this collection, xxx.產生了疑問,在一個以上的尊重。在這三個部分在此收集,三十。 et seq., xxxii., and xxxiii., the middle one may, however, be accepted without reserve. This section begins (xxxii. 9) with a relation of Jeremiah's purchase of a field in Anathoth in accordance with ancient usage, at the time when the Babylonians were already besieging Jerusalem (comp. xxxii. 1 with lii. 5, in opposition to lii. 4), and of Jeremiah's prophecy to Zedekiah of the conquest of the city and of the deportation to Babylon.起。 ,三十二。 ,和三十三。 ,中東的一個可能,但是,接受毫無保留。本節開始( xxxii. 9 )與有關耶利米的購買領域Anathoth按照古老的使用情況,在當時巴比倫人已經包圍耶路撒冷( comp.三十二。 1崇禮。 5 ,在反對崇禮。 4 ) ,耶利米的預言,以Zedekiah的征服城市和驅逐到巴比倫。 The divine promise is appended to this narration: "Houses and fields and vineyards shall be possessed again" (ib. verse 15), which, upon a question of the prophet's, is explained thus (ib. verses 26 et seq.): Jerusalem will be burned by the Chaldeans on account of its sins, but afterward Yhwh will collect His people, scattered in all lands.神聖的諾言是附在本敘事: “房屋和田地和葡萄園應具備再次” ( ib.詩15 ) ,其中一個問題的先知,是這樣解釋( ib.詩句26起。 ) :耶路撒冷將被燒毀的迦勒考慮到其罪過,但事後Yhwh將收集他的人民,分佈在所有的土地。 He will make an everlasting covenant with them, and will cause them with rejoicing to settle again in this land (ib. verse 41).他將永遠與他們盟約,並會導致他們歡欣鼓舞,收再次在這片土地( ib.詩41 ) 。

Ungenuine Passages in Later Sections. Ungenuine段落後面各節。

The first of the three sections, xxx.第一次的三節,三十。 et seq., foretells another day of terror for Jacob, but also promises liberation from foreign rule, punishment of the enemy, the rebuilding of the destroyed cities by the people (who will have begun to increase again and whose numbers will have been swelled by the return of Ephraim), and the making of a new covenant.起。 ,預示新的一天的恐怖雅各布,而且還承諾擺脫外國統治,懲治敵人,重建被摧毀的城市的人(誰將又開始增加,其數量將一直增加了返回埃弗拉伊姆) ,並作出了新的盟約。 Inthis section the following passages are doubtful as regards a Jeremianic origin: the passage in which the servant of God, Jacob, is comforted in his exile with words of Deutero-Isaiah (xxx. 10 et seq.; comp. Isa. xl. et seq.); the threat inserted among the words of promise (xxx. 23 et seq.; comp. xxiii. 19 et seq., where this threat occurs again, likewise in an inappropriate place); the description of Yhwh's power on the sea (xxxi. 35b, similar to Isa. li. 15); and various other passages which have many points of contact with Deutero-Isaiah. Inthis節的以下段落懷疑就某Jeremianic來源:通過在上帝的僕人,雅各,是安慰,在他流亡的話Deutero -以賽亞( xxx. 10起。 ;補償。赫伊薩。儀。等以下。 ) ;之間插入的威脅的話,承諾( xxx. 23起。 ;補償。二十三。 19起。 ,這種威脅再次出現,同樣,在一個不恰當的地方) ;的說明Yhwh的權力在海上( xxxi. 35B條,類似於赫伊薩。李。 15 ) ;以及其他各種通道有許多接觸點與Deutero -以賽亞。 A considerable portion of this section is shown to be secondary matter by the fact that it is lacking in the text of the Septuagint.相當一部分本條證明是次要問題的事實,這是缺乏的案文譯本。 At any rate, examination leads to the conclusion that this section, like so much else in the Book of Jeremiah, was worked over afterward, although it is not justifiable to deny to Jeremiah the authorship of the whole of the section, nor to assume that it was written by a post-exilic author.無論如何,檢查得出的結論是,本節中,如此多的人喜歡在耶利米書,是工作了以後,雖然這是沒有道理的剝奪耶利米作者整個的一節,也沒有承擔這一它的作者是一個後放逐作者。 Such a writer would have had more interest in the hope that the Judeans, only a part of whom had come back, would all return home, whereas for a prophet who wrote immediately before the downfall of Judah it was more natural to recall the overthrow of the Northern Kingdom, and to express the hope that with the return of Ephraim Judah also would return, although its present downfall seemed certain to him. In the third of these sections, ch.這樣的作家將有更多的興趣,希望Judeans ,只有一部分人已經回來,都將返回家園,而先知之前誰寫的倒台猶太這是更自然的回顧推翻北方英國,並表示希望與返回埃弗拉伊姆猶太也將返回,儘管其目前的垮台似乎一定給他。第三區段,甲烷。 xxxiii., the conclusion (xxxiii. 14-26) is suspicious.三十三。締結( xxxiii. 14-26日)是可疑。 It is missing in the Septuagint, although no plausible reason for the omission is apparent.這是失踪的譯本,但沒有合理的理由是顯而易見的疏漏。 Not to speak of smaller matters, the fact that the people among whom (according to verse 24) the prophet was sojourning, and who were wholly opposed to the compatriots of the prophet, can only have been Babylonians-who indeed might have said insultingly of Israel that "it was no more a nation before them" (ib.)-does not seem to accord with Jeremiah's authorship.不用說小問題,這樣一個事實,即人其中(根據詩句24 )先知是sojourning ,誰完全反對同胞的先知,只能被巴比倫人是誰確實可能說侮辱的以色列說, “這是沒有一個國家面前擺著” ( ib. ) ,似乎並不符合耶利米的著作權。 The passage must consequently have been written by one of the exiles in Babylon and not by Jeremiah, in whose time such a taunt could not have been uttered either in Palestine or later in Egypt.因此,必須通過書面一直由一名流亡在巴比倫,而不是由耶利米,在其時間這種嘲弄無法說出無論是在巴勒斯坦,還是後來在埃及。

§ III. §三。 The Historical Sections of Parts I. and II.:歷史科的零件一和二。 :

Ch.總。 xxvi.二十六。 and xxxv.-xlv.和xxxv. -第四十五。

The historical passages contained in xxvi.歷史段落載於二十六。 and xxxvi.-xlv.和xxxvi. -第四十五。 display such an exact knowledge of the events described in the life of Jeremiah, and contain so many interesting details, that as a matter of course they were formerly considered to have been written by a pupil of Jeremiah in close touch with him.顯示這樣一個確切的知識的活動中所描述的生活耶利米,並包含許多有趣的細節,這是理所當然的事,他們原來認為已經寫的學生耶利米密切聯繫他。 When Kuenen and other commentators object that in certain passages the single episodes are not properly arranged and that details necessary for a complete understanding of the situation are lacking, it must be remembered that it is just an eye-witness who would easily pass over what seemed to him as matter of course and likewise displace certain details.當Kuenen和其他評論員對象,在某些段落單一事件無法適當安排,並詳細必要全面了解情況缺乏,但必須記住,這只是一個見證人誰很容易越過似乎他作為理所當然的事,同樣取代某些細節。 Moreover, a comparison with the text of the Septuagint shows that in the historical as in the prophetical passages many changes were made after composition.此外,相對於文字的譯本表明,在歷史中的許多變化預言通道後作了組成。 It is therefore neither necessary nor advisable to set, with Kuenen, 550 BC as the date of the first edition of the book; but even if that late date be accepted one must still suppose that the notes of a pupil and eye-witness had been used as material.因此,既無必要,也不可取設置,與Kuenen , 550年的日期的首版書,但即使晚接受一個仍然必須假設的說明學生和見證人已作為材料。

Work of Baruch.工作巴魯克。

If, however, the former and generally prevalent opinion is maintained (which has been readopted also by Duhm), namely, that the historical passages were written by a pupil of Jeremiah, there can be no doubt that this pupil was Baruch.但是,如果前,一般普遍的看法是保持(已readopted也Duhm ) ,即歷史段落寫的學生耶利米,毫無疑問,這名學生是巴魯克。 Since it is known that it was Baruch and not Jeremiah who first wrote down the prophecies, and since in all cases the speeches in the historical portions can not be taken out of their setting, it seems the most natural thing to suppose that Baruch was also directly concerned in the composition of the historical passages.因為它是已知的,這是巴魯克,而不是誰耶利米首次寫下的預言,因為在所有情況下的發言的歷史部分不能離開自己的設置,它似乎是最自然不過的事假定巴魯克也直接有關的構成中的歷史通道。 But this does not at all exclude the possibility of the insertion, shortly after the passages had been written and put together, of various details and episodes.但是,這並不排除在所有的可能性插入後不久,通道已被書面和整理,各種細節和插曲。 This theory is supported by Jeremiah's admonition to Baruch (in xlv.), which, although addressed to him by the prophet on the occasion of Jeremiah dictating the prophecies in the time of Jehoiakim, yet stands at the end of the section containing prophecies against Judah.這種理論的支持,耶利米的警告,以巴魯克(在第四十五。 ) ,其中,儘管給他的先知之際耶利米的預言在口述的時候Jehoiakim ,但停留在結束本節載有對猶太預言。 The fact that this admonition occurs at the end of the original Book of Jeremiah (concerning xlvi. et seq. see § IV.) can only mean that Baruch placed it at the end of the book edited by him as a legitimation of his labor.這一事實告誡結束時發生的原始耶利米書(關於四十六。起。見§四。 )只能意味著,巴魯克放置在年底編輯的這本書他為他的勞工合法化。

§ IV. §四。 The Prophecies Against Foreign Peoples in Part III.:預言對外國人民在第三部分。 :

Prophecy Not by Jeremiah.預言並非由耶利米。

Ch.總。 xxv.二十五。 speaks of the direction received by Jeremiah from God to proclaim His anger to foreign peoples.談到方向耶利米收到來自上帝宣布他憤怒的向外國人民。 In the fourth year of Jehoiakim-that is, the year of the battle of Carchemish and of Nebuchadnezzar's victory and accession to the throne-Jeremiah proclaims that Yhwh, in revenge for Judah's sins, will bring His servant Nebuchadnezzar and the peoples of the north against Judah and the surrounding peoples; that they will serve the King of Babylon for seventy years; and that at the end of this time Yhwh will punish the King of Babylon and the Chaldeans.在第四個年頭Jehoiakim ,也就是當年的戰役Carchemish和尼布甲尼撒的勝利,並加入了王位,耶利米宣布Yhwh ,以報復猶太的罪,將他的僕人尼布甲尼撒和人民對朝鮮猶太和周圍的人民;他們將巴比倫國王的七十年; ,並在本月底將懲罰時間Yhwh國王和巴比倫的迦勒。 In connection with this, Jeremiah is further told to pass the wine-cup of divine wrath to all the nations to whom he is sent, and all the nations who must drink of the cup are enumerated.在這方面,還告訴耶利米通過葡萄酒杯的神聖憤怒所有國家向他發出,和所有國家必須喝誰的世界杯列舉。 But however appropriate it may have been for Jeremiah to announce the downfall of foreign nations (comp. xxxvi. 2 and i. 5), and however much the expression "cup of wrath" may sound like one of Jeremiah's, since this illustration occurs often after him and accordingly probably goes back to him, yet this prophecy as it now stands (in xxv.) can not have been written by him.但是,無論適當它可能已被宣布為耶利米倒台的外國國家( comp.三十六。 2和一5 ) ,但是大部分的表達“憤怒的世界杯”聽起來像是一個耶利米的,因為這說明經常發生之後,他並因此可能要追溯到他,然而,這個預言,因為它現在(在二十五。 )不能被寫入了他。 The proclamation of the punishment of Babylon (ib. verses 12-14) interrupts the connection of the threatening of the nations by Babylon.宣布處罰巴比倫( ib.詩12月14日)中斷連接的威脅的國家的巴比倫。 Also the words "all that is written in this book, which Jeremiah hath prophesied against all the nations" (verse 13) can not of course have originated with Jeremiah.也改為“所有這一切都寫在這本書,其中耶利米預言上帝對所有國家” (詩13 )當然不能起源與耶利米。 Finally, the enumeration of the nations that must drink from the cup of wrath (verses 17-26) is not Jeremianic; indeed, some of the nations were located far from Jeremiah's horizon, and the concluding remark (verse 26), with the puzzling word "Sheshach" (ie, Babylon), certainly dates from a much later period.最後,所列舉的國家,必須飲料杯的憤怒(詩句17-26 )不Jeremianic ;事實上,一些國家都遠離耶利米的地平線,和結論備註(詩26 ) ,而令人費解單詞“ Sheshach ” (即巴比倫) ,無疑從一個日期更晚的時期。 This passage characteristically illustrates the fact that more than one hand worked on the amplification, and that such passages arosein several stages, as may be observed in detail by a comparison with the Septuagint text (see § VI.).這一段的特點說明,超過一方面工作的擴增,而這種通道arosein幾個階段,因為可以看到詳細的比較七十案文(見§六。 ) 。

Oracles Worked Over.甲骨文任職過。

The question next arises as to whether the prophecies against foreign nations contained in xlvi.-li.下次出現的問題,是否對外國國家的預言中所載xlvi.-li. are really those which, according to xxv., were to be expected as the latter's amplification.真的是,根據二十五。 ,是可以預期,因為後者的擴增。 This question seems all the more natural because in the text of the Septuagint those prophecies are actually incorporated in xxv.這個問題似乎更加自然,因為案文中的七十人的預言,實際上納入二十五。 If l.如果湖 et seq., a long oracle dealing with the sentence against Babylon, be left out of consideration, there can be no doubt that the section xlvi.-xlix.起。 ,長期以來甲骨文處理一句對巴比倫,被排除在考慮,但毫無疑問,該科xlvi. - xlix 。 has in some way a Jeremianic basis.在某些方式Jeremianic基礎。 The single oracles of this section are in part expressly referred to Jeremiah in the heading, and the victory of Nebuchadnezzar is in part given as their occasion.單一簽本節部分明確提到耶利米在標題中,並取得勝利的尼布甲尼撒部分是由於他們的時刻。 At any rate the hypothesis that this section is a working over of original Jeremianic material is to be preferred to the difficulties attending the various other theories that have been suggested to explain the later origin of xlvi.-xlix.無論如何的假設本節是一個工作在原來的Jeremianic材料是更可取的困難,參加了各種其他的理論提出了解釋後起源xlvi. - xlix 。 On the face of it, it is hardly probable that a later author would have written a whole series of oracles and have artificially made them seem to belong to the time of Nebuchadnezzar, merely for the sake of enriching the Book of Jeremiah.從表面上看,這是很難有可能稍後作者寫了一整系列神諭,並人為地使他們似乎屬於時間尼布甲尼撒,只是為了豐富耶利米書。 If it is suggested that some one else, perhaps Alexander the Great, was intended by the Nebuchadnezzar of these oracles, it must be objected that even to the last judgment, that against Elam (which, however, did not originally belong in this section; see below), which might be taken to mean Persia, no reference to post-Jeremianic events can be found.如果有人建議,有些人,也許亞歷山大大帝,是打算由尼布甲尼撒這些神諭,必須反對,即使到最後判決,這對伊拉姆(其中,但是,並沒有原先屬於本節中;見下文) ,這可能是指波斯,沒有提到後Jeremianic事件可以找到。 A detailed examination, however, shows that in most of these prophecies only a Jeremianic basis is possible.一份詳細的檢查,然而,結果表明,在大多數這些預言只有Jeremianic的基礎是有可能的。 The prophecy concerning the Philistines in xlvii. (but without the heading) is the one that could most readily be accepted as belonging as a whole to Jeremiah.預言的非利士人在四十七。 (但無標題)是一個可能最容易被接受為屬於作為一個整體,耶利米。

On the other hand, it is to be supposed that all the other oracles underwent a more or less extensive revision, so that they do not give the impression of being real prophetic utterances, but seem rather to be compilations by later scholars, who also made use of the oracles of other prophets, especially of the exilic and post-exilic passages in Isaiah (comp. Jer. xlviii. 43 et seq. with Isa. xxiv. 17, 18a; Jer. xlix. 18 with Isa. xiii. 19 et seq.; Jer. xlix. 24 with Isa. xiii. 8).另一方面,人們以為所有其他神諭經歷了或多或少廣泛的修訂,使他們不給的印象是真正的先知話語,但似乎相當被彙編的學者,誰也發了言使用神諭的其他先知,特別是放逐後和放逐段落以賽亞( comp.哲。四十八。 43起。使用ISA 。二十四。 17 , 18A條;哲。 xlix 。 18赫伊薩。十三。 19起。 ;哲。 xlix 。 24赫伊薩。十三。 8 ) 。 This working over of the material explains the lack of perspicuity and the non-adherence to the historical situation which frequently characterize these prophecies. The following oracles are contained in this section: (a) the oracle against Egypt, in two parts, xlvi.這個工作在材料解釋缺乏明晰和不遵守的歷史情況,往往這些預言的特點。以下神諭載於本節: ( a )在甲骨文對埃及,分為兩部分,四十六。 1-12 and xlvi. 1月12日和四十六。 13-28 (comp. xlvi. 27-28[= xxx. 10 et seq.] with the consolations of Deutero-Isaiah); (b) that against the Philistines, xlvii.; (c) that against Moab, xlviii., which in parts recalls Isa. 13-28 ( comp.四十六。 27-28 [ =三十。 10起。 ]與慰藉的Deutero -以賽亞) ; ( b )在對非利士人,四十七。 ; ( c )在對莫阿布,四十八。 ,這部分回顧伊薩。 xv.十五。 et seq.; (d) that against Ammon, xlix.起。 ; ( d )在對阿蒙, xlix 。 1-6; (e) that against Edom, xlix. 1月6日; ( e )該對以東, xlix 。 7-22, which has much in common with that of Obadiah; (f) that against Damascus and other Aramaic cities, xlix. 7月22日,其中有許多共同之處與Obadiah ; (女)說,對敘利亞和其他阿拉姆城市, xlix 。 23-27; (g) that against Kedar and other Arabic tribes, xlix. 23日至27日; ( g )項是對凱達爾和其他阿拉伯部落, xlix 。 28-33; and (h) that against Elam, xlix. 28-33 ;和( h )說,對伊拉姆, xlix 。 34-39. 34-39 。 Whereas the other nations named all lay within Jeremiah's horizon, this was not the case with Elam, since Judah had no direct dealings with this country until after the Exile.而其他國家命名為所有屬於耶利米的地平線上,情況不是這樣,與伊拉姆,因為猶太沒有直接打交道,直到這個國家後,流亡國外。 This alone would not, however, be a sufficient reason for denying that Jeremiah wrote the oracle, especially since as early as Isa.僅此一點就不會,但是,必須有充分的理由否認耶利米寫道甲骨文以來,特別是儘早伊薩。 xxii.二十二。 6 the Elamites were known as vassals of the kings of Assyria, and hence an interest in the history of Elam could not have been so far removed from a prophet of Israel as may now appear. 6 Elamites被稱為奴僕的亞述國王的,因此有興趣的歷史伊拉姆不能如此遠離先知以色列現在可能出現。 By whom and at what time the supposed revision of Jeremiah's original stock of material was made, it is impossible to determine; but the large number of similar expressions connecting the separate oracles makes it probable that there was only one redaction.是誰和什麼時候假定修訂耶利米的原始股票的材料寫了,這是無法確定,但有大量類似的表述,連接不同的神諭使它有可能只有一個編輯。

Not Before the End of the Exile.不能在年底前流亡。

The oracle against Babylon, l.-li.甲骨文對巴比倫, l.-li. 58, which follows the section xlvi.-xlix., and to which a historical addition is appended (li. 59-64), is very clearly seen to be non-Jeremianic in spite of the fact that individual passages recall very vividly Jeremiah's style. It is really no oracle at all, but a description in oracle form, dating from after the Exile, and originally written so as to appear as a production by Jeremiah, for which purpose the author assumes the standpoint of an older time.現年58歲,其中一節如下xlvi. - xlix 。 ,以及其中的歷史除了是appended ( li. 59-64 ) ,是非常清楚地看到非Jeremianic儘管個別段落還記得非常清楚地耶利米的風格。這是真的沒有甲骨文,而是說明在Oracle的形式,建於後流亡,和原來的書面,以顯示為生產耶利米,為此作者假設的角度舊時間。 Since he is acquainted with Deutero-Isaiah (comp. li. 15-19 with Jer. x. 12-16, which is also taken from Deutero-Isaiah, and apparently furnishes the direct basis for the passage in question), and describes the upheaval in Babylon and the destruction of the city-making use of the exilic oracle in Isa.因為他是熟悉Deutero -以賽亞( comp.李。 15-19同哲。十, 12月16日,也就是從Deutero -以賽亞,顯然提供了直接依據通行問題) ,並介紹了動盪在巴比倫和破壞城市利用放逐甲骨文在ISA 。 xiii.十三。 et seq.起。 (Jer. l. 16, 39 et seq.; comp. l. 39; li. 40 with Isa. xxxiv. 14 and xxxiv. 6 et seq.), he can not have written it before the end of the Babylonian exile at the earliest. ( Jer.湖16 , 39起。 ;補償。湖39 ;李。 40赫伊薩。三十四。 14日和三十四。 6起。 )時,他不能有書面月底前巴比倫流亡最早的。 This also explains why the destroyers of Babylon are called "kings of Media" (li. 28).這也解釋了為什麼驅逐艦巴比倫被稱為“國王的媒體” ( li. 28 ) 。 Moreover, the author of the oracle against Babylon made use of the Jeremianic oracle against Edom, at times quoting it literally (comp. l. 44-46 with xlix. 19-21; and the origin of l. 41-43 is found in vi. 22-24).此外,作者對巴比倫甲骨文利用甲骨文的Jeremianic對以東,有時引用它字面( comp.湖44-46與xlix 。 19-21和41-43原產湖中發現六。 22-24 ) 。 That he lived in Jerusalem may be inferred not only from l.他生活在耶路撒冷可以推斷不僅來自湖 5, in which, speaking of the returning exiles, he says that their faces were turned "hitherward," but also from the fact that he is much more concerned with the desecrated and destroyed Temple of Jerusalem than are the prophets of the Exile. The added passage, li. 5 ,其中談到返回流亡者,他說,他們的臉被拒絕“ hitherward ” ,但也從一個事實,即他更關心的褻瀆和破壞寺耶路撒冷比先知的流亡生活。該增加通行,李。 59-64, proceeding probably from a historical record of a journey to Babylon made by Seraiah, was most likely written by the author of the oracle against Babylon, if not by some one later, who desired by his short narrative to authenticate the oracle which he took to be Jeremianic. 59-64 ,程序可能是從歷史記錄的旅程巴比倫作出Seraiah ,最有可能的作者所寫的甲骨文對巴比倫,如果不是由一個人後,誰想要他的簡短說明驗證的Oracle其中他將Jeremianic 。

The section closes with the words: "Thus far [are] the words of Jeremiah," showing that the Book of Jeremiah once ended at this point, and that that which follows is a later addition.本節結束的話: “到目前為止[是]耶利米的話, ”這表明耶利米書結束後,在這一點上,而這其中以下是後來。 In fact, lii.事實上,崇禮。 is a historical account, concerning Zedekiah, the deportation to Babylon, and the turning-point in the fortunes of Jehoiachin, which was transferred from the Book of Kings to that of Jeremiah. This is shown by the fact that with slight variations and with the exception of two passages, the two accounts agree; one of the exceptions is presented by three verses giving a count of the exiles, which are found only in Jeremiah (lii. 28-30) and which were probably inserted later from some separate source, since they are lacking also in the text of the Septuagint; the other is the short passage recordingthe appointment of Gedaliah as governor, his murder, and the flight to Egypt of those who were left, which is lacking in Jeremiah (II Kings xxv. 22-26), and which doubtless was purposely omitted because the same facts had already been recorded elsewhere in the Book of Jeremiah (xl. et seq.).是一個歷史的帳戶,涉及Zedekiah ,驅逐巴比倫和轉折點的命運Jehoiachin ,這是從書的國王說,耶利米。這表明了一個事實,即略有變化和與除了兩個通道,這兩個帳戶同意;的例外情況之一,提出了三個詩句給伯爵的流亡者,這是只有在耶利米( lii. 28日至30日) ,並插入後有可能從一些獨立的消息來源,因為他們還缺乏在文譯本;另一種是短通道recordingthe任命Gedaliah總督,他的謀殺,和飛往埃及的人誰留,這是缺乏耶利米(二國王二十五。 22 -26 ) ,並毫無疑問是有意省略,因為相同的事實已被記錄的其他地方耶利米書( xl.起。 ) 。 Moreover, the addition of ch.此外,除了中CH 。 lii.崇禮。 was of itself not necessary, since the information given in it was already partially known from earlier statements of the Book of Jeremiah; and the last passage concerning the change in the fate of Jehoiachin is wholly superfluous, since the event recorded took place after Jeremiah's death.本身是沒有必要的,因為提供的資料,該公司已在部分稱為早期報表耶利米書;和最後通過的關於改變命運的Jehoiachin完全是多餘的,因為記錄的事件之後發生耶利米的死亡。

§ V. Sources of the Book of Jeremiah, According to Duhm: What has here been said concerning the supposed origin of the Book of Jeremiah corresponds to the opinion held on the subject by most modern scholars, whose consensus, though they may differ in detail, has indorsed the view as a whole and in substance. §五源耶利米書,根據Duhm :是什麼在這裡說的假定來源耶利米書對應舉行認為這一問題的最現代的學者,他們的共識,儘管他們可能有所不同,詳細已背書的觀點作為一個整體的實質內容。 The views of Duhm differ materially from this opinion, however many points of contact therewith it may show, because Duhm, in opposition to previous conceptions, has with an unparalleled boldness and confidence extended his critical investigation to the most minute details, for which reason his analysis is here given separately. Duhm的看法大不相同這個意見,然而,許多接觸點的條文可以查看,因為Duhm ,反對以往的觀念,已與無與倫比的勇氣和信心,他關鍵的調查,以最微小的細節,所以他分析是在這裡分別給出。 Although it seems more plausible to suppose that the real prophecies of Jeremiah are contained in the versified portions, whereas in the prose utterances the thoughts of Jeremiah have been worked over, for the most part in the form of sermons, the question still arises whether one is justified in "ascribing, with the greatest detail, [the various parts of] writings which without doubt have passed through many hands before they received the form in which we know them, to their [respective] authors" (see Nöldeke in "ZDMG" lvii. 412).雖然它似乎更合理的假設,真正的預言耶利米載於versified部分,而在散文話語耶利米的思想工作已結束,大部分是在說教的形式,問題是否仍然出現一個是合理的“愛國者,以最大的細節, [各部分]著作這毫無疑問已經通過許多雙手在他們收到的形式,使我們了解他們,他們的[各自]作者” (見Nöldeke在“ ZDMG “第五十七。 412 ) 。 Duhm distinguishes: Duhm區分:

Duhm's Analysis. Duhm的分析。

(1) Jeremiah's Poems. ( 1 )耶利米的詩。 These, in all about sixty, date這些,在所有大約60日期

(a) from the period when Jeremiah was still in Anathoth: the cycle ii. 2b, 3, 14-28; 29-37; iii. (一)由耶利米期間仍在進行中Anathoth :循環二。 2b干擾素, 3 , 14-28 ; 29-37 ;三。 1-5; 12b, 13, 19, 20; 21-25; iv. 1月5日; 12B條,第13 , 19 , 20 ; 21-25 ;四。 1, 3, 4; the cycle xxxi. 1 , 3 , 4 ;週期三十一。 2-6; 15-20; 21, 22, and perhaps xxx. 2月6日; 15-20 ; 21日, 22日,也許三十。 12-15; the oldest five poems concerning the Scythians, iv. 12月15日;最古老的五個詩關於Scythians ,四。 5-8; 11b, 12a, 13, 15-17a; 19-21, 23-26; 29-31; 5月8日; 11B款, 12A號, 13 , 15 - 17A條; 19-21 , 23-26 ; 29-31 ;

(b) from the time of Josiah: v. 1-6a; 6b-9; 10-17; vi. (二)從時間的喬賽亞:訴1 - 6A條;型- 9 ; 10月17日;六。 1-5; 6b-8, 9-14; 16, 17, 20; 22-26a; 27-30; vii. 1月5日;型- 8 , 9月14日; 16 , 17 , 20 ; 22 - 26A條; 27-30 ;七。 28 et seq.; viii. 28起。 ;八。 4-7a; 8, 9, 13, 14-17; 18-23; ix. 4 - 7A條; 8 , 9 , 13 , 14-17 ; 18-23 ;九。 1-8; 9; 16-18; 19-21; x. 1月8日, 9 ; 16-18 ; 19-21 ;十 19, 20, 22; 19 , 20 , 22 ;

(c) from the time of Joah: xxii. (三)從時間Joah :二十二。 10; 10 ;

(d) from the time of Jehoiakim: xxii. ( d )從時間Jehoiakim :二十二。 13-17, and probably xi. 13日至17日,大概十一。 15 et seq.; xii. 15起。 ;十二。 7-12 (from the first period); xxii. 7月12日(第一期) ;二十二。 18 et seq., and perhaps xxii. 18起。 ,也許二十二。 6b, 7; 20-23; xiii. 6B型, 7 ; 20-23 ;十三。 15 et seq.; 17; 18, 19; 20, 21a, 22-25a, 26 et seq. 15起。 ; 17 ; 18日, 19日; 20 , 21A條,第22 - 25A條,第26條及以後各條。 (from the time after the burning of the book-roll); (從時間後焚燒書籍卷) ;

(e) from the time of Jehoiachin: xxii. ( e )從時間Jehoiachin :二十二。 24; 28; 24 ; 28 ;

(f) from a later period (a more exact definition is unnecessary): description of the great famine, xiv. ( f )從後期(更確切的定義是不必要的) :描述了大飢荒,十四。 2-10; of the evil conditions in the country and their results, xv. 2月10日;邪惡條件在該國及其結果,十五。 5-9; xvi. 5月9日;十六。 5-7; xviii. 5月7日;十八。 13-17; xxiii. 13-17 ;二十三。 9-12; 13-15; impressive complaints of personal enmities, xi. 18-20; xv. 9月12日; 13日至15日;令人印象深刻的投訴的個人仇恨,十一。 18-20 ;十五。 10-12, 15-19a, 20 et seq.; xvii. 10月12日, 15 - 19A條, 20條及以後各條。 ;十七。 9 et seq., 14, 16 et seq.; xviii. 9起。 , 14 , 16起。 ;十八。 18-20; xx. 18-20 ;二十。 7-11; xx. 7月11日;二十。 14-18; from an earlier period, but first inserted after the restoration of the roll: xiv. 14-18 ;從較早時期,但第一次插入後恢復唱名:十四。 17 et seq.; xvii. 17起。 ;十七。 1-4; 1月4日;

(g) from the last period of Zedekiah (according to Baruch), xxxviii. ( g )從過去的一段Zedekiah (據巴魯克) ,三十八。 22. 22 。

Parts Ascribed to Baruch.部分歸因於巴魯克。

(2) The Book of Baruch. ( 2 )圖書的巴魯克。 Besides single data and exhortations preserved in i.-xxv.除了單一的數據並保存在一規勸-二十五。 (eg, i. 1-3, 6; vii. 18; comp. xliv. 15 et seq., xi. 21, vii. 21 et seq.), the following passages are derived from this book (they are here arranged according to their original order of succession, the groups of verses which have been revised being marked with an asterisk): (例如,一, 1月3日, 6 ;七。 18 ;補償。四十四。 15起。席。 21日,七。 21起。 ) ,下面的段落是來自這本書(他們在這裡安排根據他們原來的順序繼承,集團的詩句已修訂的標有星號) :

(a) on the time of Jehoiakim: xxvi. ( a )在時間Jehoiakim :二十六。 1-3, 4 (to ), 6-24 (early period); xxxvi. 1月3日, 4 ( ) , 6月24日(早期) ;三十六。 1-26; 32 (fourth and fifth years of Jehoiakim); xxxv. 1月26日; 32 (第四次和第五次年Jehoiakim ) ;三十五。 1-11* (a later year); 1月11日* (後一期) ;

(b) on the time of Zedekiah: xxviii. ( b )在時間Zedekiah :二十八。 1a, xxvii. 1A條,二十七。 2 et seq., xxviii. 2起。 ,二十八。 2-13, 15-17 (fourth year of Zedekiah); xxix. 2月13日, 15日至17日(第四年Zedekiah ) ;二十九。 1 (to ), 3, 4a, 5-7, 11-15, 21-23, 24 et seq.,* 26-29 (probably the same period); xxxiv. 1 (對) , 3 , 4A條, 5月7日, 11月15日, 21日至23日, 24起。 * 26-29 (可能是同一時期) ;三十四。 1-7* (ninth year); xxxiv. 1月7日* ( 9年) ;三十四。 8-11*; xxxvii. 8月11日* ;三十七。 5, 12-18, 20 et seq.; xxxii. 6-15; xxxviii. 5日, 12月18日, 20起。 ;三十二。 6月15日;三十八。 1, 3-22, 24-28a (during the siege of Jerusalem); 1 , 3月22日, 24 - 28A款(在圍攻耶路撒冷) ;

(c) on the time after the conquest of Jerusalem, events in Mizpah and the emigration to Egypt: xxxviii. ( c )在後的時間征服耶路撒冷,事件米茲帕和移居埃及:三十八。 28b, xxxix. 28B款,第39屆。 3, 14a, xl. 3 , 14A條,儀。 6; xl. 7-xlii. 6 ;儀。 7四十二。 9, 13a, 14, 19-21, xliii. 9 , 43 , 14 , 19-21 ,四十三。 1-7; 1月7日;

(d) on an event in Egypt (comp. vii. 18): xliv. ( d )在一個事件在埃及( comp.七。 18 ) :四十四。 15a, 16-19, 24 et seq.,* 28b; xlv.第15A , 16日至19日, 24起。 * 28B款;第四十五。 forms the conclusion.形式的結論。

Messianic Passages.彌賽亞通道。

(3) The Supplements to the Writings of Jeremiah and Baruch. ( 3 )補編創作的耶利米和巴魯克。 These comprise about 800 verses, that is, more than the poems of Jeremiah (about 280 verses) and the sections from the Book of Baruch (about 200 verses).其中包括約800名的詩句,就是超過詩歌耶利米(約280經文)和部分從書中的巴魯克(約200詩句) 。 The process of amplification, by which the Book of Jeremiah grew to its present size, must have gone on for centuries. It is possible that single additions (which are difficult to identify) were incorporated in the roll of the Book of Jeremiah in the Persian period.擴增的過程中,其中耶利米書增長到現在的規模,必須有持續了幾個世紀。可能是單一的增加(這是難以確定)被列入名冊的耶利米書在波斯灣期間。 The greatest number of additions was made in the third century, the age of "the most midrashic literature"; the most recent are in general the Messianic passages and their complement, the prophecy concerning the heathen.最大數量的增加是在第三世紀,時代的“最midrashic文學” ;最近一般的彌賽亞通道和他們的補充,有關的預言的異教徒。 They are in part (as in i.-xxv.) inserted among older additions, in part placed together in a separate section (xxx. et seq., xlvi.-li.), which could not have originated before the end of the second century BC, and which have received even later additions; single passages (eg, xxxiii. 14-26) are so late as not even to have come into the Septuagint.他們是在部分(如在一,二十五。 )插入老年人增加,部分是放置在一個單獨的章節( xxx.起。 , xlvi.-li. ) ,這不可能產在年底前公元前二世紀,並已收到甚至更晚的補充;單一通道(例如,三十三。 14-26日)是這麼晚,不甚至已經到七十。 These additions fall into separate categories according to their contents:這些增加分為不同類別根據其內容:

(a) amplifications in the nature of sermons in connection with verses of the Jeremianic text, to suit the needs of the post-exilic period; (一)擴增性質的說教與詩句的Jeremianic文字,以滿足後的放逐期;

(b) short narratives, in the form of the Midrash or of free versification, recording deeds and sayings of the prophet; ( b )短期敘述的形式,在米德拉士或自由作詩,記錄事蹟和格言先知;

(c) consolatory passages which in part are appended to an admonitory sermon, and in part stand in a separate group in xxxii. (三) consolatory通道部分被附加到一個警示講道,部分展位在一個單獨的組中三十二。 et seq.;起。 ;

(d) additions of various kinds having no connection with the contents of the book. (四)增加了各種毫無關聯的內容,這本書。

However justifiable it may be to separate the "songs" of Jeremiah, the question still arises whether much of that which Duhm excludes as a later addition may not still be Jeremianic, since it is easy to suppose that besides the versified portions there must also have been prose utterances of Jeremiah, to which these excluded passages may have belonged.然而正當它可以是單獨的“詩經”耶利米,問題是否仍然出現大量的這種Duhm排除作為一個後來可能不會仍然Jeremianic ,因為它很容易猜想,除了versified部分有也必須有被散文話語耶利米,這些排除通道可能屬於。

§ VI. §六。 Relation of the Hebrew Text to the Septuagint:的希伯來語關係文字的譯本:

Additions to the Septuagint.增加了七十。

A comparison of the Masoretic text with the Septuagint throws some light on the last phase in the history of the origin of the Book of Jeremiah, inasmuch as the translation into Greek was already under way before the work on the Hebrew book had come to an end.比較的馬所拉文本的譯本全的一些情況的最後階段的歷史上的起源耶利米書,因為翻譯成希臘文是之前已經在進行的工作希伯來書已經結束。 This is shown by the fact that a large part of the additions to the Hebrew text, which, absent in the Septuagint, are evidently secondary, are proved also by their contents to be later elaborations.這是表明了這樣一個事實,即很大一部分增加的希伯來文,而沒有在七十,顯然次要的,也證明了它們的內容是後來闡述。 The two texts differ above all in that the Septuagint is much shorter, containing about 2,700 words (that is, about one-eighth of the whole book) less than the Hebrew.不同的兩個文本在這上面所有的七十短得多,約2700字(即約八分之一的整本書)少於希伯來文。 On the other hand, headings in the Hebrew text are only comparatively rare.另一方面,標題中的希伯來文是唯一比較罕見的。 Even if the text of the Septuagint is proved to be the older, it does not necessarily follow that all these variations first arose after the Greek translation had been made, because two different editions of the same text might have been in process of development side by side.即使文譯本是被證明是老年人,但不一定所有這些變化後產生的第一個希臘翻譯了一些進展,因為兩個不同版本的相同的文字可能是在發展過程中的副作用旁邊。 Furthermore, the correspondence between the Septuagint and the Hebrew is too great, and their relationship too close, for one to be able to speak of two redactions.此外,來往公文和希伯來文譯本是太大了,和他們的關係過於密切,一個能夠代表兩個刪節。 They are rather two editions of the same redaction.它們是兩個版本的,而同樣的編輯。

§ VII. §七。 Origin of the Book of Jeremiah:起源耶利米書:

Final Redaction.最後Redaction 。

The different stages in the history of the growth of the book as they are shown in the two theories of its origin, that of Duhm and that of Ryssel, practically coincide.不同階段的歷史上的增長,這本書,因為它們顯示在這兩個理論的起源,即Duhm和Ryssel ,幾乎一致。 The book, dictated by Jeremiah himself under Jehoiakim, was first worked over by a pupil, probably Baruch, who added later utterances, which he wrote perhaps partly at the dictation of the prophet, but in the main independently, and to which he furthermore added narrative passages (at least for the time preceding the conquest of Jerusalem).這本書,自己出於耶利米下Jehoiakim ,最早是由工作的學生,大概巴魯克,誰補充後的言論,這也許是他寫的聽寫部分的先知,但在主要的獨立,並且他還補充說敘事段落(至少在時間前面的征服耶路撒冷) 。 This "Book of Baruch," the composition of which Kuenen without sufficient reason (see above, § III.) places first in the second half of the Babylonian exile, concludes with the passage addressed to that scribe.這“書巴魯克”的組成Kuenen沒有足夠的理由(見上文,第三。 )地方首先在下半年的巴比倫流亡,最後通過給該抄寫。 It contains oracles concerning foreign nations, which, however, stood immediately after the section referring to the cup of wrath for the nations, and had little to do with the group of oracles, now contained in xlvi.-li., concerning the nations conquered by Nebuchadnezzar.它包含關於外國神諭,聯合國,然而,站在後立即節指的是世界杯憤怒的國家,並沒有這樣做與工作組的神諭,現在已包含在xlvi.-li. ,關於聯合國征服由尼布甲尼撒。 Besides the oracle concerning Babylon, which is without doubt not genuine, the one concerning Elam must also have been added later, since, according to its dating, it did not belong to the oracles of the fourth year of Jehoiakim.除了甲骨文關於巴比倫,這是毫無疑問不是正版,是關於伊拉姆也必須後來又增加了,因為據其約會,它不屬於神諭的第四個年頭Jehoiakim 。 The Book of Jeremiah at a comparatively early date became subject to additions and revisions, which were made especially in the schools and from the material of Deutero-Isaiah; and the only question which suggests itself is whether this critical activity in reality must have continued until the end of the second century or even later.該耶利米書在一個相對早日成為受增補和修訂,其中提出了特別是在學校,從材料的Deutero -以賽亞;和唯一的問題表明自己是這一重要活動的現實必須有持續到結束的第二個世紀或更晚。 The book as a whole was first terminated by the addition of the oracle concerning Babylon, and again later by the addition of the account taken from the Book of Kings.這本書作為一個整體首次終止增加了甲骨文關於巴比倫,並再次更新,增加了該賬戶,從圖書的國王。

Bibliography:參考書目:

Commentaries: Hitzig, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch, Leipsic, 1841; 2d ed.評注:希齊格在Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手冊, Leipsic , 1841年;的2D版。 1866; Ewald, in Prophetische Bücher des Alten Testaments, 1842: 2d ed. 1868; Karl Heinrich Graf, 1862; CWE Nägelsbach, in Theologisch-Homiletisches Bibelwerk, 1868; TK Cheyne, in Spence and Exell's Pulpit Commentary (3 vols., with Lamentations), 1883-85; C. 1866年;埃瓦爾德,在Prophetische Bücher萬老聖經, 1842年:二維版。 1868年;卡爾海因里希格拉夫, 1862 ; CWE Nägelsbach ,在Theologisch - Homiletisches Bibelwerk , 1868年;傳統知識進益,在斯彭斯和Exell的講壇評( 3卷。與耶利米哀歌) , 1883年至1885年;角 von Orelli, in Kurzgefasster Kommentar, 1887; 2d ed.馮Orelli ,在Kurzgefasster Kommentar , 1887年;的2D版。 1891 (together with Jeremiah); Friedrich Giesebrecht, in Handkommentar zum Alten Testament, 1894; B. 1891年(連同耶利米) ;弗里德里希Giesebrecht ,在老Handkommentar zum全書, 1894年;灣 Duhm, in Kurzer Handkommentar, 1901. Duhm ,在Kurzer Handkommentar , 1901年。

Treatises and Monographs:論文和專著:

(1) On single critical questions: K. Budde, Ueber die Kapitel 50 und 51 des Buches Jeremia, in Jahrbücher für Deutsche Theologie, xxiii. ( 1 )在單一的關鍵問題:光布德,論死Kapitel 50和51萬Buches Jeremia ,在年鑑f黵德意志神學,二十三。 428-470, 529-562; CJ Cornill, Kapitel 52 des Buches Jeremia (in Stade's Zeitschrift, iv. 105-107); B. 428-470 , 529-562 ;希傑Cornill , Kapitel 52萬Buches Jeremia (在體育場的雜誌,四。 105-107 ) ;灣 Stade, Jer.體育場,張哲。 iii.三。 6-16 (ib. pp. 151-154), and Jer. 6月16日( ib.頁。 151-154 ) ,和哲。 xxxii.三十二。 11-14 (ib. v. 175-178); Das Vermeintliche Aramäisch-Assyrische Aequivalent für , Jer. 11月14日( ib.訴175-178 ) ;達斯Vermeintliche Aramäisch - Assyrische Aequivalent毛皮,張哲。 xliv. 17 (ib. vi. 289-339); F.四十四。 17 ( ib.六。 289-339 ) ;樓 Schwally, Die Reden des Buches Jeremia Gegen die Heiden, xxv., xlvi-li. Schwally ,模具Reden萬Buches Jeremia葛根死於海登,二十五。 ,四十六利。 (ib. viii. 177-217); B. ( ib.八。 177-217 ) ;灣 Stade, Bemerkungen zum Buche Jeremia (ib. xii. 276-308).體育場, Bemerkungen zum Buche Jeremia ( ib.十二。 276-308 ) 。

(2) On the metrical form of the speeches: K. Budde, Ein Althebräisches Klagelied (in Stade's Zeitschrift, iii. 299-306); CJ Cornill, Die Metrischen Stücke des Buches Jeremia, Leipsic, 1902. ( 2 )在格律形式的演講:光布德,艾因Althebräisches Klagelied (在體育場的雜誌,三。 299-306 ) ;希傑Cornill ,模具Metrischen杜克萬Buches Jeremia , Leipsic , 1902年。

(3) On Biblical-theological questions: H. Guthe, De Fœderis Notione Jeremiana Commentatio Theologica, 1877; A. ( 3 )聖經神學問題:閣下Guthe ,者Fœderis Notione Jeremiana Commentatio神學, 1877年;答: von Bulmerincq, Das Zukunftsbild des Propheten Jeremia, 1894: HG Mitchell, The Theology of Jeremiah, in Jour.馮Bulmerincq ,達斯Zukunftsbild萬Propheten Jeremia , 1894年:氫化米切爾神學耶利米,在季刊。 Bibl. Bibl 。 Lit.里拉。 xx. 56-76.二十。 56-76 。

(4) For the life and personality of Jeremiah see the bibliography to Jeremiah (the prophet). ( 4 )的生命和人格的耶利米看到書目以耶利米(先知) 。

The Text and Translations:文本和翻譯:

(1) Edition of the text: CJ Cornill, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah (English transl. of the notes by C. Johnston), part xi. ( 1 )版的文字:希傑Cornill ,這本書的先知耶利米(英文譯。票據的C.約翰斯頓) ,第十一部分。 of P. Haupt's SBOT 1895.體育豪普特的SBOT 1895年。

(2) A collection of single conjectures in the appendixes to Kautzsch's translation of the Old Testament (2d ed. 1896) and to Het Oude Testament; much scattered material, eg, on Jer. ( 2 )收集單一猜想中的附錄,以Kautzsch的翻譯舊約(二維版。 1896年)和雜舊全書;許多分散的材料,例如,對哲。 ii.二。 17, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xxi. 17日,在體育場的雜誌,二十一。 192. 192 。

(3) Relation of the Masoretic text to the Septuagint: FK Movers, De Utriusque Recensionis Vaticiniorum Jeremiœ, Grœcœ Alexandrinœ et Hebraicœ Masorethicœ, Indole et Origine, 1837; PF Frankl, Studien über die LXX. ( 3 )關係的馬所拉文本的譯本:外鍵走勢中,德Utriusque Recensionis Vaticiniorum Jeremiœ , Grœcœ Alexandrinœ等Hebraicœ Masorethicœ ,吲哚等起源, 1837年;公積金弗蘭克爾, Studien黚er死於LXX 。 und Peschito zu Jeremia, 1873; GC Workman, The Text of Jeremiah, 1889; Ernst Kühl, Das Verhältniss der Massora zur Septuaginta im Jeremia, Halle, 1882; AW Streane, The Double Text of Jeremiah, 1896.與Peschito楚蘭Jeremia , 1873年;氣相色譜沃克曼,耶利米的案文, 1889年;恩斯特Kühl ,達斯Verhältniss之Massora楚Septuaginta即時通訊Jeremia ,哈雷, 1882年;抗磨Streane ,雙重文本耶利米, 1896年。

In general, comp.一般情況下,壓縮機。 also the introduction to the Old Testament and articles on the Book of Jeremiah in the theological cyclopedias.EGHV Ry.還介紹了舊約和文章的耶利米書在神學cyclopedias.EGHV性。

Emil G. Hirsch, Victor Ryssel埃米爾赫斯基灣,維克多Ryssel

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。


Jeremiah耶利米

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

§ I. Life: §一,生活:

His Family.他的家人。

Attitude Toward Jerusalem Priesthood.態度耶路撒冷祭司。

§ II. §二。 Prophetic Career:先知經歷:

Residence in Jerusalem.居住在耶路撒冷。

Imprisonment and Release.監禁和釋放。

Reading of the Roll.讀卷。

Political Attitude.政治態度。

Advises Acceptance of Yoke.建議接受線圈。

Second Imprisonment.第二次入獄。

Taken to Egypt.考慮到埃及。

§ III. §三。 Character:特徵:

Strong Personality.強烈的個性。

Despondent Tone.沮喪的語氣。

Relieved by Consolation.如釋重負的安慰。

His Similes.他的明喻。

Universality of the Godhead.普遍性的神體。

-In Rabbinical Literature: ,在猶太教文學:

His Prophetic Activity.他預言活動。

During the Destruction of the Temple.在銷毀寺。

Vision of the Mourning Woman.遠景莫寧女人。

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

Son of Hilkiah; prophet in the days of Josiah and his sons.兒子Hilkiah ;先知在兩天的約書亞和他的兒子。

§ I. Life: §一,生活:

In the case of no other Israelitish prophet is information so full as in that of Jeremiah.如果沒有其他Israelitish先知是充分的信息,以便在這耶利米。 The historical portions of the Book of Jeremiah give detailed accounts of his external life evidently derived from an eye-witness-probably his pupil Baruch.歷史部分耶利米書詳細帳目,他的外部生活顯然源於見證人,也許他的瞳孔巴魯克。 Jeremiah's prophecies give an insight into his inner life, and by reason of their subjective quality explain his character and inward struggles. Of a gentle nature, he longed for the peace and happiness of his people, instead of which he was obliged to proclaim its destruction and also to witness that calamity.耶利米的預言提供深入了解他的內心生活,由於其主觀質量和解釋他的性格內向的鬥爭。一個溫和的性質,他渴望的和平與幸福的人,而不是他不得不宣布其銷毀並見證災難。 He longed for peace and rest for himself, but was obliged instead to announce to his people the coming of terrors, a task that could not but burden his heart with sorrow.他渴望和平與其餘為自己,但不得不不是宣布他的人民在今後的恐懼,這個任務無法負擔,但他的心與悲傷。 He had also to fight against the refractory ones among them and against their councilors, false prophets, priests, and princes. His Family.他還打擊頑固的和對它們之間的議員,假先知,牧師,和王子。他的家人。

Jeremiah was born in the year 650 BC at Anathoth, a small town situated three miles north of Jerusalem, in the territory of Benjamin.耶利米出生於公元前650年在Anathoth ,一個小鎮位於3英里耶路撒冷以北的,在其境內的本傑明。 He belonged to a priestly family, probably the same one as cared for the Ark of the Covenant after the return from Egypt, and the one to which the high priest Eli had belonged, but which had retreated to Anathoth when Abiathar, David's priest, was banished by Solomon (I Kings ii. 26).他屬於一個牧師家庭,可能是相同的照顧約櫃返回後從埃及,一個該大祭司禮屬於,但已回落至Anathoth時Abiathar ,大衛的神父,是放逐所羅門(王二。 26 ) 。 The family owned property in this place, so that Jeremiah was able to give himself up wholly to his prophetic calling.家庭擁有的財產在這個地方,這樣,耶利米是能夠給自己,他的預言完全呼籲。 Devoted as he was exclusively to his high vocation, and realizing that it entailed vexation and involved the proclaiming of disaster, he did not marry (Jer. xvi. 2 et seq.).專門為他專門為他的崇高使命,並認識到它帶來的煩惱和參與宣布的災難,他沒有結婚( Jer.十六。 2起。 ) 。 In the thirteenth year of King Josiah (626 BC) while still a young man Jeremiah was called to be a prophet.在今年的第十三國王約書亞( 626年) ,而仍然是一個年輕男子耶利米被稱為是一個先知。 It was just at this time that the plundering Scythian hordes, which troubled Nearer Asia for decades in the second half of the seventh century, swept past the western boundary of Palestine on their swift horses, to capture rich booty in the ancient civilized land of Egypt (Herodotus, i. 164).就在這時候,成群的掠奪西徐亞人,其中困擾接近亞洲幾十年來在下半年七世紀,橫掃過去的西部邊界的巴勒斯坦迅速馬,捕捉豐富的戰利品在古老的埃及文明的土地(希羅多德,一164 ) 。 Since he continued to prophesy until after the conquest and destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (586 BC), Jeremiah's prophetic career covered a period of more than forty years.由於他繼續預言之後才征服和摧毀耶路撒冷的尼布甲尼撒二世(公元前586 ) ,耶利米的預言職業涵蓋了為期超過四十年。 All the important events of this period are reflected in his prophecies: the publication of the Deuteronomic law (621 BC) and the religious reforms instituted by Josiah in consequence; the first deportation to Babylon, that of Jehoiachin, or Jeconiah (597); and the final catastrophe of the Jewish kingdom (586).所有重要的事件,在這一期間都反映在他的預言:出版Deuteronomic法( 621年)和宗教改革的喬賽亞的後果;第一驅逐到巴比倫,即Jehoiachin ,或Jeconiah ( 597 ) ;和最後的災難,猶太王國( 586 ) 。 Strange to say, of all these events the publication of the Deuteronomic law and the religious reforms of Josiah are the least prominently brought out in his writings.奇怪的是,所有這些事件發表Deuteronomic法和宗教改革約書亞是最突出提出了在他的著作。

Attitude Toward Jerusalem Priesthood.態度耶路撒冷祭司。

It is not improbable that the opposition in which Jeremiah seems to have stood to the priesthood of the central sanctuary at Jerusalem was a continuation of the opposition which had existed from former times between that priesthood and his family and which is traceable to Zadok, the successful opponent of Abiathar.這不是不可能,反對派在其中耶利米似乎注定鐸中央聖殿在耶路撒冷是一個持續的反對派已存在由前倍之間鐸和他的家人和這是追溯至扎多克,成功反對Abiathar 。 Jeremiah's attitude may also have been influenced by the fact that he considered Josiah's measures too superficial for the moral reformation which he declared to be necessary if the same fate were not to befall the Temple of Zion as had in days gone by befallen the Temple of Shiloh (I Sam. iv.).耶利米的態度也可能影響這一事實,他認為安南的措施過於膚淺的精神,他宣布改革是必要的,如果同樣的命運並沒有降臨寺錫安的那樣在幾天過去了寺遭受夏伊洛(一三。四。 ) 。 An inward opposition of Jeremiah to the Deuteronomic law is not to be thought of.一個內向反對派耶利米的Deuteronomic法律是不能思想。 This may be seen from the exhortation (ib. xi. 1-8) in which Jeremiah calls on his people to hear "the words of this covenant" (ib. v. 3) which God had given to their fathers when He brought them up out of Egypt.這可能是從叮嚀( ib.十一。 1月8日) ,其中耶利米呼籲,聽取他的人民“的話,這一盟約” ( ib.訴3 )上帝所給予他們的父親時,他把他們帶到出埃及。 In this passage there is a plain reference to the newly found law.在這段有一個平原提到新發現的法律。

Just as little justifiable is the theory, which has recently been suggested, that Jeremiah in his later years departed from the Deuteronomic law.正如沒有合理的理論,最近有人提出,這耶利米晚年背離Deuteronomic法。 "The false [lying] pen of the scribe," which, as Jeremiah says, "makes the Torah of Yhwh to falsehood" (Jer. viii. 8, Hebr.), could not have referred to the Deuteronomic law, nor to its falsification by copyists. “假[撒謊]筆的編劇, ”正如耶利米說: “使律法的Yhwh以謊言” ( Jer.八。 8 Hebr 。 ) ,不能提到Deuteronomic法,也不是其偽造的copyists 。 Rather, Jeremiah is thinking here of another compilation of laws which was then in progress under the direction of his opponents, the priests of the central sanctuary at Jerusalem.相反,耶利米這裡是思想的另一彙編的法律,當時進步的指導下,他的對手,祭司中央聖殿在耶路撒冷。 Jeremiah probably expected from them no other conception of law than the narrow Levitical one, which actually is apparent in the legal portions of the so-called Priestly writings and results from the Priestly point of view.耶利米預計他們可能沒有任何其他法律的概念不是一個狹隘的Levitical ,這實際上是明顯的法律部分的所謂著作和成果祭司從祭司的觀點。

§ II. §二。 Prophetic Career:先知經歷:

(a) During the Time of King Josiah: No further details of Jeremiah's life during the reign of Josiah are known. (一)時期國王約書亞:沒有進一步的細節耶利米的生命時期的喬賽亞是眾所周知的。 This is probably due to the fact, as has recently been suggested,that Jeremiah continued to live in his home at Anathoth during the opening years of his prophetic career.這可能是由於這一事實,因為最近已建議,耶利米繼續生活在他的家在Anathoth在開幕多年的職業生涯他的預言。 This theory is supported by the description of the prevailing religious rites which he gives in his first prophecies (Jer. iv. 4) and which applies better to the rough, simple, local cults than to the elaborate ritual of Yhwh in the central sanctuary. "On every hill and under every green tree" (ib. ii. 20) they honor the "strangers" (ib. v. 25), ie, the Baalim (ib. ii. 23), who, introduced from abroad, had taken their place among the local deities.這種理論的支持,說明當前的宗教儀式,他給他的第一個預言( Jer.四。 4 )和適用於更好地粗糙,簡單,當地的邪教組織,而不是闡述儀式Yhwh在中央聖殿。 “在每一個山頭和每一個綠樹” ( ib.二。 20 ) ,他們的榮譽的“陌生人” ( ib.五25 ) ,即Baalim ( ib.二。 23 ) ,誰,從國外引進,已考慮自己的位置在當地神明。 Israel had "acted wantonly" with them from the time when he first settled in the land of Canaan and had even burned his own children for them "in the valley" (ib. vii. 31).以色列“採取行動大肆”與他們的時候,他首先解決了土地的迦南,甚至燒毀自己的孩子為他們“在峽谷” ( ib.七。 31 ) 。

Residence in Jerusalem.居住在耶路撒冷。

The oldest discourses concerning the Scythians (ib. iv. 5-31) seem also to have first been written in Anathoth.最古老的話語關於Scythians ( ib.四。 5月31日)似乎也有第一次被寫入Anathoth 。 In them Jeremiah describes the irresistible advance of the people "from the north" which will bring terrible destruction upon the land of Israel on account of its apostasy.他們介紹了不可抗拒的耶利米推進人民“來自北方的”這將帶來可怕的破壞後,以色列土地上的帳戶的叛教。 Another proof in favor of the theory that Jeremiah continued to live in Anathoth at the outset of his career is that the prophecies before ch.再次證明了有利於理論,耶利米繼續生活在Anathoth在開始他的職業生涯是在總的預言。 v. do not concern themselves with the doings of the capital, and that only with his supposed change of residence to Jerusalem begins the account of the external details of his life by his pupil, who was probably originally from Jerusalem and who first became associated with the prophet there.五,不關心自己的所作所為的資本,只有與他理應改變住所耶路撒冷開始到外部細節,他的生命,他的學生,誰可能是來自耶路撒冷和誰首次成為與先知那裡。 In the capital the simple local cults dwindled into comparative insignificance before the central sanctuary, but on the other hand immorality, frivolity, and deceit made themselves prominent, together with a disregard of the words of the prophet spoken by him to the people by Yhwh's order.在首都的簡單地方邪教減少到前比較渺小的中央聖殿,但另一方面,不道德, frivolity ,和欺騙自己作出突出,加上無視的話,先知所講他的人民的Yhwh的命令。 Even the prophets took part in the general moral debasement; indeed they were worse than those who erstwhile had "prophesied in the name of Baal" (ib. ii. 8), ie, the prophets of the Northern Kingdom.即使是先知參加了一般性的道德墮落,實際上他們是誰不如從前了這些“預言的名義,巴力” ( ib.二。 8 ) ,即先知北方王國。 The people, moreover, which Jeremiah was to test for its inner worth, as an assayer (ib. vi. 27) tests the purity of metal, had lost all its preciousness and was only a generation of wrath.的人,此外,該耶利米是考驗其內在價值,作為一項assayer ( ib.六。 27 )測試的純度金屬,已失去其所有珍貴和只是一個代憤怒。

Imprisonment and Release.監禁和釋放。

(b) During the Time of King Jehoiakim: Jeremiah's removal from Anathoth to Jerusalem seems to have taken place a little before the time of Jehoiakim's accession; at least he appears as a resident in Jerusalem under that king. (二)時期國王Jehoiakim :耶利米的免職Anathoth耶路撒冷似乎發生了一點時間前Jehoiakim加入,至少,他似乎是在耶路撒冷的居民根據國王。 Just as his sternness and his threat of impending punishments had already displeased his fellow citizens in Anathoth to such an extent that they sought his life (ib. xi. 19), so also in Jerusalem general anger was soon aroused against him.正如他的嚴厲和他的威脅已經迫在眉睫的處罰不滿,他的同胞在Anathoth到這樣的程度,他們徵求了他的生命( ib.十一。 19 ) ,因此也一般在耶路撒冷的憤怒很快就引起了對他的。 The first occasion therefor was an event in the reign of Jehoiakim. Jeremiah preached a sermon in the valley Ben-hinnom against idolatry, and in order to bring the utter and complete ruin of the kingdom of Judah more clearly before the minds of his hearers he broke an earthen pitcher.第一次是一個為此事件的統治Jehoiakim 。耶利米鼓吹的一次布道中的谷本hinnom反對偶像崇拜,並且為了使完全和徹底毀滅猶太王國前更清楚的頭腦,他聽他打破了土投手。 When immediately afterward he repeated the same sermon in the Temple court, he was put in prison by Pashur, the priest in charge, being liberated, however, on the next day.當隨即他重複了同樣的講道中寺法庭,他將在監獄中的Pashur ,神父負責,被解放了,但是,在第二天。 The following section (ib. xxvi.) gives more details.下面一節( ib.二十六。 )提供更多的細節。 When the people at the beginning of Jehoiakim's reign, in spite of the terrible loss they had sustained by the death of Josiah in the unfortunate battle of Megiddo and the resultant establishment of the Egyptian domination, still took comfort in the thought of the Temple and of the protection which the sanctuary was believed to afford, Jeremiah stood in the Temple court and called on the people to improve morally; otherwise the Temple of Jerusalem would share the fate of that of Shiloh.當人們開始Jehoiakim的統治地位,儘管有可怕的損失,他們受到死亡的不幸喬賽亞在戰役美吉多和由此造成的設立埃及統治,仍然採取了舒適的思想和聖殿保護的避難所被認為負擔,耶利米站在廟法院,並呼籲人民改善道德;否則寺將分享耶路撒冷的命運的希洛。 In terrible excitement the priests and prophets cried out that Jeremiah was worthy of death.在可怕的興奮祭司和先知耶利米大叫這是值得死亡。 He, however, was acquitted by the priests and elders, who seem to have had great respect for the word of a prophet, especially in view of the fact that some of the most prominent persons rose up and called to mind the prophet Micah, who had prophesied the same fate for the Temple and for Jerusalem.不過,他被無罪釋放的牧師和長老,誰似乎都非常尊重的話,先知,特別是鑑於以下事實:一些最突出的人站起來,並呼籲想起先知彌迦,誰預言了同樣命運的聖殿和耶路撒冷。

Reading of the Roll.讀卷。

The following incidents in Jeremiah's life are most closely connected with public events as he was more and more drawn into political life by them.下面的事件耶利米的生活關係最密切的公共活動,他是越來越多的捲入政治生活的他們。 In the fourth year of Jehoiakim, the same in which the Babylonians conquered the Egyptians in the battle of Carchemish and thus became the ruling power in the whole of Nearer Asia for almost seventy years, Jeremiah dictated to Baruch the speeches he had composed from the beginning of his career till then, and caused his pupil to read them before the people in the Temple, on a feast-day in the fifth year of Jehoiakim.在第四個年頭Jehoiakim ,同樣在該決議中的埃及人巴比倫人征服之戰中Carchemish ,從而成為執政黨權力在整個亞洲的近近七十年,耶利米支配巴魯克的演講,他從一開始就組成他職業生涯至此,並造成他的學生閱讀前把人民聖殿教的一個節日天在第五年Jehoiakim 。 Upon hearing of this event the highest officers of the court caused Baruch to read the roll once more to them; and afterward, in their dismay at its contents, they informed the king of it.聽到這件事的最高官員的法院造成巴魯克閱讀輥再次給他們;和之後,在他們失望的內容,他們告訴國王了。 Jehoiakim next caused the roll to be brought and read to him, but scarcely had the reader Jehudi read three or four leaves when the king had the roll cut in pieces and thrown into the brazier by which he was warming himself. Jeremiah, however, who on the advice of the officials had hidden himself, dictated anew the contents of the burnt roll to Baruch, adding "many like words" (ib. xxxvi. 32).造成Jehoiakim明年將推出,並宣讀了他,但很少有讀者Jehudi改為三個或四個葉片時,國王推出削減件扔進火盆由他變暖自己。耶利米,但是,誰的意見的官員隱藏自己,決定重新內容燒毀翻車巴魯克,加入“許多人喜歡用” ( ib.三十六。 32 ) 。 It was his secretary likewise who (later) wrote into the roll all the new prophecies which were delivered up to the time of the destruction of Jerusalem.這是他的秘書也同樣誰(後)寫信到所有新推出的預言了交付的時間摧毀耶路撒冷。

Political Attitude.政治態度。

(c) During the Time of Zedekiah: In the original roll which was burned by Jehoiakim, and which probably included practically the prophecies contained in ch. ( c )在時間Zedekiah :在原來的滾動而被燒毀的Jehoiakim ,其中可能包括幾乎預言載在CH 。 ii.-xii., Jeremiah had not made any positive demands concerning the political attitude of the kingdom of Judah. He had merely, in accordance with the principle laid down by Hosea and Isaiah, declared that Judah should not take any political stand of her own, and should follow neither after Assyria nor after Egypt, but should wait and do what Yhwh commanded (ib. ii. 18, 36).白介素-十二。 ,耶利米沒有作出任何積極的要求,有關的政治態度的猶太王國。他只是按照規定的原則和以賽亞的何西阿宣布,猶太不應該採取任何政治立場,她的自己的,應該按照既不後亞述也不埃及後,但應等待和做Yhwh指揮( ib.二。 18 , 36 ) 。 But in the course of events he felt impelled to take active part in political affairs.但是,在事件的過程中,他認為推動積極參加政治事務。 This was during the time of Zedekiah, who had been placed on the throne by Nebuchadnezzar after the deportation of Jehoiachin (ib. xxvii., xxviii.).這是時期Zedekiah ,誰已經對王位的尼布甲尼撒後驅逐出境Jehoiachin ( ib.二十七。 ,二十八。 ) 。

Advises Acceptance of Yoke.建議接受線圈。

When, in the fourth year of Zedekiah, ambassadors from the surrounding nations came to deliberate with the King of Judah concerning a common uprising against the Babylonian king, a prophet by the name of Hananiahproclaimed in the Temple the speedy return of Jehoiachin and his fellow exiles as well as the bringing back of the Temple vessels which had been carried off by Nebuchadnezzar, supporting his prophecy by the announcement that the "word of Yhwh" was to the effect that he would "break the yoke of the king of Babylon" (ib. xxviii. 4).當,在第四個年頭Zedekiah ,大使從周邊國家來故意與國王猶太關於共同反抗巴比倫國王,先知的名字叫Hananiahproclaimed在聖殿迅速返回Jehoiachin和他的同事流亡者並帶回聖殿船隻進行了關閉尼布甲尼撒,支持他的預言的宣布, “字Yhwh ”的大意是,他將“打破枷鎖巴比倫國王” (國際文憑。二十八。 4 ) 。 Jeremiah then appeared in the market-place with a yoke of wood and counseled the ambassadors, King Zedekiah, and his people to submit voluntarily to the Babylonian power.耶利米然後出現在市場上的枷鎖木材和勸告大使,國王Zedekiah ,和他的人民提出自願巴比倫權力。 When Jeremiah appeared also at the Temple, Hananiah tore the yoke from his shoulders and repeated his prophecy of good tidings (ib. v. 10 et seq.).當耶利米似乎又在寺, Hananiah撕毀的枷鎖從他的肩膀,並重申了他的預言的好消息( ib.訴10起。 ) 。 Jeremiah likewise advised the exiles in Babylon to settle there quietly (ib. xxix.), which caused one of them to write to the high priest in Jerusalem directing him to fulfil his duty, to watch over every mad man in the Temple and over every one that "maketh himself a prophet" and, consequently, to put Jeremiah "in prison and in the stocks" (ib. xxix. 26).耶利米同樣建議流亡在巴比倫定居悄悄( ib.二十九。 ) ,造成其中一人寫信給大祭司在耶路撒冷指示他能夠履行其職責,監督每一個瘋狂的男子,並在寺每一個說: “ maketh自己的先知” ,因此,把耶利米“在監獄中和在股市” ( ib.二十九。 26 ) 。

Second Imprisonment.第二次入獄。

But destiny was soon fulfilled, and with it came new trials for Jeremiah.但是,命運很快實現,並與它的新的審判耶利米。 Zedekiah had been obliged to succumb to the insistence of the war party and to rebel against Nebuchadnezzar. Zedekiah不得不屈服於堅持黨的戰爭和反抗尼布甲尼撒。 The Babylonians then marched against Judah to punish Zedekiah and quell the rebellion.巴比倫人然後遊行反對猶太懲罰Zedekiah和平息叛亂。 When Jeremiah's prophecy was near its fulfilment, the king sent often for him to consult with him and to ascertain how it would go with the people and with himself and what he should do to save himself.當耶利米的預言是接近完成,國王對他發出常常與他進行磋商,並確定它將如何順應人民和他本人和他應該做的方式自救。 Jeremiah told him plainly that the Babylonians would conquer and advised him to surrender before the beginning of hostilities, in order to ward off the worst.耶利米告訴他顯然認為,巴比倫人將征服和勸他投降開始前敵對行動,以避免最壞的打算。 Zedekiah, however, did not dare follow this advice, and thus the catastrophe came to pass, not without Jeremiah having in the meantime to endure many hardships owing to the siege. Zedekiah ,然而,不敢遵循這一意見,因此,災難來傳遞,而不是有沒有耶利米在此期間要忍受許多困難,由於圍困。 Since he undoubtedly prophesied the overthrow of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, and warned against resisting them as well as against trusting in the Egyptians for help, he was regarded as a traitor to his country; and for that reason and because his openly expressed conviction robbed the besieged of their courage, he was placed in confinement.由於他預言無疑推翻耶路撒冷的巴比倫人,並警告他們對抵制,以及對不可信賴的埃及人的幫助,他被視為叛徒對他的國家;和出於這個理由,因為他公開表示定罪搶劫包圍他們的勇氣,他被安置在禁閉。 He was treated as a deserter also because he desired to go to his native city on a personal matter at a time when the Babylonians had temporarily raised the siege to march against Hophra, the Egyptian king (the "Apries" of Herodotus), who was advancing against them.他被視為逃兵,因為他還想要到他的城市的個人問題的時候,巴比倫人暫時提高了包圍示威遊行,抗議Hophra ,埃及國王(以下簡稱“ Apries ”的希羅多德) ,誰是推進對他們。 Jeremiah was arrested and thrown into a dungeon, whence he was released by the king.耶利米被逮捕並扔進地牢,何處他被釋放國王。 He was then confined in the court of the guard in the royal castle, as his discouraging influence on the soldiers was feared.然後他被關在法院的組織後衛的皇家城堡,他沮喪的影響士兵擔心。 Although he was allowed a certain freedom there, since he continued to make no secret of his conviction as to the final downfall of Judah, the king's officers threw him into an empty cistern.儘管他被允許有一定的自由,因為他繼續毫不掩飾自己的信念,以最後垮台猶太,國王的軍官把他扔到一個空的蓄水池。 From this also he was rescued by a eunuch with the king's permission, being saved at the same time from death by starvation (ib. xxxvii., xxxviii.).這也從他被救出的太監與國王的許可,被保存在同一時間從餓死的( ib.三十七。 ,三十八。 ) 。 He then remained in the lighter captivity of the court prison until he was liberated at the capture of Jerusalem by the Babylonians.然後,他繼續留在打火機被扣法院監獄,直到他被解放的捕獲耶路撒冷的巴比倫人。

(d) During the Time After the Fall of Jerusalem: The Babylonians handed Jeremiah over to the care and protection of the governor Gedaliah, with whom he lived at Mizpah. ( d )在時間陷落後耶路撒冷:耶利米巴比倫人移交給照顧和保護總督Gedaliah ,同他住在米茲帕。 After the murder of the governor, Jeremiah seems to have been carried off by Ishmael, the murderer of Gedaliah, and to have been rescued by Johanan and his companions. This may be concluded from the fact that the prophet, with Baruch, was among the non-deported Jews who thought of going to Egypt through fear of the Babylonians.被殺後,總督耶利米似乎已經被抬下場的伊斯梅爾,兇手的Gedaliah ,並已救出Johanan和他的同伴。這可能是結束的事實是先知,與巴魯克,是中非驅逐猶太人誰想到前往埃及通過恐懼的巴比倫人。 During a stay near Beth-lehem he was asked for God's will on the matter.在附近逗留貝絲- lehem他要求天意在這個問題上。 When, after ten days, he received the answer that they should remain in the country, his warning voice was not heard, the cry being raised against him that Baruch had incited him to give this counsel.當,在經過10天,他收到了答复,他們應該留在國內,他的警告沒有聽到聲音,呼喊對他提出的巴魯克煽動他給這個律師。 Accordingly the Jews dragged the prophet with them, as a hostage (Duhm ["Theologie der Propheten," p. 235]: "as an amulet")to Tahapanhes (ie, Daphne, on the eastern branch of the Nile).因此,猶太人拖出先知與他們作為人質( Duhm [ “神學之Propheten ” ,第235頁] : “作為一個護身符” ) ,以Tahapanhes (即金邊,東部分支尼羅河) 。 Here Jeremiah continued to prophesy the destruction by the Babylonians of his fellow refugees as also of the Pharaohs and of the temples of Egypt (ib. xxxvii.-xliv.).這裡耶利米繼續預言破壞的巴比倫人同伴難民還法老和寺廟的埃及( ib. xxxvii. -四十四。 ) 。 Here also he must have experienced the anger of the women refugees, who could not be prevented by him from baking cakes and pouring out wine to the "queen of heaven" (ib. xliv. 15 et seq.).這裡還必須有經驗豐富的他憤怒的婦女難民,誰不能阻止他從烘焙蛋糕和湧出葡萄酒的“女王的天堂” ( ib.四十四。 15起。 ) 。

Jeremiah probably died in Egypt.耶利米可能死在埃及。 Whether his countrymen killed him, as tradition says, can, on account of the lack of historical data, be neither affirmed nor denied.無論是他的同胞殺死了他,作為傳統的說,可以,考慮到缺乏歷史數據,既不肯定也不否認。 But his assassination does not seem wholly impossible in view of the angry scene just mentioned.但他的暗殺事件似乎並不完全不可能鑑於現場剛才提到的憤怒。 At any rate, his life, even as it had been a continual struggle, ended in suffering.無論如何,他的生活,即使它是一個持續的鬥爭,結束了痛苦。 And it was not the least of the tragic events in his life that his chief opponents belonged to the same two classes of which he himself was a member.這是不是最悲慘事件在他的生命,他的首席對手屬於同一兩班,而他本人是一個會員。 The priests fought him because he declared sacrifice to be of little importance, and the prophets because he declared that it was self-interest which prompted them to prophesy good for the people.祭司打他,因為他宣布犧牲沒有什麼意義,和先知,因為他宣布,它自身的利益而促使他們預言有益於人民。

§ III. §三。 Character:特徵:

Strong Personality.強烈的個性。

(a) Character of Personality: The tragic element in Jeremiah's life has already been mentioned. (一)人格特徵:悲慘的因素耶利米的生命已經提到。 It was heightened by the subjective trait which is peculiar to Jeremiah more than to other prophets, even the older ones.這是高度的主觀特徵是特有的耶利米超過其他先知,甚至舊。 This personal suffering over the hard fate which he is obliged to proclaim to his people as God's changeless will is so strong that he even makes the attempt in earnest intercession to move God to a milder attitude toward the guilty.這個人痛苦的命運而努力,他不得不宣布他的人民的上帝的不變將是如此強烈,甚至使他的企圖干預認真移動上帝溫和態度有罪。 "Remember that I stood before thee to speak good for them and to turn away thy wrath from them" (ib. xviii. 20). “請記住,我站在你面前說對他們有好處,並放棄你的憤怒從他們” ( ib.十八。 20 ) 。 He would undoubtedly like to keep silence and yet must speak: "I said, I will not make mention of him, nor speak any more in his name. But his word was in mine heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones, and I was weary with forbearing, and I could not stay"-ie, "I struggled to keep it within me and I could not" (ib. xx. 9).他無疑將要保持沉默,但必須大聲疾呼: “我說,我也不會提到他,也沒有說任何更多的他的名字。但是他的字是在排雷中心作為燃燒火災關在我的骨頭,和我厭倦了忍,我不能留“ ,即: ”我竭力保持在我和我不能“ ( ib.二十。 9 ) 。 Yhwh even has to forbid his intercession for the sinners (ib. vii. 16, xi. 14, xiv. 11), and to forbid the people to seek his intercession (ib. xlii. 2, 4).耶和華甚至禁止他代禱的罪人( ib.七。 16 ,十一。 14 ,十四。 11 ) ,並禁止人們尋求他的調解( ib.四十二。 2 , 4 ) 。 Jeremiah's sympathy for his countrymen who have been punished by God is so great that at one time the prophetical declaration to the people is changed into the people's petition: "O Lord, correct me, but with judgment; not in thine anger, lest thou bring me to nothing" (ib. x. 24).耶利米的同情,他的同胞誰已經受到懲罰的上帝是如此之大,在同一時間的預言宣言人民變成人民的請願書: “主啊,糾正我,但判決;不會在你的憤怒,以免你把我要什麼“ ( ib.十24 ) 。 In moving terms he describes the pain which he feels within him, in his "very heart," when he hears the sound of war and must announce it to the people (ib. iv. 19, viii. 18-22); and in despair over his sad life he curses the day of his birth (ib. xx. 14-18).在移動的條件,他介紹了疼痛,他覺得在他,在他的“核心” ,當他聽到的聲音,宣布戰爭,必須給人民( ib.四。 19八。 18-22日) ;和他傷心絕望的生活,他咒罵的一天,他出生( ib.二十。 14-18 ) 。

With this intense sensitiveness on the part of the prophet, it should not cause surprise that, on the other hand, his anger breaks forth against his persecutors and he desires a day of destruction to come upon them (ib. xvii. 18).這一激烈的敏感性是對先知,應該不會造成意外的是,另一方面,他憤怒的休息,對他的迫害提出的,他希望有一天來破壞他們( ib.十七。 18 ) 。

Despondent Tone.沮喪的語氣。

(b) Character of His Writing: It is doubtless due to this despondent and often despairing frame of mind that his words frequently make a dull and lifeless impression which is not remedied by a heaping up of synonymous terms; and this is all the more noticeable because the rhythm of the speeches is very feeble and frequently almost disappears. (二)他的寫作特點:這是毫無疑問,由於這種沮喪和絕望往往心境,他的話常常使枯燥和生命的印象是沒有補救的堆的同義詞,這是更為顯著因為節奏的講話是非常虛弱,常常幾乎消失了。 Although this may have been due in part to the fact that Jeremiah did not write his book himself, it is still undeniable that there is a monotony in the contents of his speeches.雖然這可能是由於部分的事實,耶利米沒有寫他的書本人,但仍不可否認的是,有一種單調的內容的講話。 This may be traced to the conditions of his age.這可能要追溯到他的年齡條件。 The prophet is always complaining of the sins of the people, particularly of their idolatry, or else describing the catastrophe which is to burst upon them through the hordes from the north.先知總是抱怨的罪過的人,尤其是他們的偶像崇拜,或者描述了災難是突發他們通過大批來自北方。 Seldom is there a brighter outlook into a better future.很少有一個更光明的前景將更加美好的未來。

Relieved by Consolation.如釋重負的安慰。

The hope which he had at the beginning, that the people would recognize the evils of idolatry and would turn again to God with inward repentance (ib. ii.-iv. 4), entirely disappears later in face of the utter perverseness of the people; as does the other hope that Ephraim, the lost favorite of Yhwh, that child of Rachel who had been lost sight of for 100 years, would return from "out of the desert."希望他在開始時,人民將承認罪惡的偶像崇拜,並反過來又再次向上帝懺悔與抵港( ib. ii.-iv. 4 ) ,完全消失,後來在面對完全perverseness人民;象其他希望埃弗拉伊姆,損失最喜愛的Yhwh ,兒童的雷切爾誰已經忘記了的100年中,將返回從“走出沙漠。 ” But when Jeremiah speaks from the depths of his soul the monotony of the content is relieved by the charm of the language in which he, as no other prophet, is able to relate God's words of love to his faithless wife Judah.但是,當耶利米說從他的靈魂深處的單調內容是寬慰的魅力語言,其中他,因為沒有其他的先知,能夠與上帝的話,愛他的妻子猶太不忠實。

His Similes.他的明喻。

From his choice of words it may be concluded that Jeremiah, like Isaiah, was an educated man.從他選擇的話,可能會得出這樣的結論耶利米,如以賽亞,這是一個受過教育的人。 The pictures which he paints of outdoor life show a deep, delicate appreciation of nature.這些照片是他畫的戶外生活顯示了深刻的,微妙的讚賞性質。 The voices of the desert sound in his poems; he speaks of the swift-footed dromedary running to and fro, of the cattle grown wild on the plains, of the thirsty wild ass gasping for breath with dim eyes, and of the bird of prey which the fowler has tied to a stake in order to attract his victim.的聲音沙漠健全他的詩作中,他談到了迅速右腳單峰駱駝來回穿梭,該牛生長野生平原,在口渴野驢喘一口氣與暗淡的眼睛,和猛禽其中福勒掛鉤的股份,以吸引他的受害者。 Even in the description of chaos (ib. iv. 25) "Jeremiah does not forget the birds" (Duhm, in the introduction to his translation of Jeremiah, p. xxii.).即使是在描述混沌( ib.四。 25 ) “耶利米不會忘記鳥” ( Duhm ,在介紹其翻譯耶利米,第22 。 ) 。 His is, indeed, rather a lyrical nature, since even without a picture he tarries sometimes in an appreciative contemplation of nature, which corresponds to his sensitive comprehension of the human heart.他確實是相當的抒情性,因為即使沒有圖片,他有時在一個tarries讚賞沉思的性質,相當於他的敏感的理解人的心靈。 God's greatness is manifested to him in the sand on the shore, which is placed as an eternal boundary for the sea; "andthough the waves thereof toss themselves, yet can they not prevail; though they roar, yet can they not pass over it" (ib. v. 22).上帝的偉大表現是他在沙在岸上,這是把它作為一個永恆的海上邊界; “ andthough浪擲自己的不足,但他們能不能得逞;儘管它們轟鳴聲,但他們能不能越過它” ( ib.五22 ) 。 He observes the lengthening shadows as the day is sinking (ib. vi. 4), or the dry wind of the high places which comes in from the wilderness and is too strong to serve either for fanning or for cleansing (ib. iv. 11).他指出延長陰影的一天下沉( ib.六。 4 ) ,或幹風高的地方,它在從曠野和太強的服務或者煽動或清洗( ib.四。 11 ) 。 Now and then with a special touch he raises his pictures of human life above the vagueness which on account of the suppression of details is common to the Old Testament illustrations and examples.現在,然後用一種特殊聯繫,他提出了他的照片,人的生命高於含糊其中考慮到提供的細節是共同的舊約插圖和例子。 He furnishes the "smelter" (), who has been a stereotyped example since the oldest prophets, with bellows (ib. vi. 29); as symbols of the joyful existence which his prophecies foretelling punishment will drive away, he mentions, besides the voices of the bridegroom and of the bride, the sound of the millstones and the light of the candle (ib. xxv. 10; comp. ib. vii. 34, xvi. 9).他提供的“熔爐” ( ) ,誰已定型的例子,因為最古老的先知,與波紋管( ib.六。 29 ) ;作為符號存在的喜悅,他的預言預示懲罰將趕走,他提到,除了聲音的新郎和新娘的聲音millstones並根據蠟燭( ib.二十五。 10 ;補償。國際文憑。七。 34 ,十六。 9 ) 。 He also observes how the shepherd counts the sheep of his flock (ib. xxxiii. 13).他還指出如何牧羊人罪狀羊的他的羊群( ib.三十三。 13 ) 。

The symbolic acts of which he makes frequent use, whether he actually carries them out, as in breaking the earthen pitcher, in putting on the cords, and in placing the yoke on his neck, or merely imagines them, as in the allegories in Jer.象徵性的行為,他經常使用,他是否真正履行他們作為打破砂鍋投手,在8383線,並在把他的脖子上枷鎖,或者僅僅是想像他們,如在寓言哲。 xiii.十三。 1 et seq., are simple and easily intelligible (Baudissin, "Einleitung," pp. 420 et seq.). 1起。 ,很簡單,容易理解的( Baudissin , “導論” ,頁。 420起。 ) 。

Universality of the Godhead.普遍性的神體。

(c) Character of His Religious Views: In conformity with the subjectivity of his nature, Jeremiah raised the conception of the bond between God and His people far above the conception of a physical relation, and transferred piety from mere objective ceremonies into the human heart (comp. ib. iv. 4, xvii. 9, xxix. 13, and, if Jeremianic, also xxxi. 31 et seq.). (三)特徵的宗教次數:在符合其主體性質,耶利米提出的概念,債券之間的上帝和他的人民的概念遠遠超出了體育的關係,並移送虔誠從單純的客觀儀式進入人類心臟( comp.國際文憑。四。 4 ,十七。 9日,第29屆。 13 ,如果Jeremianic ,也三十一。 31起。 ) 。 Through this conception of man's relation to the divinity, the idea of the divine universality, if not created by him, was yet (if Amos ix. 2-4, 5 et seq. be excluded) very clearly demonstrated.通過這一概念的人神關係的想法神聖的普遍性,如果不是他所創建的,是沒有(如果阿莫斯納曼九。 2月4日, 5起。被排除在外)非常清楚地表現出來。 Although a large part of the passages in which the universality of God is most clearly expressed (Jer. xxvii. 5, 11; xxxii. 19; xlix. 11) are doubtful as regards their authorship, there are nevertheless undoubted passages (ib. xii. 14 et seq., and xviii. 7 et seq.) in which Jeremiah, although from the standpoint that Yhwh is the special God of Israel, expresses his conviction that He can reject nations other than Israel and afterward take them again into His favor.雖然有很大一部分的段落中的普遍性,上帝是最明確的表達( Jer.二十七。 5日, 11日;三十二。 19 ; xlix 。 11 )懷疑至於他們的著作,還有然而不容置疑的通道( ib.十二。 14起。 ,和十八。 7起。 ) ,其中耶利米,雖然從出發, Yhwh特別是以色列的上帝,對他的信念,他可以拒絕接受聯合國以外的以色列和之後他們再次到他有利。 If in these passages the particularistic conception of God is not completely abandoned, nevertheless His universality is the direct consequence of the portrayal, which was first given by Jeremiah, of His omnipresence and omnipotence, filling heaven and earth (ib. xxiii. 23; comp. ii. 16).如果在這些通道的特殊概念,上帝是沒有完全放棄,然而他的普遍性的直接後果的描述,這是第一次由耶利米,他的無所不在和無所不能,灌裝天地( ib.二十三。 23 ;補償。二。 16 ) 。 Thus Jeremiah, starting out from his conception of God, can characterize the gods of the heathen as "no gods," and can express his conviction that "among the idols of the heathen there is not one which can cause rain," whereas Yhwh has made all (ib. xiv. 22; comp. xvi. 19 et seq.).因此耶利米,開始了他的上帝的概念,可以定性神的異教徒“沒有神” ,並可以表達自己的信念,即“在偶像的異教徒沒有一個可引起雨” ,而Yhwh已作出一切( ib.十四。 22 ;補償。十六。 19起。 ) 。 But in spite of this tendency toward a universalistic conception of God, which later became a firm article of belief, the barriers of the national religion had not yet fallen in Jeremiah's mind.然而,儘管這一趨勢走向上帝的普遍性概念,後來成為堅定的信仰條,障礙國家宗教尚未下降,耶利米的頭腦。 This is shown most clearly by the fact that even he conceives of a final restoration of the tribe of Israel.這是最明顯的表現出的事實,即使他設想最終恢復部落以色列。

Bibliography:參考書目:

CWE Nägelsbach, Der Prophet Jeremia und Babylon, Erlangen, 1850; CH Cornill, Jeremia und Seine Zeit, 1880; TK Cheyne, Jeremiah: His Life and Times, 1888; Lazarus, Der Prophet Jeremia; K. CWE Nägelsbach報先知Jeremia和巴比倫,埃爾蘭根, 1850年;甲烷Cornill , Jeremia和他的時代, 1880年;傳統知識進益,耶利米:他的生平與時代, 1888年;拉撒路報先知Jeremia的K. Marti, Der Prophet Jeremia von Anatot, 1889; W.馬蒂報先知Jeremia馮Anatot , 1889年;總統 Erbt, Jeremia und Seine Zeit, 1902; Bernhard Duhm, Das Buch Jeremia, Uebersetzt, 1903 (comp. Introduction, pp. v.-xxxiv.); Erbt , Jeremia和他的時代, 1902年;伯恩哈Duhm ,達斯圖書Jeremia , Uebersetzt , 1903 ( comp.言,頁。訴,三十四。 ) ;

bibliography under Jeremiah, Book of.EGHV Ry.耶利米下書目,圖書of.EGHV性。

-In Rabbinical Literature: ,在猶太教文學:

Jeremiah, a descendant of Rahab by her marriage with Joshua (Sifre, Num. 78; Meg. 14b, below), was born during the persecution of the prophets under Jezebel (Gen. R. lxiv. 6; Rashi on Jer. xx. 14 reads, probably correctly, "Manasseh" instead of "Jezebel").耶利米,子孫拉哈伯的婚姻與約書亞( Sifre ,序號。 78 ;梅格。 14B條,見下文) ,出生在迫害下Jezebel先知(將軍河lxiv 。 6 ; Rashi上哲。二十。 14內容,可能正確, “瑪” ,而不是“ Jezebel ” ) 。 The lofty mission for which Jeremiah was destined was evident even at his birth; for he not only came into the world circumcised (Ab. RN ii. [ed. Schechter, p. 12]; Midr. Teh. ix. [ed. Buber, p. 84]), but as soon as he beheld the light of day he broke out into loud cries, exclaiming with the voice of a youth: "My bowels, my bowels! I am pained at my very heart; my heart maketh a noise in me," etc. (Jer. iv. 20).的崇高使命而耶利米注定是明顯的,即使在自己的出生,因為他不僅進入世界割禮( Ab.護士二。 [男女。謝克特,第12頁] ; Midr 。的。九。 [男女。布伯,第84頁] ) ,但他一看見鑑於一天,他爆發出響亮的呼喊,叫的聲音青年: “我的腸子,我的腸子!我很心疼我的心;我的心maketh噪音在我, “等( Jer.四。 20 ) 。 He continued by accusing his mother of unfaithfulness; and as the latter was greatly astonished to hear this unbecoming speech of her new-born infant, he said: "I do not mean you, my mother. My prophecy does not refer to you; I am speaking of Zion and Jerusalem. They deck out their daughters, and clothe them in purple, and put golden crowns on their heads; but the robbers shall come and take these things away."他繼續指責他的母親的不忠,並因為後者非常驚訝地聽到這個不得體的講話,她新出生的嬰兒,他說: “我不想你,我的母親。我的預言沒有提到你,我指的是錫安山和耶路撒冷。他們甲板了他們的女兒,和他們的紫色衣服,把金冠對他們的頭上;但劫匪應來考慮這些事情了。 “

Jeremiah refused God's call to the prophethood, and referred to Moses, Aaron, Elijah, and Elisha, all of whom, on account of their calling, were subjected to sorrows and to the mockery of the Jews; and he excused his refusal with the plea that he was still too young.耶利米拒絕上帝的呼籲prophethood ,並提到摩西,亞倫,以利亞和以利沙,所有這些人,就到他們的要求,受到的痛苦和嘲弄的猶太人,他的原諒他拒絕認罪他仍然太年輕。 God, however, replied: "I love youth because it is innocent; it was for this reason that when I led Israel out of Egypt I called him 'my son' [comp. Hosea xi. 1], and when I think lovingly of Israel, I speak of it as of a boy [Jer. ii. 2]; hence do not say 'I am a boy.'" Then God handed to Jeremiah the "cup of wrath," from which he was to let the nations drink; and when Jeremiah asked which nation should drink first, the answer was "Israel."上帝,然而,回答說: “我喜歡年輕人,因為它是無辜的;正是由於這個原因,當我率領以色列的埃及我叫他'我的兒子' [壓縮機。何西阿十一。 1 ] ,當我覺得親切的以色列,我說這是一個男孩[張哲。二。 2 ] ;因此不說'我是一個男孩。 “然後,上帝交給耶利米的”憤怒的世界杯, “從他讓聯合國飲料;當耶利米問哪個國家應該先喝點,答案是“以色列。 ” Then Jeremiah began to lament his fate, comparing himself with the high priest who was about to perform in the Temple the ceremonies prescribed in the case of a woman suspected of adultery (Num. v. 12 et seq.), and who, when he approached her with the "cup of the bitter water," beheld his own mother (Pesiḳ. R. 26 [ed. Friedmann, p. 129a, b]).然後開始耶利米哀嘆自己的命運,比較自己與大祭司誰是即將執行的廟儀式訂明的情況下一個女人被懷疑通姦( Num.訴12起。 ) ,以及誰,當他走近她的“杯水的苦澀, ”看到自己的母親( Pesiḳ.河26 [男女。弗里德曼,第129a條, b ]上) 。

His Prophetic Activity.他預言活動。

The prophetic activity of Jeremiah began in the reign of Josiah; he was a contemporary of his relative the prophetess Hulda and of his teacher Zephaniah (comp. Maimonides in the introduction to "Yad"; in Lam. R. i. 18 Isaiah is mentioned as Jeremiah's teacher).預言活動耶利米開始統治約書亞;他是當代的,他的預言相對胡爾達和他的老師Zephaniah ( comp.邁蒙尼德的導言“亞德瓦” ;在藍田。河一提到18以賽亞作為耶利米的老師) 。 These three prophets divided their activity in such wise that Hulda spoke to the women and Jeremiah to the men in the street, while Zephaniah preached in the synagogue (Pesiḳ. R. lc).這三個先知除以它們的活動在這種英明的胡爾達以向婦女和耶利米的男子在街上,而Zephaniah鼓吹的猶太教堂( Pesiḳ.河信用證) 。 When Josiah restored the true worship, Jeremiah went to the exiled ten tribes, whom he brought to Palestine under the rule of the pious king ('Ar. 33a). Although Josiah went towar with Egypt against the prophet's advice, yet the latter knew that the pious king did so only in error (Lam. R. lc); and in his dirges he bitterly laments the king's death, the fourth chapter of the Lamentations beginning with a dirge on Josiah (Lam. R. iv. 1; Targ. II Chron. xxxv. 25).當約書亞恢復了真正的崇拜,耶利米去流亡10部落,他帶到巴勒斯坦的統治下虔誠的國王( '氬。 33a ) 。雖然安南前往towar與埃及對先知的意見,但後者知道虔誠的國王這樣做只是在錯誤( Lam.河立法會)和他在他的強烈dirges感嘆國王的去世,第四章的耶利米哀歌開始,哀樂的約書亞( Lam.河四。 1 ; Targ 。二專欄。三十五。 25 ) 。

Under Jehoiakim the prophet's life was a hard one; not only did the wicked king burn the early chapters of Lamentations, but the prophet was even in danger of his life (M. Ḳ. 26a; Lam. R., Introduction, p. 28).根據Jehoiakim先知的生活是艱苦的一個;不僅沒有惡人國王燒傷早期章節耶利米哀歌,但預言是危險的,即使在他的生命(先生K表。 26A條;林。河,導言,第28頁) 。 He fared still worse, however, under Zedekiah, when he had to withstand many attacks both upon his teachings and upon his life.他的表現依然糟糕,但是,根據Zedekiah ,當他不得不承受許多攻擊都對他的教誨和他的生活。 On account of his descent from the proselyte Rahab he was scorned by his contemporaries as one who had no right to reproach the Jews for their sins (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, xiii. 115b), and they furthermore accused him of unchastity (B. Ḳ. 16b).考慮到他的後裔從proselyte拉哈伯他嘲笑他同時代的一個誰沒有權利責備猶太人為他們的罪孽( Pesiḳ. ,教育署。布伯,十三。 115b ) ,他們還指責他不貞(乙。 K表。 16B款) 。 The hatred of the priests and of the war party against Jeremiah brought about his imprisonment on a false accusation by one of them, Jeriah, a grandson of Hananiah, an old enemy of Jeremiah.仇恨的牧師和戰爭耶利米黨對他的監禁帶來一個虛假的指控,其中一人Jeriah的孫子Hananiah ,舊的敵人耶利米。 His jailer Jonathan, a relative of Hananiah, mocked him with the words: "Behold, what honors your friend has brought upon you! How fine is this prison in which you now are; truly it is like a palace!"他的獄卒喬納森,一個相對的Hananiah ,嘲笑他的話: “看哪,什麼榮譽您的朋友帶來了你們!如何罰款是該監獄中,你現在是真正就像宮殿! ” Yet the prophet remained steadfast; and when the king asked whether Jeremiah had a prophecy for him, the prophet fearlessly answered: "Yes: the King of Babel will lead you into exile."然而,先知仍然堅定不移;當國王詢問是否有耶利米的預言,他的先知,大膽回答: “是:國王的巴貝爾將引導您流亡。 ” When he saw how angry the king grew on hearing this, he tried to change the subject, saying: "Lo, even the wicked seek a pretext when they revenge themselves on their enemies! How much greater right has one to expect that a just man will have sufficient reason for bringing evil upon any one! Your name is 'Zedekiah,' indicating that you are a just 'ẓaddiḳ'; I therefore pray you not to send me back to prison."當他看到憤怒國王增長聽到這話,他試圖改變話題,他說: “盧,即使是邪惡的藉口時,尋求報復,他們自己的敵人!多少更大的權利有一個期望,一個公正的人將有足夠的理由使邪惡的任何一個!你的名字是' Zedekiah ,這表明你是一個公正' ẓaddiḳ ' ;因此,我祈禱你不要送我回監獄。 “ The king granted this request; but he was unable to withstand for long the clamorings of the nobles, and Jeremiah was cast into a muddy pit, the intention being that he should perish therein.國王授予這一請求,但他無法承受長期的clamorings的貴族,和耶利米被拋入泥濘的坑,其意圖是,他應該有亡。 As there was enough water in the pit to drown a man, the design of his enemies would have been carried out had not God miraculously caused the water to sink to the bottom and the dirt to float, so that Jeremiah escaped death.因為有足夠的水在場內淹死一個人,設計他的敵人會已進行了上帝奇蹟般地沒有造成水下沉的底部和污垢浮動,因此,耶利米逃脫死亡。 Even then his former keeper, Jonathan, mocked the prophet, calling to him: "Why do you not rest your head on the mud so that you may be able to sleep a while?"即使這樣他的前門將,喬納森,嘲弄先知,要求對他說: “你為什麼不休息你的腦袋上的泥漿,使您可以睡一會兒? ” At the instance of Ebed-melech, the king permitted Jeremiah to be rescued from the pit.在實例Ebed - melech ,國王允許耶利米被救出礦井。 Jeremiah at first did not answer Ebed-melech when he called to him, because he thought it was Jonathan.耶利米最初沒有回答Ebed - melech當他要求給他,因為他認為這是喬納森。 Ebed-melech, who thought that the prophet was dead, then began to weep, and it was only after he had heard the weeping that Jeremiah answered; thereupon he was drawn up from the mire (Pesiḳ. R. 26 [ed. Friedmann, p. 130a, b]; comp. Ebed-melech in Rabbinical Literature). Ebed - melech ,誰認為,先知死了,然後開始哭泣,只是在他聽到了哭泣的耶利米回答,於是,他制定了從泥潭( Pesiḳ.河26 [男女。弗里德曼,第130 A節, B ]中;補償。 Ebed - melech在猶太教文學) 。

During the Destruction of the Temple.在銷毀寺。

The enemies and adversaries of the prophet were not aware that to him alone they owed the preservation of the city and the Temple, since his merits were so great in the eyes of God that He would not bring punishment upon Jerusalem so long as the prophet was in the city (Pesiḳ. R. lc [ed. Friedmann, p. 131a]; somewhat different in the Syriac Apoc. Baruch, ii.).敵人和對手的預言並沒有意識到,他獨自承擔維護他們的城市和神廟,因為他的案情是如此之大在上帝的眼中,他將不會帶來懲罰耶路撒冷只要是先知在城市( Pesiḳ.河信用證[男女。弗里德曼,第131a ] ;有所不同的敘利亞文Apoc 。巴魯克,二) 。 。 The prophet was therefore commanded by God to go to Anathoth; and in his absence the city was taken and the Temple destroyed.先知因此指揮的上帝去Anathoth ;並在他缺席的情況下被帶到城市和寺被毀。 When Jeremiah on his return beheld smoke rising from the Temple, he rejoiced because he thought that the Jews had reformed and were again bringing burnt offerings to the sanctuary.當他返回耶利米看見煙霧上升的廟,他感到高興,因為他認為,改革和猶太人再次把燔祭的庇護所。 Soon, however, he discovered his error, and began to weep bitterly, lamenting that he had left Jerusalem to be destroyed.很快,但是,他發現了自己的錯誤,並開始哭泣痛苦,感嘆說,他離開耶路撒冷被摧毀。 He now followed the road to Babylon, which was strewn with corpses, until he overtook the captives being led away by Nebuzar-adan, whom he accompanied as far as the Euphrates (Pesiḳ. R. lc; comp. Syriac Apoc. Baruch, lc).現在他接著巴比倫的道路,這是街道上的屍體,直到他超過了俘虜被帶離現場的Nebuzar -阿丹,他陪同至於幼發拉底河( Pesiḳ.河信用證;補償。敘利亞文Apoc 。巴魯克,立法會) 。 Although Jeremiah, by the express command of Nebuchadnezzar, was allowed to come and go as he pleased (Jer. xxxix. 12), yet when he saw captives he voluntarily caused himself to be chained or otherwise bound to them, notwithstanding Nebuzar-adan, who, anxious to carry out the orders of his master, always unchained him.雖然耶利米,所表達的指揮尼布甲尼撒,獲准來來去去,他高興( Jer.三十九。 12 ) ,然而,當他看到俘虜他自願造成自己被鐵鍊或以其他方式約束他們,儘管Nebuzar -阿丹,誰,急於進行的命令他的主人,總是釋放他。 At last Nebuzar-adan said to Jeremiah: "You are one of these three: a false prophet, one who despises suffering, or a murderer. For years you have prophesied the downfall of Jerusalem, and now when the prophecy has been fulfilled, you are sorry, which shows that you yourself do not believe in your prophecies. Or you are one who voluntarily seeks suffering; for I take care that nothing shall happen to you, yet you yourself seek pain. Or perhaps you are hoping that the king will kill me when he hears that you have suffered so much, and he will think that I have not obeyed his commands" (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, xiv. 113; Lam. R., Introduction, p. 34).最後Nebuzar -阿丹耶利米說: “你是這三種:一種虛假的先知,一個誰蔑視痛苦,或一個殺人犯。多年來你預言的倒台耶路撒冷,現在當預言已經完成,你很抱歉,這表明你不相信你的預言。或者你是一個誰自願要求的痛苦,因為我沒有什麼照顧應發生在你身上,但你自己尋求的痛苦。或者,您可能希望將國王殺了我當他聽到你遭受了如此多苦難,他會認為我沒有服從他的命令“ ( Pesiḳ. ,教育署。布伯,十四。 113 ;林。河,導言,第34頁) 。

After the prophet had marched with the captives as far as the Euphrates, he decided to return to Palestine in order to counsel and comfort those that had remained behind.後先知遊行的俘虜至於幼發拉底河,他決定返回巴勒斯坦,以律師和安慰那些仍然落後。 When the exiles saw that the prophet was about to leave them, they began to cry bitterly, saying: "O father Jeremiah, you too are abandoning us!"當流亡的先知看到正準備離開,他們開始哭了起來痛苦,他說: “啊,父親耶利米,你也放棄我們! ” But he answered: "I call heaven and earth to witness, had you shed a single tear at Jerusalem for your sins you would not now be in exile" (Pesiḳ. R. 26 [ed. Friedmann, p. 131b]; according to Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, and Lam. R. lc God commanded Jeremiah to return to Palestine).但他回答說: “我請天地見證,你擺脫了單一的淚在耶路撒冷的罪過你不會現在流亡” ( Pesiḳ.河26 [男女。弗里德曼,第131b ] ;根據Pesiḳ 。 ,教育署。布伯,和林。河立法會上帝指揮耶利米返回巴勒斯坦) 。 On the way back to Jerusalem he found portions of the bodies of the massacred Jews, which he picked up lovingly one after another and placed in various parts of his garments, all the while lamenting that his warnings had been heeded so little by these unfortunates (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, and Lam. R. lc).的道路上回到耶路撒冷,他發現部分機構的屠殺猶太人,他挑選了一個又一個精心放置在不同地區的服裝,同時感嘆,他的警告沒有受到重視,使這些不幸的( Pesiḳ 。 ,教育署。布伯,和林。河信用證) 。

Vision of the Mourning Woman.遠景莫寧女人。

It was on this journey that Jeremiah had the curious vision which he relates in the following words: "When I went up to Jerusalem, I saw a woman, clad in black, with her hair unbound, sitting on the top of the [holy] mountain, weeping and sighing, and crying with a loud voice, 'Who will comfort me?'正是在這個征途上的耶利米的好奇眼光,他與在下面的話: “當我走到耶路撒冷,我看到一個女人,穿著黑色,她的頭髮約束,坐在上方的[羅馬]山區,哭泣和嘆息,並哭了響亮的聲音, '誰安慰我嗎? ' I approached her and said, 'If you are a woman, then speak; but if you are a spirit, then depart from me.' She answered, 'Do you not know me? I am the woman with the seven children whose father went far oversea,and while I was weeping over his absence, word was brought to me that a house had fallen in and buried my children in its ruins; and now I no longer know for whom I weep or for whom my hair is unbound.'我走近她,並說, '如果你是一個女人,然後說話,但如果你是一個精神,然後離開了我。 '她回答說, '你不知道我嗎?我是女人的7個孩子的父親目前海外的,而我是哭了他缺席的情況下, Word會被帶到我的房子已經下降,埋在我的孩子在廢墟;現在,我不再知道我的人哭或我的頭髮是約束。 Then said I to her, 'You are no better than my mother Zion, who became a pasture for the beasts of the field.'然後說,我給她: '你有沒有比我母親錫安,誰成為牧場的野獸外地。 She answered, 'I am your mother Zion: I am the mother of the seven.'她回答說, '我是你的母親錫安:我的母親7 。 I said, 'Your misfortune is like that of Job. He was deprived of his sons and daughters, and so were you; but as fortune again smiled upon him, so it will likewise smile upon you'" (Pesiḳ. R. lc; in IV Esd. there is mentioned a similar vision of Ezra; comp. Lévi in "REJ" xxiv. 281-285).我說, '你的不幸就是這樣的工作。他被剝奪了他的兒子和女兒,所以你;但是,隨著財富再次向他微笑著,所以它也同樣會向你微笑“ ( Pesiḳ.河立法會;在四可持續發展教育。提到有類似的看法以斯拉;補償。 Lévi在“ REJ ”二十四。 281-285 ) 。

On his return to Jerusalem it was the chief task of the prophet to protect the holy vessels of the Temple from profanation; he therefore had the holy tent and the Ark of the Covenant taken [by angels ?] to the mountain from which God showed the Holy Land to Moses shortly before his death (II Macc. ii. 5 et seq.; comp. Ark in Rabbinical Literature).在他返回耶路撒冷,這是首要任務先知保護羅馬船隻寺由褻瀆;因此,他的神聖帳篷和約櫃[以天使? ]山區從上帝顯示,聖地摩西去世前不久(二Macc 。二。 5起。 ;補償。方舟在猶太教文學) 。 From the mountain Jeremiah went to Egypt, where he remained until that country was conquered by Nebuchadnezzar and he was carried to Babylon (Seder 'Olam R. xxvi.; comp. Ratner's remark on the passage, according to which Jeremiah went to Palestine again).從山上耶利米曾前往埃及,直到該國征服尼布甲尼撒和他進行巴比倫( Seder ' Olam河二十六。 ;補償。拉特納的言論的通道,根據該耶利米去巴勒斯坦再次) 。

The Christian legend (pseudo-Epiphanius, "De Vitis Prophetarum"; Basset, "Apocryphen Ethiopiens," i. 25-29), according to which Jeremiah was stoned by his compatriots in Egypt because he reproached them with their evil deeds, became known to the Jews through Ibn Yaḥya ("Shalshelet ha-Ḳabbalah," ed. princeps, p. 99b); this account of Jeremiah's martyrdom, however, may have come originally from Jewish sources.基督教傳說(偽埃皮法尼烏斯“者葡萄Prophetarum ” ;巴薩特“ Apocryphen Ethiopiens , ”一25-29 ) ,根據該耶利米被人投擲石塊由他的同胞在埃及,因為他責備他們與罪惡的行為,被稱為猶太人通過本葉海亞( “ Shalshelet公頃,卡巴拉, ”版。 princeps ,第99B章) ;此帳戶耶利米的殉道,然而,可能是來自猶太來源。 Another Christian legend narrates that Jeremiah by prayer freed Egypt from a plague of crocodiles and mice, for which reason his name was for a long time honored by the Egyptians (pseudo-Epiphanius and Yaḥya, lc).另一個基督教傳說講述的耶利米祈禱釋放埃及從鼠疫的鱷魚,老鼠,所以他的名字很長一段時間榮幸埃及人(偽埃皮法尼烏斯和Yahya ,立法會) 。 The assertion-made by Yaḥya (lcp 101a) and by Abravanel (to Jer. i. 5), but not by Isserles, as Yaḥya erroneously states-that Jeremiah held a conversation with Plato, is also of Christian origin.的斷言作出葉海亞(液晶101A章)和阿布拉瓦內爾(以哲。島5 ) ,而不是Isserles ,因為葉誤國,這耶利米舉行了交談柏拉圖,也是基督教的起源。

In haggadic literature Jeremiah and Moses are often mentioned together, their life and works being presented in parallel lines. The following old midrash is especially interesting in connection with Deut.在haggadic文學耶利米和摩西經常提到在一起,他們的生活和作品中提出的平行線。以下舊米德拉士是特別有趣的方面Deut 。 xviii.十八。 18, in which a prophet like Moses is promised: "As Moses was a prophet for forty years, so was Jeremiah; as Moses prophesied concerning Judah and Benjamin, so did Jeremiah; as Moses' own tribe [the Levites under Korah] rose up against him, so did Jeremiah's tribe revolt against him; Moses was cast into the water, Jeremiah into a pit; as Moses was saved by a female slave (the slave of Pharaoh's daughter), so Jeremiah was rescued by a male slave [Ebed-melech]; Moses reprimanded the people in discourses, so did Jeremiah" (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, xiii. 112a; comp. Matt. xvi. 14). Compare the rabbinical section of the following articles: Ebed-melech; Manna; Temple.SSLG 18 ,其中先知摩西一樣是承諾: “作為一個先知摩西為四十年,因此是耶利米;作為摩西預言關於猶太和本傑明,所以沒有耶利米;作為摩西自己的部落[下的利Korah ]奮起對他,所以沒有耶利米的部落反抗他;摩西被拋入水,耶利米成坑;作為摩西是拯救了一名女奴隸(奴隸法老的女兒) ,因此耶利米被救出的一名男性奴隸[ Ebed - melech ] ;摩西訓斥人民論述,所以沒有耶利米“ ( Pesiḳ. ,教育署。布伯,十三。 112a ;補償。馬特。十六。 14 ) 。比較猶太教部分下列條款: Ebed - melech ;甘露醇; Temple.SSLG

Emil G. Hirsch, Victor Ryssel, Solomon Schechter, Louis Ginzberg埃米爾赫斯基灣,維克多Ryssel ,索羅門謝克特,路易金茲伯格

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。


This subject presentation in the original English language本主題介紹在原來的英文


Send an e-mail question or comment to us: E-mail發送電子郵件的問題或意見給我們:電子郵箱

The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at主要相信網頁(和索引科目),是在