Book of Exodus出書

General Information 一般信息

Exodus, the second book of the Bible, derives its name from the narrative's main theme, Israel's exodus from Egypt.外流,第二本書的聖經,源於它的名字從敘事的主旋律,以色列從埃及出走。 Picking up where Genesis left off, the first 15 chapters of Exodus describe Egypt's harsh policy toward Israel and the escape of the Israelites from their bondage.加快地方成因離開後,前15章的出埃及記描述埃及的嚴厲的政策和對以色列的猶太人逃脫其束縛。 The narrative follows the career of Moses from his marvelous birth through his exile in Midian.說明如下職業生涯的摩西,他通過他的神奇出生流亡米甸。 It continues with his final victorious contest with Pharaoh, in which Moses is God's spokesman, and ends with the Egyptian debacle at the Reed (traditionally Red) Sea.它繼續與他的最後勝利競賽與法老,其中摩西是上帝的發言人,並結束與埃及慘敗在里德(傳統紅)大海。 Chapters 16 - 40 describe the march of the Israelites through the wilderness to Mount Sinai, where God descends on the mountain, gives the law to Moses, and establishes a quickly broken Covenant with Israel that must be reestablished after Aaron makes the Golden Calf.章16 - 3月40描述的猶太人在荒野到西乃山,在上帝降山上,給摩西的法律,並建立了快速打破盟約與以色列必須重新建立後,亞倫使黃金犢牛。

Many important events are recorded in Exodus: the revelation of God's name as Yahweh in 3:11 - 15; the institution of the Passover in 5:1 - 12:36; and the giving of the Ten Commandments, directives for the construction of the Tabernacle, and other religious and ceremonial legislation in 19 - 40.許多重要事件都記錄在出埃及記: 啟示上帝的名字耶和華在3時11分- 15 ;機構的逾越節在5:1 - 12:36 ;和給予十戒,指示建設幕,和其他宗教和禮儀的立法19 - 40 。 The authorship of the book has been ascribed traditionally to Moses, but it is actually a composite work of much later date, containing the same literary strands found in Genesis.作者的這本書已為其傳統摩西,但它實際上是一個綜合的工作更晚的日期,其中載有相同的文學鏈中找到成因。

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Bibliography 參考書目
BS Childs, The Book of Exodus (1974).學士學位爾茲,這本書的出埃及記( 1974年) 。 CA Cole, Studies in Exodus (1986).晚上,科爾的研究出埃及記( 1986年) 。


Book of Exodus出書

Brief Outline簡要概述

  1. Israel in Egypt (1:1-12:36)以色列在埃及( 1:1-12:36 )
  2. The journey to Sinai (12:37-19:2)旅程西奈( 12:37-19:2 )
  3. Israel at Sinai (19:3-40:38)以色列在西奈( 19:3-40:38 )


Ex'odus

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The Exodus was the great deliverance wrought for the children of Isreal when they were brought out of the land of Egypt with "a mighty hand and with an outstretched 136), about BC 1490, and four hundred and eighty years (1 Kings 6:1) before the building of Solomon's temple. The time of their sojourning in Egypt was, according to Ex. 12:40, the space of four hundred and thirty years. In the LXX., the words are, "The sojourning of the children of Israel which they sojourned in Egypt and in the land of Canaan was four hundred and thirty years;" and the Samaritan version reads, "The sojourning of the children of Israel and of their fathers which they sojourned in the land of Canaan and in the land of Egypt was four hundred and thirty years." In Gen. 15:13-16, the period is prophetically given (in round numbers) as four hundred years.外流是巨大的解脫造成兒童以色列當他們被帶到了埃及的土地上的“威武之手,與一個伸出136 ) ,約公元前1490年,和四百八十年(列王紀上6:1 )前建設所羅門聖殿。他們時sojourning在埃及,根據前。 12:40 ,空間的四百三十年。在LXX 。的話, “該sojourning的兒童以色列他們旅居在埃及和土地的迦南是四百三十年; “和撒瑪利亞版寫道: ”在sojourning兒童以色列和其父親旅居在他們的土地和在迦南的土地埃及四百三十年。 “在將軍15:13-16 ,是預言期間給予(在第二輪號碼)作為四百年。

This passage is quoted by Stephen in his defence before the council (Acts 7:6).這段話是引用他的辯護斯蒂芬在安理會面前的(行為七時06 ) 。 The chronology of the "sojourning" is variously estimated. Those who adopt the longer term reckon thus:- Years From the descent of Jacob into Egypt to the death of Joseph 71 From the death of Joseph to the birth of Moses 278 From the birth of Moses to his flight into Midian 40 From the flight of Moses to his return into Egypt 40 From the return of Moses to the Exodus 1 430 Others contend for the shorter period of two hundred and fifteen years, holding that the period of four hundred and thirty years comprehends the years from the entrance of Abraham into Canaan (see LXX. and Samaritan) to the descent of Jacob into Egypt.年表的“ sojourning ”是不同的估計。那些誰通過長遠看這樣: -年下降雅各進入埃及的死亡約瑟夫71個死亡的約瑟夫的誕生摩西278從誕生的摩西他飛行到40米甸飛行的摩西,他返回埃及40返回摩西出逃1 430其他人則在較短的二一五年,認為期間的430幾年來理解從入口處的亞伯拉罕到迦南(見LXX 。和撒馬利亞人)的後裔的雅各進入埃及。

They reckon thus:- Years.因此,他們認為: -歲。 From Abraham's arrival in Canaan to Isaac's birth 25 From Isaac's birth to that of his twin sons Esau and Jacob 60 From Jacob's birth to the going down into Egypt 130 215 From Jacob's going down into Egypt to the death of Joseph 71 From death of Joseph to the birth of Moses 64 From birth of Moses to the Exodus 80 In all 430 During the forty years of Moses' sojourn in the land of Midian, the Hebrews in Egypt were being gradually prepared for the great national crisis which was approaching.從亞伯拉罕抵達迦南以艾薩克出生25艾薩克的出生到他的雙胞胎兒子以掃和雅各60雅各布出生到埃及下降到130 215從雅各布將會下降到埃及的死亡,死亡71約瑟夫約瑟夫來誕生的摩西64從出生到摩西出埃及記80在所有430在四十年的摩西滯留在米甸的土地,希伯來人在埃及正在逐步準備偉大的民族危機,這已接近。

The plagues that successively fell upon the land loosened the bonds by which Pharaoh held them in slavery, and at length he was eager that they should depart.在瘟疫的先後落在土地鬆動的債券,其中法老奴役他們舉行,並進行了長時間,他希望,他們應該離開。 But the Hebrews must now also be ready to go.但希伯來現在必須也將準備就緒。 They were poor; for generations they had laboured for the Egyptians without wages.他們是窮人的後代,他們辛勤的埃及人沒有工資。 They asked gifts from their neighbours around them (Ex. 12:35), and these were readily bestowed.他們問的禮物他們周圍鄰國(例如: 12:35 ) ,而這些很容易獲得。 And then, as the first step towards their independent national organization, they observed the feast of the Passover, which was now instituted as a perpetual memorial.然後,作為第一步,他們獨立的國家組織,他們觀察的節日逾越節,這是現在提起作為永久紀念。 The blood of the paschal lamb was duly sprinkled on the poor-posts and lintels of all their houses, and they were all within, waiting the next movement in the working out of God's plan.血的逾越節羔羊適當灑在窮人員額和門楣,其所有的房屋,他們都在等待下一個運動中的工作了上帝的計劃。

At length the last stroke fell on the land of Egypt.在長度上中風下跌,埃及的土地上。 "It came to pass, that at midnight Jehovah smote all the firstborn in the land of Egypt." “它來傳遞,這在午夜耶和華smote所有的長女在埃及的土地上。 ” Pharaoh rose up in the night, and called for Moses and Aaron by night, and said, "Rise up, and get you forth from among my people, both ye and the children of Israel; and go, serve Jehovah, as ye have said. Also take your flocks and your herds, as ye have said, and be gone; and bless me also."法老奮起在夜間,並呼籲摩西和亞倫的夜晚,他說, “站起來,讓你提出的從我的人民,無論你們的孩子和以色列;去,服務耶和華,因為你們說。還你和你的牛群羊群,因為你們說,被沒收了;和保佑我也。 “ Thus was Pharaoh (qv) completely humbled and broken down.因此,是法老( qv )完全謙卑和細分。 These words he spoke to Moses and Aaron "seem to gleam through the tears of the humbled king, as he lamented his son snatched from him by so sudden a death, and tremble with a sense of the helplessness which his proud soul at last felt when the avenging hand of God had visited even his palace."這些話,他以摩西和亞倫“似乎閃光通過眼淚的謙卑國王,他感嘆自己的兒子搶去他這樣突然死亡,和顫抖的意義上的無奈,他驕傲的靈魂終於感受到當在復仇的上帝之手也訪問了他的宮殿。 “ The terror-stricken Egyptians now urged the instant departure of the Hebrews.在膽戰心驚埃及人現在敦促立即離境的猶太人。

In the midst of the Passover feast, before the dawn of the 15th day of the month Abib (our April nearly), which was to be to them henceforth the beginning of the year, as it was the commencement of a new epoch in their history, every family, with all that appertained to it, was ready for the march, which instantly began under the leadership of the heads of tribes with their various sub-divisions.在一片節日逾越節,在即將到來之際的第15天的一個月Abib (我們近4月) ,這是將他們從今以後,今年年初,因為它開始了一個新的時代在歷史上,每一個家庭,同所有的appertained它已經做好準備, 3月,它立即開始的領導下,負責部落的各個分部門。 They moved onward, increasing as they went forward from all the districts of Goshen, over the whole of which they were scattered, to the common centre.他們將開始,因為它們增加了前進的所有地區戈申,整個他們被分散,共同中心。 Three or four days perhaps elapsed before the whole body of the people were assembled at Rameses, and ready to set out under their leader Moses (Ex. 12:37; Num. 33:3).三,四天之前,也許過去的整個機構的人聚集在拉美西斯,並準備根據規定他們的領袖摩西(例如: 12:37 ;序號。 33:3 ) 。 This city was at that time the residence of the Egyptian court, and here the interviews between Moses and Pharaoh had taken place.這個城市當時的官邸埃及法院,並在這裡採訪摩西和法老之間發生了。 From Rameses they journeyed to Succoth (Ex. 12:37), identified with Tel-el-Maskhuta, about 12 miles west of Ismailia.他們從拉美西斯journeyed以Succoth (例如, 12時37分) ,確定與電話,薩爾瓦多, Maskhuta ,西約12英里的伊斯梅利亞。

Their third station was Etham (qv), 13:20, "in the edge of the wilderness," and was probably a little to the west of the modern town of Ismailia, on the Suez Canal.第三站Etham ( qv ) , 13:20 , “在邊緣的荒野” ,並可能是一個小以西的現代城市伊斯梅利亞,在蘇伊士運河。 Here they were commanded "to turn and encamp before Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea", ie, to change their route from east to due south.在這裡他們指揮的“打開並紮營前丕hahiroth之間Migdol和海洋” ,即改變了他們的路線,從東到正南。 The Lord now assumed the direction of their march in the pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night.現在的主方向的假定他們在3月的支柱雲白天和夜間火災。 They were then led along the west shore of the Red Sea till they came to an extensive camping-ground "before Pi-hahiroth," about 40 miles from Etham.然後,他們被領導沿西岸邊紅海,直到他們來到了廣泛的露營地“之前丕hahiroth , ”大約40英里Etham 。 This distance from Etham may have taken three days to traverse, for the number of camping-places by no means indicates the number of days spent on the journey: eg, it took fully a month to travel from Rameses to the wilderness of Sin (Ex. 16:1), yet reference is made to only six camping-places during all that time.這距離Etham可能採取三天穿過,為一些野營,地方絕非顯示的天數花的征途上,如:花了一個月的全面旅行拉美西斯的曠野黃大仙(當然。 16:1 ) ,但提到了只有6個露營,在所有這些地方的時間。

The exact spot of their encampment before they crossed the Red Sea cannot be determined.確切的地點集結,然後越過紅海無法確定。 It was probably somewhere near the present site of Suez.這可能是附近本網站的蘇伊士。 Under the direction of God the children of Israel went "forward" from the camp "before Pi-hahiroth," and the sea opened a pathway for them, so that they crossed to the farther shore in safety. The Egyptian host pursued after them, and, attempting to follow through the sea, were overwhelmed in its returning waters, and thus the whole military force of the Egyptians perished.的指導下,神的孩子去以色列的“前瞻性”從營地“之前丕hahiroth ” ,並開闢了海上通道,因此,他們越過越遠海岸的安全。埃及主辦追求在他們之後, ,並試圖通過海上後續,被淹沒在其返回的水域,因此,整個軍隊的埃及人喪生。 They "sank as lead in the mighty waters" (Ex. 15:1-9; comp. Ps. 77:16-19).他們“沉沒鉛在強大的水域” (如15:1-9 ;補償。聚苯乙烯。 77:16-19 ) 。 Having reached the eastern shore of the sea, perhaps a little way to the north of 'Ayun Musa ("the springs of Moses"), there they encamped and rested probably for a day.到達東海岸的海上,或許還有一點路以北的'歐雲穆薩( “泉水摩西” ) ,他們在那裡紮營休息了一天可能。 Here Miriam and the other women sang the triumphal song recorded in Ex.這裡儀和其他婦女唱著凱歌記錄在惠。 15:1-21. 15:1-21 。 From 'Ayun Musa they went on for three days through a part of the barren "wilderness of Shur" (22), called also the "wilderness of Etham" (Num. 33:8; comp. Ex. 13:20), without finding water.從'歐雲穆薩他們持續了三天通過部分貧瘠的“荒野的書珥” ( 22 ) ,也稱為“荒野的Etham ” ( Num. 33:8 ;補償。惠。 13:20 ) ,而尋找水。

On the last of these days they came to Marah (qv), where the "bitter" water was by a miracle made drinkable.在過去的這些天他們來到Marah ( qv ) ,那裡的“痛苦”的水是一個奇蹟作出飲用。 Their next camping-place was Elim (qv), where were twelve springs of water and a grove of "threescore and ten" palm trees (Ex. 15:27).他們的下一個宿營地是埃利姆( qv ) ,其中有12個溫泉水和格魯夫的“六十和10 ”的棕櫚樹(例如15:27 ) 。 After a time the children of Israel "took their journey from Elim," and encamped by the Red Sea (Num. 33:10), and thence removed to the "wilderness of Sin" (to be distinguished from the wilderness of Zin, 20:1), where they again encamped.經過一段時間的孩子以色列“了他們的行程從埃利姆”和紮營的紅海( Num. 33:10 ) ,並從那裡轉移到了“荒野的罪惡” (以區別於曠野的鋅, 20 : 1 ) ,他們在那裡再次紮營。 Here, probably the modern el-Markha, the supply of bread they had brought with them out of Egypt failed.在這裡,也許是現代埃及馬爾哈,供應麵包他們帶來了從埃及失敗。 They began to "murmur" for want of bread.他們開始“雜音”的要麵包。 God "heard their murmurings" and gave them quails and manna, "bread from heaven" (Ex. 16:4-36).上帝“聽到了他們的murmurings ” ,並給他們鵪鶉和甘露“ ,麵包從天上” (例如16:4-36 ) 。 Moses directed that an omer of manna should be put aside and preserved as a perpetual memorial of God's goodness.摩西指示,奧馬爾的哪一個應放在一邊,並保存作為永久紀念上帝的善。 They now turned inland, and after three encampments came to the rich and fertile valley of Rephidim, in the Wady Feiran. Here they found no water, and again murmured against Moses.他們現在已轉向內陸,經過三個營地來到肥沃山谷Rephidim ,在Wady費然。在這裡,他們發現沒有水,並再次對摩西喃喃地說。

Directed by God, Moses procured a miraculous supply of water from the "rock in Horeb," one of the hills of the Sinai group (17:1-7); and shortly afterwards the children of Israel here fought their first battle with the Amalekites, whom they smote with the edge of the sword.導演上帝,摩西奇蹟般的採購供應的水從“岩石何烈”之一的西奈山集團( 17:1-7 ) ;和不久之後,孩子們在這裡對以色列進行的第一次戰役的亞瑪力人,他們smote與邊緣的劍。 From the eastern extremity of the Wady Feiran the line of march now probably led through the Wady esh-Sheikh and the Wady Solaf, meeting in the Wady er-Rahah, "the enclosed plain in front of the magnificient cliffs of Ras Sufsafeh."從東端的Wady費然行現在可能導致3月通過Wady esh謝赫和Wady Solaf ,會議在Wady二Rahah , “所附的平原前面magnificient懸崖的Ras Sufsafeh 。 ” Here they encamped for more than a year (Num. 1:1; 10:11) before Sinai (qv).他們在這裡居住了一年多( Num. 1:1 ; 10:11 )之前西奈( qv ) 。 The different encampments of the children of Israel, from the time of their leaving Egypt till they reached the Promised Land, are mentioned in Ex.不同營地的兒童以色列,從他們的離開埃及,直到他們達到其承諾的土地,都提到了惠。 12:37-19; Num. 12:37-19 ;序號。 10-21; 33; Deut. 10月21日; 33 ; Deut 。 1, 2, 10. 1 , 2 , 10 。 It is worthy of notice that there are unmistakable evidences that the Egyptians had a tradition of a great exodus from their country, which could be none other than the exodus of the Hebrews.這是值得注意的,有明確的證據,該埃及人的傳統,一個偉大逃離自己的國家,這可能是無非逃亡的猶太人。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Book of Ex'odus書Ex'odus

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Exodus is the name given in the LXX.出埃及記的名稱是在LXX 。 to the second book of the Pentateuch (qv).第二本書的摩西五( qv ) 。 It means "departure" or "outgoing."這意味著“離開”或“卸任。 ” This name was adopted in the Latin translation, and thence passed into other languages.這個名字是通過在拉丁美洲翻譯,並從那裡通過成其他語言。 The Hebrews called it by the first words, according to their custom, Ve-eleh shemoth (ie, "and these are the names").希伯來人呼籲它的第一句話,根據自己的習慣,血管eleh shemoth (即“和這些名稱” ) 。 It contains, (1.) An account of the increase and growth of the Israelites in Egypt (ch. 1) (2.) Preparations for their departure out of Egypt (2-12:36). (3.) Their journeyings from Egypt to Sinai (12:37-19:2).它載有: ( 1 ) 。帳戶的增加和經濟增長的以色列人在埃及(章1 ) ( 2 。 )籌備離開了埃及( 2-12:36 ) 。 ( 3 。 )及其journeyings從埃及西奈( 12:37-19:2 ) 。 (4.) The giving of the law and the establishment of the institutions by which the organization of the people was completed, the theocracy, "a kingdom of priest and an holy nation" (19:3-ch. 40). ( 4 。 )給予法律和設立機構,該組織的人已經完成,神“的王國牧師和神聖的民族” ( 19時03分路。 40 ) 。 The time comprised in this book, from the death of Joseph to the erection of the tabernacle in the wilderness, is about one hundred and forty-five years, on the supposition that the four hundred and thirty years (12:40) are to be computed from the time of the promises made to Abraham (Gal. 3:17).時間在這本書組成,由約瑟夫死亡的勃起的幕在荒野,是一百四十五年,在假定的四百三十年( 12:40 )將計算時所作的承諾,以亞伯拉罕( Gal. 3點17分) 。 The authorship of this book, as well as of that of the other books of the Pentateuch, is to be ascribed to Moses.作者的這本書,以及與其他書籍的摩西五,要歸因於摩西。 The unanimous voice of tradition and all internal evidences abundantly support this opinion.一致的聲音傳統和所有內部證據充分支持這一觀點。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Exodus出埃及記

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

After the death of Joseph, Israel had grown into a people, and its history deals no longer with mere genealogies, but with the people's national and religious development.去世後,約瑟夫,以色列已成長為一個人,其歷史交易不再僅僅是族譜,但與人民的民族和宗教的發展。 The various laws are given and promulgated as occasion required them; hence they are intimately connected with the history of the people, and the Pentateuchal books in which they are recorded are rightly numbered among the historical books of Scripture.各種法律,並給出頒布場合需要他們,因此他們是密切聯繫在一起的歷史,人民, Pentateuchal書籍,它們記錄編號是正確的歷史書籍中的聖經。 Only the third book of the Pentateuch exhibits rather the features of a legal code.只有第三本書的摩西五展品的特點,而不是一個法律的代碼。 The Book of Exodus consists of a brief introduction and three main parts:書出包括一個簡短的介紹和三個主要部分:

Introduction, i, 1-7.- A brief summary of the history of Jacob connects Genesis with Exodus, and serves at the same time as transition from the former to the latter.導言,一, 1月7日.-簡要總結了歷史的雅各布連接成因與外流,並在同一時間過渡到前後者。

(1) First Part, i, 8-xiii, 16.- It treats of the events preceding and preparing the exit of Israel from Egypt. ( 1 )第一部分,一, 8 - 13 , 16 .-它對待的事件前和準備退出以色列從埃及。

(a) Ex., i, 8-ii, 25; the Israelites are oppressed by the new Pharao "that knew not Joseph", but God prepares them a liberator in Moses. (一)前。 ,我, 8 - 2 , 25 ;以色列人在受壓迫而作出新的法老“約瑟夫說,不知道” ,但上帝編寫他們解放者摩西。

(b) Ex., iii, 1-iv, 31.-Moses is called to free his people; his brother Aaron is given him as companion; their reception by the Israelites. (二)前。 ,三,一至四, 31. -摩西是他所謂的自由人,他的弟弟阿龍是他的同伴,他們接待的以色列人。

(c) v, 1-x, 29.-Pharao refuses to listen to Moses and Aaron; God renews his promises; genealogies of Moses and Aaron; the heart of Pharao is not moved by the first nine plagues. (三)五, 1 -第十29. -法老拒絕聽摩西和亞倫;上帝重申他的承諾;族譜摩西和亞倫;法老的心臟是不是受到前9瘟疫。

(d) xi, 1-xiii, 16.-The tenth plague consists in the death of the first-born; Pharao dismisses the people; law of the annual celebration of the pasch in memory of the liberation from Egypt. (四)十一, 1 - 13 , 16. -第十組成的鼠疫死亡的第一胎;法拉奧駁回人民;法律年度慶祝pasch在內存中解放來自埃及。

(2) Second Part, xiii, 17-xviii, 27.- Journey of Israel to Mt. ( 2 )第二部分,十三, 17 18 , 27 .-旅以色列噸。 Sinai and miracles preparing the people for the Sinaitic Law.西奈半島和奇蹟的人準備的Sinaitic法。

(a) xiii, 1-xv, 21.-The Israelites, led and protected by a pillar of cloud and fire, cross the Red Sea, but the persecuting Egyptians perish in the waters. (一)第十三1 - 15 , 21. -以色列人領導和保護的一個支柱雲和火災,穿越紅海,但埃及人消亡迫害的水域。

(b) xv, 22-xvii, 16.-The route of Israel is passing through Sur, Mara, Elim, Sin, Rephidim. (二)十五, 22 - 17 , 16. -路線以色列通過南,馬拉,埃利姆,黃大仙, Rephidim 。 At Mara the bitter waters are made sweet; in the Desert of Sin God sent quails and manna to the children of Israel; at Raphidim God gave them water form the rock, and defeated Amalec through the prayers of Moses.在馬拉的痛苦水域是甜;在沙漠黃大仙上帝發出鵪鶉和甘露的兒童以色列;在Raphidim上帝給他們的水形成的岩石,並擊敗Amalec通過祈禱摩西。

(c) xviii, 1-27.-Jethro visits his kinsmen, and at his suggestion Moses institutes the judges of the people. (三) 18 , 1 - 27. - Jethro訪問他的麵團,在他的建議摩西機構法官的人。

(3) Third Part, xix, 1-xl, 38.- Conclusion of the Sinaitic covenant and its renewal. ( 3 )第三部分,十九, 1儀, 38 .-結論的Sinaitic公約及其延長。 Here Exodus assumes more the character of a legal code.這裡出埃及記承擔更多性質的法律規定。

(a) xix, 1-xx, 21.-The people journey to Sinai, prepare for the coming legislation, receive the decalogue, and ask to have the future laws promulgated through Moses. (一) 19 , 1 - XX條, 21. -人民旅程西奈,準備為即將到來的立法,收到十誡,並要求其今後頒布的法律通過摩西。

(b) xx, 22-xxiv, 8.-Moses promulgates certain laws together with promises for their observance, and confirms the covenant between God and the people with a sacrifice. (二)第XX號, 22 - 24 , 8. -摩西頒布某些法律連同他們遵守承諾,並確認了公約的上帝和人民的犧牲。 The portion xx, 1-xxiii, 33, is also called the Book of the Covenant.部分XX條, 1 - 23 , 33 ,也被稱為圖書的盟約。

(c) xxiv, 9-xxxi, 18.-Moses alone remains with God on the mountain for forty days, and receives various instructions about the tabernacle and other points pertaining to Divine worship. (三) 24 , 9三十一, 18. -摩西仍然單獨與上帝的山區為四十天,並得到各種指示帳幕和其他點神崇拜有關。

(d) xxxii, 1-xxxiv, 35.-The people adore the golden calf; at this sight, Moses breaks the divinely given tables of the law, punishes the idolaters, obtains pardon from God for the survivors, and, renewing the covenant, receives other tables of the law. (四)三十二, 1 -三十四, 35. -人民崇拜的黃金小腿;在此看到,摩西打破了神給予表的法律,懲罰拜偶像,獲得赦免來自上帝的倖存者,並重申盟約收到表格的其他法律。

(e) xxxv, 1-xl, 38.-The tabernacle with its appurtenances is prepared, the priests are anointed, and the cloud of the Lord covers the tabernacle, thus showing that He had made the people His own. (五)三十五, 1儀, 38. -帳幕及其附屬物準備,祭司是受膏者,和雲勳爵涵蓋幕,從而表明他提出了他自己的人民。

III.三。 AUTHENTICITY真實性

The contents of the Pentateuch furnish the basis for the history, the law, the worship, and the life of the Chosen People of God.的內容,摩西五提供的基礎,歷史,法律,宗教,以及所選擇的生活在天主的子民。 Hence the authorship of the work, the time and manner of its origin, and its historicity are of paramount importance.因此,作者的工作,時間和方式的起源,它的歷史性是至關重要的。 These are not merely literary problems, but questions belonging to the fields of history of religion and theology.這些不僅是文學問題,但問題屬於該領域的歷史宗教和神學。 The Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is inseparably connected with the question, whether and in what sense Moses was the author or intermediary of the Old-Testament legislation, and the bearer of pre-Mosaic tradition.鑲嵌作品的摩西五是密不可分的問題,無論在何種意義摩西是作者或中介的老全書立法,並持證前馬賽克傳統。 According to the trend of both Old and New Testament, and according to Jewish and Christian theology, the work of the great lawgiver Moses is the origin of the history of Israel and the basis of its development down to the time of Jesus Christ; but modern criticism sees in all this only the result, or the precipitate, of a purely natural historical development.據趨勢新舊新約全書,根據猶太教和基督教神學的工作是偉大的立法者摩西的起源,歷史,以色列和根據其發展到耶穌基督的時間,但現代批評認為,只有在所有這一切的結果,或沉澱物,純自然的歷史發展。 The question of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch leads us, therefore, to the alternative, revelation or historical evolution; it touches the historical and theological foundation of both the Jewish and the Christian dispensation.的問題,花葉作者的摩西五導致我們,因此,作為替代,啟示或歷史演變;它涉及的歷史和神學的基礎,雙方的猶太教和基督教分配。 We shall consider the subject first in the light of Scripture; secondly, in the light of Jewish and Christian tradition; thirdly, in the light of internal evidence, furnished by the Pentateuch; finally, in the light of ecclesiastical decisions.我們應考慮這個問題首先是根據聖經;其次,根據猶太教和基督教傳統;第三,根據內部的證據,所提供的摩西五;最後,在根據教會的決定。

A. TESTIMONY OF SACRED SCRIPTURE答:見證聖經

It will be found convenient to divide the Biblical evidence for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch into three parts: (1) Testimony of the Pentateuch;這將是發現方便分裂聖經證據花葉著作權的摩西五分為三個部分: ( 1 )證言摩西五;

(2) Testimony of the other Old-Testament books; (3) Testimony of the New Testament. ( 2 )證明其他舊全書書籍; ( 3 )鑑定的新約。

(1) Witness of the Pentateuch ( 1 )證人的摩西五

The Pentateuch in its present form does not present itself as a complete literary production of Moses.在摩西五以其目前的形式並不本本身作為一個完整的文學生產摩西。 It contains an account of Moses' death, it tells the story of his life in the third person and in an indirect form, and the last four books do not exhibit the literary form of memoirs of the great lawgiver; besides, the expression "God said to Moses" shows only the Divine origin of the Mosaic laws but does not prove that Moses himself codified in the Pentateuch the various laws promulgated by him.它包含一個帳戶的摩西死亡,它講述了他的生命中的第三人,並以間接的形式,並在過去四年的書籍沒有展示的文學形式的回憶錄偉大立法者;此外,表達“上帝摩西說: “只顯示的神源是鑲嵌法,但並不能證明自己編纂摩西五經中的各種法律頒布的他。 On the other hand, the Pentateuch ascribes to Moses the literary authorship of at least four sections, partly historical, partly legal, partly poetical.另一方面,賦予了摩西五經的文學作品,至少四個部分,這部分是歷史,部分法律,部分詩意。 (a) After Israel's victory over the Amalecites near Raphidim, the Lord said to Moses (Exodus 17:14): "Write this for a memorial in a book, and deliver it to the ears of Josue." ( a )在以色列的勝利, Amalecites近Raphidim ,主說,摩西(出17:14 ) : “寫這本為紀念在一本書,並提供它的耳朵若蘇埃。 ” This order is naturally restricted to Amalec's defeat, a benefit which God wished to keep alive in the memory of the people (Deuteronomy 25:17-19).這自然是為了限制Amalec的失敗,受益上帝希望保持在記憶的人(申命記25:17-19 ) 。 The present pointing of the Hebrew text reads "in the book", but the Septuagint version omits the definite article. Even if we suppose that the Massoretic pointing gives the original text, we can hardly prove that the book referred to is the Pentateuch, though this is highly probable (cf. von Hummelauer "Exodus et Leviticus", Paris, 1897, p. 182; Idem, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 152; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, p. 217).本指著希伯來文寫著“在這本書” ,但七十版本忽略了定冠詞。即使我們假設Massoretic指著使原來的案文,我們很難證明這本書提到的是摩西五,儘管這是極有可能(見馮Hummelauer “出埃及記和利未記” ,巴黎, 1897年,第182頁;同上, “ Deuteronomium ” ,巴黎, 1901年,第152頁; Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage ” ,明斯特, 1903年,第217 ) 。 (b) Again, Ex., xxiv, 4: "And Moses wrote all the words of the Lord." (二)同樣,惠。 , 24 , 4 : “摩西寫的話,所有的主。 ” The context does not allow us to understand these words in an indefinite manner, but as referring to the words of the Lord immediately preceding or to the so-called "Book of the Covenant", Ex., xx-xxiii.的範圍內不允許我們理解這句話的是無限期的方式,但它是指用上帝緊接或所謂的“圖書的公約” ,當然。 ,二十,二十三。 (c) Ex., xxxiv, 27: "And the Lord said to Moses: Write thee these words by which I have made a covenant both with thee and with Israel." (三)前。 ,三十四, 27 : “耶和華對摩西說:你寫這些話的,我提出了兩個公約,並與你同以色列。 ” The next verse adds: "and he wrote upon the tables the ten words of the covenant."下次詩說: “和他寫的表的十個字的規定。 ” Ex., xxxiv, 1, 4, shows how Moses had prepared the tables, and Ex., xxxiv, 10-26, gives us the contents of the ten words.當然。 ,三十四, 1 , 4 ,顯示了如何編寫了摩西的桌子,和前。 ,三十四, 10月26日,使我們的內容十個字。 (d) Num., xxxiii, 1-2: "These are the mansions of the children of Israel, who went out of Egypt by their troops under the conduct of Moses and Aaron, which Moses wrote down according to the places of their encamping." (四)序號。 ,三十三, 1月2日: “這是紅樓夢的兒童以色列,誰走出埃及其部隊的行為摩西和亞倫,這摩西寫下根據地方的encamping 。 “ Here we are informed that Moses wrote the list of the people's encampments in the desert; but where it this list to be found?在這裡,我們被告知,摩西寫名單的人的營地在沙漠中,但如果此列表中可以找到? Most probably it is given in Num., xxxiii, 3-49, or the immediate context of the passage telling of Moses' literary activity; there are, however, scholars who understand this latter passage as referring to the history of Israel's departure from Egypt written in the order of the people's encampments, so that it would be our present Book of Exodus.這是最有可能提供數。 ,三十三, 3-49 ,或立即背景下,通過講述了摩西的文學活動;但是,也有學者誰明白這一點後,它是指通過以色列歷史上離開埃及寫在該命令的人的營地,因此,它將成為我們本書出走。 But this view is hardly probable; for its assumption that Num., xxxiii, 3-49, is a summary of Exodus cannot be upheld, as the chapter of Numbers mentions several encampments not occurring in Exodus.但這種觀點是很難有可能;其前提是序號。 ,三十三, 3-49 ,是一個總結出不能得到維護,因為該章中提到的幾個營地號碼不發生在出走。

Besides these four passages there are certain indications in Deuteronomy which point to the literary activity of Moses.除了這四個段落有一些跡象表明這一點在申命記的文學活動的摩西。 Deut., i, 5: "And Moses began to expound the law and to say"; even if the "law" in this text refer to the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation, which is not very probable, it shows only that Moses promulgated the whole law, but not that he necessarily wrote it. Practically the entire Book of Deuteronomy claims to be a special legislation promulgated by Moses in the land of Moab: iv, 1-40; 44-49; v, 1 sqq.; xii, 1 sqq. Deut 。 ,我, 5 : “摩西開始闡述法律,並表示” ;即使“法律”這個文本是指整個Pentateuchal立法,這是不太可能的,它表明只有摩西頒布整個法律,但不是說,他一定寫。實際上,整本書的申命記聲稱是一個特殊的立法頒布的摩西在土地莫阿布:四, 1-40 ; 44-49 ;五, 1 sqq 。 ;十二1 sqq 。 But there is a suggestion of writing too: xvii, 18-9, enjoins that the future kings are to receive a copy of this law from the priests in order to read and observe it; xxvii, 1-8, commands that on the west side of the Jordan "all the words of this law" be written on stones set up in Mount Hebal; xxviii, 58, speaks of "all the words of this law, that are written in this volume" after enumerating the blessings and curses which will come upon the observers and violators of the law respectively, and which are again referred to as written in a book in xxix, 20, 21, 27, and xxxii, 46, 47; now, the law repeatedly referred to as written in a book must be at least the Deuteronomic legislation.但是有一個建議,寫太多: 17 , 18-9 ,責成,未來的國王收到了一份來自該法的祭司,以便閱讀和遵守它;二十七, 1月8日,命令,在西約旦一側的“所有的話,該法”是寫在石頭山設立Hebal ;二十八, 58歲,說的是“所有的話,這一法律,這是寫在這卷”之後列舉的祝福和詛咒的會後,觀察員和違反法律的分別,並再次被稱為寫的一本書,第29 , 20 , 21 , 27 ,和三十二,第四十六條,第四十七條,現在,法律一再稱為寫圖書必須至少Deuteronomic法律。 Moreover, xxxi, 9-13 states, "and Moses wrote this law", and xxxi, 26, adds, "take this book, and put it in the side of the ark. . .that it may be there for a testimony against thee"; to explain these texts as fiction or as anachronisms is hardly compatible with the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture.此外,三十一, 9月13日國家“ ,並寫了這個摩西法” ,並三十一, 26歲,說: “考慮這本書,並把它放在一邊,方舟。 。 。 ,它可能是有一個證詞對你“ ;解釋這些文本小說或過時很難符合無誤的聖經。 Finally, xxxi, 19, commands Moses to write the canticle contained in Deut., xxxii, 1-43.最後,第31 ,第19 ,命令摩西寫頌歌載於Deut 。 ,三十二, 1-43 。

The Scriptural scholar will not complain that there are so few express indications in the Pentateuch of Moses' literary activity; he will rather be surprised at their number.在聖經學者不會抱怨說,有這麼幾個明確跡象表明在摩西五經的文學活動,他將感到吃驚,而他們的人數。 As far as explicit testimony for its own, at least partial, authorship is concerned, the Pentateuch compares rather favourably with many other books of the Old Testament.至於明確的證詞為自己的,至少是部分,作者而言,五經比較有利,而與其他許多書籍舊約。

(2) Witness of other Old-Testament Books ( 2 )證人的其他老聖經書籍

(a) Josue.-The narrative of the Book of Josue presupposes not merely the facts and essential ordinances contained in the Pentateuch, but also the law given by Moses and written in the book of the law of Moses: Jos., i, 7-8; viii, 31; xxii, 5; xxiii, 6. (一) Josue. ,說明部分圖書的前提不僅是若蘇埃的事實和基本條例載於五經,而且所提供的法律和書面摩西的書摩西律法:聖何塞,我7 -8 ;八, 31 ; 22 , 5 ;二十三, 6 。 Josue himself "wrote all these things in the volume of the law of the Lord" (xxiv, 26).若蘇埃他寫道: “所有這些事情中的體積法勳爵” ( 24 , 26 ) 。 Prof. Hobverg maintains that this "volume of the law of the Lord" is the Pentateuch ("Über den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, 340); Mangenot believes that it refers at least to Deuteronomy (Dict. de la Bible, V, 66).教授Hobverg堅持認為,這種“體積法的上帝”是五經( “尤伯杯2007萬Pentateuchs起源”中的“ Biblische雜誌” , 1906年,四, 340 ) ; Mangenot認為,它是指至少在申命記(快譯通。德拉薩聖經五, 66 ) 。 At any rate, Josue and his contemporaries were acquainted with a written Mosaic legislation, which was divinely revealed.無論如何,若蘇埃和他同時代的人熟悉的書面花葉立法,這是上天顯示。

(b) Judges; I, II Kings.-In the Book of Judges and the first two Books of Kings there is no explicit reference to Moses and the book of the law, but a number of incidents and statements presuppose the existence of the Pentateuchal legislation and institutions. (二)法官;一,二Kings. ,在書中法官和兩本書的第一個國王沒有明確提到摩西和圖書的法律,但一些事件和報表以存在的Pentateuchal立法和機構。 Thus Judges, xv, 8-10, recalls Israel's delivery from Egypt and its conquest of the Promised Land; Judges, xi, 12-28, states incidents recorded in Num., xx, 14; xxi, 13,24; xxii, 2; Judges, xiii, 4, states a practice founded on the law of the Nazarites in Num., vi, 1-21; Judges, xviii, 31, speaks of the tabernacle existing in the times when there was no king in Israel; Judges, xx, 26-8 mentions the ark of the covenant, the various kinds of sacrifices, and the Aaronic priesthood.因此,法官,十五, 8月10日,回顧以色列提供來自埃及和其征服樂土;法官,十一, 12月28日,國家中記錄的事件數量。 ,第XX號,第14 ; 21 , 13,24 , 22 , 2法官, 13日, 4日,國家做法的基礎上的法律Nazarites在序號。 ,六, 1月21日,法官, 18 , 31 ,談到幕中存在的時候,沒有國王在以色列;法官,二十, 26-8提到約櫃,各種犧牲,和Aaronic鐸。 The Pentateuchal history and laws are similarly presupposed in 1 Samuel 10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 sqq.; 23:6-9; 2 Samuel 6.該Pentateuchal歷史和法律是同樣的先決條件在撒母耳記上10:18 ; 15:1-10 ; 10:25 ; 21:1-6 ; 22時零六sqq 。 ; 23:6-9 ;撒母耳記下6 。

(c) 1 and 2 Kings.-The last two Books of Kings repeatedly speak of the law of Moses. (三)第1和第2 Kings. ,最後兩本書的國王多次談到摩西律法。 To restrict the meaning of this term to Deuteronomy is an arbitrary exegesis (cf. 1 Kings 2:3; 10:31); Amasias showed mercy to the children of the murderers "according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses" (2 Kings 14:6); the sacred writer records the Divine promise of protecting the Israelites "Only if they will observe to do all that I have commanded them according to the law which my servant Moses commanded them" (2 Kings 21:8).限制的含義,這個詞來申命記是一個任意的註釋(見列王紀上2時03分; 10時31分) ; Amasias表明憐憫的兒童的兇手“根據該寫這本書的法律摩西“ (列王紀下14點06分) ;神聖作家記錄神聖承諾保護以色列人”只有當他們將遵守盡一切,我已命令他們根據法律,我的僕人摩西指揮他們“ (列王紀下21 : 8 ) 。 In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was found the book of the law (2 Kings 22:8, 11), or the book of the covenant (2 Kings 23:2), according to which he conducted his religious reform (2 Kings 23:10-24), and which is identified with "the law of Moses" (2 Kings 23:25).早在十八歲的統治Josias發現這本書的法律(列王紀下22時08分, 11人) ,或本書的盟約(列王紀下23點零二分) ,根據了他的宗教改革( 2國王23:10-24 ) ,並確定這是與“摩西律法” (列王紀下23:25 ) 。 Catholic commentators are not at one whether this law-book was Deuteronomy (von Hummelauer, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 40-60, 83-7) or the entire Pentateuch (Clair, "Les livres des Rois", Paris, 1884, II, p. 557 seq.; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Frieburg, 1905, p. 17 seq.; "uber den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, pp. 338-40).天主教評論家不是一個是否本法書是申命記(馮Hummelauer , “ Deuteronomium ” ,巴黎, 1901年,第40-60 , 83-7 )或整個摩西五(克萊爾, “沙漠之里弗羅伊斯” ,巴黎, 1884 ,二,第557頁起。 ;霍貝格, “摩西五經之和” , Frieburg , 1905年,第17頁以下。 “尤伯杯2007萬Pentateuchs起源”中的“ Biblische雜誌” , 1906年,四頁。 338 -40 ) 。

(d) Paralipomenon.-The inspired writer of Paralipomenon refers to the law and the book of Moses much more frequently and clearly. (四) Paralipomenon. ,作家的靈感Paralipomenon是指法律和這本書的摩西更頻繁和明確。 The objectionable names and numbers occurring in these books are mostly due to transcribers.不良的姓名和號碼出現在這些圖書主要是由於謄寫。 The omission of incidents which would detract from the glory of the Israelite kings or would not edify the reader is not detrimental to the credibility or veracity of the work. Otherwise one should have to place among works of fiction a number of biographical or patriotic publications intended for the young or for the common reader.遺漏的事件將影響到光榮的以色列人國王或不會陶冶讀者不會損害的信譽或真實性的工作。否則應該有一個地方的小說作品中的一些傳記或愛國出版物年輕或為了共同的讀者。 On their part, the modern critics are too eager to discredit the authority of Paralipomena.對他們而言,現代的批評太急於詆毀權威Paralipomena 。 "After removing the account of Paralipomena", writes de Wette (Beitrage, I, 135), "the whole Jewish history assumes another form, and the Pentateuchal investigations take another turn; a number of strong proofs, hard to explain away, for the early existence of the Mosaic books have disappeared, the other vestiges of their existence are placed in a different light." “在取消帳戶Paralipomena ” ,寫入日Wette ( Beitrage ,我, 135 ) , “整個猶太歷史承擔的另一種形式,和Pentateuchal調查,再反過來;了一些強有力的證據,很難解釋了,為早期存在的馬賽克書籍已經消失,其他殘餘的存在被安置在不同的光。 “ A glance at the contents of Parlipomenon suffices to explain the efforts of de Witte and Wellhausen to disprove the historicity of the books.一瞥的內容,足以解釋Parlipomenon的努力日維特和豪森駁斥了歷史性的書籍。 Not only are the genealogies (1 Chronicles 1-9) and the descriptions of worship traced after the data and laws of the Pentateuch, but the sacred writer expressly points out their conformity with what is written in the law of the Lord (1 Chronicles 16:40), in the law of Moses (2 Chronicles 23:18; 31:3), thus identifying the law of the Lord with that written by Moses (cf. 2 Chronicles 25:4).不僅是族譜(歷代誌上1月9日)和說明崇拜追查後,數據和法律的五經,但神聖的作家明確指出其符合什麼是書面的法律勳爵(歷代誌上16 : 40 ) ,在摩西律法(歷代誌下23:18 ; 31:3 ) ,從而確定的法律與主寫的摩西(參見歷代誌下25:4 ) 。 The reader will find similar indications of the existence and the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch in I Par., xxii, 12 seq.; II Par., xvii, 9; xxxiii, 4; xxxiv, 14; xxv, 12.讀者會發現類似的跡象的存在和馬賽克起源於我的摩西五桿。 , 22 , 12起。 ;二桿。 ,十七, 9 ;三十三, 4 ;三十四, 14 ;二十五, 12 。 By an artificial interpretation, indeed, the Books of Paralipomenon may be construed to represent the Pentateuch as a book containing the law promulgated by Moses; but the natural sense of the foregoing passages regards the Pentateuch as a book edited by Moses.由人工解釋,事實上,圖書的Paralipomenon可能被解釋為代表了摩西五是出版了一本書的法律頒布的摩西;但自然意義上的上述段落關於摩西五為一本書主編的摩西。

(e) I, II Esdras.-The Books of Esdras and Nehemias, too, taken in their natural and commonly accepted sense, consider the Pentateuch as the book of Moses, not merely as a book containing the law of Moses. (五)一,二Esdras. ,帳簿埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias ,也採取了它們的自然和普遍接受的意義上說,考慮到五經的書摩西,而不僅僅是一本書,載摩西律法。 This contention is based on the study of the following texts: I Esd., iii, 2 sqq.; vi, 18; vii, 14; II Esd., i, 7 sqq.; viii, 1, 8, 14; ix, 3; x, 34, 36; xiii, 1-3.這一論點的依據是研究下列文本:我可持續發展教育。 ,三, 2 sqq 。 ;六, 18 ;第七章,第14條;二可持續發展教育。 ,我7 sqq 。 ;八, 1 , 8 , 14 ;九, 3 ;十, 34 , 36 ;第十三1-3 。 Graf and his followers expressed the view that the book of Moses referred to in these texts is not the Pentateuch, but only the Priestly Code; but when we keep in mind that the book in question contained the laws of Lev., xxiii, and Deut., vii, 2-4; xv, 2, we perceive at once that the book of Moses cannot be restricted to the Priestly Code.格拉夫和他的追隨者認為,這本書的摩西中提到的這些文本不是摩西五,但只有祭司碼;但是,當我們記住這本書載有問題的法律列夫。 ,二十三,並Deut 。 ,七, 2月4日;十五, 2 ,我們認為在這本書後,摩西不能僅限於在祭司碼。 To the witness of the historical books we may add II Mach., ii, 4; vii, 6; Judith, viii, 23; Ecclus., xxiv, 33; xlv, 1-6; xlv, 18, and especially the Preface of Ecclus.對證人的歷史書籍,我們可以添加二馬赫。 ,二, 4 ;七, 6 ;朱迪,八, 23 ; Ecclus 。 , 24 , 33 ;第四十五, 1月6日;第四十五, 18 ,特別是序Ecclus 。

(f) Prophetic Books.-Express reference to the written law of Moses is found only in the later Prophets: Bar., ii, 2, 28; Dan., ix, 11, 13; Mal., iv, 4. ( F )的先知Books. ,明確提到的書面摩西律法是發現,只有在後來先知:酒吧。 ,二, 2 , 28 ;丹。 ,第九章, 11 , 13 ;條。 ,四, 4 。 Among these, Baruch knows that Moses has been commanded to write the law, and though his expressions run parallel to those of Deut., xxviii, 15, 53, 62-64, his threats contain allusions to those contained in other parts of the Pentateuch. The other Prophets frequently refer to the law of the Lord guarded by the priests (cf. Deuteronomy 31:9), and they put it on the same level with Divine Revelation and the eternal covenant of the Lord.其中,巴魯克知道摩西已寫入命令的法律,儘管他的表現形式並行的那些Deut 。 ,二十八, 15 , 53 , 62-64 ,他的威脅含有暗示那些載於其他地區的摩西五。其他先知經常提到的法律,主守衛的祭司(參見申命記31:9 ) ,他們把它放在同樣的水平與天啟和永恆的盟約的上帝。 They appeal to God's covenant, the sacrificial laws the calendar of feasts, and other laws of the Pentateuch in such a way as to render it probable that a written legislation formed the basis of their prophetic admonitions (cf. Hosea 8:12), and that they were acquainted with verbal expressions of the book of the law.他們呼籲上帝的盟約,犧牲法律的日曆節日,和其他法律的摩西五以這樣一種方式,以使其有可能形成書面立法的基礎上他們的預言告誡(見何西阿8點12分) ,和他們熟悉的口頭表達的這本書的法律。 Thus in the northern kingdom Amos (iv, 4-5; v, 22 sqq.) and Isaias in the south (i, 11 sqq.) employ expressions which are practically technical words for sacrifice occurring in Lev., i-iii; vii, 12, 16; and Deut., xii, 6.因此,在英國北部阿摩司(四, 4月5日;五, 22 sqq 。 )和伊薩亞南部(一, 11 sqq 。 )僱用表現是技術的話幾乎犧牲發生在列夫。 ,一至三;七, 12 , 16 ;和Deut 。 ,第十二章, 6 。

(3) Witness of the New Testament ( 3 )證人的新約全書

We need not show that Jesus and the Apostles quoted the whole of the Pentateuch as written by Moses.我們沒有必要表明,耶穌和使徒引述整個五經書面的摩西。 If they attributed to Moses all the passages which they happen to cite, if they ascribe the Pentateuch to Moses whenever there is question of its authorship, even the most exacting critics must admit that they express their conviction that the work was indeed written by Moses.如果他們由於摩西的所有通道,他們舉出發生,如果他們賦予了摩西五摩西只要有問題,其著作權,即使是最苛刻的批評者也必須承認,他們表示相信,工作確實是寫的摩西。 When the Sadducees quote against Jesus the marriage law of Deut., xxv, 5, as written by Moses (Matthew 22:24; Mark 12:19; Luke 20:28), Jesus does not deny the Mosaic authorship, but appeals to Ex., iii, 6, as equally written by Moses (Mark 12:26; Matthew 22:31; Luke 20:37).當撒都該人對耶穌回复婚姻法Deut 。 , 25日, 5日,作為撰寫的摩西(馬太22:24 ;馬克12點19分;路加福音20:28 ) ,耶穌並不否認花葉著作權,但呼籲惠。 ,三,六,同樣寫的摩西(馬克12時26分;馬修22:31 ;路加福音20:37 ) 。 Again, in the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:29), He speaks of "Moses and the prophets", while on other occasions He speaks of "the law and the prophets" (Luke 16:16), thus showing that in His mind the law, or the Pentateuch, and Moses are identical.再次,在寓言富豪和拉撒路(路加福音16時29分) ,他談到了“摩西和先知” ,而在其他場合,他說的是“ ,是律法和先知” (路加福音16:16 ) ,從而表明,在他的記憶法,或摩西五,和摩西是相同的。 The same expressions reappear in the last discourse addressed by Christ to His disciples (Luke 24:44-6; cf. 27): "which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".同樣的表情出現在過去的話語處理基督門徒(路加福音24:44-6 ;比照。二十七日)說: “這是寫在摩西律法,並在先知,並在關於我的詩篇” 。 Finally, in John, v, 45-7, Jesus is more explicit in asserting the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch: "There is one that accuseth you, Moses. . .for he wrote of me. But if you do not believe his writings, how will you believe my words?"最後,在美國,五, 45-7 ,耶穌是更明確地主張著作權的馬賽克的摩西五: “我們是一個accuseth你,摩西。 。 。為他寫的我。但是,如果你不相信他的著作,您將如何相信我的話? “ Nor can it be maintained that Christ merely accommodated himself to the current beliefs of his contemporaries who considered Moses as the author of the Pentateuch not merely in a moral but also in the literary sense of authorship.也不能被認為基督只是住自己目前的信仰誰認為他同時代的作家摩西的摩西五不僅在道義上,而且在文學意義上的作者。 Jesus did not need to enter into the critical study of the nature of Mosaic authorship, but He could not expressly endorse the popular belief, if it was erroneous.耶穌並不需要進入關鍵研究的性質花葉作者,但他沒有明確贊同普遍認為,如果是錯誤的。

The Apostles too felt convinced of, and testified to, the Mosaic authorship. "Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith to him: We have found him of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write."使徒們也認為深信,並證明,著作權的馬賽克。 “菲利普findeth拿,和saith對他說:我們已經找到了他的人摩西的法律,和先知沒有寫。 ” St. Peter introduces a quotation from Deut., xviii, 15, with the words: "For Moses said" (Acts 3:22).聖彼得介紹引自Deut 。 , 18 , 15 ,改為: “對摩西說: ” (使徒3點22分) 。 St. James and St.聖雅各福群和街 Paul relate that Moses is read in the synagogues on the Sabbath day (Acts 15:21; 2 Corinthians 3:15).保羅說,摩西是涉及閱讀的猶太教堂的安息日(使徒15時21分;哥林多後書3:15 ) 。 The great Apostle speaks in other passages of the law of Moses (Acts 13:33; 1 Corinthians 9:9); he preaches Jesus according to the law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts 28:23), and cites passages from the Pentateuch as words written by Moses (Romans 10:5-8; 19).偉大的使徒談到其他段落中的摩西律法(使徒13:33 ;哥林多前書9時09分) ;他鼓吹耶穌根據摩西律法和先知(使徒28:23 ) ,並列舉了摩西五通道作為文字的摩西(羅馬書10:5-8 ; 19 ) 。 St. John mentions the canticle of Moses (Revelation 15:3).聖約翰提到頌歌摩西(啟示錄15:3 ) 。

B. WITNESS OF TRADITION灣昭傳統

The voice of tradition, both Jewish and Christian, is so unanimous and constant in proclaiming the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch that down to the seventeenth century it did not allow the rise of any serious doubt.傳統的聲音,無論猶太教和基督教,是如此一致,不斷在宣布馬賽克作者的摩西五是到17世紀它不允許任何崛起的嚴重懷疑。 The following paragraphs are only a meagre outline of this living tradition.以下各段僅是微薄的大綱此生活的傳統。

(1) Jewish Tradition ( 1 )猶太傳統

It has been seen that the books of the Old Testament, beginning with those of the Pentateuch, present Moses as the author of at least parts of the Pentateuch. The writer of the Books of Kings believes that Moses is the author of Deuteronomy at least.人們看到,圖書舊約,首先是摩西五,本摩西的作者至少部分摩西五。作家的書國王認為,摩西是作者申命記至少。 Esdras, Nehemias, Malachias, the author of Paralipomena, and the Greek authors of the Septuagint Version consider Moses as the author of the whole Pentateuch.埃斯德拉斯, Nehemias , Malachias的作者Paralipomena ,和希臘作者七十版本考慮摩西的作者整個摩西五。 At the time of Jesus Christ and the Apostles friend and foe take the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch for granted; neither our Lord nor His enemies take exception to this assumption.當時耶穌和使徒朋友和敵人採取馬賽克作者的摩西五是理所當然的;既不我們的上帝,也沒有他的敵人採取例外,這一假設。 In the first century of the Christian era, Josephus ascribes to Moses the authorship of the entire Pentateuch, not excepting the account of the lawgiver's death ("Antiq. Jud.", IV, viii, 3-48; cf. I Procem., 4; "Contra Apion.", I, 8).在二十一世紀的公元,約瑟夫賦予摩西作者整個摩西五,不除外到立法者的死亡( “ Antiq 。珠德。 ” ,四,八, 3-48 ;比照。我Procem 。 , 4 , “康特拉阿皮翁。 ”一, 8 ) 。 The Alexandrian philosopher Philo is convinced that the entire Pentateuch is the work of Moses, and that the latter wrote a prophetic account of his death under the influence of a special divine inspiration ("De vita Mosis", ll. II, III in "Opera", Geneva, 1613, pp. 511, 538).哲學家斐洛的亞歷山大相信,整個摩西五是工作的摩西,後者寫了預言到他去世的影響下,一個特別神聖的啟示( “者維Mosis ” ,當地僱員。二,三在“歌劇院“ ,日內瓦, 1613年,頁。 511 , 538 ) 。 The Babylonian Talmud ("Baba-Bathra", II, col. 140; "Makkoth", fol. IIa; "Menachoth", fol. 30a; cf. Vogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'exegese biblique jusqua'a nos jours", Paris, 1881, p. 21), the Talmud of Jerusalem (Sota, v, 5), the rabbis, and the doctors of Israel (cf. Furst, "Der Kanon des Alten Testaments nach den Überlieferungen im Talmud und Midrasch", Leipzig, 1868, pp. 7-9) bear testimony to the continuance of this tradition for the first thousand years.巴比倫塔木德( “巴巴- Bathra ” ,二,山口。 140 ; “ Makkoth ” ,下載。國際投資協定“ ; Menachoth ” ,下載。 30A的;比照。時尚, “組織胺。德拉薩聖經與法國exegese biblique jusqua ' 1我jours “ ,巴黎, 1881年,第21頁) ,在耶路撒冷的猶太法典(索塔,五, 5 ) ,猶太教,和醫生的以色列(參見弗斯特, ”明鏡加隆萬老聖經nach旦Überlieferungen即時塔爾穆德與Midrasch “ ,萊比錫, 1868年,頁。 7-9 )證明的延續了這一傳統的第一一千多年。 Though Isaac ben Jasus in the eleventh century and Abenesra in the twelfth admitted certain post-Mosaic additions in the Pentateuch, still they as well as Maimonides upheld its Mosaic authorship, and did not substantially differ in this point from the teaching of R. Becchai (thirteenth cent.), Joseph Karo, and Abarbanel (fifteenth cent.; cf. Richard Simon, "Critique de la Bibl. des aut. eccles. de E. Dupin", Paris, 1730, III, pp. 215-20).雖然伊薩克本Jasus於11世紀和Abenesra承認在某些第十二屆後花葉增加在五經,但他們以及邁蒙尼德堅持花葉著作權,並沒有實質性不同,這一點從教學中的河Becchai (第十三左右。 ) ,約瑟夫卡羅和Abarbanel (第十五左右。 ;比照。理查德西蒙, “批判Bibl 。沙漠引渡。埃克勒斯。日體育Dupin ” ,巴黎, 1730年,三,頁。 215-20 ) 。 Only in the seventeenth century, Baruch Spinoza rejected the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, pointing out the possibility that the work might have been written by Esdras ("Tract. Theol.-politicus", c. viii, ed. Tauchnitz, III, p. 125).只有在十七世紀,巴魯克斯賓諾莎拒絕馬賽克著作權的摩西五,指出的可能性,這項工作可能已經寫的埃斯德拉斯( “道。 Theol.政治論” ,角八,教育署。 Tauchnitz ,三,磷。 125 ) 。 Among the more recent Jewish writers several have adopted the results of the critics, thus abandoning the tradition of their forefathers.在最近的幾個猶太人作家已經通過的結果,評論家,從而放棄了他們祖先的傳統。

(2) Christian Tradition ( 2 )基督教傳統

The Jewish tradition concerning the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch was brought in to the Christian Church by Christ Himself and the Apostles.猶太傳統的馬賽克著作權的五經被帶到基督教的耶穌和使徒。 No one will seriously deny the existence and continuance of such a tradition from the patristic period onward; one might indeed be curious about the interval between the time of the Apostles and beginning of the third century.任何人都不會否認存在嚴重和持續的這樣一個傳統的教父期間起;人們可能確實是好奇之間的間隔時間的使徒和年初三世紀。 For this period we may appeal to the "Epistle of Barnabus" (x, 1-12; Funk, "Patres apostol.", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1901, I, p. 66-70; xii, 2-9k; ibid., p. 74-6), to St. Clement of Rome (1 Corinthians 41:1; ibid., p. 152), St. Justin ("Apol. I", 59; PG, VI, 416; I, 32, 54; ibid., 377, 409; "Dial.", 29; ibid., 537), to the author of "Cohort. Ad Graec."在此期間我們可能會呼籲“使徒Barnabus ” (十, 1月12日;克, “ Patres apostol 。 ”第2版。 ,蒂賓根大學, 1901年,我,第66-70 ;十二, 2 - 9k ;同上。 ,第74-6 ) ,聖克萊門特的羅馬(哥林多前書41:1 ;同上。 ,第152頁) ,聖賈斯汀( “ Apol 。一” , 59 ;前列腺素,六, 416 ,我, 32 , 54 ;同上。 , 377 , 409 ; “撥號。 ” 29 ;同上。 , 537 ) ,作者的“隊列。廣告Graec 。 ” (9, 28, 30, 33, 34; ibid., 257, 293, 296-7, 361), to St. Theophilus ("Ad Autol.", III, 23; ibid., 1156; 11, 30; ibid., 1100), to St. Irenæus (Cont. haer., I, ii, 6; PG, VII, 715-6), to St. Hippolytus of Rome ("Comment. In Deut.", xxxi, 9, 31, 35; cf. Achelis, "Arabische Fragmente etc.", Leipzig, 1897, I, 118; "Philosophumena", VIII, 8; X, 33; PG, XVI, 3350, 3448), to Tertullian of Carthage (Adv. Hermog., XIX; PL, II, 214), to Origen of Alexandria (Contra. Cels., III, 5-6; PG, XI, 928; etc.), to St. Eusthatius of Antioch (De engastrimytha c. Orig., 21; PG, XVIII, 656); for all these writers, and others might be added, bear witness to the continuance of the Christian tradition that Moses wrote the Pentateuch. ( 9 , 28 , 30 , 33 , 34 ;同上。 , 257 , 293 , 296-7 , 361 ) ,聖奧菲勒斯( “廣告Autol 。 ” ,三, 23 ;同上。 , 1156年; 11 , 30 ;同上。 1100 ) ,聖Irenæus (續haer 。 ,一,二, 6 ;指引,第七, 715-6 ) ,聖西波呂羅馬( “評論。在Deut 。 ”三十一, 9 , 31 , 35 ;比照。 Achelis , “ Arabische Fragmente等” ,萊比錫, 1897年,我, 118 ; “ Philosophumena ” ,八, 8 ;十, 33 ;指引,十六, 3350 , 3448 ) ,以良的迦太基( Adv. Hermog 。 ,十九;光致發光,二, 214 ) ,以奧利亞歷山大( Contra.細胞。 ,三, 5月6日;指引,十一, 928等) ,聖Eusthatius安提(者engastrimytha角原始。 , 21 ;前列腺素,十八, 656 ) ;所有這些作家,和其他可添加,見證繼續基督教傳統,寫了摩西五經。 A list of the later Fathers who bear witness to the same truth may be found in Mangenot's article in the "Dict. de la Bible" (V, 74 seq.).的名單後父親誰見證相同的事實中可以找到Mangenot的文章在“快譯通。德拉薩聖經” (五, 74歲以下。 ) 。 Hoberg (Moses und der Pentateuch, 72 seq.) has collected the testimony for the existence of the tradition during the Middle Ages and in more recent times.霍貝格(摩西五經之和, 72起。 )已收集的證詞存在的傳統在中世紀,在更近的時候。

But Catholic tradition does not necessarily maintain that Moses wrote every letter of the Pentateuch as it is today, and that the work has come down to us in an absolutely unchanged form.但是,天主教的傳統,並不一定認為摩西寫每信摩西五象今天,該工作已下降到我們絕對不變的形式。 This rigid view of the Mosaic authorship began to develop in the eighteenth century, and practically gained the upper hand in the nineteenth.這種僵硬鑑於花葉作者開始發展在18世紀,切實佔上風19 。 The arbitrary treatment of Scripture on the part of Protestants, and the succession of the various destructive systems advanced by Biblical criticism, caused this change of front in the Catholic camp.任意治療聖經的一部分新教徒,並繼承了各種先進的破壞性系統聖經批評,造成這一變化的戰線天主教營地。 In the sixteenth century Card.在16世紀卡。 Bellarmine, who may be considered as a reliable exponent of Catholic tradition, expressed the opinion that Esdras had collected, readjusted, and corrected the scattered parts of the Pentateuch, and had even added the parts necessary for the completion of the Pentateuchal history (De verbo Dei, II, I; cf. III, iv).貝拉明,誰可被視為一個可靠的指數,天主教的傳統,認為埃斯德拉斯收集,調整,並糾正了分散部分摩西五,甚至增加了部分必要的完成Pentateuchal歷史(者動詞上帝,二,一;比照。三,四) 。 The views of Génebrard, Pereira, Bonfrere, a Lapide, Masius, Jansenius, and of other notable Biblicists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are equally elastic with regard to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.意見Génebrard ,佩雷拉,邦弗雷雷,一個Lapide ,麥西斯, Jansenius ,和其他顯著Biblicists的16和17世紀也同樣彈性關於花葉作者的摩西五。 Not that they agree with the contentions of our modern Biblical criticism; but they show that today's Pentateuchal problems were not wholly unknown to Catholic scholars, and that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch as determined by the Biblical Commission is no concession forced on the Church by unbelieving Bible students.不是他們同意爭論我們現代聖經批評;但它們表明,今天的Pentateuchal問題沒有完全陌生的天主教學者和作者的馬賽克的摩西五所確定的聖經委員會沒有讓步強迫教會問題的不信聖經的學生。

C. VOICE OF INTERNAL EVIDENCE角聲內部證據

The possibility of producing a written record at the time of Moses is no longer contested.可能生成書面記錄的時候,摩西已不再有爭議。 The art of writing was known long before the time of the great lawgiver, and was extensively practised both in Egypt and Babylon.寫作的藝術被稱為之前很久的時候,偉大的立法者,並廣泛實行在埃及和巴比倫。 As to the Israelites, Flinders Petrie infers from certain Semitic inscriptions found in 1905 on the Sinaitic peninsula, that they kept written accounts of their national history from the time of their captivity under Ramses II.至於以色列人,弗林德斯皮特里推斷某些猶太人題詞於1905年發現的Sinaitic半島,他們隨時書面帳戶本國的歷史,他們被關押的時間下拉美西斯二世。 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets show the language of Babylon was in a way the official language at the time of Moses, known in Western Asia, Palestine, and Egypt; the finds of Taanek have confirmed this fact.該告訴埃及阿瑪爾納片顯示的語言,巴比倫是一種官方語言的時候,摩西,已知在西亞,巴勒斯坦和埃及的認定的Taanek證實了這一事實。 But it cannot be inferred from this that the Egyptians and Israelites employed this sacred or official language among themselves and in their religious documents (cf. Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaologie", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1907, p. 172 sqq.).但是,它不能作為推斷這是埃及人和以色列人僱用這個神聖或它們之間的官方語言,並在其宗教文件(參見Benzinger , “ Hebraische Archaologie ” ,第2版。 ,蒂賓根大學, 1907年,第172頁sqq 。 ) 。 It is not merely the possibility of writing at the time of Moses and the question of language that confronts us here; there is the further problem of the kind of written signs used in the Mosaic documents.它不僅是書面的可能性時,摩西和問題的語言,使我們在這裡有進一步的問題,什麼樣的書面標誌用於花葉文件。 The hieroglyphic and cuneiform signs were widely employed at that early date; the oldest inscriptions written in alphabetical characters date only from the ninth century BC But there can hardly be any doubt as to the higher antiquity of alphabetic writing, and there seems to be nothing to prevent our extending it back to the time of Moses.象形文字和楔形文字的標誌,廣泛採用該早日生效;最古老的碑文寫的字母字符到目前為止,只有從公元前9世紀,但就不可能有疑問,較高的文物的拼音文字,似乎是沒有防止我們的延長回到時間的摩西。 Finally, the Code of Hammurabi, discovered in Susa in 1901 by the French expedition funded by Mr. And Mrs. Dieulafoy, shows that even in pre-Mosaic times legal enactments were committed to, and preserved in, writing; for the Code antedates Moses some five centuries, and contains about 282 regulations concerning various contingencies in the civic life.最後,漢謨拉比法典,在蘇薩發現於1901年由法國資助的探險先生和夫人杜氏,結果表明,即使在預花葉次法令承諾,並保存在,寫作;為antedates法典摩西大約5個世紀,並載有大約282名各種突發法規的公民生活。

Thus far it has been shown negatively that an historic and legal document claiming to be written at the time of Moses involves no antecedent improbability of its authenticity.迄今為止,它已被證明是一種消極的歷史和法律文件,聲稱是書面的時候,摩西不涉及先行不大可能的真實性。 But the internal characteristics of the Pentateuch show also positively that the work is at least probably Mosaic.但是,內部特徵的摩西五顯示了積極的,這項工作至少是可能馬賽克。 It is true that the Pentateuch contains no express declaration of its entire Mosaic authorship; but even the most exacting of critics will hardly require such testimony.的確,摩西五載沒有明確宣布其整個花葉著作權;但即使是最苛刻的批評者就很難要求這些證詞。 It is practically lacking in all other books, whether sacred or profane.這實際上是缺乏所有其他的書籍,不論是神聖的或褻瀆。 On the other hand, it has already been shown that four distinct passages of the Pentateuch are expressly ascribed to the authorship of Moses.另一方面,它已經表明,四個不同的段落的摩西五是明確歸因於作者的摩西。 Deut., xxxi, 24-9, is especially noted; for it knows that Moses wrote the "words of this law in a volume" and commanded it to be placed in the ark of the covenant as a testimony against the people who have been so rebellious during the lawgiver's life and will "do wickedly" after his death. Deut 。 ,三十一, 24-9 ,特別指出,因為它知道,摩西寫了“的話本法數額” ,並命令它放在約櫃的證詞對人民誰已這樣叛逆在立法者的生命,將“做壞透”在他死後。 Again, a number of legal sections, though not explicitly ascribed to the writing of Moses, are distinctly derived from Moses as the lawgiver.同樣,一些法律部門,雖然沒有明確賦予的書面摩西,明顯來自摩西作為立法者。 Besides, many of the Pentateuchal laws bear evidence of their origin in the desert; hence they too lay an indirect claim to Mosaic origin.此外,許多Pentateuchal法律承擔證明其原產地在沙漠中,因此他們也奠定了間接聲稱花葉來源。 What has been said of a number of Pentateuchal laws is equally true of several historical sections.所說的一些Pentateuchal同樣的法律的若干歷史章節。 These contain in the Book of Numbers, for instance, so many names and numbers that they must have been handed down in writing. Unless the critics can bring irrefutable evidence showing that in these sections we have only fiction, they must grant that these historical details were written down in contemporary documents, and not transmitted by mere oral tradition. Moreover, Hommel ("Die altisraelitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", p. 302) has shown that the names in the lists of the Book of Numbers bear the character of the Arabian names of the second millennium before Christ, and can have originated only in the time of Moses, though it must be admitted that the text of certain portions, eg, Num., xiii, has suffered in its transmission.這些包含在這本書中的數字,例如,如此眾多的名字和號碼,他們必須一直流傳下來的書面。除非批評可以帶來不可辯駁的證據顯示,在這些路段,我們只有小說,他們必須承認,這些歷史的細節寫在當代的文件,而不是僅僅通過口頭傳播的傳統。此外,霍梅爾( “模具altisraelitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung ” ,第302頁)表明,名單中的名字的圖書數承擔的性質阿拉伯名字公元前第二個千年,可以只在起源時,摩西,但必須承認,案文的某些部分,例如數。 ,十三,受到在其傳播。 We need not remind the reader that numerous Pentateuchal laws and data imply the conditions of a nomadic life of Israel.我們需要提醒讀者,許多Pentateuchal法律和數據意味著條件游牧生活以色列。 Finally, both the author of the Pentateuch and its first readers must have been more familiar with the topography and the social conditions of Egypt and with the Sinaitic peninsula than with the land of Chanaan.最後,作者的五經和它的第一讀者必須是比較熟悉的地形和社會條件的埃及和比Sinaitic半島的土地Chanaan 。 Cf., eg, Deut., viii, 7-10; xi, 10 sqq.比照。 ,例如Deut 。 ,八, 7月10日;十一, 10 sqq 。 These internal characteristics of the Pentateuch have been developed at greater length by Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; Vigouroux, "La Bible et les decouvertes modernes", 6th ed., Paris, 1896, I, 453-80; II, 1-213, 529-47, 586-91; Idem, "Les Livres Saints et la critique rationaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 28-46, 79-99, 122-6; Heyes, "Bibel und Ægypten", Munster, 1904, p.這些內部特徵的摩西五已經制定更詳細的史密斯, “這本書或摩西五經的作者,信譽,文明之光” ,倫敦, 1868年; Vigouroux , “香格里拉聖經與法國decouvertes現代” ,第6版。 ,巴黎, 1896年,我, 453-80 ;二, 1-213 , 529-47 , 586-91 ;同上, “法國和法語圖書聖徒批判rationaliste ” ,巴黎, 1902年,三, 28-46 , 79 - 99 , 122-6 ; Heyes , “聖經和Ægypten ” ,穆斯特, 1904年,第 142; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in histor. Vet. Test. libros", I, Paris, 1887, pp. 142 ; Cornely , “引的特別histor 。獸醫。試驗。 libros ” ,我,巴黎, 1887年,頁。 57-60; Poole, "Ancient Egypt" in "Contemporary Review", March, 1879, pp. 57-60 ;普爾, “古埃及”在“當代評論” , 3月, 1879年,頁。 757-9. 757-9 。

D. ECCLESIASTICAL DECISIONS 4教會決定

In accordance with the voice of the triple argument thus far advanced for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, the Biblical Commission on 27 June, 1906, answered a series of questions concerning this subject in the following way:根據聲音的三重論點迄今先進的馬賽克著作權的五經,聖經委員會關於1906年6月27日,回答了一系列問題,這一問題的方式如下:

(1) The arguments accumulated by the critics to impugn the Mosaic authenticity of the sacred books designated by the name Pentateuch are not of such weight as to give us the right, after setting aside numerous passages of both Testaments taken collectively, the continuous consensus of the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age. ( 1 )論點所積累批評家非難花葉真實性神聖的書籍指定的名稱摩西五沒有這種重量給我們的權利,在撇開許多段落都聖經採取集體,連續共識the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age.

(2) The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch does not necessarily require such a redaction of the whole work as to render it absolutely imperative to maintain that Moses wrote all and everything with his own hand or dictated it to his secretaries; the hypothesis of those can be admitted who believe that he entrusted the composition of the work itself, conceived by him under the influence of Divine inspiration, to others, but in such a way that they were to express faithfully his own thoughts, were to write nothing against his will, were to omit nothing; and that finally the work thus produced should be approved by the same Moses, its principal and inspired author, and published under his name. ( 2 )花葉真實性摩西五並不一定需要這樣的編輯整個工作使其絕對必須保持這一摩西寫道,一切都與他自己的手或口述給他的秘書;的假設這些可必須承認誰相信他委託組成的工作本身,他所設想的影響下,神聖的靈感,給他人,但以這樣一種方式,他們忠實地表達自己的想法,寫了什麼對他的意志,省略了什麼;和最後的工作應該是這樣生產批准同摩西,其本金和激勵作者和出版他的名字。

(3) It may be granted without prejudice to the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch, that Moses employed sources in the production of his work, ie, written documents or oral traditions, from which he may have drawn a number of things in accordance with the end he had in view and under the influence of Divine inspiration, and inserted them in his work either literally or according to their sense, in an abbreviated or amplified form. ( 3 )可給予不損害花葉真實性摩西五,即摩西受聘來源生產中所做的工作,即書面文件或口頭傳統,他從那裡可以得出一些事情根據為此,他已經考慮和的影響下,神聖的靈感,並插入他們在工作中也確實或根據自己的感覺,在一個縮寫或擴增形式。

(4) The substantial Mosaic authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch remains intact if it be granted that in the long course of centuries the work has suffered several modifications, as; post-Mosaic additions either appended by an inspired author or inserted into the text as glosses and explanations; the translation of certain words and forms out of an antiquated language into the recent form of speech; finally, wrong readings due to the fault of transcribers, which one may investigate and pass sentence on according to the laws of criticism. ( 4 )大量馬賽克真實性和完整性的摩西五不變,如果給予,在長期的世紀工作就經受了好幾次修改,如;後花葉增加或者附加的啟發作者或插入文本掩蓋和解釋;翻譯某些詞和形式的陳舊的語言到最近形式的講話,最後,由於錯誤讀數的過錯謄寫,其中一個調查和判決的法律根據的批評。

The post-Mosaic additions and modifications allowed by the Biblical Commission in the Pentateuch without removing it from the range of substantial integrity and Mosaic authenticity are variously interpreted by Catholic scholars.後花葉補充和修訂所允許的聖經中的摩西五委員會而不刪除它的範圍從大量的完整性和真實性是不同的馬賽克解釋天主教學者。

(1) We should have to understand them in a rather wide sense, if we were to defend the views of von Hummelauer or Vetter. ( 1 )我們應該理解他們在一個相當廣泛的意義上說,如果我們要維護的意見,馮Hummelauer或Vetter 。 This latter writer admits legal and historical documents based on Mosaic tradition, but written only in the times of the Judges; he places the first redaction of the Pentateuch in the time of the erection of Solomon's temple, and its last redaction in the time of Esdras.後者作家承認的法律和歷史文獻的基礎上鑲嵌的傳統,但只寫在他的時代,法官,他的第一個地方的五經編輯的時候,勃起的所羅門聖殿,並在其最後編輯時間埃斯德拉斯。 Vetter died in 1906, the year in which the Biblical Commission issued the above Decree; it is an interesting question, whether and how the scholar would have modified his theory, if time had been granted him to do so. Vetter死於1906年,在這一年中的聖經委員會發表了上述法令,這是一個有趣的問題,是否和如何修改的學者將他的理論,如果時間已給予他這樣做。

(2) A less liberal interpretation of the Decree is implied in the Pentateuchal hypotheses advanced by Hobert ("Moses und der Pentateuch; Die Pentateuch Frage" in "Biblische Studien", X, 4, Freiburg, 1907; "Erklarung des Genesis", 1908, Freiburg, IL), Schopfer (Geschichte des Alten Testamentes, 4th ed., 226 sqq.), Hopfl ("Die hohere Bibelkritik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1906), Brucker ("L'eglise et la critique", Paris, 1907, 103 sqq.), and Selbst (Schuster and Holzammer's "Handbuch zur Biblischen Geschichte", 7th ed., Freiburg, 1910, II, 94, 96). ( 2 )少從寬解釋法令是隱含在Pentateuchal假設先進的Hobert ( “摩西五經之和; Frage模具五經”中的“ Biblische Studien ” ,第十,第4 ,弗賴堡, 1907年; “ Erklarung之起源” 1908年,弗賴堡和IL ) , Schopfer (史老Testamentes ,第4版。 , 226 sqq 。 ) Hopfl ( “模具hohere Bibelkritik ” ,第2版。 ,帕德博恩, 1906 ) , Brucker ( “歐萊雅埃格利斯與香格里拉批判”巴黎1907年, 103 sqq 。 )和自身( Schuster和Holzammer在“手冊Biblischen史論” ,第七版。 ,弗賴堡, 1910年,二, 94 , 96 ) 。 The last-named writer believes that Moses left a written law-book to which Josue and Samuel added supplementary sections and regulations, while David and Solomon supplied new statutes concerning worship and priesthood, and other kings introduced certain religious reforms, until Esdras promulgated the whole law and made it the basis of Israel's restoration after the Exile.過去命名的作家認為,摩西留下了書面法律書籍的若蘇埃和Samuel補充和規章的補充部分,而大衛和所羅門提供新的章程和有關禮拜牧師和其他國王介紹了某些宗教的改革,直到整個埃斯德拉斯頒布法律並使其根據以色列的恢復後,流亡國外。 Our present Pentateuch is, therefore, an Esdrine edition of the work.我們目前的五經,因此,一個Esdrine版的工作。 Dr. Selbst feels convinced that his admission of both textual changes and material additions in the Pentateuch agrees with the law of historical development and with the results of literary criticism.博士自我感覺相信,他承認這兩個文本的修改和補充材料中的五經同意的法律和歷史發展的結果,文學批評。 Historical development adapts laws and regulations to the religious, civil, and social conditions of successive ages, while literary criticism discovers in our actual Pentateuch peculiarities of words and phrases which can hardly have been original, and also historical additions or notices, legal modifications, and signs of more recent administration of justice and of later forms of worship.適應歷史發展的法律和規章的宗教,民間,社會條件的歷屆年齡,而文學批評發現在我們的實際摩西五特點的單詞和詞組難以被原始,也是歷史上增加或通知,法律的修改,和最近的跡象,司法行政和後來形式的崇拜。 But Dr. Selbst believes that these peculiarities do not offer a sufficient basis for a distinction of different sources in the Pentateuch.但醫生認為,這些自身的特點沒有提供足夠的基礎,區分不同來源的摩西五。

(3) A strict interpretation of the words of the Decree is implied in the views of Kaulen (Einleitung, n. 193 sqq.), Key ("Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte un ihre System", Munster, 1903), Flunk (Kirchenlexicon, IX, 1782 sqq.), and Mangenot ("L'authenticite mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1907; Idem, "Dict. de la Bible", V, 50-119. With the exception of those portions that belong to the time after the death of Moses, and of certain accidental changes of the text due to transcribers, the whole of the Pentateuch is the work of Moses who composed the work in one of the ways suggested by the Biblical Commission. Finally, there is the question as the theological certainty of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch. ( 3 )嚴格解釋的話是暗示的法令的意見Kaulen (導論,北路193 sqq 。 ) ,關鍵詞( “模具Pentateuchfrage , ihre史聯合國ihre系統” ,明斯特, 1903年) ,失敗( Kirchenlexicon ,九, 1782年sqq 。 )和Mangenot ( “歐萊雅authenticite mosaique杜Pentateuque ” ,巴黎, 1907年;同上, “快譯通。德拉薩聖經” ,五, 50-119 。除部分屬於時間去世後摩西,以及某些意外更改的文字,由於謄寫,整個摩西五是工作的組成摩西誰的工作方法之一聖經所建議的委員會。最後,還有一個問題作為神學確定性論文保持花葉真實性摩西五。

(1) Certain Catholic scholars who wrote between 1887 and 1906 expressed their opinion that the thesis in question is not revealed in Scripture nor taught by the Church; that it expresses a truth not contained in Revelation, but a tenet which may be freely contested and discussed. ( 1 )某些天主教學者誰寫的1887年和1906年表示,他們認為,論文中的問題是,沒有發現在聖經也不教教堂,它表達了真理中不包含的啟示,而是一個宗旨可以自由爭論和討論。 At that time, ecclesiastical authority had issued no pronouncement on the question.在那個時候,教會當局沒有發出聲明問題上。

(2) Other writers grant that the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is not explicitly revealed, but they consider it as a truth revealed formally implicitly, being derived from the revealed formulae not by a syllogism in the strict sense of the word, but by a simple explanation of the terms. ( 2 )其他作者給予的馬賽克真實性摩西五是沒有明確透露,但他們認為這是一個事實表明正式含蓄,被來自顯示公式不是一個三段論在嚴格意義上的文字,但由簡單的解釋條款。 The denial of the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is an error, and the contradictory of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is considered erronea in fide (cf. Mechineau, "L'origine mosaique du Pentateuque", p. 34).剝奪花葉真實性摩西五是一個錯誤,而且矛盾的命題保持花葉真實性摩西五是erronea在真誠(參見Mechineau , “歐萊雅起源mosaique杜Pentateuque ” ,第34頁) 。

(3) A third class of scholars considers the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch neither as a freely debatable tenet, nor as a truth formally implicitly revealed; they believe it has been virtually revealed, or that it is inferred from revealed truth by truly syllogistic deduction. ( 3 )第三類學者認為,花葉真實性摩西五既不作為一個有爭議的自由的宗旨,也作為一個真理正式含蓄地表明,他們認為它實際上已被發現,或者說這是推斷揭示真理的真正三段論扣除。 It is, therefore, a theologically certain truth, and its contradictory is a rash (temeraria) or even erroneous proposition (cf. Brucker, "Authenticite des livres de Moise" in "Etudes", March, 1888, p. 327; ibid., January, 1897, p. 122-3; Mangenot, "L'authenticité mosaïque du Pentateuque", pp. 267-310.因此,一個神學某些事實,其矛盾的是皮疹( temeraria ) ,甚至錯誤的主張(見Brucker , “ Authenticite萬里弗日莫伊茲”中的“練習曲” , 3月, 1888年,第327頁;同上。 , 1月份, 1897年,第122-3 ; Mangenot , “歐萊雅authenticité mosaïque杜Pentateuque ” ,頁。 267-310 。

Whatever effect the ecclesiastical decision concerning the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch may have had, or will have, on the opinion of students of the Pentateuchal question, it cannot be said to have occasioned the conservative attitude of scholars who wrote before the promulgation of the Decree.無論教會決定作用的馬賽克真實性摩西五可能有或將有的意見,學生的Pentateuchal問題,不能說已經引起了保守態度的學者誰寫之前頒布的法令。 The following list contains the names of the principal recent defenders of Mosaic authenticity: Hengstenberg, "Die Bucher Moses und Aegypten", Berlin, 1841; Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; C. Schobel, "Demonstration de l'authenticite du Deuteronome", Paris, 1868; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique de l'Exode", Paris, 1871; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique du Levitique et des Nombres", Paris, 1869; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite de la Genese", Paris, 1872; Idem, "Le Moise historique et la redaction mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1875; Knabenbauer, "Der Pentateuch und die unglaubige Bibelkritik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1873, IV; Bredenkamp, "Gesetz und Propheten", Erlangen, 1881; Green, "Moses and the Prophets", New York, 1883; Idem, "The Hebrew Feasts", New York, 1885; Idem, "The Pentateuchal Question" in "Hebraica", 1889-92; Idem, "The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch", New York, 1895; Idem, "The Unity of the Book of Genesis", New York, 1895; C. Elliot, "Vindication of the Mosaic Authorship of the Pentateuch", Cincinnati, 1884; Bissel, "The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure", New York, 1885; Ubaldi, "Introductio in Sacram Scripturam", 2nd ed., Rome, 1882, I, 452- 509; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in historicos VT libros", Paris, 1887, pp.下面的列表包含的姓名,最近的主要捍衛者的馬賽克真實性:亨斯, “模具與Aegypten布赫爾摩西” ,柏林, 1841年;史密斯, “這本書或摩西五經的作者,信譽,文明之光” ,倫敦, 1868 ;角Schobel , “示範法國authenticite杜Deuteronome ” ,巴黎, 1868年;同上, “示範法國authenticite mosaique法國Exode ” ,巴黎, 1871年;同上, “示範法國authenticite mosaique杜Levitique等沙漠Nombres “ ,巴黎, 1869年;同上, ”示範法國authenticite德拉薩Genese “ ,巴黎, 1872年;同上, ”樂莫伊茲歷史等香格里拉編輯mosaique杜Pentateuque “ ,巴黎, 1875年; Knabenbauer , ”明鏡摩西五與死亡unglaubige Bibelkritik “中的” Stimmen澳大利亞瑪麗亞Laach “ , 1873年,第四;登坎普”法則與Propheten “埃爾蘭根, 1881年;綠色, ”摩西和先知“ ,紐約, 1883年;同上, ”希伯來節日“ ,紐約, 1885年;同上, ”該Pentateuchal提問“ , ” Hebraica “ , 1889年至1892年;同上, ”上批評五經“ ,紐約, 1895年;同上, ”團結的創世記“ ,紐約, 1895年;角艾略特, “報復的馬賽克著作權的五經” ,辛辛那提, 1884年; Bissel說: “摩西五,其來源和結構” ,紐約, 1885年; Ubaldi , “引Sacram Scripturam ” ,第2版。 ,羅馬, 1882年,我, 452 - 509 ; Cornely , “引historicos特別在佛蒙特州libros ” ,巴黎, 1887年,頁。 19-160; Vos, "Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes", London, 1886; Bohl, "Zum Gesetz und zum Zeugniss", Vienna, 1883; Zah, "Erneste Blicke in den Wahn der modernen Kritik des AT", Gutersloh, 1893; Idem, "Das Deuteronomium", 1890; Idem, "Israelitische und judische Geschichte", 1895; Rupprecht, "Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhausens vom Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893; Idem, "Das Rathsel des Funfbuches Mose und seine falsche Losung", Gutersloh, 1894; Idem, "Des Rathsels Losung order Beitrage zur richtigen Losung des Pentateuchrathsels", 1897; Idem, "Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht", 1897; "Lex Mosaica, or the Law of Moses and the Higher Criticism" (by Sayce, Rawlinson, Trench, Lias, Wace, etc.), London, 1894; Card. 19-160 ;沃斯, “馬賽克起源Pentateuchal守則” ,倫敦, 1886年;博爾, “ Zum法則與zum Zeugniss ” ,維也納, 1883年; Zah , “ Erneste Blicke在2007 Wahn現代批判之在” ,居特斯洛, 1893年;同上, “達斯Deuteronomium ” , 1890年;同上, “ Israelitische與judische史” , 1895年;魯普雷希特, “模具之kritischen直觀學派Wellhausens論五經” ,萊比錫, 1893年;同上, “達斯Rathsel萬Funfbuches摩西和他的falsche Losung “ ,居特斯洛, 1894年;同上, ”輔Rathsels Losung秩序Beitrage楚richtigen Losung萬Pentateuchrathsels “ , 1897年;同上, ”模具批判nach ihrem法uknd不法“ , 1897年; ”的Lex Mosaica ,或摩西律法和更高批判“ (由Sayce ,羅林森,麟趾,黑侏羅統, Wace ,等等) ,倫敦, 1894年;卡。 Meignan, "De L'Eden a Moise", Paris, 1895, 1-88; Baxter, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice", London, 1896; Abbé de Broglie, "Questions bibliques", Paris, 1897, pp. Meignan , “法國伊甸園1莫伊茲” ,巴黎, 1895年1-88 ;巴克斯特的“庇護和犧牲” ,倫敦, 1896年;布沙尼德布羅意, “問題bibliques ” ,巴黎, 1897年,頁。 89-169; Pelt, "Histoire de l'AT", 3rd ed., Paris, 1901, I, pp. 89-169 ;佩爾特, “法國史的” ,第3版。 ,巴黎, 1901年,我頁。 291-326; Vigouroux, "Les Livres Saints et la critique ratioinaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 1-226; IV, 239-53, 405-15; Idem, "Manuel biblique", 12th ed., Paris, 1906, I, 397-478; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Systeme", Munster, 1903; Hopfl, "Die hohere Bibelkritik", Paderborn, 1902; Thomas, "The Organic Unity of the Pentateuch", London, 1904; Wiener, "Studies in Biblical Law", London, 1904; Rouse, "The Old Testament in New Testament Light", London, 1905; Redpath, "Modern Criticism and the Book of Genesis", London, 1905; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Freiburg, 1905; Orr, "The Problem of the Old Testament considered with reference to Recent Criticism", London, 1906. 291-326 ; Vigouroux , “法國圖書聖徒等批判ratioinaliste香格里拉” ,巴黎, 1902年,三, 1-226 ;四, 239-53 , 405-15 ;同上, “曼努埃爾biblique ” ,第12版。 ,巴黎, 1906年,我, 397-478 ; Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage , ihre歷史與ihre制” ,明斯特, 1903 ; Hopfl , “模具hohere Bibelkritik ” ,帕德博恩, 1902年;托馬斯“的有機統一的五經” ,倫敦, 1904年;維納, “聖經研究法” ,倫敦, 1904年;勞斯, “舊約中新約全書光” ,倫敦, 1905年;雷德帕思, “現代的批判和創世記” ,倫敦, 1905年;霍貝格, “摩西與德國五經“ ,弗賴堡, 1905年;奧爾,他說: ”問題舊約審議提到最近批評“ ,倫敦, 1906年。

E. OPPONENTS OF THE MOSAIC AUTHORSHIP OF THE PENTATEUCH體育反對者鑲嵌著作權的摩西五

A detailed account of the opposition to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is neither desirable nor necessary in this article.詳細介紹了反對花葉著作權的摩西五既不可取,也不需要在這一條。 In itself it would form only a noisome history of human errors; each little system has had its day, and its successors have tried their best to bury it in hushed oblivion.它本身只是一個形式有礙人類歷史錯誤;每個小系統也有一天,它的繼任者已經盡力埋葬在寂靜遺忘。 The actual difficulties we have to consider are those advanced by our actual opponents of today; only the fact that the systems of the past show us the fleeting and transitory character of the actual theories now in vogue can induce us to briefly enumerate the successive views upheld by the opponents of the Mosaic authorship.的實際困難,我們必須要考慮的是通過我們的實際先進反對者今天,只有這樣一個事實,即系統過去查看我們的短暫和過渡性質的實際現在流行的理論能誘導我們簡要列舉堅持連續意見由反對花葉作者。

(1) Abandoned Theories ( 1 )被遺棄的理論

The views advanced by the Valentinian Ptolemy, the Nazarites, Abenesra, Carlstadt, Isaac Peyrerius, Baruch Spinoza, Jean Leclerc are sporadic phenomena. Not all of them were wholly incompatible with the Mosaic authorship as now understood, and the others have found their answer in their own time.-With the work of John Astrue, published in 1753, began the so-called Hypothesis of Documents which was further developed by Eichhorn and Ilgen.該意見提出瓦倫蒂安托勒密的Nazarites , Abenesra , Carlstadt ,艾薩克Peyrerius ,巴魯克斯賓諾莎,讓勒克萊爾是零星的現象。不是所有的人完全不符合著作權的馬賽克像現在的理解,和其他人發現自己的答案自己time. ,隨著工作的約翰Astrue ,發表於1753年,開始了所謂的假說文件進一步發展了艾希霍恩和Ilgen 。 But the works of the suspended priest, Alexander Geddes, published in 1792 and 1800, introduced the Hypothesis of Fragments, which in its day was elaborated and championed by Vater, de Wette (temporarily at least), Berthold, Hartmann, and von Bohlen.但是,工程暫停神父,亞歷山大格迪斯,出版於1792年和1800年,介紹了假設的碎片,這一天是在其制定並倡導壺腹部,日Wette (至少暫時) ,貝特霍爾德,哈特曼和馮波倫。 This theory was soon confronted by, and had to yield to the Hypothesis of Complements or Interpolations which numbered among its patrons Kelle, Ewald, Stahelin, Bleek, Tuch, de Wette, von Lengerke, and for a brief period also Franz Delitzsch.這一理論很快就面臨著,並已取得的假說補或插值其中編號之間的顧客凱萊,埃瓦爾德,斯斯塔埃林, Bleek , Tuch ,日Wette ,馮Lengerke ,和一個短暫的時期內還弗蘭茲德里。 The theory of interpolations again had hardly found any adherents before Gramberg (1828), Stahelin (1830), and Bleek (1831) returned to the Hypothesis of Documents, proposing it in a somewhat modified form.插值理論的再次幾乎沒有發現任何信徒面前Gramberg ( 1828 ) ,斯斯塔埃林( 1830 ) ,和Bleek ( 1831年)返回假設的文件,提出它在一種經略加修改的形式。 Subsequently, Ewald, Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, and Schrader advanced each a different explanation of the documentary hypothesis.隨後,埃瓦爾德,克諾貝爾,霍普菲, Noldeke和施拉德先進的每一個不同的解釋紀錄片假說。 But all of these are at present only of an historical interest.但是,所有這些都是目前唯一的一個歷史的興趣。

(2) Present Hypothesis of Documents ( 2 )現假設文件

A course of religious development in Israel had been proposed by Reuss in 1830 and 1834, by Vatke in 1835, and by George in the same year.課程在以色列的宗教發展提出了Reuss在1830年和1834年,由Vatke於1835年,和喬治在同一年。 In 1865-66 Graf took up this idea and applied it to the literary criticism of the Hexateuch; for the critics had begun to consider the Book of Josue as belonging to the preceding five books, so that the collection formed a Hexateuch instead of a Pentateuch. The same application was made by Merx in 1869.格拉夫在1865年至1866年了這一想法,並適用於它的文學批評的Hexateuch ;的批評已開始考慮書若蘇埃屬於前5本書,因此,形成了Hexateuch收集,而不是摩西五。同一申請是由Merx於1869年。 Thus modified the documentary theory continued in its development until it reached the state described in the translation of the Bible by Kautzsch (3rd ed., with Introduction and Annotations, Tübingen, 1908 sqq.).因此,修改的文件在其理論繼續發展,直至達到國家中所描述的翻譯聖經的Kautzsch (第3版。 ,以介紹和說明,圖賓根, 1908年sqq 。 ) 。 In itself there is nothing against the assumption of documents written by Moses; but we cannot ascribe with certainty anything of our literary remains to the hands of the Hebrew lawgiver.這本身沒有什麼危害擔任撰寫的文件摩西;但我們不能歸咎於任何肯定我們的文學仍然掌握在希伯萊立法者。 The beginning of written accounts must be placed towards the end of the time of Judges; only then were fulfilled the conditions which must precede the origin of a literature properly so called, ie, a general acquaintance with the art of writing and reading, stationary settlement of the people, and national prosperity.年初書面帳目必須放置在接近年底時法官的時間才得到滿足的條件,必須先來源的文學所謂正確,即一般熟人與藝術的書寫和閱讀,平穩解決人民和國家的繁榮。 What then are the oldest literary remains of the Hebrews?那麼什麼是最古老的文學仍然希伯來書? They are the collections of the songs dating from the heroic time of the nation, eg, the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21:14), the Book of the Just (Joshua 10:12 sqq.), the Book of Songs (1 Kings 8:53; cf. Budde, "Geschichte der althebr. Literature", Leipzig, 1906, 17).他們收藏的歌曲約會時間從英雄的民族,如圖書的戰爭勳爵(民數記21:14 ) ,這本書的正義(約書亞10:12 sqq 。 ) ,這本書的首歌曲(列王紀上8點53分;比照。布德, “史althebr 。文學” ,萊比錫, 1906年, 17歲) 。 The Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20:24-23:19) too must have existed before the other sources of the Pentateuch. The oldest historical work is probably the book of the Yahwist, designated by J, and ascribed to the priesthood of Juda, belonging most probably to the ninth century BC圖書盟約(出20:24-23:19 )也必須有之前就存在的其他來源的摩西五。最古老歷史的工作,可能是本書的Yahwist指定的J和歸因於鐸的猶大,屬於最有可能在公元前9世紀

Akin to this is the Elohim document, designated by E, and written probably in the northern kingdom (Ephraim) about a century after the production of the Yahweh document.類似於這是耶洛因文件,指定的E和書面可能是在英國北部(埃弗拉伊姆)約在一個多世紀後的生產耶和華文件。 These two sources were combined by a redactor into one work soon after the middle of the sixth century.這兩個來源所合併成一個工作redactor後不久,中東第六世紀。 Next follows the law-book, almost entirely embodied in our actual Book of Deuteronomy, discovered in the temple 621 BC, and containing the precipitate of the prophetic teaching which advocated the abolition of the sacrifices in the so- called high places and the centralization of worship in the temple of Jerusalem.下一步如下法律書籍,幾乎完全體現在我們的實際書申命記,發現了公元前621廟,並載有沉澱的預言教學主張廢除犧牲在所謂的高的地方和集中禮拜寺耶路撒冷。 During the Exile originated the Priestly Code, P, based on the so-called law of holiness, Lev., xvii-xxvi, and the programme of Ezechiel, xl-xlviii; the substance of P was read before the post-exilic community by Esdras about 444 BC (Nehemiah 8-10), and was accepted by the multitude.在流亡的祭司碼起源,磷的基礎上,所謂的法律的聖德,列夫。 ,十七,二十六,該方案的Ezechiel ,儀-四十八;的P物質前宣讀後放逐社會公元前約444埃斯德拉斯(尼希米記8月10日) ,並接受了眾多。 History does not tell us when and how these divers historical and legal sources were combined into our present Pentateuch; but it is generally assumed that there was an urgent call for a compilation of the tradition and pre-exilic history of the people.歷史上並沒有告訴我們何時和如何這些潛水員的歷史和法律的來源合併為我們目前的摩西五;但一般認為,迫切要求彙編傳統和前放逐人民歷史。 The only indication of time may be found in the fact that the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch as a sacred book probably in the fourth century BC Considering their hatred for the Jews, one must conclude that they would not have taken this step, unless they had felt certain of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.唯一顯示時間可能會發現這樣一個事實,即撒瑪利亞接受了摩西五書作為一項神聖的可能是在公元前四世紀的考慮他們的仇恨猶太人,我們必須得出結論,他們就不會採取這一步驟,除非他們認為某些馬賽克起源摩西五。 Hence a considerable time must have intervened between the compilation of the Pentateuch and its acceptance by the Samaritans, so that the work of combining must be placed in the fifth century.因此,在相當一段時期內必須進行干預之間的彙編摩西五和接受撒瑪利亞,這樣結合起來的工作中應放置在五世紀。 It is quite generally agreed that the last redactor of the Pentateuch completed his task with great adroitness.這是很普遍認為,在過去的五經redactor完成他的任務十分精明。 Without altering the text of the older sources, he did all within man's power to fuse the heterogeneous elements into one apparent (?) whole, with such success that not only the Jews after the fourth century BC, but also the Christians for many centuries could maintain their conviction that the entire Pentateuch was written by Moses.在不改變舊的案文的來源,但他所有的人的權力,融合成一個異質因素明顯( ? )整體而言,這種成功,不僅對猶太人在公元前四世紀,而且為許多世紀基督徒可能保持它們的信念,即整個五經的作者是摩西。

(3) Deficiencies of the Critical Hypothesis ( 3 )有缺陷的關鍵假設

As several Pentateuchal critics have endeavoured to assign the last redaction of the Pentateuch to more recent dates, its placement in the fifth century may be regarded as rather favourable to conservative views.正如一些批評者一直在努力Pentateuchal指派最後編輯的摩西五,以更近的日期,其位置在第五世紀可能會被視為相當有利的保守觀點。 But it is hard to understand why the patrons of this opinion should not agree in considering Esdras as the last editor.但很難理解為什麼顧客的意見不應該同意在考慮埃斯德拉斯作為最後的編輯器。 Again, it is quite certain that the last editor of the Pentateuch must have notably preceded its acceptance on the part of the Samaritans as a sacred book; bit is it probably that the Samaritans would have accepted the Pentateuch as such in the fourth century BC, when the national and religious opposition between them and Jews was well developed?再次,這是很肯定地說,最後的編輯特別是摩西五之前必須接受的一部分撒瑪利亞為一個神聖的書籍;位是它可能是撒瑪利亞會接受了摩西五等在公元前四世紀,在民族和宗教對立,他們和猶太人已經十分發達? Is it not more probable that the mixed nation of Samaria received the Pentateuch through the priest sent to them from Assyria?這難道不是更可能是混合的國家薩馬利亞收到摩西五通過神父向他們發送從亞述? Cf.比照。 2 Kings 17:27.列王紀下17時27分。 Or again, as this priest instructed the Samaritan population in the law of the god of the country, is it not reasonable to suppose that he taught them the Pentateuchal law which the ten tribes carried with them when they separated from Juda?或再次,因為這神父指示撒瑪利亞人口的法律,上帝的國,是不是合理的假設,他教他們Pentateuchal法律進行的10個部落與他們分開時,猶大? At any rate, the fact that the Samaritans accepted as sacred only the Pentateuch, but not the Prophets, leads us to infer that the Pentateuch existed among the Jews before a collection of the prophetic writings was made, and that Samaria chose its sacred book before even Juda placed the works of the Prophets on the same level with the work of Moses.無論如何,這樣一個事實,即撒瑪利亞接納為神聖只有五經,但不是先知,使我們推斷,摩西五猶太人之間存在之前收集的預言著作寫了,而且薩馬利亞選擇其聖書之前甚至猶大放在工作的先知在同一水平上的工作,摩西。 But this natural inference finds no favour among the critics; for it implies that the historical and legal traditions codified in the Pentateuch, described the beginning, and not the end, of Israel's religious development.但是,這自然推理認為,沒有贊成的批評,因為它意味著,歷史和法律傳統中的摩西五編,介紹了剛剛開始,不是結束,以色列的宗教發展。 The view of Israel's religious development prevalent among the critics implies that the Pentateuch is later than the Prophets, and that the Psalms are later than both.以色列認為的宗教發展中普遍存在的批評意味著摩西五晚於先知,而且詩篇是不遲於兩個。 After these general considerations, we shall briefly examine the main principles, the methods, the results, and the arguments of the critical theory.在這些一般性的考慮,我們將簡要地審查的主要原則,方法,結果和論點的批判理論。

(a) Principles of the Critics (一)原則批評

Without pretending to review all the principles involved in the theories of the critics, we draw attention to two: the historical development of religion, and the comparative value of internal evidence and tradition.沒有假裝審查所有參與的原則理論的批評,我們提請大家注意兩個:歷史發展的宗教,和相對值的內部證據和傳統。

(i) The theory of the historical evolution of Israelitic religions leads us from Mosaic Yahwehism to the ethical monotheism of the Prophets, from this to the universalist conception of God developed during the Exile, and from this again to the ossified Phariseeism of later days. (一)理論的歷史演變Israelitic宗教使我們從花葉Yahwehism的道德一神教的先知,從這一概念的普遍性上帝流亡期間制定,並從這個再次僵化Phariseeism後來天。 This religion of the Jews is codified in our actual Pentateuch, but has been fictitiously projected backwards in the historical books into the Mosaic and pre-prophetic times. The idea of development is not a purely modern discovery.這一宗教的猶太人是編纂在我們的實際摩西五,但一直fictitiously預計倒退的歷史書籍的花葉和前預言次。發展的想法是不是一個純粹的現代發現。 Meyer ("Der Entwicklungsgedanke bei Aristoteles", Bonn, 1909) shows that Aristotle was acquainted with it; Gunkel ("Weiterbildung der Religion", Munich, 1905, 64) maintains that its application to religion is as old as Christianity, and that St.邁耶( “明鏡Entwicklungsgedanke北亞里士多德” ,波恩, 1909 )表明,亞里士多德是熟悉它;貢克爾( “ Weiterbildung之宗教” ,慕尼黑, 1905年, 64歲)堅持認為,它適用於宗教一樣古老基督教,和意法半導體。 Paul has enunciated this principle; Diestel ("Geschichte des AT in der chrislichen Kirche", Jena, 1869, 56 sqq.), Willmann ("Geschichte des Idealismus", 2nd ed., II, 23 sqq.), and Schanz ("Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People.保羅已經闡明了這一原則; Diestel ( “史中的chrislichen在教堂” ,耶拿, 1869年, 56 sqq 。 ) ,維爾曼( “史唯心主義” ,第2版。 ,二, 23 sqq 。 )和坎茲( “辯護萬基督教“ ,第3版。二, 4 sqq 。 , 376 )找到同一申請的著作中的父親,但霍貝格( ”模具Forschritte之bibl 。學問“ ,弗賴堡, 1902年, 10 )贈款教父作家往往忽視了外部形式的思想影響的選民。 The Fathers were not fully acquainted with profane history, and were more concerned about the contents of Revelation than about its historical development.父親沒有完全熟悉褻瀆歷史,並更關注啟示的內容比其歷史發展。 Pesch ("Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtliche Thatsachen" in "Theol. Zeitfragen", IV, Freiburg, 1908, 183) discovers that St. Thomas, too, admits the principle of development in his "Summa" (II-II, Q. i, a. 9, 10; Q. ii, a. 3; etc.).佩施( “信仰, Dogmen與geschichtliche Thatsachen ”中的“ Theol 。 Zeitfragen ” ,四,弗賴堡, 1908年, 183 )發現,聖托馬斯也承認,發展的原則,在他的“神學” (二,二,問:我答: 9日, 10日;問:二A 3 ;等等) 。 But the Catholic conception of this principle avoids two extremes:但是,天主教的概念這一原則避免兩個極端:

the theory of degeneracy, based on the teaching of the early Lutheran theologians (cf. Giesebrecht, "Die Degradationshypothese und die altl. Geschichte", Leipzig, 1905; Steude, "Entwicklung und Offenbarung", Stuttgart, 1905, 18 sqq.);簡的理論基礎上,教學中的早期路德神學(參見Giesebrecht , “模具Degradationshypothese與模具altl 。史” ,萊比錫, 1905年; Steude , “ Entwicklung與啟示” ,斯圖加特, 1905年, 18 sqq 。 ) ;

the theory of evolution which dissolves all truth and history into purely natural development to the exclusion of everything supernatural.理論的演變溶解一切的真理和歷史到純粹的自然的發展,排除一切超自然。

It is this latter extreme that is advocated by the Biblical critics.正是這種極端後者是聖經所主張的批評。 Their description of the early religion of Israel is contradicted by the testimony of the oldest Prophets whose authority is not questioned by them.他們描述了早期宗教的以色列是矛盾的證詞,最古老的預言,其權威是不能質疑他們。 These inspired seers know of the fall of Adam (Hosea 6:7), the call of Abraham (Isaiah 29:23; Micah 7:20), the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha (Hosea 11:8; Isaiah 1:9; Amos 4:11), the history of Jacob and his struggle with the angel (Hosea 12:2 sqq.), Israel's exodus from Egypt and dwelling in the desert (Hosea 2:14; 7:16; 11:1; 12:9, 13; 13:4, 5; Amos 2:10; 3:1; 9:7), the activity of Moses (Hosea 12:13; Micah 6:4; Isaiah 63:11-12), a written legislation (Hosea 8:12), and a number of particular statutes (cf. Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, 223 sqq.). Again, the theory of development is more and more contradicted by the results of historical investigation.這些靈感的預言家知道秋天亞當(何西阿6點07 ) ,要求亞伯拉罕(以賽亞書29:23 ;米卡7時20分) ,銷毀所多瑪和Gomorrha (何西阿11時08 ;以賽亞1點09 ;阿莫斯納曼4時11分) ,歷史上的雅各布和他的鬥爭與天使(何西阿12:2 sqq 。 ) ,以色列的流亡埃及和居住在沙漠中(何西阿2時14 ; 7時16分; 11時零一分; 12時09分, 13人; 13時04分, 5個;阿莫斯納曼2時10 ; 3:1 ; 9時07分) ,活動的摩西(何西阿12:13 ;米卡六點04 ;以賽亞書63:11-12 ) ,書面立法(何西阿八時12分) ,以及一些特別的章程(見Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage ” ,明斯特, 1903年, 223 sqq 。 ) 。同樣,理論的發展是越來越多的矛盾的結果,歷史調查。 Weber ("Theologie und Assyriologie im Streit um Babel und Bibel", Leipzig, 1904, 17) points out that the recent historical results imply decadence rather than development in ancient oriental art, science, and religion; Winckler ("Religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl. Orient", Leipzig, 1906, 33) considers the evolutionary view of the primitive state of man as false, and believes that the development theory has, at least, been badly shaken, if not actually destroyed by recent Oriental research (cf. Bantsch, "Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monothesismus", Tübingen, 1906).韋伯( “神學與Assyriologie即時通訊漫嗯巴貝爾和聖經” ,萊比錫, 1904年, 17歲)指出,最近的歷史結果意味著頹廢,而不是發展的古代東方藝術,科學和宗教; Winckler ( “ Religionsgeschichtler與geschichtl 。東方“ ,萊比錫, 1906年, 33歲)認為,進化觀點,原始狀態的男子為false ,並認為,發展理論,至少被嚴重動搖,如果不是實際上摧毀了最近東方研究(參見Bantsch ” Altorientalischer與israelitischer Monothesismus “ ,圖賓根, 1906年) 。 Köberle ("Die Theologie der Gegenwart", Leipzig, 1907, I, 2) says that the development theory has exhausted itself, reproducing only the thoughts of Wellhausen, and deciding particular questions not in the light of facts, but according to the postulates of the theory. Köberle ( “模具之當代神學” ,萊比錫, 1907年,一,二)說,發展理論已用盡本身,音響唯一的想法豪森,並決定具體問題沒有根據的事實,但根據假設的這一理論。 Finally, even the rationalistic writers have thought it necessary to replace the development theory by another more in agreement with historical facts.最後,即使是理性的作家都認為有必要,以取代發展理論的另一種更符合歷史事實。 Hence Winckler ("Ex Oriente lux", Leipzig, 1905- 6; Idem, "Der Alte Orient", III, 2-3; Idem, "Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit" in "Wissenschaft und Bildung", Leipzig, 1907; cf. Landersdorfer in "Historisch-Politische Blatter", 1909, 144) has originated the theory of pan-Babelism according to which Biblical religion is conceived as a conscious and express reaction against the Babylonian polytheistic state religion.因此Winckler ( “惠東方勒克斯” ,萊比錫, 1905年- 6 ;同上, “明鏡老東方” ,三, 2月3日;同上, “模具babylonische Geisteskultur在ihren Beziehungen楚Kulturentwicklung之Menschheit ”中的“科學與修養” ,萊比錫, 1907年;比照。 Landersdorfer在“歷史,政治的布拉特” , 1909年, 144 )源於理論的泛Babelism其中聖經宗教被認為是有意識的反應,並表示對巴比倫多神教國教。 It was not the common property of Israel, but of a religious sect which was supported in Babylon by certain monotheistic circles irrespective of nationality.這不是共同財產,以色列,而是一個教派對此表示支持在巴比倫的某些一神教各界不分國籍。 This theory has found powerful opponents in Budde, Stade, Bezold, Köberle, Kugler, Wilke, and others; but it has also a number of adherents.這一理論已經發現強大對手的布德,體育場, Bezold , Köberle ,庫格勒,維爾克等;但也有不少信徒。 Though wholly untenable from a Christian point of view, it shows at least the weakness of the historical development theory.雖然完全站不住腳從基督教的觀點來看,這表明至少薄弱的歷史發展理論。

(ii) Another principle involved in the critical theory of the Pentateuch supposes that the internal evidence of literary criticism is of higher value than the evidence of tradition. (二)另一個原則參與批判理論的摩西五假設的內部證據的文學批評具有較高的價值比傳統的證據。 But thus far the results of excavations and historical research have been favourable to tradition rather than to internal evidence.但迄今發掘的成果和歷史的研究已經有利於傳統,而不是內部的證據。 Let the reader only remember the case of Troy, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Orchomenos (in Greece); the excavations of the English explorer Evans in Crete have shown the historical character of King Minos and his labyrinth; Assyrian inscriptions have re-established the historical credit of King Midas of Phrygia; similarly, Menes of Thebes and Sargon of Agade have been shown to belong to history; in general, the more accurate have been the scientific investigations, the more clearly have they shown the reliability of even the most slender traditions.讓讀者只記得特洛伊的情況下,梯林斯,邁錫尼和奧爾霍邁諾斯(希臘) ;挖掘英語總管埃文斯在克里特表明,歷史特點和他的國王米諾斯迷宮;亞述銘文重新建立的歷史信貸的國王邁達斯的Phrygia ;同樣,美尼斯底比斯和薩爾貢的Agade已被證明屬於歷史,總體而言,更準確的科學已調查,更清楚地表明,他們的可靠性,即使是最微弱的傳統。 In the field of New-Testament criticism the call "back to tradition" has begun to be heeded, and has been endorsed by such authorities as Harnack and Deissmann.領域中的新舊約批評呼籲“回到傳統”已開始得到重視,並已通過這種當局哈爾納克和Deissmann 。 In the study of the Old Testament too there are unmistakable signs of a coming change.在這項研究中舊約也有明確的跡象表明,未來的變化。 Hommel ("Die altisrealitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", Munich, 1897) maintains that Old- Testament tradition, both as a whole and in its details, proves to be reliable, even in the light of critical research.霍梅爾( “模具altisrealitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung ” ,慕尼黑, 1897 )堅持認為,舊全書傳統,無論作為一個整體,在其詳細信息,被證明是可靠的,即使在光線的關鍵研究。 Meyer ("Die Entstehung des Judentums", Halle, 1896) comes to the conclusion that the foundations of the critical Pentateuchal theory are destroyed, if it can be proved that even part of the impugned Hebrew tradition is reliable; the same writer proves the credibility of the sources of the Books of Esdras (cf. "Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orientes", Munich, 1904, 167 sqq.).邁耶( “模具Entstehung萬Judentums ” ,哈雷, 1896年)得出結論的基礎的關鍵Pentateuchal理論被銷毀,如果能夠證明,即使部分指責希伯來傳統是可靠的;同一作家的信譽證明的來源的書埃斯德拉斯(參見“ Grundriss德國地理學與史老Orientes ” ,慕尼黑, 1904年, 167 sqq 。 ) 。 SA Fries has been led by his critical studies, and without being influenced by dogmatic bias, to accept the whole traditional view of the history of Israel.公司薯條一直由他的批判性研究,並沒有受到教條偏見,接受傳統觀點整個以色列歷史上。 Cornill and Oettli express the conviction that Israel's traditions concerning even its earliest history are reliable and will withstand the bitterest attacks of criticism; Dawson (cf. Fonck, "Kritik und Tradition im AT" in "Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie", 1899, 262-81) and others apply to tradition the old principle which has been so frequently misapplied, "magna est veritas, et praevalebit"; Gunkel ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, Tübingen, 1906, 8) grants that Old-Testament criticism has gone a little too far, and that many Biblical traditions now rejected will be re-established. Cornill和歐特列表示相信,以色列的傳統,其最早的關於歷史甚至是可靠的和能夠承受預定的激烈攻擊批評;道森(參見Fonck , “批判與傳統即時在”中“雜誌天主教神學” , 1899年, 262 - 81 )和其他適用於傳統的舊的原則,已經經常誤用, “大預測船級社等praevalebit ” ;貢克爾( “ Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher ” ,二,圖賓根, 1906年, 8 )贈款,舊全書批評了一有點遠,而且許多聖經傳統現在拒絕將重新建立。

(b) Critical Method (二)關鍵方法

The falsehood of the critical method does not consist in the use of criticism as such, but in its illegitimate use.謊言的重要方法並不使用的批評,而是在其非法使用。 Criticism became more common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at the end of the eighteenth it was applied to classical antiquity.批判變得更加常見於十六世紀和十七世紀;年底第十八這是適用於古代。 Bernheim ("Lehrbuch der historischen Methode", Leipzig, 1903, 296) believes that by this means alone history first became a science.伯恩海姆( “教科書之historischen方法” ,萊比錫, 1903年, 296頁)認為,以這種方式本身的歷史第一次成為科學。 In the application of criticism to the Bible was are limited, indeed, by the inspiration and the canonicity of its books; but there is an ample field left for our critical investigations (Pesch, "Theol. Zeitfragen", III, 48).在批評中的應用的聖經是有限的,事實上,靈感和正規的書籍,但有充足的外地留給我們的重要調查(佩施, “ Theol 。 Zeitfragen ” ,第三章, 48條) 。

Some of the principal sins of the critics in their treatment of Sacred Scripture are the following:一些主要的罪過的批評,他們的待遇聖經如下:

They deny everything supernatural, so that they reject not merely inspiration and canonicity, but also prophecy and miracle a priori (cf. Metzler, "Das Wunder vor dem Forum der modernen Geschichtswissenschaft" in "Katholik", 1908, II, 241 sqq.).他們否認一切超自然的,因此,他們拒絕不僅僅是靈感和正規,而且還預言與奇蹟先驗(參見梅茨勒, “達斯奇蹟的VOR DEM的論壇現代Geschichtswissenschaft ”中的“ Katholik ” , 1908年,二, 241 sqq 。 ) 。

They seem to be convinced a priori of the credibility of non-Biblical historical documents, while they are prejudiced against the truthfulness of Biblical accounts.他們似乎都相信先驗的信譽非聖經的歷史文件,同時對他們有偏見的真實性聖經帳戶。 (Cf. Stade, "Geschichte Israel's", I, 86 seq., 88, 101.) Depreciating external evidence almost entirely, they consider the questions of the origin, the integrity, and the authenticity of the sacred books in the light of internal evidence (Encycl. Prov. Deus, 52). (參見體育場, “歷史以色列的” ,我, 86起。 , 88 , 101 。 )貶值的外部證據幾乎完全,他們考慮問題的來源,完整性,真實性和神聖的書籍,根據內部證據( Encycl.省。殺出, 52 ) 。

They overestimate the critical analysis of the sources, without considering the chief point, ie, the credibility of the sources (Lorenz, "Die Geschichtswissenschaft in ihren Hauptrichtungen und Aufgaben", ii, 329 sqq.). Recent documents may contain reliable reports of ancient history.他們高估了批判性分析的來源,而不考慮行政點,即信譽的來源(洛倫茲, “模具Geschichtswissenschaft的ihren Hauptrichtungen與Aufgaben ” ,二, 329 sqq 。 ) 。最近的文件中可能包含的可靠報告古代歷史。 Some of the critics begin to acknowledge that the historical credibility of the sources is of greater importance than their division and dating (Stark, "Die Entstehung des AT", Leipzig, 1905, 29; cf. Vetter, "Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift", 1899, 552).一些批評者開始認識到,歷史信譽的來源是更重要比司和約會(斯塔克, “模具Entstehung之在” ,萊比錫, 1905年, 29 ;比照。 Vetter , “ Tübinger神學Quartalschrift ” , 1899年, 552 ) 。

The critical division of sources is based on the Hebrew text, though it is not certain how far the present Massoretic text differs from that, for instance, followed by the Septuagint translators, and how far the latter differed form the Hebrew text before its redaction in the fifth century BC Dahse ("Textkritische Bedenken gegen den Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik" in "Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte", VI, 1903, 305 sqq.) shows that the Divine names in the Greek translation of the Pentateuch differ in about 180 cases from those of the Hebrew text (cf. Hoberg, "Die Genesis", 2nd ed., p. xxii sqq.); in other words and phrases the changes may be fewer, but it would be unreasonable to deny the existence of any.關鍵司的來源是基於希伯來文字,但我們並不一定多遠本Massoretic不同於文本,例如,其次是譯本翻譯的程度,以及不同形式後者希伯來文字之前,編輯在公元前五世紀Dahse ( “ Textkritische Bedenken葛根旦Ausgangspunkt德國當代Pentateuchkritik ”中的“檔案館毛皮Religionsgeschichte ” ,六, 1903年, 305 sqq 。 )表明,神聖的名字,在希臘的翻譯五經不同約180例從這些希伯來文(見霍貝格, “模具起源” ,第2版。 ,第22 sqq 。 ) ;在其他單詞和短語的變化可能會減少,但它是不合理的否認存在任何。 Again, it is antecedently probable that the Septuagint text differs less from the Massoretic than from the ante-Esdrine text, which must have been closer to the original.再次,這是先行可能是不同的譯本文字較少從Massoretic不是從產前Esdrine文字,它必須已經接近原來的。 The starting point of literary criticism is therefore uncertain. It is not an inherent fault of literary criticism that it was applied to the Pentateuch after it had become practically antiquated in the study of Homer and the Nibelungenlied (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 303, 306 sqq.), nor that Reuss considered it as more productive of difference of opinion than of results (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 304 seq.), nor again that Wellhausen thought it had degenerated into childish play.起點文學批評因此,不確定的。這不是一個固有的過錯文學批評,這是適用於摩西五後,它已成為幾乎陳舊的研究荷馬和龍根之歌(參見Katholik , 1896年,我303 , 306 sqq 。 ) ,也不是Reuss認為,隨著越來越多的生產性的意見分歧,而不是結果(參見Katholik , 1896年,我, 304起。 ) ,也再次表明豪森認為它已墮落為幼稚的發揮。 Among Bible students, Klostermann ("Der Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893), Konig ("Falsche Extreme im Gebiete der neueren Kritik des AT", Leipzig, 1885; "Neueste Prinzipien der alt. Kritik", Berlin, 1902; "Im Kampfe um das AT", Berlin, 1903), Bugge ("Die Hauptparabeln Jesu", Giessen, 1903) are sceptical as to the results of literary criticism, while Orelli ("Der Prophet Jesaja", 1904, V), Jeremias ("Das alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients", 1906, VIII), and Oettli ("Geschichte Israels", V) wish to insist more on the exegesis of the text than on the criss-cross roads of criticism.在聖經學生, Klostermann ( “明鏡五經” ,萊比錫, 1893年) ,柯尼格( “ Falsche至尊之neueren即時Gebiete批判之在” ,萊比錫, 1885年; “最新Prinzipien河畔轉氨酶。批判” ,柏林, 1902年“進出口Kampfe這個東西在“ ,柏林, 1903年) ,布格( ”模具Hauptparabeln耶穌“ ,吉森, 1903年)是懷疑的結果,文學批評,而Orelli ( ”明鏡Jesaja先知“ , 1904年,五) ,赫雷米亞斯( ”達斯老約萬老即時Lichte方向“ , 1906年,八) ,和歐特列( ”以色列的歷史“ ,五)要堅持更多關於註釋的文字比對縱橫交錯的道路的批評。 G. Jacob ("Der Pentateuch", Göttingen, 1905) thinks that the past Pentateuchal criticism needs a thorough revision; Eerdmans ("Die Komposition der Genesis", Giessen, 1908) feels convinced that criticism has been misled into wrong paths by Astrue.灣雅各布( “明鏡五經” ,哥廷根, 1905年)認為,過去Pentateuchal批評,需要徹底修訂; Eerdmans ( “模具Komposition之成因” ,吉森, 1908年)認為相信,批評被誤導到錯誤的路徑的Astrue 。 Merx expresses the opinion that the next generation will have to revise backwards many of the present historico-literary views of the Old Testament ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, 1907, 3, 132 sqq.). Merx表示認為,下一代將不得不修改倒退許多本歷史,文學觀舊約( “ Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher ” ,二, 1907年, 3 , 132 sqq 。 ) 。

(c) Critical Results (三)重大成果

Here we must distinguish between the principles of criticism and its results; the principles of the historical development of religion, for instance, and of the inferiority of tradition to internal evidence, are not the outcome of literary analysis, but are its partial basis.在這裡,我們必須區分的原則,批評,其結果;的原則,歷史發展的宗教,例如,和自卑感傳統內部的證據,沒有結果的文學分析,但其部分基礎。 Again, we must distinguish between those results of literary criticism which are compatible with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch and those that contradict it.再次,我們必須區分這些成果的文學批評是符合花葉真實性摩西五和那些違背它。 The patrons of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and even the ecclesiastical Decree relating to this subject, plainly admit that Moses or his secretaries may have utilized sources or documents in the composition of the Pentateuch; both admit also that the sacred text has suffered in its transmission and may have received additions, in the form of either inspired appendices or exegetical glosses.顧客的馬賽克著作權的五經,甚至宗教法令有關這一問題,顯然承認,他的秘書摩西或可能利用源或文件組成的摩西五;都承認還神聖案文中所受它的傳輸和可能已收到補充的形式,要么靈感附錄或訓詁粉飾。 If the critics, therefore, can succeed in determining the number and the limits of the documentary sources, and of the post-Mosaic additions, whether inspired or profane, they render an important service to the traditional tenet of Pentateuchal authenticity.如果批評,因此,可以成功地確定的數量和範圍的文件來源,並後的馬賽克增加,無論是啟發或褻瀆,他們提供服務的一個重要的傳統宗旨Pentateuchal真實性。 The same must be said with regard to the successive laws established by Moses, and the gradual fidelity of the Jewish people to the Mosaic law.同樣必須指出的是關於連續法律設立的摩西,並逐步高保真猶太人民的摩西律法。 Here again the certain or even probable results of sane literary and historical criticism will aid greatly the conservative commentator of the Pentateuch.在這方面,某些甚至可能結果理智的文學和歷史的批評將有助於大大保守評論員的摩西五。 We do not quarrel with the legitimate conclusions of the critics, if the critics do not quarrel with each other.我們不吵架的合法結論的批評,如果批評不互相爭吵。 But they do quarrel with each other. According to Merx (loc. cit.) there is nothing certain in the field of criticism except its uncertainty; each critic proclaims his views with the greatest self-reliance, but without any regard to the consistency of the whole.但他們互相爭吵。根據Merx (如上。 )沒有任何某些領域中的批評,但它的不確定性;每個評論家宣稱他的意見最大的自力更生,但沒有任何方面的一致性整個。 Former views are simply killed by silence; even Reuss and Dillmann are junk-iron, and there is a noticeable lack of judgment as to what can or cannot be known. Hence the critical results, in as far as they consist merely in the distinction of documentary sources, in the determination of post-Mosaic materials, eg, textual changes, and profane or inspired additions, in the description of various legal codes, are not at variance with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.前意見只是被沉默;甚至Reuss和Dillmann是垃圾鐵,並有明顯的缺乏判斷力什麼可以或不可以被稱為。因此,關鍵的結果,至於他們在於區別文件來源,在確定後鑲嵌材料,如文字的變化,褻瀆或啟發補充,在描述中的各種法律法規,沒有不符合花葉真實性摩西五。 Nor can an anti-Mosaic character be pointed out in the facts or phenomena from which criticism legitimately infers the foregoing conclusions; such facts or phenomena are, for instance, the change of the Divine names in the text, the use of certain words, the difference of style, the so-called double accounts of really, not merely apparently, identical events; the truth of falsehood of these and similar details does not directly affect the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.也不能反馬賽克性質必須指出的事實或現象從批評合法推斷上述結論;這些事實或現象,例如,改變名稱的神聖案文中,使用某些也就是說,不同的風格,所謂的雙重帳目真的,而不僅僅是顯然,相同的活動;真相的謊言,這些和類似的細節並沒有直接影響到花葉著作權的摩西五。 In which results then does criticism clash with tradition?在這種結果那麼批評同傳統? Criticism and tradition are incompatible in their views as to the age and sequence of the documentary sources, as to the origin of the various legal codes, and as to the time and manner of the redaction of the Pentateuch.批評與傳統相抵觸的意見的年齡和序列的文件來源,為原產地的各種法律法規,並以的時間和方式編輯的摩西五。

(i) Pentateuchal Documents.-As to the age and sequence of the various documents, the critics do not agree. (一) Pentateuchal Documents. ,至於年齡和序列的各種文件,批評不同意。 Dillmann, Kittel, Konig, and Winckler place the Elohist, who is subdivided by several writers into the first, second, and third Elohist, before the Yahwist, who also is divided into the first and second Yahwist; but Wellhausen and most critics believe that the Elohist is about a century younger than the Yahwist. Dillmann ,基特爾,柯尼格和Winckler把Elohist ,誰細分成幾個作家的第一,第二和第三Elohist之前, Yahwist ,誰也分為第一和第二Yahwist ;但豪森和大多數評論家認為,在Elohist約一個世紀更年輕Yahwist 。 At any rate, both are assigned to about the ninth and eight centuries BC; both too incorporate earlier traditions or even documents.無論如何,都被分配到的第九和公元前8世紀;既過於納入較早的傳統,甚至文件。

All critics appear to agree as to the composite character of Deuteronomy; they admit rather a Deuteronomist school than single writers.所有批評似乎同意作為綜合性質的申命記;他們承認而是Deuteronomist學校比單一作家。 Still, the successive layers composing the whole book are briefly designated by D1, D2, D3, etc. As to the character of these layers, the critics do not agree: Montet and Driver, for instance, assigned to the first Deuteronomist cc.儘管如此,層層撰寫全書簡要指定的D1和D2中,維生素D3等作為的性質這些層,批評不同意: Montet和驅動程序,例如,分配給第一Deuteronomist毫升。 i-xxi; Kuenen, Konig, Reuss, Renan, Westphal ascribe to DN, iv, 45-9, and v-xxvi; a third class of critics reduce D1 to xii, 1-xxvi, 19, allowing it a double edition: according to Wellhausen, the first edition contained i, 1-iv, 44; xii-xxvi; xxvii, while the second comprised iv, 45-xi, 39; xii-xxvi; xxviii-xxx; both editions were combined by the redactor who inserted Deuteronomy into the Hexateuch.一至二十一; Kuenen ,柯尼格, Reuss ,雷南維,韋斯特法賦予的DN ,四, 45-9 ,和V - 26 ;第三類批評減少D1至十二, 1 - 26 , 19 ,允許其雙重版本:據威爾浩,第一版載一, 1至四, 44 ; 12 - 26 ;二十七,而第二個組成四, 45喜, 39歲; 12 - 26 ;二十八,三十;兩種版本合併的redactor誰申命記插入到Hexateuch 。 Cornill arranges the two editions somewhat differently. Cornill安排兩個版本略有不同。 Horst considers even cc. xii-xxvi as a compilation of pre-existing elements, gathered together without order and often by chance.克勒認為,即使抄送。第十二- 26作為彙編預先存在的要素聚集和無秩序往往是偶然的。 Wellhausen and his adherents do not wish to assign to D1 a higher age than 621 BC, Cornill and Bertholet consider the document as a summary of the prophetic teaching, Colenso and Renan ascribe it to Jeremias, others place its origin in the reign of Ezechias or Manasses, Klostermann identifies the document with the book read before the people in the time of Josaphat, while Kleinert refers it back to the end of the time of the Judges. The Deuteronomist depends on the two preceding documents, J and E, both for his history land his legislation; the historical details not found in these may have been derived from other sources not known to us, and the laws not contained in the Sinaitic legislation and the decalogue are either pure fiction or a crystallization of the prophetic teaching.威爾浩和他的追隨者不想指派為D1更高的年齡超過621年, Cornill和Bertholet審議該文件的摘要預言教學,科倫索和雷南維賦予它赫雷米亞斯,其他地方起源於在位埃澤希亞甚或Manasses , Klostermann確定該文件與圖書閱讀的人面前時,約薩法特,而萊內特指它的結尾的時候,法官。該Deuteronomist取決於前兩個文件, J和英文,為他他的歷史的土地立法的歷史資料中找不到這些可能是來自其他來源的不知道,我們的法律中不包含的Sinaitic立法和十誡不是純粹的小說或結晶先知教學。

Finally, the Priestly Code, P, is also a compilation: the first stratum of the book, both historical and legal in its character, is designated by P1 or P2; the second stratum is the law of holiness, H or Lev., xvii-xxvi, and is the work of a contemporary of Ezechiel, or perhaps of the Prophet himself (H, P2, Ph); besides, there are additional elements springing rather from a school than from any single writer, and designated by Kunen as P3, P4, P5, but by other critics as Ps and Px.最後,祭司碼,磷,也是一個彙編:第一層的書籍,無論在歷史上和法律上的性質,是指定的P1或P2的;第二層是法律的神聖, H或列夫。 ,十七第二十六,是工作的一種當代的Ezechiel ,或者自己的先知(高,二,博士) ;此外,還有其他因素雨後春筍般從一所學校,而不是從任何單一的作家,並指定由丘嫩的小三, P - 4級,小五,而是由其他的批評作為PS和酶。 Bertholet and Bantsch speak of two other collections of laws: the law of sacrifices, Lev., i-vii, designated as Po; and the law of purity, Lev., xi-xv, designated as Pr. Bertholet和Bantsch發言的另外兩個收藏的法律:法律的犧牲,列夫。 ,一至七,指定為寶;和法律的純潔性,列夫。 ,西十五,被指定為镨。 The first documentary hypothesis considered PN as the oldest part of the Pentateuch; Duston and Dillmann place it before the Deuteronomic code, but most recent critics regard it as more recent than the other documents of the Pentateuch, and even later than Ezech., xliv, 10-xlvi, 15 (573-2 BC); the followers of Wellhausen date the Priestly Code after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, while Wildeboer places it either after or towards the end of the captivity.第一個假說認為偽紀錄片作為最古老的部分摩西五; Duston和Dillmann置於前Deuteronomic代碼,但最近的批評者認為這是更近的比其他文件摩西五,甚至晚於Ezech 。 ,四十四, 10四十六, 15 ( 573-2公元前) ;的追隨者豪森日期祭司碼返回後從巴比倫圈養,而Wildeboer的地方,要么在或接近尾聲的囚禁。 The historical parts of the Priestly Code depend on the Yahwistic and the Elohistic documents, but Wellhausen's adherents believe that the material of these documents has been manipulated so as to fit it for the special purpose of the Priestly Code; Dillmann and Drive maintain that facts have not been invented or falsified by P, but that the latter had at hand other historical documents besides J and E. As to the legal part of P, Wellhausen considers it as an a priori programme for the Jewish priesthood after the return from the captivity, projected backwards into the past, and attributed to Moses; but other critics believe that P has systematized the pre-exilic customs of worship, developing then, and adapting them to the new circumstances.歷史部分祭司碼取決於Yahwistic和Elohistic文件,但豪森的信徒認為,這些文件材料已被操縱,以適應它的特殊用途的祭司碼; Dillmann和驅動保持這一事實沒有發明或偽造的P ,但後者在手其他歷史文件除了J和大腸桿菌作為法律的一部分磷,豪森認為這是一個先驗方案猶太祭司返回後從被關押,預計倒退到過去,由於摩西;但其他批評者認為磷已系統化前放逐海關的禮拜,然後發展,並使之適應新的情況。

What has been said clearly shows that the critics are at variance in many respects, but they are at one in maintaining the post- Mosaic origin of the Pentateuchal documents.所說的話清楚地表明,批評者有差異,在很多方面,但他們是在一個在維護後馬賽克起源Pentateuchal文件。 What is the weight of the reasons on which they base their opinion?什麼是體重的原因的基礎上,他們自己的看法?

The conditions laid down by the critics as prerequisites to literature do not prove that the sources of the Pentateuch must be post-Mosaic.所定的條件,該批評的先決條件,以文學沒有證明的來源必須是摩西五後花葉。 The Hebrew people had lived for, at least, two hundred years in Egypt; besides, most of the forty years spent in the desert were passed in the neighbourhood of Cades, so that the Israelites were not longer a nomadic people.希伯來人的生活了,至少二百年在埃及;此外,大多數四十年花費在沙漠中通過了在附近的Cades ,使以色列人不再是游牧人。 Whatever may be said of their material prosperity, or of their proficiency in writing and reading, the above-mentioned researches of Flinders Petrie show that they kept records of their national traditions at the time of Moses.可以說,不管他們的物質繁榮,或者他們的能力,寫作及閱讀,上述研究的弗林德斯皮特里表明,他們完全可以保持記錄他們的民族傳統的時候,摩西。

If the Hebrew contemporaries of Moses kept written records, why should not the Pentateuchal sources be among these documents?如果希伯來語同時代摩西保持書面記錄,為什麼不應該的來源之一Pentateuchal這些文件? It is true that in our actual Pentateuch we find non-Mosaic and post- Mosaic indications; but, then, the non-Mosaic, impersonal style may be due to a literary device, or to the pen of secretaries; the post-Mosaic geographical and historical indications may have crept into the text by way of glosses, or errors of the transcribers, or even inspired additions.的確,在我們的實際摩西五我們發現非馬賽克和後花葉的跡象,但是,然後,非馬賽克,非個人的風格,可能是由於文學設備,或以筆的秘書;後花葉地理和歷史的跡象可能已經悄悄進入文字的方式掩飾,或錯誤的謄寫,甚至啟發補充。 The critics cannot reject these suggestions as mere subterfuges; for they should have to grant a continuous miracle in the preservation of the Pentateuchal text, if they were to deny the moral certainty of the presence of such textual changes.批評不能拒絕這些建議只是託辭;對他們應給予持續的奇蹟在維護Pentateuchal文字,如果他們否認道德確定性的存在,例如文字的變化。

But would not the Pentateuch have been known to the earlier Prophets, if it had been handed down from the time of Moses?但不會對摩西五已經知道先前的先知,如果它已經流傳下來的時間摩西? This critical exception is really an argument e silentio which is very apt to be fallacious, unless it be most carefully handled.這一重要的例外是真正的論點é silentio非常容易荒謬的,除非它是最認真的處理。 Besides, if we keep in mind the labour involved in multiplying copies of the Pentateuch, we cannot be wrong in assuming that they were very rare in the interval between Moses and the Prophets, so that few were able to read the actual text.此外,如果我們記住勞動力參與乘以副本摩西五,我們不能是錯誤的假設,它們是非常罕見的間隔摩西和先知,所以很少有人能讀的實際文本。 Again, it has been pointed out that at least one of the earlier Prophets appeals to a written mosaic law, and that all appeal to such a national conscience as presupposes the Pentateuchal history and law.同樣,已經指出,至少有一個早期先知呼籲書面鑲嵌法,所有呼籲這樣一個民族良知的前提是Pentateuchal歷史和法律依據。 Finally, some of the critics maintain the J views the history of man and of Israel according to the religious and the moral ideas of the Prophets; if there be such an agreement, why not say that the Prophets write according to the religious and moral ideas of the Pentateuch?最後,一些批評意見,保持了J人類歷史上和以色列根據宗教和道德觀念的預言,如果有這樣的協議,為什麼不說,根據先知寫的宗教和道德觀念在摩西五?

The critics urge the fact that the Pentateuchal laws concerning the sanctuary, the sacrifices, the feasts, and the priesthood agree with different stages of post-Mosaic historical development; that the second stage agrees with the reform of Josias, and the third with the enactments enforced after the time of the Babylonian Exile.批評者敦促這一事實,即Pentateuchal法律關於庇護,該犧牲的節日,並鐸同意不同階段後花葉歷史發展的第二階段同意改革Josias ,第三與法規強迫的時間之後的巴比倫流亡。 But it must be kept in mind that the Mosaic law was intended for Israel as the Christian law is intended for the whole world; if then 1900 years after Christ the greater part of the world is still un-Christian, it is not astonishing that the Mosaic law required centuries before it penetrated the whole nation.但必須記住,這是摩西律法的目的是為以色列的基督教法律的目的是對整個世界;如果然後一千九百年基督之後,更大的世界的一部分仍然是聯合國的基督徒,這是不令人驚訝的摩西律法規定百年前侵入整個國家。 Besides, there were, no doubt, many violations of the law, just as the Ten Commandments are violated today without detriment to their legal promulgation.此外,還有,毫無疑問,許多違反法律的,正如十誡受到侵犯今天不損害其法律施行。 Again there were times of religious reforms and disasters as there are periods of religious fervour and coldness in the history of the Christian Church; but such human frailties do not imply the non-existence of the law, either Mosaic or Christian.再有時間的宗教改革和有災害時期的宗教熱情和冷漠歷史上的基督教會,但這種人類弱點並不意味著不存在法律,無論是馬賽克或基督教。 As to the particular laws in question, it will be found more satisfactory to examine them more in detail.至於具體的法律問題,這將是找到更令人滿意的審查更詳細說明。

(ii) Pentateuchal Codes.-The critics endeavour to establish a triple Pentateuchal code: the Book of the Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Priestly Code. Instead of regarding this legislation as applying to different phases in the forty years' wandering in the desert, they consider it as agreeing with three historical stages in the national history. (二) Pentateuchal Codes. -評論家努力建立一個三Pentateuchal代碼:該書的盟約,申命記,和祭司碼。相反的就這一立法為適用於不同階段的四十年'遊蕩在沙漠中,他們認為這是同意三個歷史階段中的國家的歷史。 As stated above, the main objects of this triple legislation are the sanctuary, the feast, and the priesthood.正如上文所述,主要對象是本三重立法聖殿,節日,和祭司。

(a) The Sanctuary (一)保護區

At first, so the critics say, sacrifices were allowed to be offered in any place where the Lord had manifested his name (Exodus 20:24-6); then the sanctuary was limited to the one place chosen by God (Deuteronomy 12:5); thirdly, the Priestly Code supposes the unity of sanctuary, and prescribes the proper religious rites to be observed.起初,因此批評者認為,犧牲被允許可在任何地方,體現了上帝的名字(出20:24-6 ) ;然後聖殿僅限於一個地方選擇的上帝(申命記12點05分) ;第三,祭司碼假設的團結,庇護所,並規定適當的宗教儀式得到遵守。 Moreover, the critics point out historical incidents showing that before the enforcement of the Deuteronomic law sacrifices were offered in various places quite distinct from the resting place of the ark.此外,批評者指出,歷史事件表明,在執行該法的犧牲Deuteronomic提供了在不同地方截然不同的安息之地的方舟。 What do the defenders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch answer?什麼捍衛花葉著作權的摩西五答案嗎? First, as to the triple law, it points to three different stages in Israel's desert life: before the erection of the tabernacle at the foot of Mt.首先,作為法律的三倍,它分三個不同階段,以色列的沙漠生活:前豎立在會幕山山腳。 Sinai, the people were allowed to erect altars and to offer sacrifices everywhere provided the name of the Lord had been manifested; next, after the people had adored the golden calf, and the tabernacle had been erected, sacrifice could be offered only before the tabernacle, and even the cattle killed for consumption had to be slaughtered in the same place, in order to prevent a relapse into idolatry; finally, when the people were about to enter the promised land, the last law was abolished, being then quite impossible, but the unity of sanctuary was kept in the place which God would choose.西奈半島,人們被允許建造祭壇和祭祀各地提供的名稱上帝已經表現;明年,在人民愛戴的金牛犢,以及幕已經豎立,犧牲可只提供前幕,甚至死亡的牛消費不得不宰殺在同一地點,以防止重新陷入偶像崇拜;最後,當人即將進入樂土,過去的法律被廢除,被當時很不可能,但團結的避難所被保存在的地方,上帝會選擇。 Secondly, as to the historical facts urged by the critics, some of them are caused by direct Divine intervention, miracle or prophetic inspiration, and as such are fully legitimate; others are evidently violations of the law, and are not sanctioned by the inspired writers; a third class of facts may be explained in one of three ways:其次,作為歷史事實敦促批評,其中一些人所造成的直接神的介入,奇蹟或先知的啟示,因此是完全合法的;其他顯然違反法律,不認可的啟發作家;第三類事實可以解釋的三種方式之一:

Poels ("Le sanctuaire de Kirjath Jeraim", Louvain, 1894; "Examen critique de l'histoire du sanctuaire de l'arche", Louvain, 1897) endeavours to prove that Gabaon, Masphath, and Kiriath-Jarim denote the same place, so that the multiplicity of sanctuaries is only apparent, not real. Poels ( “樂sanctuaire日Kirjath Jeraim ” ,盧萬, 1894年; “考試法國批判史杜sanctuaire法國凱旋門” ,盧萬, 1897年)的努力,以證明Gabaon , Masphath ,並Kiriath - Jarim指同一個地方,這樣的多重保護區是唯一明顯的,而不是真實的。

Van Hoonacker ("Le Lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Hebreux" in "Musceeon", April-Oct., 1894, XIII, 195-204, 299- 320, 533-41; XIV, 17-38) distinguishes between private and public altars; the public and national worship is legally centralized in one sanctuary and around one altar, while private altars may be had for domestic worship.凡Hoonacker ( “樂寮杜culte立法中的香格里拉rituelle萬Hebreux ”中的“ Musceeon ” , 4至10月, 1894年,十三, 195-204 , 299 - 320 , 533-41 ;第十四17-38 )區分私營和公共祭壇;公眾和國家崇拜是集中在一個法律庇護和一個祭壇周圍,而私人神壇可能已為國內崇拜。

But more commonly it is admitted that before God had chosen the site of national sanctuary, it was not forbidden by law to sacrifice anywhere, even away from the place of the ark.但更常見的是承認,上帝面前選擇了網站的國家庇護,這不是法律所禁止的任何犧牲,甚至遠離地點方舟。 After the building of the temple the law was not considered so stringent as to bind under all circumstances.經過建設的寺法律不被視為非常嚴格的約束,在任何情況下。 Thus far then the argument of the critics is not conclusive.迄今為止然後論點的批評是沒有定論。

(b) The Sacrifices (二)的犧牲

According to the critics, the Book of the Covenant enjoined only the offering of the first-fruits and the first-born of animals, the redemption of the first-born of men, and a free-will offering on visiting the sanctuary (Ex., xxii, 28-9; xxiii, 15, [Heb., xxiii, 19]); Deuteronomy more clearly defines some of these laws (xv, 19-23; xxvi, 1-11), and imposes the law of tithes for the benefit of the poor, the widows, the orphans, and the Levites (xxvi, 12-5); the Priestly Code distinguishes different kinds of sacrifices, determines their rites, and introduces also incense offering.據批評,這本書的盟約責成只提供第一水果和第一出生的動物,贖回第一出生的男子,和自由將提供庇護的訪問(例如: , 22 , 28-9 , 23 , 15 , [河北。 , 23 , 19 ] ) ;申命記一些更清楚地界定這些法律(十五, 19日至23日; 26 , 1月11日) ,並強制法的什一稅的有利於窮人,寡婦,孤兒,和利( 26 , 12月5日) ;的祭司碼區分不同種類的犧牲,確定它們的儀式,並介紹了也香提供。 But history hardly bears out this view: as there existed a permanent priesthood in Silo, and later on in Jerusalem, we may safely infer that there existed a permanent sacrifice.但是,歷史很難證明了這一觀點:由於存在一個常設鐸在筒倉,以及後來在耶路撒冷,我們可以推斷,安全存在著一個永久的犧牲。 The earliest prophets are acquainted with an excess of care bestowed on the sacrificial rites (cf. Amos 4:4, 5; 5:21-22, 25; Hosea passim).最早的先知熟悉過多照顧賦予的祭祀(參見阿莫斯納曼4點04 , 5 ; 5:21-22 , 25 ;何西阿各處) 。 The expressions of Jeremias (vii, 21-3) may be explained in the same sense.表達的赫雷米亞斯(七, 21-3 )可以解釋在同樣的意義。 Sin offering was known long before the critics introduce their Priestly Code (Osee, iv, 8; Mich., vi, 7; Ps., xxxix [xl], 7; 1 Kings, iii, 14).黃大仙提供被稱為早在介紹他們的祭司批評典( Osee ,四, 8 ;密歇根州,六,七;聚苯乙烯。 ,三十九[儀] , 7 ;列王紀上,三, 14 ) 。 Trespass offering is formally distinguished from sin offering in 2 Kings 13:16 (cf. 1 Samuel 6:3-15; Isaiah 53:10).侵入提供正式區別於黃大仙提供的列王紀下13時16分(見撒母耳記上6:3-15 ;以賽亞書53:10 ) 。 Hence the distinction between the different kinds of sacrifice is due neither to Ezekiel 45:22-5, nor to the Priestly Code.因此,區分不同類型的犧牲是由於既不厄澤克爾45:22-5 ,也不向祭司碼。

(c) The Feasts (三)節日

The Book of the Covenant, so the critics tell us, knows only three feasts: the seven-days feast of the azymes in memory of the exodus form Egypt, the feast of the harvest, and that of the end of the harvest (Exodus 23:14-7); Deuteronomy ordains the keeping of the feasts at the central sanctuary adds to Pasch to the feast of the azymes, places the second feast seven weeks after the first, and calls the third, "feast of tabernacles", extending its duration to seven days (Deuteronomy 16:1-17); the Priestly Code prescribes the exact ritual for five feasts, adding the feast of trumpets and of atonement, all of which must be kept at the central sanctuary.圖書的盟約,所以批評告訴我們,只知道三個節日: 7天的節日中的azymes記憶的形式外流埃及,節日的收成,而年底的收成(出埃及記23 :14 - 7 ) ;申命記ordains保存的節日在中央聖殿增加Pasch的盛宴的azymes ,地方第二次盛宴七週之後的第一,並呼籲第三, “住棚節” ,擴大其期限為7天(申命記16:1-17 ) ;守則規定的祭司的確切儀式五個節日,增加節日的喇叭和贖罪,所有這一切都必須保持在中央聖殿。 Moreover, history appears to endorse the contention of the critics: Judges, xxi, 19 knows of only one annual feast in Silo; 1 Samuel 1:3, 7, 21 testifies that the parents of Samuel went every year to Silo to the sanctuary; Jeroboam I established in his kingdom one annual feast similar to that celebrated in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:32-3); the earliest Prophets do not mention the names of the religious feasts; the Pasch is celebrated for the first time after the discovery of Deuteronomy (2 Kings 23:21-3); Ezechiel knows only three feasts and a sin offering on the first day of the first and the seventh month.此外,歷史上似乎贊同論點的批評:法官, 21 , 19知道的只有一個年度盛宴在筒倉;撒母耳記上1:3 , 7,21證明,父母的塞繆爾了每年筒倉的庇護;耶羅波安我設立一個在他的英國年度盛宴類似慶祝活動在耶路撒冷(列王紀上12:32-3 ) ;最早預言沒有提及姓名的宗教節日;的Pasch慶祝後首次發現申命記(列王紀下23:21-3 ) ; Ezechiel知道只有3個傳統節日和一種罪過提供的第一天,第一屆和第7個月。 But here again, the critics use the argument e silentio which is not conclusive in this case.但是,在這裡再次批評使用的論點é silentio這是不是決定性的在這種情況下。 The feast of atonement, for instance, is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch; only Josephus refers to its celebration in the time of John Hyrcanus or Herod.節日贖罪,例如,沒有提到舊約以外的摩西五;只有約瑟夫指慶祝時代的約翰Hyrcanus或希律王。 Will the critics infer from this, that the feast was not kept throughout the Old Testament?將批評這一推斷,該節日是沒有跟上整個舊約? History does not record facts generally known.歷史不會記錄事實,一般人都知道。 As to the one annual feast mentioned in the early records, weighty commentators are of opinion that after the settlement of the people in the promised land, the custom was gradually introduced of going to the central sanctuary only once a year.作為一個年度盛宴中所提到的早期記錄,重大評論員的意見,在解決人民的樂土,自定義是逐步推行的去中央避難所只有每年一次。 This custom prevailed before the critics allow the existence of the Deuteronomic law (1 Kings 12:26-31), so that the latter cannot have introduced it.這種風俗前的批評允許存在的Deuteronomic法(列王紀上12:26-31 ) ,使後者不能引進。 Isaias (xxix, 1; xxx, 29) speaks of a cycle of feasts, but Osee, xii, 9 alludes already to the feast of tabernacles, so that its establishment cannot be due to the Priestly Code as the critics describe it. Ezechiel (xlv, 18-25) speaks only of the three feasts which had to be kept at the central sanctuary.伊薩亞(第29屆, 1 ;三十, 29歲)講一個週期的節日,但Osee ,第十二章,第9的意思已經向住棚節,因此,它的設立不能由於祭司碼作為批評家描述。 Ezechiel (第四十五, 18-25 )僅三個節日必須加以中央避難所。

(d) The Priesthood (四)鐸

The critics contend that the Book of the Covenant knows nothing of an Aaronitic priesthood (Exodus 24:5); that Deuteronomy mentions priests and Levites without any hierarchical distinction and without any high priest, determines their rights, and distinguishes only between the Levite living in the country and the Levite attached to the central sanctuary; finally, that the Priestly Code represents the priesthood as a social and hierarchical institution, with legally determined duties, rights, and revenues.評論家認為,此書的盟約一無所知的Aaronitic鐸(出埃及記24:5 ) ;申命記提到的司鐸和利沒有任何等級的區分,沒有任何大祭司,確定他們的權利,以及之間的區別只生活在列國家和利未連接到中央聖殿;最後,祭司源代碼鐸作為一種社會和分級機構,依法確定的職責,權利和收入。 This theory is said to be borne out by the evidence of history.這一理論被認為是證實了歷史上的證據。 But the testimony of history points in the opposite direction.但是,歷史的證詞指出了相反的方向。 At the time of Josue and the early Judges, Eleazar and Phinees, the son and nephew of Aaron, were priests (Numbers 26:1; Deuteronomy 10:6; Joshua 14:1 sqq.; 22:13, 21; 24:33; Judges 20:28).當時若蘇埃和早期法官,埃萊亞薩和Phinees的兒子和侄子亞倫,是祭司(民數記26:1 ;申命記10時06分;約書亞14點零一sqq 。 ; 22點13分, 21 ; 24:33法官: 20:28 ) 。 From the end of the time of Judges to Solomon, the priesthood was in the hands of Heli and his descendants (1 Samuel 1:3 sqq.; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1) who sprang from Ithamar the younger son of Aaron (1 Chronicles 24:3; cf. 1 Samuel 22:29; 14:3; 2:7 sqq.).月底的時候法官所羅門鐸在手中的合力和他的後代(撒母耳記上1:3 sqq 。 ; 14點03分, 21時01 ; 22時01分)從Ithamar誰跳的小兒子艾倫(歷代誌上24:3 ;比照。撒母耳記上22:29 ; 14點03分; 2點07分sqq 。 ) 。 Solomon raised Sadoc, the son of Achitob, to the dignity of the high priesthood, and his descendants held the office down to the time of the Babylonian Captivity (2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24 sqq.; 20:25; 1 Kings 2:26, 27, 35; Ezekiel 44:15); that Sadoc too was of Aaronic descent is attested by I Par., vi, 8.所羅門提出Sadoc的兒子Achitob ,尊嚴高級牧師和他的後代廳舉行下跌的時間巴比倫圈養(撒母耳記下8時17 ; 15:24 sqq 。 ; 20:25 ;列王紀上2點26分, 27 , 35 ;厄澤克爾44:15 ) ;這Sadoc也是出身的Aaronic證明了我標準桿。 ,六, 8 。 Besides the Books of Josue and Paralipomenon acknowledge the distinction between priests and Levites; according to 1 Samuel 6:15, the Levites handled the ark, but the Bethsamites, the inhabitants of a priestly city (Joshua 21:13-6), offered sacrifice. A similar distinction is made in 2 Samuel 15:24; 1 Kings 8:3 sq.; Isaiah 66:21. Van Hoonacker ("Les pretres et les levites dans le livre d'Ezechiel" in "Revue biblique", 1899, VIII, 180-189, 192-194) shows that Ezechiel did not create the distinction between priests and Levites, but that supposing the traditional distinction in existence, he suggested a divisions in to these classes according to merit, and not according to birth (xliv, 15-xlv, 5).除了圖書承認若蘇埃和Paralipomenon之間的區別祭司和利;根據撒母耳記上6:15 ,該處理的方舟利,但Bethsamites ,居民的祭司市(約書亞21:13-6 ) ,提供了犧牲。類似的區別是在撒母耳記下15:24 ;列王紀上八時03平方米;以賽亞書66:21 。範Hoonacker ( “法國之利pretres等中的樂德Ezechiel書”中的“雜誌biblique ” , 1899年,八, 180-189 , 192-194 )表明, Ezechiel沒有創造的區別祭司和利,但假設的傳統區別的存在,他建議這些部門在班級根據成績,而不是根據出生(四十四, 15第四十五, 5 ) 。 Unless the critics simply set aside all this historical evidence, they must grant the existence of an Aaronitic priesthood in Israel, and its division into priests and Levites, long before the D and P codes were promulgated according to the critical theory. It is true that in a number of passages persons are said to offer sacrifice who are not of Aaronitic descent: Judges, vi, 25 sqq.; xiii, 9; 1 Samuel 7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17; 24:25; 1 Kings 8:5, 62; etc. But in the first place, the phrase "to offer sacrifice" means either to furnish the victim (Leviticus 1:2, 5) or to perform the sacrificial rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non-Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.除非批評只是擱置所有這一切的歷史證據,他們必須給予存在Aaronitic鐸在以色列,其劃分為祭司和利,早在D和P碼頒布了根據批判理論。誠然,在一些段落的人說,向犧牲誰不是Aaronitic後裔:法官,六, 25 sqq 。 ;第十三9 ;撒母耳記上7時09分; 10時08分; 13點09分;撒母耳記下6點17分; 24:25 ;列王紀上八時05 , 62 ;等等,但擺在首位,把“提供的犧牲”是指提供受害者(利未記1:2 , 5 )或履行其祭天;受害者可能是所提供的任何虔誠的門外漢;其次,就難以證明上帝的祭司辦事處致力於以這樣一種方式來亞倫和他的兒子不準備金,以自己的自由,授權在特殊情況下,非Aaronite執行在牧師的職能。

(iii) Pentateuchal Redaction.-The four documentary sources of the Pentateuch thus far descried were combined not by any one individual; critics require rather three different stages of combination: first, a Yahwistic redactor RXX or RX combined J and E with a view of harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. (三) Pentateuchal Redaction. ,這四個文件來源的摩西五迄今descried合併不是由任何一個個人;批評需要而三個不同階段的結合:第一, Yahwistic redactor RXX或RX結合J和E與檢視加以統一,並使其適應Deuteronomic觀念;這一事件發生之前或之後編輯4第二,在D在完成了公元前6世紀,一個redactor ,或者一所學校的編纂,充滿精神的D合併後的文件乙腦納入JED介紹但是必要的修改,以確保一致性。 Thirdly, a last redactor RX imbued with the letter and the spirit of P, combined this document with JED, introducing again the necessary changes. The table of nations in Gen., xiv was according to Kunen added by this last redactor.第三,去年redactor收發充滿的文字和精神的P ,結合本文件與JED ,介紹了必要的修改。該表中的各將軍,十四是根據丘嫩說的這最後redactor 。

At first sight, one is struck by the complex character of this theory; as a rule, truth is of a more simple texture.乍一看,是深刻的複雜性理論;作為一項規則,事實是一個更為簡單的紋理。 Secondly, one is impressed by the unique nature of the hypothesis; antiquity has nothing to equal it.其次,留下了深刻的印象之一是性質獨特的假說;古代無關等於它。 Thirdly, if one reads or studies the Pentateuch in the light of this theory, one is impressed by the whimsical character of the redactor; he often retained what should have been omitted, and omitted what should have been retained.第三,如果一個內容或研究了摩西五根據這個理論,一個是下了深刻的印象異想天開性質redactor ;他常常保留應該被省略,省略哪些應該被保留下來。 The critics themselves have to take refuge, time and time again, in the work of the redactor, in order save their own views of the Pentateuch.批評者本身必須採取避難,一次又一次,工作中的redactor ,為了挽救自己的看法的摩西五。 A recent writer does not hesitate to call the complex redactor ein genialer Esel.最近筆者就毫不猶豫地要求複雜redactor艾因genialer Esel 。 Fourthly, a truth-loving, straightforward reader is naturally shocked by the literary fictions and forgeries, the editorial changes and subterfuges implied in the critical theory of the Pentateuchal documents and redaction.第四,真理愛好,直截了當讀者自然感到震驚的是文學小說和偽造,編輯修改和託辭隱含在批判理論的Pentateuchal文件和編輯。 The more moderate critics endeavour to escape this inconvenience: some appeal to the difference between the ancient and the modern standard of literary property and editorial accuracy; others practically sanctify the means by the end.較溫和的批評努力擺脫這種不便:一些呼籲之間的差異古代和現代的文學財產的標準和編輯的準確性;其他幾乎神聖的方式結束。 Oettli considers the dilemma "either the work of Moses or the work of a deceiver" as the expression of sheer imprudence; Kautzsch unctuously points to the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God whose ways we cannot fathom, but must admire.歐特列認為兩難“要么摩西的工作或工作的騙子”的言論純粹輕率; Kautzsch假惺惺點深度的智慧和知識的上帝的方式我們無法捉摸,但必須欽佩。 The left wing of criticism openly acknowledges that there is no use in hushing up matters; it actually is the result of scientific research that both form and contents of a great part of the Old Testament are based on conscious fiction and forgery.左翼的批評,公開承認,是沒有用的hushing的事項;它實際上是由於這兩個科研形式和內容的很大一部分舊約是基於意識小說和偽造。

IV.四。 STYLE OF THE PENTATEUCH風格摩西五

In some general introductions to the Pentateuch its messianic prophecies are specially considered, ie, the so-called proto-evangelium, Gen., iii, 15; the blessing of Sem, Gen., ix, 26-7; the patriarchal promises, Gen., xii, 2; xiii, 16; xv, 5; xvii, 4-6, 16; xviii, 10-15; xxii, 17; xxvi, 4; xxviii, 14; the blessing of the dying Jacob, Gen., xlix, 8-10; the Prophecy of Balaam, Num., xxiv, 15 sqq.; and the great Prophet announced by Moses, Deut., xviii, 15-19. But these prophecies belong rather to the province of exegesis than introduction.在一些普通的五經推出其彌賽亞的預言正在特別考慮,即所謂的原福音,將軍,三, 15 ;的祝福掃描電鏡,將軍,九,埃弗里;父權制的承諾,根。 ,十二, 2 ;第十三16 ;十五, 5 ;十七, 4月6日, 16日;十八, 10月15日; 22 , 17 ; 26 , 4 ;二十八, 14 ;的祝福臨終雅各布,將軍, xlix , 8月10日;預言的巴蘭,序號。 , 24 , 15 sqq 。 ,和偉大的先知摩西宣布, Deut 。 , 18 , 15-19 。但是,這些預言屬於而是省的註釋比言。 Again, the text of the Pentateuch has been considered in some general introductions to the work.同樣,文摩西五一直被認為在一些一般性的介紹工作。 We have seen already that besides the Massoretic Text we have to take into account the earlier text followed by the Septuagint translators, and the still earlier readings of the Samaritan Pentateuch; a detailed investigation of this subject belongs to the field of textual or lower criticism.我們已經看到了,除了Massoretic文字,我們必須考慮到先前的文本其次是七十譯員,並仍然較早讀數撒瑪利亞五經;詳細調查這個問題屬於文字領域的或較低的批評。 But the style of the Pentateuch can hardly be referred to any other department of Pentateuchal study.但是,風格的摩西五很難提到任何其他部Pentateuchal研究。

As Moses employed no doubt pre-existent documents in the composition of his work, and as he must have made use too of the aid of secretaries, we expect antecedently a variety of style in the Pentateuch.正如摩西僱用毫無疑問預先存在的文件的組成他的工作,因為他必須有使用過的秘書的協助下,我們預計先行各種風格的摩西五。 It is no doubt due to the presence of this literary phenomenon that the critics have found so many points of support in their minute analysis.這無疑是由於存在這種現象,文學評論家發現這麼多點支持他們分鐘分析。 But in general, the style of the work is in keeping with its contents.但一般而言,工作作風,是符合其內容。 There are three kinds of material in the Pentateuch: first, there are statistics, genealogies, and legal formularies; secondly, there are narrative portions; thirdly, there are parenthetic sections.有三種物質在摩西五:第一,有統計資料,族譜,法律處方;第二,說明部分;第三,有弧形的部分。

No reader will find fault with the writer's dry and simple style in his genealogical and ethnographic lists, in his table of encampments in the desert, or his legal enactments.沒有讀者會發現故障與作家的乾旱和樸實的作風在他的家譜和人種名單,在他桌上的營地在沙漠中,或其法律法規。 Any other literary expression would be out of place in records of this kind.任何其他文學作品的表達將是不合時宜的,在這種記錄。 The narrative style of the Pentateuch is simple and natural, but also lively and picturesque.的敘事風格的摩西五是簡單和自然,而且活潑,風景如畫。 It abounds in simple character sketches, dialogues, and anecdotes.它有許多簡單的字符素描,對話,和軼事。 The accounts of Abraham's purchase of a burying-ground, of the history of Joseph, and of the Egyptian plagues are also dramatic.帳目的亞伯拉罕的購買掩埋地面,歷史的約瑟夫,埃及瘟疫也戲劇性。 Deuteronomy has its peculiar style on account of the exhortations it contains.申命記有其獨特的風格考慮到它包含的規勸。 Moses explains the laws he promulgates, but urges also, and mainly, their practice.摩西說,他頒布的法律,但還敦促,主要的做法。 As an orator, he shows a great deal of unction and persuasiveness, but is not destitute of the earnestness of the Prophets.作為一個演說家,他發現了大量的油膏和說服力,但不是赤貧的真誠的先知。 His long sentences remain at times incomplete, thus giving rise to so-called anacolutha (cf. Deuteronomy 6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4).他的長句,有時仍然不完整,從而引起所謂anacolutha (參見申命記6:10-12 ; 8:11-17 ; 9:9-11 ; 11:2-7 ; 24:1-4 ) 。 Being necessarily a popular preacher, he is not lacking in repetitions.正在流行的不一定是傳道,他並不缺乏重複。 But his earnestness, persuasiveness, and unction do not interfere with the clearness of his statements.但他的真誠,說服力和油膏不干預清晰,他的發言。 He is not merely a rigid legislator, but he shows his love for the people, and in turn wins their love and confidence.他不僅是一個僵化的立委,但他表明他的愛的人,反過來贏得他們的愛和信心。

Decisions of the Biblical Commission決定聖經委員會

Some decisions of the Biblical Commission in regards to the chief subject of this article, viz., Genesis, are as follows: The various exegetical systems which exclude the literal and historical sense of the first three chapters of the Book of Genesis are not based on solid foundation.一些決定的聖經委員會在對行政主體的規定,即。 ,成因如下:各訓詁系統排除的字面和歷史意義上的前三章的創世記不是基於堅實的基礎。 It should not be taught that these three chapters do not contain true narrations of facts, but only fables derived from the mythologies and cosmogonies of earlier peoples, purged of the polytheistic errors and accommodated to monotheism; or allegories and symbols, with no objective reality, set forth in the guise of history to inculcate religious and philosophical truths; or, finally, legends partly historical and partly fictitious put together for instruction and edification. In particular, doubt should not be cast on the literal and historical sense of passages which touch on the foundations of the Christian religion, as, for instance, the creation of the universe by God at the beginning of time; the special creation of man; the formation of the first woman from the first man; the unity of the human race; the original happiness, integrity, and immortality of our first parents in the state of justice; the precept given by God to man to try his obedience; the transgression of the Divine precept, at the suggestion of the Devil, under the form of a serpent; the fall of our first parents from their original state of justice; the promise of a future Redeemer.它不應該告訴我們,這三個章節不包含真正述的事實,但只有寓言源自神話和cosmogonies早先人民,清除錯誤的多神教和安置到一神教;或寓言和象徵,沒有任何客觀現實,中所列的幌子歷史灌輸宗教和哲學的真理;或最後,傳說是虛構的歷史和部分提出的指導和啟發。尤其是,毫無疑問不應投下的文字和歷史意義上的通道談談的基礎基督教派,例如,創造宇宙的上帝在開始的時間;特別設立人;成立的第一位女性的第一人;的團結人類的原來幸福,完整,我們的第一個不朽的父母在該國的司法所給予的戒律上帝男子試圖服從他的侵神聖戒律,在建議的魔鬼,根據形式的蛇;秋天我們的第一個父母從原來的國家司法;承諾未來救世主。

In explaining such passages in these chapters as the Fathers and Doctors interpreted differently, one may follow and defend the opinion which meets his approval.在解釋這種通道在這些章節的父親和醫生不同的解釋,你可以遵循和捍衛認為符合他的批准。 Not every word or phrase in these chapters is always necessarily to be taken in its literal sense so that it may never have another, as when it is manifestly used metaphorically or anthropomorphically.並非每一個詞或短語在這些章節是一定要採取在其字面意義,以便它可能永遠不會有其他的,當它顯然是用來比喻或anthropomorphically 。 The literal and historical meaning of some passages in these chapters presupposed, an allegorical and prophetical meaning may wisely and usefully be employed.字面和歷史意義的一些段落在這些章節的先決條件,一個寓言和預言的含義可能會明智和有益的工作。 As in writing the first chapter of Genesis the purpose of the sacred author was not to expound in a scientific manner the constitution of the universe or the complete order of creation, but rather to give to the people popular information in the ordinary language of the day, adapted to the intelligence of all, the strict propriety of scientific language is not always to be looked for in their terminology.作為書面的第一章成因的目的不是神聖的作者闡述了科學的方式在憲法的或完整的宇宙秩序的創造,而是給人民大眾的信息在普通語言的一天,以適應所有的情報,嚴格科學的語言合適的並不總是要尋找的術語。 The expression six days and their division may be taken in the ordinary sense of a natural day, or for a certain period of time, and exegetes may dispute about this question.六天的表達及其司可採取在普通意義的自然天,或對某一段時間內,和exegetes可能爭論這個問題。

Publication information Written by AJ Moss.出版信息作者歐塞爾莫斯。 Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett & Michael T. Barrett. Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.轉錄由托馬斯M巴雷特&邁克爾巴雷特。專門向窮人靈魂煉獄天主教百科全書,第十一。 Published 1911.發布時間1911年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat , 1911年2月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

Many works referring to the Pentateuch have been cited throughout the course of this article.許多工程指的是摩西五已經列舉的整個過程中這一條。 We shall here add a list of mainly exegetical works, both ancient and modern, without attempting to give a complete catalogue.我們將在這裡購買的清單,主要訓詁作品,無論古代和現代,而試圖讓一個完整的目錄。

PATRISTIC WRITERS."Eastern Church:--ORIGEN, Selecta in Gen., PG, XII, 91- 145; IDEM, Homil. in Gen., ibid., 145-62; IDEM, Selecta et homil, in Ex., Lev., Num., Deut., ibid., 263-818; IDEM, Fragmenta in PG, XVII, 11-36; ST. BASIL, Homil. in Hexaemer. in PG, XXIX, 3-208; ST. GREGORY OF NYSSA, In Hexaemer. in PG, XLIV, 61-124; IDEM, De homin. Opific., ibid., 124-297; IDEM, De vita Moysis, ibid., 297-430; ST. JOHN CHRYS., Homil. in Gen. in PG, LIII, LIV, 23- 580; IDEM, Serm. In Gen. in PG, LIV, 581-630; ST. EPHR., Comment in Pentat. in Oper. Syr., I, 1-115; ST. CYRIL OF ALEX., De adoratione in spiritu in PG, LXVIII, 133-1125; Glaphyra in PG, LXIX, 13-677; THEODORETUS, Quaest. in Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. in PG, LXXX, 76-456; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comment. in Octateuch. in PG, LXXXVII, 21-992; NICEPHORUS, Catena in Octateuch. et libros Reg. (Leipzig, 1772).教父作家。 “東方教會: -奧利, Selecta的將軍,前列腺素,第十二章, 91 - 145 ;同上, Homil 。將軍中,同上。 , 145-62 ;同上, Selecta等homil ,在惠。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。 ,同上。 , 263-818 ;同上, Fragmenta的指引, 17 , 11-36 ;秘。羅勒, Homil 。在Hexaemer 。在前列腺素,第29屆, 3-208 ;秘。貴格利的NYSSA ,在Hexaemer 。在指引,四十四, 61-124 ;同上,者homin 。 Opific 。 ,同上。 , 124-297 ;同上,者維Moysis ,同上。 , 297-430 ;秘。約翰CHRYS 。 , Homil 。在將軍的指引, LIII ,活動全省, 23 - 580 ;同上,血清。在將軍的指引,活動全省, 581-630 ;秘。 EPHR 。 ,評論中Pentat 。在歌劇院。錫爾河。 ,我1-115 ;意法半導體。利羅杜德偉。 ,者adoratione在spiritu的指引, LXVIII , 133-1125 ; Glaphyra的指引, LXIX , 13-677 ; THEODORETUS , Quaest 。將軍中,惠。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。在前列腺素, LXXX , 76-456 ;普羅科匹厄斯加沙,評論。在Octateuch 。在指引, LXXXVII , 21-992 ; NICEPHORUS ,卡泰納在Octateuch 。等libros註冊。 (萊比錫, 1772年) 。

Western Church: ST.西方教會:聖。 AMBROSE, In Hexaemer.劉漢銓,在Hexaemer 。 in PL, XIV, 123-274; IDEM, De Paradiso terrestri, ibid., 275-314; IDEM, De Cain et Abel, ibid., 315-60; IDEM, De Noe et arca, ibid., 361-416; IDEM, De Abraham, ibid., 419-500; IDEM, De Isaac et anima, ibid., 501-34; IDEM, De Joseph patriarcha, ibid., 641-72; IDEM, De benedictionibus patriarcharum, ibid., 673-94; ST.在光致發光,十四, 123-274 ;同上,者天堂terrestri ,同上。 , 275-314 ;同上,者該隱與亞伯,同上。 , 315-60 ;同上,者諾埃等方舟,同上。 , 361-416 ;同上,者亞伯拉罕,同上。 , 419-500 ;同上,者艾薩克等動物,同上。 , 501-34 ;同上,者約瑟夫patriarcha ,同上。 , 641-72 ;同上,者benedictionibus patriarcharum ,同上。 , 673 - 94 ;秘。 JEROME, Liber quaest. JEROME ,書quaest 。 hebraic. in Gen. in PL, XXIII, 935-1010; ST.希伯來語。在將軍的特等,二十三, 935-1010 ;秘。 AUGUSTINE, De Gen. c.奧古斯丁者將軍角 Manich. Manich 。 ll. 11 。 due in PL, XXXIV, 173-220; IDEM, De Ger.由於特等,三十四, 173-220 ;同上,德閣。 ad lit., ibid., 219-46; IDEM, De Ger.廣告點燃。 ,同上。 , 219-46 ;同上,德閣。 ad lit.廣告點燃。 ll. 11 。 duodecim, ibid., 245-486; IDEM, Quaest in Heptateuch., ibid., 547-776; RUFINUS, De benedictionibus patriarcharum in PL, XXI, 295-336; ST. duodecim ,同上。 , 245-486 ;同上, Quaest在Heptateuch 。 ,同上。 , 547-776 ; RUFINUS ,者benedictionibus patriarcharum的特等,二十一, 295-336 ;秘。 VEN.委內瑞拉。 BEDE, Hexaemeron in PL, XCI, 9-190; IDEM, In Pentateuch. BEDE , Hexaemeron在特等, XCI , 9-190 ;同上,在摩西五。 Commentarii, ibid., 189-394; IDEM, De tabernaculo et vasibus ejus, ibid., 393-498; RHABANUS MAURUS, Comm. Commentarii ,同上。 , 189-394 ;同上,者tabernaculo等vasibus ejus ,同上。 , 393-498 ; RHABANUS毛魯斯,商業。 in Gen. in PL, CVII, 443-670; IDEM, Comment.在將軍的特等, CVII , 443-670 ;同上,評論。 in Ez., Lev., Num., Deut. in PL, CVIII, 9-998; WALAFRID STRABO, Glossa ordinaria in PL, CXIII, 67-506.在雌二醇。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。在特等, CVIII , 9-998 ; WALAFRID斯特拉博, Glossa ordinaria在特等, CXIII , 67-506 。

MIDDLE AGES:-ST.中世紀時期: ST段。 BRUNO OF ASTI, Expositio in Pentateuch.布魯諾的ASTI , Expositio在摩西五。 in PL, RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De SS.在光致發光,魯珀特的道依茨公司,德黨衛軍。 Trinitate et operib. Trinitate等operib 。 Ejus in PL, CLXVII, 197-1000; HUGH OF ST. VICTOR, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pent. Ejus在特等, CLXVII , 197-1000 ;休聖。維克托, Adnotationes elucidatoriae的壓抑。 in PL, CLXXV, 29-86; HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Hexameron in PL, CLXXII, 253-66; IDEM, De decem plagis Aegypti, ibid., 265-70; ABELARD, Expositio in Hexaemeron in PL, CLXXVII, 731-84; HUGH OF ST. CHER, Postilla (Venice, 1588); NICOLAUS OF LYRA, Postilla (Rome, 1471); TOSTATUS, Opera, I-IV (Venice, 1728); DIONYSIUS THE CARTHUSIAN, Comment.在特等, CLXXV , 29-86 ;挪留的歐坦, Hexameron在特等, CLXXII , 253-66 ;同上, 12月plagis Aegypti者,同上。 , 265-70 ;亞伯拉德, Expositio在Hexaemeron在特等, CLXXVII , 731-84 ;休聖。雪兒, Postilla (威尼斯, 1588年) ; NICOLAUS的LYRA , Postilla (羅馬, 1471年) ; TOSTATUS ,歌劇,一至四(威尼斯, 1728年) ;狄奧尼修斯的卡爾特,評論。 in Pentateuch.在摩西五。 in Opera omnia, I, II (Montreuil, 1896-7).在Opera OMNIA公司,一,二(蒙特勒伊, 1896-7 ) 。

MORE RECENT WORKS.-Jewish Writers:-The Commentaries of RASHI (1040-1150), ABENASRA (1092-1167), and DAVID KIMCHI, (1160-1235) are contained in the Rabbinic Bibles; ABARBANEL, Comment.最近WORKS.猶太作家: -的評注的RASHI ( 1040至1150年) , ABENASRA ( 1092年至1167年) ,和大衛泡菜, ( 1160年至1235年)中載有拉比聖經; ABARBANEL ,評論。 (Venice, 5539 AM; 1579 BC); CAHEN, French tr. (威尼斯, 5539分; 1579年) ; CAHEN ,法國文。 of Pent.壓抑。 (Paris, 1831); KALISCH, Historical and Critical Comment on the Old Test. (巴黎, 1831年) ; KALISCH的,歷史的和批判性評論的舊試驗。 (London), Gen. (1885); Lev. (倫敦) ,將軍( 1885年) ;列夫。 (1867, 1872); Ez. ( 1867年, 1872年) ;雌二醇。 (1855); HIRSCH, Der Pent. ( 1855年) ; HIRSCH ,明鏡壓抑。 ubersetzt und erklart (2nd ed., Frankfurt, 1893, 1895); HOFFMANN, Das Buch Lev. ubersetzt與erklart (第二版。 ,法蘭克福, 1893年, 1895年) ;霍夫曼達斯圖書列夫。 ubersetz und erklart (Berlin, 1906). ubersetz與erklart (柏林, 1906年) 。

Protestant Writers:-The works of LUTHER, MELANCHTHON, CALVIN, GERHART, CALOVIUS, DRUSIUS, DE DIEU, CAPPEL, COCCEIUS, MICHAELIS, LE CLERC, ROSENMULLER, and even of TUCH and BAUMGARTEN, are of minor importance in our days; KNOBEL, Gen. (6th ed., by DILLMANN, 1892; tr., Edinburgh, 1897); RYSSEL, Ez.新教作家: -的作品路德梅蘭希頓,卡爾文格哈, CALOVIUS , DRUSIUS ,德迪厄, CAPPEL , COCCEIUS ,蔑克里斯,樂賈勒, ROSENMULLER ,甚至TUCH和鮑姆加滕,是未成年人的重要性在我們天;克諾貝爾,將軍(第6版。通過DILLMANN , 1892年;文。 ,愛丁堡, 1897年) ; RYSSEL赫拉。 and Lev.和列夫。 (3rd ed., 1897); DILLMANN, Numbers, deut., Jos. (2nd ed., 1886); LANGE, Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk (Bielefeld and Leipzig); IDEM, Gen. (2nd ed., 1877); IDEM, Ez., Lev., and Numbers (1874); STOSCH, Deut. (第3版。 , 1897年) ; DILLMANN ,數字deut 。 ,聖何塞(第二版。 , 1886年) ;蘭格Theologisch - homiletisches Bibelwerk (比勒費爾德和萊比錫) ;同上,將軍(第2版。 , 1877年) ; IDEM赫拉。 ,列夫。和數字( 1874年) ; STOSCH , Deut 。 (2nd ed., 1902); KEIL and FRANZ DELITZSCH, Biblischer Comment. (第2版。 , 1902年) ;的Keil和弗蘭茲德里, Biblischer評論。 uber das AT; KEIL, Gen. and Ex. (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1878); IDEM, Lev., Numbers, Deut.尤伯杯存在的; Keil公司,將軍和前。 (第3版。 ,萊比錫, 1878年) ;同上,列夫。 ,數字Deut 。 (2nd ed., 1870; tr., Edinburgh, 1881, 1885); STRACK and ZOCKLER, Kurzgefasster Komment. (第2版。 , 1870年;文。 ,愛丁堡, 1881年, 1885年) ;施特拉克和ZOCKLER , Kurzgefasster Komment 。 zu den h. Schriften A. und NT (Munich); STRACK, Gen. (2nd ed., 1905); IDEM, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1894); OETTLI, Deut.楚蘭旦閣下著作答:與新台幣(慕尼黑) ;施特拉克,將軍(第2版。 , 1905年) ;同上,雌二醇。 ,列夫。 ,數字( 1894年) ;歐特列, Deut 。 (1893); NOWACK, Handkomment. ( 1893年) ; NOWACK , Handkomment 。 zum AT (Gottingen); GUNKEL, Gen. (1901); BANTSCH, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1903); Deut. zum在(哥廷根大學) ;貢克爾,將軍( 1901 ) ; BANTSCH赫拉。 ,列夫。 ,數字( 1903年) ; Deut 。 by STEUERNAGEL (1900); MARTI, Kurtzer Handommentar z.由STEUERNAGEL ( 1900 ) ;馬蒂庫爾策Handommentar卓 AT (Freiburg): HOLZINGER, Gen. (1898), Ez.在(弗賴堡) : HOLZINGER ,將軍( 1898 ) ,雌二醇。 (1900), Numbers (1903); BERTHOLET, Lev. ( 1900年) ,數字( 1903年) ; BERTHOLET ,列夫。 (1901), Deut. ( 1901 ) , Deut 。 (1899); BOHMER, Das erste Buch Mose (Stuttgart, 1905); COOK, The Holy Bible according to the Authorized Version, I-II (London, 1877); SPENCE and EXELL, The Pulpit Commentary (London): WHITELAW, Gen.; RAWLINSON, Ex.; MEYRICK, Lev.; WINTERBOTHAM, Numbers; ALEXANDER, Deut.; The Expositor's Bible (London): DODS, Gen. (1887); CHADWICK, Exod. ( 1899年) ;博默,達斯erste圖書莫塞(斯圖加特, 1905年) ;庫克聖經根據授權版本,第一和第二(倫敦, 1877年) ; SPENCE和EXELL ,講壇評(倫敦) :懷特勞,根。 ;羅林森,惠。 ;蛾,列夫。 ;溫,數字;亞歷山大, Deut 。 ;的Expositor的聖經(倫敦) : DODS ,將軍( 1887年) ; CHADWICK , Exod 。 (1890); KELLOGG, Lev. ( 1890年) ; KELLOGG ,列夫。 (1891); WATSON, Numbers (1889); HARPER, Deut. (1895); The International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh): GRAY, Numbers (1903); DRIVER, Deut. ( 1891年) ;華生,數字( 1889年) ;哈珀, Deut 。 ( 1895年) ,國際評論文章(愛丁堡) :灰色,數字( 1903年) ;司機, Deut 。 (1895); SPURRELL, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Gen. (2nd ed., Oxford, 1896); GINSBURG, The Third Book of Moses (London, 1904); MACLAREN, The Books of Ex., Lev., and Numbers (London, 1906); IDEM, Deut. ( 1895年) ; SPURRELL ,債券在希伯來文將軍(第2版。 ,牛津, 1896年) ;金斯伯格的第三本書的摩西(倫敦, 1904年) ;麥克拉倫的書惠。 ,列夫。和數字(倫敦, 1906年) ;同上, Deut 。 (London, 1906); REUSS, L'histoire sainte et la loi (Paris, 1879); KUENEN, HOSYKAAS, and OORT, Het Oude Testament (Leyden, 1900-1). (倫敦, 1906年) ; REUSS ,歐萊雅等香格里拉史聖萊(巴黎, 1879年) ; KUENEN , HOSYKAAS ,和奧爾特報舊全書(萊頓, 1900-1 ) 。

Catholic Works:-The works of CAJETAN, OLEASTER, STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS, SANTE PAGINO, LIPPOMANNUS, HAMMER, B. POREIRA, ASORIUS MARTINENGUS, LORINUS, TIRINUS, A LAPIDE, CORN, JANSENIUS, BONFRERE, FRASSEN, CALMET, BRENTANO, DERESER, and SCHOLZ are either too well known or too unimportant to need further notice.天主教工程: -的作品CAJETAN , OLEASTER , STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS , SANTE PAGINO , LIPPOMANNUS ,錘子,灣POREIRA , ASORIUS MARTINENGUS , LORINUS , TIRINUS ,阿LAPIDE ,玉米, JANSENIUS ,邦弗雷雷, FRASSEN , CALMET , BRENTANO , DERESER ,和SCHOLZ都是眾所周知或太不重要需要另行通知。 La Sainte Bible (Paris); CHELIER, La Genese (1889); IDEM, l'Exode et la Levitique (1886); TROCHON, Les Nombres et le Deuteronome (1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (Paris); VON HUMMELAUER, Gen. (1895); Ex., Lev.聖聖經(巴黎) ; CHELIER ,香格里拉Genese ( 1889年) ;同上,歐萊雅Exode等香格里拉Levitique ( 1886年) ; TROCHON ,法國Nombres等樂Deuteronome ( 1887-8 ) ; Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (巴黎) ;馮HUMMELAUER ,將軍( 1895年) ;惠。 ,列夫。 (1897); Num. ( 1897年) ;序號。 (1899); Deut. ( 1899年) ; Deut 。 (1901); SCHRANK, Comment. ( 1901年) ;薊馬,評論。 literal.字面。 in Gen. (1835); LAMY, Comment in l. Gen.在將軍( 1835年) ;拉米評論中湖將軍 (Mechlin, 1883-4); TAPPEHORN, Erklarung der Gen. (Paderborn, 1888); HOBERG, Die Gen. nach dem Literalsinn erklart (Freiburg, 1899); FILLION, La Sainte Bible, I (Paris, 1888); NETELER, Das Buch Genesis der Vulgata und des hebraischen Textes ubersetzt und erklart (Munster, 1905); GIGOT, Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, I (New York, 1901). Biblical Commission: Acta Apostolicoe Sedis (15 July, 1908); Rome (17 July, 1909). ( Mechlin , 1883-4 ) ; TAPPEHORN , Erklarung德國將軍(帕德博恩, 1888年) ;霍貝格,模具nach將軍馬克Literalsinn erklart (弗賴堡, 1899年) ;菲利安,聖聖經,我(巴黎, 1888年) ; NETELER ,達斯書起源之Vulgata和沙漠hebraischen文本ubersetzt與erklart (明斯特, 1905年) ; GIGOT ,特別介紹研究舊約,我(紐約, 1901年) 。聖經委員會:獸類Apostolicoe位置未定( 1908年7月15號) ;羅馬( 1909年7月17號) 。


Book of Exodus出書

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

Name and Contents.名稱和內容。

Ch.總。 i.-iv.: The Call of Moses. i.-iv. :呼叫摩西。

Ch.總。 v., vi.: The Preparation.五,六。 :編寫。

Ch.總。 vii.-x.: The Plagues: vii.-x. :該瘟疫:

Ch.總。 xi-xiii.西十三。 16: The Departure. 16日:出發。

Ch.總。 xiii.十三。 17-xv. 17十五。 21: Pharaoh's Death. 21日:法老王的死亡。

Ch.總。 xv.十五。 22-xviii.: The March to Sinai. 22十八。 :從3月到西奈半島。

Ch.總。 xix.-xx.: Israel's Call: xix.-xx. :以色列的電話:

Ch.總。 xxi.-xxiv.: The Law and the Covenant. xxi. - 24 。 :在法律和公約。

Ch.總。 xxv.-xxxi.: The Sanctuary and the Priests. xxv. -三十一。 :聖和牧師。

Ch.總。 xxxii-xxxiv.: The Sin of the People with the Golden Calf.三十二,三十四。 :之罪的人,黃金犢牛。

Ch.總。 xxxv.-xl.: The Sanctuary and the Garments of the Priests xxxv.-xl. :聖和服裝的祭司

Religion.宗教。

Revelations of God.上帝的啟示。

God the Absolutely Exalted One.上帝的絕對上人之一。

Israel.以色列。

The Moral Law.道德法。

Cult.邪教。

-Critical View I.:臨界檢視一:

Characteristics of JE.特徵乙腦。

Characteristics of P.特色體育

P's Representation of the Tabernacle Unhistorical. P的代表幕Unhistorical 。

-Critical View II.:臨界查看二。 :

Redaction.編輯。

Errors of Critical School.錯誤的批判學校。

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

The second book of the Torah or Pentateuch is called by the Jews , from the opening words, or briefly .第二本書的律法或摩西五是所謂的猶太人,從開頭語,或簡略。 The Greek name is ξοδος (in Philo also ξαγωγή), that is, "departure"; the Latin, "[Liber] Exodus."希臘的名字是ξοδος (在斐羅還ξαγωγή ) ,也就是說, “離開” ;在拉丁美洲, “ [書]出埃及記” 。 It contains, according to the Masorah, 1,209 (?) verses in 164 sections ("parashiyyot"), 69 ending in the middle of the line ("petuḥot" = "open"), and 95 with a space in the middle of the line ("setumot"="closed"), in 29 chapters ("sedarim"), and 14 sections ("pisḳot"), for reading on the Sabbath, in 11 lessons.它包含,根據Masorah , 1209年( ? )的詩句在164節( “ parashiyyot ” ) ,第69結束在中東的線( “ petuḥot ” = “開放” ) ,和95的空間中的行( “ setumot ” = “關閉” ) ,在29個章節( “ sedarim ” ) ,和14節( “ pisḳot ” ) ,閱讀在安息日,在11個教訓。 The common division into 40 chapters is taken from the Vulgate.共同分為40章取自拉丁文聖經。

Name and Contents.名稱和內容。

The second book of the Torah is the organic continuation of the first book.第二本書的律法是有機繼續進行的第一本書。 It narrates the departure of the descendants of the Patriarchs, increased to a people, from servitude in Egypt, their journey to Sinai, and the revelations and laws which they received there.它敘述了離開子孫的始祖,提高到一個民族,從奴役在埃及,他們的旅程西奈,並披露和法律,他們得到的。 It is a well-planned and well-arranged work, displaying much literary skill in the command over great masses of material as well as in the marshaling of the facts.這是一個精心策劃和安排的工作,顯示出很大的文學技巧的指揮偉大的人民群眾的物質以及在編組的事實。 It is homogeneous in its views, and is not encumbered by unnecessary repetitions, though the sequel to it is found only in the following books.它是均勻的意見,而不是擔保的不必要的重複,但續集發現只有在下列書籍。 It is divided into two principal sections: (1) ch.它分為兩個主要部分: ( 1 )總。 i-xviii., recounting Israel's deliverance from Egypt; (2) ch.一至十八。 ,敘述以色列從埃及解脫; ( 2 )總。 xix.-xl., the promulgation of the Law. xix.-xl. ,頒布該法。 These may again be divided into subsections.這些可能會再次分為小節。

Ch.總。 i.-iv.: The Call of Moses. i.-iv. :呼叫摩西。

The Israelites living in Egypt are oppressed by forced labor,imposed upon them by a new Pharaoh who desires to destroy them (i.).以色列人生活在埃及受到壓迫的強迫勞動,強加給他們的一個新的法老誰意欲摧毀他們(一) 。 The exposed male infant of a Levitic family (whose name, in order not to divert interest from the main story, is not given here), is found by Pharaoh's daughter, who calls him "Moses" and adopts him.裸露男嬰的Levitic家庭(他的名字,為了不分散的興趣主要故事,是不是在這裡) ,是發現了法老的女兒,誰罵他“摩西” ,並通過他。 Moses, grown to man's estate, sympathizes with his suffering brethren, and flees the country because he has slain an Egyptian overseer.摩西,成長為男人的財產,同情他的苦難的兄弟,並逃離該國,因為他已經被殺害的埃及監督員。 He goes to Midian, becomes shepherd to the priest Jethro, and marries the latter's daughter Zipporah (ii.).他接著對米甸,成為牧羊人的神父Jethro ,和結婚後的女兒Zipporah (白介素) 。 As he is feeding the sheep on Mount Horeb, he has a marvelous experience.因為他是餵羊何烈山,他有一個了不起的經驗。 God appears to him from a thorn-bush which, though burning, is not consumed.上帝覺得從索恩博布什,雖然燃燒,不消耗。 He reveals Himself as the God of the Fathers of Israel, and orders Moses to go before Pharaoh and demand the release of his brethren.他透露自己是上帝的父親,以色列和命令摩西路要走法老和要求釋放他的兄弟。 God overcomes Moses' reluctance by His promises of supreme aid, and appoints his brother Aaron to be his assistant.上帝克服摩西不願意他承諾的最高援助,並任命他的弟弟阿龍是他的助理。 Moses then returns to Egypt.摩西然後返回埃及。

Ch.總。 v., vi.: The Preparation.五,六。 :編寫。

As Pharaoh not only refuses Moses' request, but oppresses the people still further, Moses complains to God, who thereupon announces to him that He will now display His power and will surely liberate Israel.作為法老不僅拒絕摩西的要求,但壓迫人民進一步,摩西抱怨上帝,誰隨即宣布對他說,他現在將顯示他的權力,必將解放以色列。 At this point the genealogy of Moses and his family is inserted, in order that it may not later interrupt or weaken in any way the story which follows.在這一點上的家譜摩西和他的家人被插入,以便它可以不晚中斷或削弱以任何方式故事如下。

Ch.總。 vii.-x.: The Plagues: vii.-x. :該瘟疫:

the proofs of God's power.該證明上帝的力量。 After God has assigned their tasks to Moses and Aaron, and predicted Pharaoh's obduracy, and after they have attested their commission by working a miracle before Pharaoh (vii. 1-13), God sends nine plagues over Pharaoh, and his land: (1) the changing of the waters of the Nile into blood (, vii. 14-25); (2) frogs (, vii. 28-viii. 11); (3) vermin (, viii. 12-15); (4) noxious animals (, viii. 16-28); (5) death of the cattle (, ix. 1-7); (6) boils upon men and beasts (, ix. 9-12); (7) storms, killing men and beasts (, ix. 13-35); (8) locusts that devour all vegetation(, x. 1-20); (9) deep darkness for three days (, x. 21-29).在上帝賦予他們的任務,以摩西和亞倫,並預測法老王的頑固不化,並在他們有證據證明其委員會的工作是一個奇蹟前法老( vii. 1月13日) ,上帝給了9瘟疫法老,和他的土地: ( 1 )的變化水域的尼羅河入血( ,七。 14日至25日) ; ( 2 )青蛙( ,七。 28八。 11日) ; ( 3 )害蟲( ,八。 12月15日) ; ( 4 )有毒動物( ,八。 16-28 ) ; ( 5 )死亡的牛( ,九。 1月7日) ; ( 6 )歸根結底取決於男人和野獸( ,九。 9月12日) ; ( 7 )風暴,造成男人和野獸( ,九。 13-35 ) ; ( 8 )蝗蟲吞噬所有的植被( ,十1月20日) ; ( 9 )深黑暗三天( ,十21-29 ) 。 These plagues, which give evidence of God's power over nature, are increasingly obnoxious and dangerous, and are so arranged that every third plague (hence narrated more briefly) confirms the two preceding ones (narrated more in detail), and each group follows naturally upon the preceding one.這些困擾,這提供證據上帝的權力的性質,越來越多的令人厭惡的和危險的,如此安排,每個第三鼠疫(因此更簡要敘述)證實了前兩個的(更詳細敘述) ,每組如下後自然前面的一個。 The story displays a skilful climax, rhythm, and variety.這個故事顯示了高超的高潮,節奏和品種。 Pharaoh, however, is untouched by the first plague, which his magicians can imitate; after the second plague, which they can reproduce, but not check, he begins to supplicate; after the third plague he allows his magicians to comfort him; from the third on he makes fresh promises after each plague, but recalls them when the danger is past, and remains obdurate.法老,但是,是第一次接觸到鼠疫,他的魔術師可以模仿;第二鼠疫後,他們可以複製,但不檢查,他開始哀告;第三鼠疫後,他讓他的魔術師,以安慰他;從第三,他提出新的承諾,在每一鼠疫,但回顧他們的危險時,是過去,現在仍然頑固。

Ch.總。 xi-xiii.西十三。 16: The Departure. 16日:出發。

The last, decisive blow, namely, the death of all the first-born of the Egyptians (), and the departure are announced.最後,決定性的打擊,即對所有死亡的第一個出生的埃及人( ) ,並宣布離職。 For the protection of their homes the Israelites are commanded to kill a lamb () and to eat it quickly with unleavened bread () and bitter herbs (), on the 14th of the first month, and to be ready for immediate departure.為保護自己的家園以色列人是指揮殺害羔羊( )和吃它迅速酵餅( )和苦草( ) ,於14日的第一個月,並隨時準備立即出發。 The first-born of all the Egyptians die. Pharaoh dismisses the Israelites.第一個出生的所有埃及人死亡。法老否認猶太人。 To the number of 600,000 men, not including women and children, they leave the country, after a sojourn of 430 years, carrying with them rich gifts from benevolent Egyptians.的人數600000人,其中不包括婦女和兒童,他們離開該國後,逗留四百三十年,帶著豐富的禮物仁慈埃及人。 They go first from Rameses to Succoth.他們首先從拉美西斯以Succoth 。 Chap.第三章。 xii. 43-xiii.十二。 43十三。 16 contain supplementary regulations regarding the future observance of the Passover.補充規定16載的未來慶祝逾越節。

Ch.總。 xiii.十三。 17-xv. 17十五。 21: Pharaoh's Death. 21日:法老王的死亡。

Repenting his clemency, Pharaoh, with chariots and horsemen, pursues the Israelites, who have reached the shores of the Red Sea (), divinely guided by day by a pillar of cloud, and by night by a pillar of fire.悔改他寬大處理,法老,與車馬俑,奉行猶太人,誰已達到海岸紅海( ) ,神的指導下每天的支柱雲,和晚上的支柱火災。 The Israelites pass dry-shod through the waters, which marvelously recede before them while engulfing Pharaoh and his entire army.以色列人通過幹雪通過水域,這不平凡消退之前,他們同時吞沒法老和他的整個軍隊。 Moses and his people sing a song of praise to God.摩西和他的人民唱歌讚美上帝。

Ch.總。 xv.十五。 22-xviii.: The March to Sinai. 22十八。 :從3月到西奈半島。

The Israelites journey into the desert of Shur, to Mara.以色列人的沙漠之旅的書珥,以馬拉。 The people, complaining of lack of water, are satisfied.人民,抱怨缺乏水,感到滿意。 They reach Elim.他們到達埃利姆。 In the desert of Sin they complain of lack of food.在沙漠中的八仙,他們抱怨缺乏糧食。 God sends them quails, and from this time on, except on the Sabbath, sends them a daily shower of manna.上帝給他們鵪鶉,從這個時候,除了在安息日,向他們每天淋浴的甘露。 Upon arrival at Rephidim the people again complain of lack of water.在到達Rephidim人民再次抱怨缺乏水資源。 God gives them water from a rock ("Massah and Meribah" = "place of temptation and quarrels"; xvii. 7).上帝給了他們的水從岩石( “ Massah和Meribah ” = “的地方和爭吵的誘惑” ;十七。 7 ) 。 Amalek attacks Israel and is vanquished by Joshua.亞瑪力攻擊以色列和戰敗國的約書亞。 God commands eternal war against Amalek.永恆的上帝的命令戰爭亞瑪力。 Moses' father-in-law, Jethro, having heard of Israel's deliverance, visits Moses, bringing him his wife Zipporah and their two children, whom Moses had left behind at home.摩西的岳父, Jethro ,聽取了以色列的解脫,訪問摩西,使他的妻子Zipporah和他們的兩個孩子,其中有摩西留在家裡。 On Jethro's advice Moses appoints subordinate judges.論Jethro的意見摩西任命下級法官。

Ch.總。 xix.-xx.: Israel's Call: xix.-xx. :以色列的電話:

the promulgation of the Ten Commandments on Mount Sinai.頒布十誡的西奈山。 In the third month the Israelites arrive in the desert of Sinai and encamp at the mountain.在第三個到達以色列人在沙漠中的西奈半島和紮營在山區。 God announces to them through Moses that, having by His power liberated them, He will now constitute them His people, making them a nation of priests and a holy people.上帝宣布他們通過摩西,由於他的權力下解放出來的他們,現在他將構成他們他的人民,使他們成為國家的神父和一個神聖的人。 The Israelites accept this call with one accord, and after they have prepared themselves worthily, God, through Moses' mediation, and with thunder and lightning, clouds of smoke and noise of trumpets, reveals Himself to them on Mount Sinai and pronounces the ten fundamental commands of religion and morals, which are followed by a command regarding the altar.以色列人接受這一要求的一個協議之後,他們準備自己worthily ,上帝通過摩西調解,並與雷電,硝煙和噪音的喇叭,向他們表明自己的西乃山和宣布的10個基本命令的宗教和道德,這是一個命令之後的祭壇。

Ch.總。 xxi.-xxiv.: The Law and the Covenant. xxi. - 24 。 :在法律和公約。

The Ten Commandments, formally declaring the divine will regarding man's attitude to God and to all His creatures, are followed by enactments relating to civil law: (1) indemnifications for injuries done to, a fellow man; (2) duties toward persons who have no actual claims, though they are dependent on the good will of others.十誡,正式宣布將在神聖的人的態度,對上帝和他的所有生物,其次是頒布有關民事法律: ( 1 ) indemnifications做傷害,一位男子; ( 2 )對人的職責誰也沒有實際的索賠,但他們依靠的良好意願等。 In conclusion there are the promise of the land of Canaan as the reward of obedience, and the warning against the pagan inhabitants.最後有承諾的土地迦南作為獎勵服從,並警告居民對異教徒。 God then enters into a solemn covenant with the people, through Moses. He calls Moses up into the mountain to receive the stone tablets of the Law and further instructions.上帝然後進入一個莊嚴盟約的人,通過摩西。他呼籲摩西成山收到石碑法和進一步的指示。

Ch.總。 xxv.-xxxi.: The Sanctuary and the Priests. xxv. -三十一。 :聖和牧師。

In order that God may dwell permanently among the Israelites, they are given instructions for erecting a sanctuary.為了上帝可詳談永久的以色列人,他們得到指示,樹立國家的庇護所。 The directions provide for: (1) a wooden ark, gilded inside andoutside, for the Tables of the Covenant, with a cover similarly gilded as "mercy seat" for the Divine Presence; (2) a gilt table for the so-called "shewbread" (); (3) a golden candlestick for a light never to be extinguished; (4) the dwelling, including the curtains for the roof, the walls made of boards resting on silver feet and held together by wooden bolts, the purple curtain veiling the Holy of Holies, the table and candlestick, and the outer curtain; (5) a sacrificial altar made of bronzed boards; (6) the outer court formed by pillars resting on bronze pedestals and connected by hooks and crossbars of silver, with embroidered curtains; (7) preparation of the oil for the candlestick.指示規定: ( 1 )一個木製方舟,鍍金內andoutside ,為表的公約,以涵蓋同樣鍍金的“憐憫座位”的神聖的存在; ( 2 )鍍金表所謂的“ shewbread “ ( ) ; ( 3 )黃金燭台為輕永不熄滅; ( 4 )住房,包括窗簾的屋頂,牆壁板製成的休息和銀英尺一併舉行的木製螺栓,紫色窗簾面紗聖地的神聖,該表和燭台,和外幕牆; ( 5 )祭壇了青銅色板; ( 6 )外法院所形成的支柱休息青銅基座和連接的魚鉤和交叉銀,與繡花窗簾; ( 7 )編寫石油的燭台。 Then follow directions for the garments of the priests: (1) a shoulder-band (ephod) with two onyx stones, on each of which are engraved the names of six of the tribes of Israel, also golden chains for holding the breastplate ("ḥoshen") set with twelve precious stones, in four rows; (2) a robe for the ephod, with bells and pomegranates around the seam; (3) a golden miter plate with the inscription "Holiness to the Lord"; (4) a coat; (5) a miter; (6) a girdle.然後按照指示,服裝的神父: ( 1 )肩部波段( ephod )兩個瑪瑙石,在每一個刻的名字,六個部落的以色列,也金色鏈舉行腹甲( “ ḥoshen “ )設置12寶石,在四列; ( 2 )長袍的ephod ,鈴鐺和石榴與周圍煤層; ( 3 )金色字板題詞”聖潔的上帝“ ; ( 4 )外衣; ( 5 )字; ( 6 )帶。 All these things are for Aaron.所有這些事情都是亞倫。 For his sons coats, bonnets, girdles, and linen breeches shall be made.對於他的兩個兒子大衣,帽子,腰帶,和亞麻褲應。 Then follow directions for ordaining the priests, including robing, anointing (of Aaron), and a seven days' sacrifice; the institution of daily morning and evening offerings; directions for making a golden altar of incense, to be set up in front of the inner curtain, opposite the Ark of the Covenant, and on which an atonement shall be made once a year with the blood of the sin-offering; directions for a yearly tax of half a shekel to be paid by every Israelite enumerated in the census toward the expenses of this service; directions for making a laver and stand of brass, to be set up between the Tabernacle and the altar of sacrifice; the preparation of the holy oil for anointing and of the holy incense; appointment of the master workmen Bezaleel and Aboliab to direct the work; the observance of the Sabbaṭh.然後按照指示的神父祝聖,包括更衣室,輔之以抹(艾倫) ,以及7天犧牲;機構的每日早上和傍晚的產品;的方向作出了金香壇,將設立在前面內窗簾,對面的約櫃,並在其中一個贖罪應每年一次的鮮血的罪惡,提供;方向每年稅收的50謝克爾必須繳納所列舉的每一個以色列人對普查開支的這種服務;方向作出了紫菜和立場黃銅,將設立之間幕和祭壇的犧牲;編制羅馬油輔之以抹和聖香;任命船長和工人Bezaleel Aboliab來指導工作;遵守安息日。

The most striking point in this enumeration is the place given to the directions regarding the altar of incense, which, to agree with the arrangement as described in chaps.最引人注目的一點是在這列舉的地方給予指示有關香壇,其中同意的安排中所描述章。 xxxv.-xl., should follow the directions for making the golden candlestick (xxv. 31-40). xxxv.-xl. ,應遵循的方向,使黃金燭台( xxv. 31-40 ) 。 This has been a puzzle to the critics, who have made it the basis of the most far-reaching hypotheses.這一直是個謎的批評,使得誰的基礎上影響最為深遠的假設。 The passage was not only supposed to be a later interpolation, but it was assumed that originally there was no altar of incense, not even in Herod's temple!通過不僅應該稍後插值,但它假定原先沒有香壇,即使在希律王的聖殿! The riddle may be solved as follows: In xxxv.-xl.謎語可以解決如下: xxxv.-xl. the articles are enumerated in the order in which they were set up, while here they are enumerated according to their uses.這些條款中所列舉的順序,他們成立了,而在這裡,他們列舉根據自己的用途。 The golden altar of incense later stood in the Tabernacle, between the table and the candlestick, a fact leading to the assumption that, like them, it belonged to the Tabernacle.金香壇後站在幕之間,表和燭台,這一事實導致的假設是,像他們一樣,它屬於幕。 But as throughout ancient literature the offerings of sacrifice and incense are two independent coordinated acts of worship, so the altar of incense was, to all intents and purposes, an independent requisite of worship as important as the rest of the apparatus.但是,隨著整個古代文學所提供的犧牲和香燭是兩個獨立的協調行為的崇拜,所以香壇是,所有意圖和目的,一個獨立的必要的崇拜一樣重要其餘的器具。 For this reason everything that is necessary for the dwelling of God and the sacrifices that guarantee His presence is described first, and the altar of incense after (comp. especially Lev. xvi. 16-17: first, atonement for the Holy of Holies and the "tabernacle . . . that remaineth among them in the midst of their uncleannesses"; then, the cleansing and sanctifying of the altar of incense "from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel"). The sacrifice presumes God's presence, while it is the object of the incense to insure the continuation of His presence.出於這個原因的一切必要的住處上帝和犧牲,保證他的存在,說明第一,和香壇後( comp.特別是列夫。十六。 16-17日:第一,贖罪的神聖羅馬和在“幕。 。 。這remaineth其中處於其uncleannesses ” ;然後,在清洗和聖潔的香壇“從uncleannesses子女的以色列” ) 。所做出的犧牲假定上帝的存在,同時它是對象的香,以確保他繼續進行他的存在。 The things, again, that must be repeatedly renewed are placed last, namely, the oil for lighting; the yearly tax; the laver with stand, consisting of mirrors, which were taken apart again after the laver had been used, and are, therefore, not enumerated in Num.的東西,再次,必須一再延長放在最後,即石油照明;每年稅;紫菜與立場,包括鏡子,它除了已採取的紫菜後再次使用了,並因此,而不是列舉的序號。 iv.四。 14; the oil for anointing; and the incense. 14 ;石油換輔之以抹;和香燭。 In conclusion, there are the directions for the workshop, the appointing of the master workman, and the arrangement of the work.最後,有方向的講習班,指派主工人,並安排了工作。 These directions are admirably thought out, down to the smallest detail.這些方向欽佩認為的那樣,到最小的細節。

Ch.總。 xxxii-xxxiv.: The Sin of the People with the Golden Calf.三十二,三十四。 :之罪的人,黃金犢牛。

While Moses is on the mountain the people become impatient and urge Aaron to make them a golden calf, which they worship with idolatrous joy.雖然摩西是對山區人民成為不耐煩,並敦促亞倫,使它們的黃金小腿,他們崇拜與盲目崇拜的喜悅。 God informs Moses and threatens to abandon Israel.上帝告訴摩西和威脅放棄以色列。 Moses at first intercedes for the people, but when he comes down and beholds their madness, he angrily breaks the two tablets containing the divine writing.摩西在第一次干預的人,但是當他歸結和beholds他們的瘋狂,他憤怒地打破了兩片載有神聖的書面答复。 After pronouncing judgment upon Aaron and the people he again ascends to God to implore forgiveness for them, as God is about to withdraw from them His blessed presence and to leave them unguided in the wilderness.宣判後,判決後,阿倫和人民,他再次上升到上帝懇求寬恕他們,因為上帝即將退出他的祝福的存在,並讓他們無制導在荒野。 Moses' intercession prevails.摩西調解盛行。 When he petitions God to tell him who will accompany them, what He intends to do, and how He will manifest His splendor, God commands him to make new tablets, and reveals Himself to Moses as a God of inexhaustible love and mercy.當他請願上帝告訴他誰將陪伴他們,他打算做的事,他將如何表現出他的光彩,上帝命令他作出新的藥片,並揭示自己摩西作為上帝的不竭的愛和憐憫。 He assures Moses that in spite of their way wardness He will lead Israel into the Promised Land, giving Moses in token thereof new commandments applicable only to that land.他保證摩西說,儘管他們的方式wardness他將率領以色列的樂土,讓摩西在令牌有新的誡命只適用於這片土地。 He commands the Israelites not to have intercourse with the pagan natives, to refrain from all idolatry, and to appear before Him on the three pilgrimage festivals.他命令以色列人沒有交往與異教本地人,不要以任何偶像崇拜,並到他面前的三個朝聖節。 Moses then returns to the people, who listen to him in respectful silence.摩西然後再返回的人,誰聽他的尊重沉默。

Ch.總。 xxxv.-xl.: The Sanctuary and the Garments of the Priests xxxv.-xl. :聖和服裝的祭司

(almost in the same words as in ch. xxv.-xxxi.). (幾乎在同一個詞在CH 。 xxv. -三十一。 ) 。 Moses collects the congregation, enjoins upon them the keeping of the Sabbath, and requests gifts for the sanctuary.摩西收集眾,責令他們飼養的安息日,並請禮物的庇護所。 The entire people, men and women, high and low, respond willingly and quickly, and under the direction of the superintendent they make: (1) the dwelling, including the curtains, the walls, and the veil; (2) the Ark and cover; (3) the table; (4) the golden candlestick; (5) the golden altar of incense; (6) the altar of burnt offerings; (7) the laver; (8) the outer court.全體人民,男子和婦女,高,低,心甘情願地和迅速地作出反應,並領導下的院長他們: ( 1 )住宅,包括窗簾,牆壁,和面紗; ( 2 )方舟和覆蓋; ( 3 )表; ( 4 )金燭台; ( 5 )金香壇; ( 6 )的祭壇上燔祭; ( 7 )紫菜; ( 8 )外法院。 An estimate of the cost of the material follows.費用的估計的材料如下。 Next comes the preparation of the garments of the priests, including: (1) the ephod with the onyx stones, together with the breastplate and its twelve precious stones and its golden chains; (2) the robe of the ephod; (3) the coats for Aaron and his sons; (4) the miter and bonnets; (5) the breeches;(6) the girdle; (7) the golden plate of the crown.接下來是編寫服裝的神職人員,包括: ( 1 ) ephod的瑪瑙石,連同腹甲和12寶石和黃金鏈; ( 2 )長袍的ephod ; ( 3 )大衣的亞倫和他的兒子; ( 4 )字和帽子; ( 5 )馬褲; ( 6 )帶; ( 7 )金板的桂冠。 Moses inspects the work when completed and praises it, and the sanctuary is set up on the first of the second month. In connection with this section (xxxv.-xl.) the questions arise: Why the lengthy repetition of ch.摩西檢查工作完成後,並稱讚它,聖殿是設立的第一第二個月。在這方面第( xxxv.-xl. )的問題:為什麼漫長的重複的CH 。 xxv.-xxxi, in ch. xxv. -三十一,在CH 。 xxxv.-xl.? xxxv.-xl. ? and Why the difference in the order in which the various objects are described?為什麼不同的順序進行的各種物體的描述? To the first question the answer is: When the people fell away and God renounced them, the tablets of the covenant seemed to have become useless, wherefore Moses broke them.第一個問題的答案是:當人們下跌遠離上帝放棄他們,片劑盟約似乎已經成為無用的,何故摩西打破他們。 But after the people had been forgiven new tablets were made and the promises relating to the country had to be repeated.但在人民已經原諒了新片和承諾有關的國家重演。 Furthermore, the promise given by God that He will dwell among Israel, in a sanctuary erected by them and in which they will worship, must not be allowed to remain unfulfilled; and therefore the building of the sanctuary that had been planned is undertaken anew, but according to the original idea.此外,所給予的承諾,他將上帝談論以色列之間,在庇護所建造,並在其中他們將崇拜,絕不允許仍未兌現; ,因此建設的庇護已進行重新規劃,但按照原來的想法。 Hence ch.因此總。 xxxii.-xxxiv. xxxii. -三十四。 belong necessarily between ch. xxv.-xxxi.屬於不一定總之間。 xxv. -三十一。 and xxxv.-xl.和xxxv.-xl. To the second question the reply is, that in xxv.-xxxi., which contain the plan, the pieces are enumerated according to the uses to which they are put, while in xxxv.-xl.第二個問題的答复是,在xxv. -三十一。 ,其中包含了計劃,只列舉根據使用它們所提出,而在xxxv.-xl. (as also in the working-plans given to the overseers in xxxi. 7 et seq.), which narrate the progress of the work, they are enumerated according to their arrangement. (這也是在工作計劃給予監督員三十一。 7起。 ) ,其中敘述的工作進展情況,他們根據自己所列舉的安排。

Religion.宗教。

Exodus contains the most fundamental anct sublime revelations of God regarding His nature and will, and describes the beginnings of the theocratic constitution of the Israelitic people and the foundations of its ethics, law, customs, and worship.出埃及記中包含的最根本的anct崇高啟示上帝就其性質和意願,並介紹了開始的神權憲法Israelitic人民和基礎的道德,法律,習俗和宗教。 God, as revealed in Exodus, is not a new, hitherto unknown God: He is the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob-the Fathers of the people-who has protected them and has been worshiped by them (Ex. ii. 24; iii. 6, 13-18; iv. 5; vi. 3, 8; xv. 2; xxxii. 13).上帝,作為顯示在外流,並不是一個新的,未知的上帝:他是上帝的亞伯拉罕,以撒和雅各,父親的人,誰也保護他們,並一直崇拜的人(例如:二。 24 ;三。 6 , 13-18 ;四。 5 ;六。 3日, 8日;十五。 2 ;三十二。 13 ) 。 He Himself designates the name by which He is to be addressed: " [Yhwh], the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob" (iii. 15).他本人指定的名稱,他是要解決: “ [ Yhwh ] ,上帝的父親,亞伯拉罕的神,以撒的神,和雅各的上帝” ( iii. 15 ) 。 The book, however, expressly purposes to reveal, or fully develop, for the first time certain aspects of the divine nature that have not hitherto been noted.這本書,但是,明確的目的,以揭示,或充分發展,首次某些方面的神聖性質,迄今一直沒有注意到。 When God appears to Moses in the flaming bush, and commissions him, to announce to the Israelites their impending liberation, Moses asks doubtingly (iii. 13): "Behold when I come unto the children of Israel, and shall say unto them, The God of your fathers hath sent me unto you; and they shall say to me, What is his name? what shall I say unto them?"當上帝似乎摩西在熊熊布什和佣金,他宣布自己的猶太人即將解放,摩西問懷疑( iii. 13 ) : “看,當我來到你們的孩子以色列,並須對他們說,該上帝的父親差遣我告訴你,他們應告訴我,他叫什麼名字?我該怎麼對他們說? “ Moses seeks to know, not the name of God, but what God's name, which he knows is full of significance, expresses in this particular case.摩西要求知道,而不是真主的名義,但上帝的名字,而他知道是充分的意義,表示在這件事。 Moses is well aware that the name "Yhwh" means "the Almighty," and that salvation rests with God; but in his anxiety, amounting indeed to a lack of faith, he wishes to know at once how God will save.摩西很清楚,名稱為“ Yhwh ”的意思是“萬能的” ,而在於上帝救恩,但在他的焦慮,數額確實缺乏信心,他希望知道如何一次上帝會拯救。

Revelations of God.上帝的啟示。

God, however, will not announce that now; merely comforting him by saying (iii. 14) ("I will be there [helping when necessary] in such a way as I may deem fit"; AV "I AM THAT I AM").上帝,但不會宣布,現在只是安慰他說( iii. 14 ) ( “我將在那裡[在必要時幫助]以這樣一種方式,我認為適當的” ;影音“我,我” ) 。 "I will prove myself as the Almighty, the unfailing savior." “我將證明自己是萬能的,是經久不衰的救星。 ” On this passage, if interpreted rightly, is based the passage vi.在此通過,如果正確的解釋,是基於通過六。 2, where God encourages Moses-who is disappointed because reference to this name has availed him nothing-by saying "I am Yhwh! I have revealed myself as a faithful God ["El Shaddai"] to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, without their having known me according to my name Yhwh." 2 ,如果上帝鼓勵摩西是誰的是失望,因為提到這個名字已經沒有利用他,說: “我Yhwh !我發現自己是一個忠實的上帝[ ”薩爾瓦多代“ ]亞伯拉罕,以撒和雅各,而不他們就認識我根據我的名字Yhwh 。 “ And now God works His miracles, all with the express intention that the people may "know that I am Yhwh" (vi. 7; vii. 5, 17; viii. 6, 18; ix. 14, 25, 29; x. 2: xiv. 18; xvi. 12).上帝的作品,現在他的奇蹟,所有的明確意向的人可能會“知道,我Yhwh ” ( vi. 7 ;七。 5日, 17日;八。 6 , 18 ;九。 14 , 25 , 29 ;十2 : 14 。 18 ;十六。 12 ) 。 Thus, God is, as His name Yhwh implies, the almighty Savior, subject only to His own will, independent, above nature and commanding it; the God of miracles; the helpful God, who uses His power for moral purposes in order to establish law and liberty in the world, by destroying the wicked and saving the oppressed (iii. 8; vi. 6; vii. 5; xv. 2, 3, 11), in whose hands are given judgment and salvation (iii., iv., vi. 1-8). In ch.因此,上帝是,因為他的名字Yhwh意味著,萬能的救世主,只服從自己的意志,獨立的,最重要的性質和指揮它;上帝的奇蹟;有益的上帝,誰利用他的權力道德的目的,以建立法律和自由在世界上,摧毀了邪惡和拯救被壓迫( iii. 8 ;六。 6 ;七。 5 ;十五。 2 , 3 , 11 ) ,在誰的手中得到的判斷和救贖( iii. ,四。 ,六。 1-8 ) 。在CH 。 xxxii.三十二。 et seq.起。 is revealed another side of God's nature. Israel has merited His destructive anger because of its sin with the golden calf.另一面揭示上帝的性質。以色列已經值得他的破壞性的憤怒,因為它黃大仙金牛犢。 But God not only refrains from destruction and from recalling His word regarding the promised land; He even listens to Moses' prayers to grant His presence anew to the people.但是,上帝不僅避免破壞和從回顧他的話就樂土;他甚至聽摩西祈禱給予他的出席再次給人民。 When Moses again asks, "Show me thy glory," God answers, "I will make all my goodness pass before thee, and I will proclaim the name of Yhwh before thee, and will be gracious unto whom I will be gracious, and will show mercy unto whom I will show mercy" (xxxiii. 18-19).當摩西再次問道: “告訴我你的榮耀, ”上帝的答案, “我將盡一切天哪通過你之前,我將宣布的名字之前你Yhwh ,將殷勤告訴我將熱情,並會容情告訴他們我會容情“ ( xxxiii. 18-19 ) 。 And again, "Thou canst not see my face: for man shall not see me and live; . . . thou shalt see my back; but my face shall not be seen" (ib. 20, 23, RV).再次, “你canst沒有看到我的臉:為男子不得見我和生活; 。 。 。你應該看到我回來,但我的臉,不得被視為” ( ib. 20日, 23日,右) 。 When God appears to Moses He reveals Himself as "Yhwh, Yhwh God, merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth. Keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty; visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children's children, unto the third and to the fourth generation" (xxxiv. 6-7).當上帝似乎摩西他透露自己是“ Yhwh , Yhwh上帝,仁慈的,親切的,長期遭受苦難,並含有豐富的善良和真理。保持慈悲為數以千計,寬容不公正和侵和罪惡,而且決不會清除犯;訪問不公正的父親的兒童,並根據孩子的孩子,你們的第三和第四代“ ( xxxiv. 6-7 ) 。 In these words God has revealed Himself as a being full of holy zeal against wickedness-a zeal, however, which is counteracted by the immeasurably greater power of His love, mercy, and forgiveness, for these are inexhaustible.在這些話的上帝發現自己當成一個充滿激情的對邪惡的神聖一熱情,然而,這是不可估量的抵消了更大的權力,他的愛,憐憫和寬恕,因為這些是取之不盡,用之不竭。 But even this does not constitute His entire nature, which in its full depth and clarity is beyond the comprehension of man. These two revelations contain the highest and most blessed insight into the nature of God ever attained; and around them may be grouped the other statements regarding God which the book of Exodus contains.但是,即使這並不構成他的整個性質,在其充分的深度和清晰度,無法理解的人。這兩個披露含有最高和最神聖的洞察性質上帝實現;並在他們周圍可分為其他有關上帝的圖書流亡載。

God the Absolutely Exalted One.上帝的絕對上人之一。

God is the absolutely Exalted One, who can not be compared with any other gods; even the Midianite Jethro admits that Yhwh is greater than all gods (xv. 1, 11; xviii. 11).上帝是絕對上人一個,誰不能與任何其他神;甚至Midianite Jethro承認, Yhwh大於所有神( xv. 1 , 11 ;十八。 11 ) 。 The whole world belongs to God: He has created heaven and earth and all that is therein; He rules forever; He performs marvels; nothing like Him has ever been; hence He is an object of veneration (xv. 11, 18; xix. 5; xx. 11; xxxiv. 10).整個世界只屬於上帝:他創造了天地和一切情況;他的規則永遠;履行奇蹟;沒有像他這樣過,因此他崇拜的對象( xv. 11日, 18日;十九。 5 ;二十。 11 ;三十四。 10 ) 。 He givesspeech to man, or leaves him deaf and dumb; gives him sight, or makes him blind (iv. 11).他givesspeech到人,或離開他又聾又啞;給他看,或使他失明( iv. 11 ) 。 He has power over men's hearts, either encouraging them to do good (iii. 21, xi. 3, xii. 36), or, having larger ends in view, not preventing them from doing evil ("hardening the heart," iv. 21; vii. 3; x. 1, 20; xiv. 4, 17).他有權對男人的心,無論是鼓勵他們做好事( iii. 21十一。 3 ,十二。 36 ) ,或者有更大的目的來看,沒有阻止他們作惡( “強化心臟, ”四。 21 ;七。 3 ;十, 1 , 20 ;十四。 4 , 17 ) 。 God is omniscient: He knows the distant, the future, what man may be expected to do according to his nature (vi. 4-13, 29; viii. 11, 15; ix. 12, 35; xxiv. 20; xxxiv. 10-12).上帝是全知全能的:他知道遙遠的未來,什麼人可以預期這樣根據他的性質( vi. 4月13日, 29日;八。 11 , 15 ;九。 12 , 35 ; 24 。 20 ;三十四。 10月12日) 。 From God proceed artistic inspiration, wisdom, insight, knowledge, and skill (xxxi. 3; xxxv. 31, 34; xxxvi. 1, 2).來自上帝著手藝術靈感,智慧,洞察力,知識和技能( xxxi. 3 ;三十五。 31 , 34 ;三十六。 1 , 2 ) 。

God is Providence (ii. 25); He rewards good deeds, be they done from fear of or love for Him (i. 21, xx. 6).上帝是普羅維登斯(白介素25 ) ;他獎勵好事,無論他們做免於恐懼或樂意看到他(一21 , XX元。 6 ) 。 He is not indifferent to human misery; He sees and hears and intervenes at the right moment (iii. 7; iv. 31; vi. 5; xxii. 22, 26); He makes promises which He fulfils (ii. 24, iii. 16, iv. 31, vi. 5, xxxii. 13).他不是漠視人類的苦難;他見聞和干預在適當的時候( iii. 7 ;四。 31 ;六。 5 ;二十二。 22日, 26日) ;他讓他履行承諾, (白介素24 ,三。 16日,四。 31日,六。 5 ,三十二。 13 ) 。 God is jealous and leaves nothing unpunished (xx. 7, xxxiv. 7); but He always punishes the sinner Himself, admitting no vicarious death, even if it is offered (xxxii. 33).上帝是嫉妒和葉片沒有受到懲罰( xx. 7 ,三十四。 7 ) ;但他總是親自懲罰罪人,承認沒有替代死亡,即使是提供( xxxii. 33 ) 。 His great moral indignation ("anger") against sin would be destructive (xxxii. 10, 33) were not His forgiving love still greater (xx. 5, xxxii. 14, xxxiii. 19).他的偉大的道德義憤( “憤怒” )將是對罪惡的破壞性( xxxii. 10 , 33 ) ,並不是他的寬容愛更大( xx. 5 ,三十二。 14 ,三十三。 19 ) 。 He is gracious and full of mercy (xv. 13, xxxiv. 6).他是優雅和充滿憐憫( xv. 13日,三十四。 6 ) 。 His presence means grace; it sanctifies; for He Himself "is glorious in holiness" (xv. 11, xxix. 43).他的存在意味著寬限期;它認可,因為他自己是“光榮的神聖” ( xv. 11 ,第29屆。 43 ) 。

Man can not perceive God in His entire nature; he may only look after God when He has passed by and imagine Him (Dillmann to Ex. xxxiii. 22).人不能認為上帝在他的整個性質,他可能只照顧上帝當他通過和想像他( Dillmann當然。三十三。 22 ) 。

Yet God reveals Himself to man; ie, He informs man visibly and audibly of His presence and will.然而,上帝向人顯示自己,即他通知的人明顯和聲音的他的出席和會。 God, who has already appeared to the Fathers, appears in the flaming bush, in the pillar of cloud and of fire on the march, in the clouds in which He came down on Sinai, in the fire on the mountain, in the cloud in the desert, in the pillar of cloud on Moses' tent, in the cloud from which He calls out to Moses His attributes of grace, in the cloud and the fire that serve as signals to the Israelites to start or to encamp (vi. 3; xiii. 21; xiv. 19; xix. 11; xx.; xxiv. 15, 17; xxxiii. 9; xxxiv. 5; xl. 34-36).上帝,誰已經出現父親,出現在熊熊布什,在支柱雲和火災的征途上,在雲中,他在西奈半島上,在火上的山,在雲中沙漠中的支柱雲對摩西的帳篷,在雲從他呼籲向摩西他屬性的寬限期,在雲和消防充當信號以色列人開始或恩坎普( vi. 3 ;十三。 21 ;十四。 19 ; 19 。 11 ;二十。 ;二十四。 15日, 17日;三十三。 9 ;三十四。 5 ;儀。 34-36 ) 。 This divine appearance is called God's message (xiv. 19; xxiii. 20, 23; xxxii. 34; xxxiii. 2) or His glory (xvi. 7, 10; xxiv. 16-17; xxxiii. 22; xl. 34).這神聖的外觀被稱為上帝的訊息( xiv. 19 ;二十三。 20日, 23日;三十二。 34 ;三十三。 2 )或他的榮耀( xvi. 7日, 10日;二十四。 16-17 ;三十三。 22 ;儀。 34 ) 。

God appears in order to make Himself known, to give commands, and to impart reverence leading to obedience (xvi. 10, xix. 9, xx. 20).上帝似乎為了讓自己知道,給命令,並傳授崇敬導致服從( xvi. 10 , 19 。 9 , XX元。 20 ) 。 God speaks chiefly with Moses; He puts the words in Moses' mouth, and tells him what to say; He talks with him face to face, as a man with his neighbor, and gives him a staff as a token of his office (iii. 15; iv. 17; vii. 2, 17, 20; ix. 23; x. 13; xxxiii. 11).上帝說主要與摩西;他提出的詞語摩西口,並告訴他該說些什麼;他與他會談面對面,作為一個男人與他的鄰居,並給他一個工作人員,以示他的辦公室(三。 15 ;四。 17 ;七。 2 , 17 , 20 ;九。 23 ;十13 ;三十三。 11 ) 。 But God also speaks from heaven to the entire people (xx. 22), and orders for Himself a permanent dwelling-place among them in the tabernacle set up according to His directions (xx. 22, xxv. 8, xxix. 45); He descends thither in order to talk with Moses, His especial place being the cover of the Ark of the Covenant, between the two cherubim (xxv. 22, xxix. 43, xxx. 6).但是,上帝還談到從天上到整個人( xx. 22 ) ,並命令自己的永久居住地在它們之間建立帳幕根據他的指示( xx. 22二十五。 8日,第29屆。 45 ) ;他降臨到那裡,以便同摩西,他的特殊地位被封面的約櫃,兩國之間的革魯賓( xxv. 22日,第29屆。 43 ,三十。 6 ) 。

Israel.以色列。

God has made a covenant with the Fathers of the people, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, that He will multiply them as the stars of heaven; that He will remember them, save them, and give to them and their descendants the land of Canaan-a land "flowing with milk and honey," and that, shall reach "from the Red Sea even unto the sea of the Philistines, and from the desert unto the river" (ii. 24; iii. 8, 17; vi. 4-8; xiii. 5; xxiii. 31; xxxii. 13; xxxiii. 3).上帝提出了盟約的父親的人,亞伯拉罕,以撒和雅各,他將乘他們作為星級的天堂; ,他將記住他們,拯救他們,讓他們和他們的後代的土地迦南給土地“流動的牛奶和蜂蜜” ,並指出,應達到“從紅海海域甚至你們的非利士人,和你們從沙漠的河” (白介素24 ;三。 8日, 17日;六。 4月8日;十三。 5 ;二十三。 31 ;三十二。 13 ;三十三。 3 ) 。 God remembers this covenant and keeps it despite everything, as is exemplified in the deliverance of Israel and the destruction of Pharaoh (i. 7, 12; iii. 7; vi. 1; xxiii. 20); He does not forget it, in spite of the dejection and the murmurings of the people (vi. 9; xiv. 10; xv. 24; xvi. 2, 27; xvii. 3), their worship of the golden calf and their obstinacy (xxxii. 9; xxxiii. 3, 5; xxxiv. 9).上帝還記得這個公約,並保持它儘管這一切,這是體現在解救以色列和銷毀法老(一7日, 12日;三。 7 ;六。 1 ;二十三。 20 ) ;他沒有忘記,在儘管沮喪和murmurings人民( vi. 9 ;十四。 10 ;十五。 24 ;十六。 2 , 27 ;十七。 3 ) ,他們崇拜的黃金小腿及其固執( xxxii. 9 ;三十三。 3日, 5日;三十四。 9 ) 。 He leads, fights for, heals, and educates Israel and destroys Israel's enemies (xiii. 17; xiv. 14, 25; xv. 3, 26; xvi. 4; xx. 20; xxiii. 22, 23, 27; xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11, 24).他所領導,為爭取,醫治,並教育和以色列摧毀以色列的敵人( xiii. 17 ;十四。 14 , 25 ;十五。 3 , 26 ;十六。 4 ;二十。 20 ;二十三。 22 , 23 , 27 ;三十三。 2 ,三十四。 11 , 24 ) 。 The Israelites are God's people, His host, His first-born son (vi. 7, vii. 4, xii. 41, xv. 16, xxxii. 11 et seq.; xxxiii. 13, 16).以色列人是上帝的子民,他的主人,他的第一個出生的兒子( vi. 7七。 4 ,十二。 41 ,十五。 16 ,三十二。 11起。 ;三十三。 13日, 16日) 。 Yhwh will be Israel's God (vi. 7, xxix. 5).耶和華將以色列的上帝( vi. 7 ,第29屆。 5 ) 。 Israel is His property ("segullah").以色列是他的財產( “ segullah ” ) 。 Above all people Israel shall be His people, "a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation," if Israel will listen to God's voice and keep His covenant (xix. 5, 6).上述所有的人,以色列應他的人民, “一個英國的牧師,和一個神聖的國家, ”如果以色列將聽取上帝的聲音,保持他的盟約( xix. 5 , 6 ) 。 Therefore He gives to the Israelites commandments, descends to them in His glory, holds them worthy of renewed revelations, and orders divine service (xxiv. 8, xxxiv. 27).因此,他給予猶太人的命令,他們在降他的榮耀,值得擁有這些新的啟示,並命令神聖服務( xxiv. 8 ,三十四。 27 ) 。

The Moral Law.道德法。

In Exodus are found for the first time the preeminent characteristics of the Israelitic law: its origin in and pragmatic connection with history.在出埃及記發現首次卓越的特點Israelitic法:它的原產地和務實結合的歷史。 An account is given of the laws in connection with the events that called them forth.一個帳戶是法律方面的事件,稱他們提出的。 Thus, on the one hand, history explains and justifies the Law, while on the other the Law keeps alive and commemorates the events and teachings of history.因此,一方面,歷史解釋和合理的法律,另一方面法律保持活著,紀念的事件和歷史的教誨。 As furthermore God is the subject of history as well as the lawgiver, Israel's religion assumes here the fundamental characteristic that determines its entire future development: it is a law founded on God as revealed in history.至於此外上帝是歷史的主題以及立法者,以色列的宗教假設這裡的基本特徵,決定了整個未來的發展:它是一個法律基礎上的上帝揭示的歷史。 The basis is the Decalogue, the Ten Commandments (Ex. xx. 1-17), in which all duties are designated as duties toward the God who liberated Israel from the slavery of Egypt.根據是十誡,十誡(例如: XX元。 1月17日) ,其中所有的職責被指定為職責對上帝誰解放以色列從埃及的奴役。 Israel must not recognize any other God; idolatry and the making and worshiping of images are forbidden (xx. 2-5, 23; xxiii. 13, 24, 33; xxxii.; xxxiv. 12-14, 17); Israel shall beware of seductive intercourse with the idolatrous Canaanites; sacrificing to idols, and magic, are punishable by death.以色列必須不承認任何其他上帝崇拜和決策和崇拜的圖像被禁止( xx. 2月5日, 23日;二十三。 13 , 24 , 33 ;三十二。 ;三十四。 12月14日, 17 ) ;以色列應提防性交的誘人的盲目崇拜迦南;犧牲為偶像,和魔術,可處以死刑。 Nor may the name of the true God be applied to vain idols (this is the only correct explanation of xx. 7).也可能的名字,真正的上帝適用於徒勞的偶像(這是唯一正確的解釋二十。 7 ) 。 God is recognized as Creator of the world by the sanctification of the Sabbath, on which man and beast shall rest from all labors (xvi. 23 et seq., xx. 7 et seq., xxiii. 12, xxxi. 12-17, xxxv. 1-3), and also by the observance of the Sabbatical year (xxiii. 10).上帝是公認的世界上創造的神聖的安息日,這名男子和其他野獸須從所有勞動者( xvi. 23起。 ,二十。 7起。 ,二十三。 12日,三十一。 12月17日,三十五。 1-3 ) ,並在遵守公休一年( xxiii. 10 ) 。 He is recognized as Israel's savior from Egyptian oppression by the celebration of the Passover (see below).他是公認的以色列的救星來自埃及壓迫慶祝逾越節(見下文) 。

"Honor thy father and thy mother: that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee" (xx. 12, fifth commandment). “榮譽你父親和你媽媽:這可能是你的日子後,長期的土地主你的上帝giveth你” ( xx. 12日,第五誡) 。 He who strikes or insults his father or mother is punished by death (xxi. 15, 17).他誰攻擊或侮辱他的父親或母親將被處以死刑( xxi. 15日, 17日) 。 Honor must also be accorded to those in authority (xxii. 27 [AV 28])."Thou shalt not kill" (xx. 13).榮譽還必須向那些管理局( xxii. 27 [影音28 ] ) 。 “你不可殺人” ( xx. 13 ) 。 Murder is punishable by death (xxi. 12); there is no place of refuge for the murderer, as there is for the accidental homicide, even at the altar (xxi. 13-14).謀殺罪被判處死刑( xxi. 12 ) ;不存在避難場所的殺人犯,因為是意外殺人,甚至在祭壇( xxi. 13日至14日) 。 For bodily injuries there is a fine (xxi. 18-19, 22-25, 28-31).對身體傷害有罰款( xxi. 18-19 , 22-25 , 28-31 ) 。

"Thou shalt not commit adultery" (xx. 14). “你應該不可姦淫” ( xx. 14 ) 。 Lechery and intercourse with animals are punishable by death (xxii. 17); the seducer of a virgin must either marry her or compensate her father (xxii. 15 et seq.). Lechery ,以及與動物處以死刑( xxii. 17 ) ;的seducer處女必須娶她或補償她父親( xxii. 15起。 ) 。 "Thou shalt not steal" (xx. 15). “你應該不會偷” ( xx. 15 ) 。 Kidnaping is punishable by death (xxi. 16). Killing of a burglar is justifiable. Whoever steals cattle, slaughtering and selling it, has to pay four or five times its value; if it is found alive, double; if the thief is unable to pay he is sold into slavery (xxi. 37, xxii. 3).綁架是判處死刑( xxi. 16 ) 。 殺害了一名竊賊的做法是合理的。誰搶斷牛,屠宰和銷售,已支付4或5倍的價值;如果發現活著,雙擊;如果竊賊無法支付他是賣去當奴隸( xxi. 37 , 22 。 3 ) 。 Property injured or destroyed must be made good (xxi. 33-36, xxii. 4-14).受傷或毀壞財產,必須取得良好( xxi. 33-36 , 22 。 4月14日) 。

"Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor" (xx. 16). Justice, veracity, impartiality, honesty in court, are enjoined (xxiii. 1, 2, 6-8). “你應該不承擔偽證對你的鄰居” ( xx. 16 ) 。司法部,真實性,公正,誠實在法庭上,責成( xxiii. 1 , 2 , 6月8日) 。 An oath is demanded where there is suspicion of a default (xxii. 7 et seq.).宣誓的要求有懷疑的默認( xxii. 7起。 ) 。

"Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anything that is thy neighbor's (xx. 17). The duties to one's neighbor include both kindly deeds and kindly thoughts. The poor man must be cared for: justice shall be done to him; loans shall be made to him; and he shall not be pressed for payment, nor shall the necessaries of life be taken in pawn (xxii. 24 et seq.). Widows and orphans shall not be oppressed; for God is their advocate (xxii. 21). Strangers shall not be injured or oppressed; "for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt" (xxii. 20, xxiii. 9); they also shall rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10). A Hebrew bond-servant shall not serve longer than six years, unless he himself chooses to remain. He may not earn any wages for himself while serving. The master of a girl that has been sold into servitude shall marry her or give her a dower. Servants are to be set free on receiving bodily injuries; and death caused by an animal is requited (xxi. 1-11, 20, 21, 26, 27, 32). Servants also shall rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10, xxiii. 12). Animals shall be treated gently (xxiii. 4, 5, 19), and be allowed to rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10; xxiii. 12). Consideration for an enemy is enjoined (xxiii. 4, 5). To do these commandments is to obey God (xv. 26, xvi. 28, xx. 6, xxiii, 13). Israel shall trust in Him (iii.-vi., xiv. 31, xvi., xvii. 7, xix. 9); and in a significant passage (xx. 6) the love for God is accentuated. “你應該不會覬覦你鄰居的房子,你應該不會覬覦你鄰居的妻子,還是他的僕人,也沒有他的女僕,和他的牛,還是他的屁股,也沒有任何東西是你的鄰居( xx. 17 ) 。委員會的職責,以一個人的鄰居既包括善意的行為和善意的想法。窮人必須照顧:司法應做給他;貸款應給他,他不得壓制支付,也不得必需品的生活應採取的棋子(二十二。 24起。 ) 。寡婦和孤兒不得壓迫;上帝是他們的代言人( xxii. 21 ) 。陌生人不得受傷或受壓迫; “為業的陌生人在埃及的土地上” ( xxii. 20 ,二十三。 9 ) ;它們也應休息安息日( xx. 10 ) 。希伯來債券受僱人不得超過六年,除非他自己選擇留下來。他可能無法獲得任何工資,同時為自己服務。船長一個女孩已經賣到奴役應娶她或她的嫁妝。公務員設置免費接受身體傷害和死亡所造成的動物是requited ( xxi. 1月11日, 20 , 21 , 26 , 27 , 32 ) 。其餘人員也應在安息日( xx. 10 ,二十三。 12 ) 。動物應視為輕輕( xxiii. 4 , 5 , 19 ) ,並允許其他在安息日( xx. 10 ;二十三。 12 ) 。審議的敵人是責成( xxiii. 4 , 5 ) 。要做到這些誡命是服從上帝( xv. 26十六。 28 , XX元。 6 , 23 , 13 ) 。以色列應信任在他( iii.-vi. ,十四。月31日,十六。 ,十七。 7 ,十九。 9 ) ;和重大通行( xx. 6 )對上帝的愛是加劇。

Cult.邪教。

In Exodus the beginnings of the national cult are seen.在出埃及記的開端全國邪教觀察。 It is strictly forbidden to make or worship idols (xx. 3, 23; xxiii. 24; xxxii.; xxxiv. 13, 17).嚴格禁止製造或崇拜偶像( xx. 3 , 23 ;二十三。 24 ;三十二。 ;三十四。 13日, 17日) 。 The symbol of the Divine Presence is the Tabernacle built according to God's directions, more especially the cover of the Ark of the Covenant and the space between the cherubim thereon (see Tabernacle).的象徵,神的存在是會幕內置根據上帝的指示,尤其是封面的約櫃和空間之間的革魯賓(見幕) 。 Worship by specially sanctified priests shall be observed in this sanctuary (see Leviticus).特別崇拜的神聖牧師,應遵守本避難所(見利未記) 。 The festivals include the Sabbath, for which no ritual is mentioned, and three "pilgrimage festivals," at which all males are to appear before God (xxiii. 14-17, xxxiv. 18-23).該節包括安息日,而沒有提到儀式,和三個“朝聖節” ,在所有男性出庭上帝( xxiii. 14日至17日,三十四。 18-23 ) 。

The Passover is discussed in detail, a large part of the book being devoted to its institution (xii. 1-28, 43-50; xiii. 1-16; xxiii. 15; xxxiv. 18-20); and its historical origin is to be brought home to all future generations (xii. 2, 14, 17, 24-27, 42; xiii. 5-10, 16; see MaẒẒah; PesaḤ; Seder).逾越節中詳細討論,有很大一部分書專門用於其機構( xii. 1月28日, 43-50 ;十三。 1月16日;二十三。 15 ;三十四。 18-20日) ;及其歷史淵源要帶回家給所有後代( xii. 2日, 14日, 17日, 24日至27日, 42 ;十三。 5月10日, 16日;見MaẒẒah ; PesaḤ ; Seder ) 。 Toward evening of the 14th day of the first month a yearling male lamb or kid without blemish shall be slaughtered, roasted by the fire, and eaten at the family dinner, together with unleavened bread and bitter herbs.傍晚的第14天的第一個月1周歲的男性羊肉或孩子沒有污點應屠宰,烤的火,在家庭吃晚餐,一起酵餅和痛苦的草藥。 It must be roasted whole, with the legs and entrails, and no bones must be broken; none of the meat must be carried from the house, but whatever remains until morning must be burned.它必須是烤整體而言,腿部和內臟,並沒有骨頭必須打破;沒有肉必須進行的房子,但直到今天仍然是必須被燒毀。 In connection with this there is a seven days' festival (), the Feast of Maẓẓot (unleavened bread). This bread shall be eaten for seven days, from the 14th to the 21st of the first month (the month of Abib, in which Israel went out from Egypt; xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18).在這方面有一個7天節( ) ,節Maẓẓot (酵餅) 。這個麵包應吃7天,從14日至21月的第一次(每月的Abib ,其中以色列出去來自埃及;二十三。 15日,三十四。 18 ) 。 It is strictly forbidden to partake of anything leavened; it must be removed from the house on the first day.嚴禁參與任何卻不;它必須是從房子的第一天。 The first and the seventh day are strictly days of rest, on which only necessary food may be prepared.第一次和第七天嚴格天的休息,這只是必要的糧食可能準備。 The sanctification of the firstlings that belong to God is also connected with the Passover. The first-born child, and that of the ass, which can not be sacrificed, must be redeemed by a lamb (xiii. 1 et seq., xxii. 28, xxxiv. 19 et seq.).在成聖的firstlings屬於上帝也與逾越節。在第一個孩子,而且在質量,不能犧牲,必須贖回羔羊( xiii. 1起。 ,二十二。 28日,三十四。 19起。 ) 。 Other festivals are (1) the cutting of the first-fruits of the harvest ("Ḥag ha-Ḳaẓir") or the Feast of Weeks ("Ḥag Shabu'ot"), and (2) the harvest-home ("Ḥag ha-Asif") at the end of the year, after the harvest has been gathered in (xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22).其他節日有: ( 1 )切割的第一水果的收成( “女巫河Ḳaẓir ” )或七七節( “女巫Shabu'ot ” ) ,和( 2 )收穫回家( “女巫公頃-阿西夫“ )在今年年底前,後的收穫已經聚集在( xxiii. 16日,三十四。 22 ) 。 At these festivals the people must not appear empty-handed before God; they must not mix the blood of the Passover sacrifice with leavened bread, nor leave the sacrifice until the morning; they must take the firstlings of the field into the house of God, and must not seethe the kid in its mother's milk (xxiii. 18, 19; xxxiv. 25, 26).在這些節日的人絕不能出現空手上帝面前,他們必須不能混用的血液逾越節犧牲與卻不麵包,也沒有離開的犧牲,直到今天上午,他們必須採取firstlings外地進了屋子的上帝,而且絕不能沸騰的孩子在其母親的牛奶( xxiii. 18日, 19日;三十四。 25日, 26日) 。 The tithes from the barn and the vineyard must not be delayed.在什一稅從穀倉和葡萄園絕不能拖延。 Animals torn in the field ("ṭerefah") must not be eaten, but must be thrown to the dogs, for "ye shall be holy men" (xxii. 28-30; AV 29-31).EGHBJ動物蹂躪領域( “ ṭerefah ” )不能吃,但必須拋出的狗,為“葉應神聖的男子” ( xxii. 28-30 ;影音29-31段) 。 EGHBJ

-Critical View I.:臨界檢視一:

The Book of Exodus, like the other books of the Hexateuch, is of composite origin, being compiled of documents originally distinct, which have been excerpted and combined by a redactor (see Pentateuch).出書,像其他書籍的Hexateuch ,是複合出身,正在編制的文件原先不同,它已經摘錄和合併的redactor (見摩西五) 。 The two main sources used in Exodus are the one now generally known as "JE," the chief component parts of which date probably from the seventh or eighth century BC, and the one denoted by "P," which is generally considered to have been written during or shortly after the Babylonian captivity.兩個主要來源用於出埃及記是現在一般稱為“日本腦炎” ,行政的組成部分,該日期可能是從第七或公元前8世紀,一個被命名的為“ P ” ,這被普遍認為已書面期間或之後不久巴比倫囚禁。 The former of these sources is in tone and character akin to the writings of the great prophets; the latter is evidently the work of a priest, whose chief interest it was to trace to their origin, and describe with all needful particularity, the ceremonial institutions of his people.前這些來源的語氣和性質類似的著作偉大先知,後者顯然是工作的一名牧師,他們主要關心的是追查其來源,並說明了一切必要的特殊性,對禮儀機構他的人民。 It is impossible, within the limits of the present article, to state the details of the analysis, at least in what relates to the line of demarcation between J and E, or to discuss the difficult problems which arise inconnection with the account of the legislation contained in JE (xix.-xxiv. and xxxii.-xxxiv.); but the broad and important line of demarcation between P and JE may be indicated, and the leading characteristics of the principal sources may be briefly outlined.這是不可能的範圍內,本規定,以國家的詳細情況分析,至少在什麼涉及之間分界線J和英文,或以討論棘手的問題而產生的帳戶inconnection的立法載於乙腦( xix. - 24 。與xxxii. -三十四。 ) ;但廣泛而重要的分界線之間的P和乙腦可表示,與主要特徵的主要來源可簡要概述。

The parts of Exodus which belong to P are: i.出的部分屬於為P是:一, 1-5, 7, 13-14, ii. 23b-25 (the oppression); vi. 1月5日, 7日, 13日至14日,二。 23b - 25 (壓迫) ;六。 2-vii. 2七。 13 (commission of Moses, with genealogy, vi. 14-27); vii. 13 (委員會摩西,以家譜,六。 14-27 ) ;七。 19-20a, 21b-22, viii. 19 - 20A條,惠及- 22 ,八。 1-3, 11b-15 (AV 5-7, 15b-19), ix. 1-3 , 11B款- 15 (影音5-7 ,第15B - 19 ) ,第九章。 8-12, xi. 8月12日,十一。 9-10 (the plagues); xii. 9月10日(該瘟疫) ;十二。 1-20, 28, 37a, 40, 41, 43-51, xiii. 1月20日, 28 , 37A條, 40 , 41 , 43-51 ,十三。 1-2, 20 (Passover, maẓẓot, dedication of first-born); xiv. 1月2日, 20日(逾越節, maẓẓot ,奉獻第一胎) ;十四。 1-4, 8-9, 15-18, 21a, c, 22-23, 26-27a, 28a-29 (passage of Red Sea); xvi. 1月4日, 8月9日, 15日至18日, 21A條,丙, 22日至23日, 26 - 27A條, 49 - 29 (通過紅海) ;十六。 1-3, 6-24, 31-36 (the manna); xvii. 1月3日, 6月24日, 31-36 (的甘露) ;十七。 1a, xix. 1A款,十九。 1-2a (journey to Sinai); xxiv. 1 - 2A型(旅西奈) ;二十四。 15-18a, xxv. 15 - 18A條,二十五。 1-xxxi. 1 -三十一。 18a (instructions respecting the Tabernacle); xxxiv. 18A條(指示尊重幕) ;三十四。 29-35, xxxv.-xl. (the construction and erection of the Tabernacle). 29-35 xxxv.-xl. (建造和安裝的幕) 。 The rest of the book consists of J and E, which (before they were combined with P) were united into a whole by a redactor, and at the same time, it seems, expanded in parts (especially in the legal portions) by hortatory or didactic additions, approximating in style to Deuteronomy.其餘的書包括了J和E (合併前與P )是聯合國為一體的redactor ,並在同一時間,看來,擴大在地區(特別是在法律的部分)的勸告或教學的補充,在風格近似申命記。

Characteristics of JE.特徵乙腦。

In JE's narrative, particularly in the parts belonging to J, the style is graphic and picturesque, the descriptions are vivid and abound in detail and colloquy, and both emotion and religious feeling are warmly and sympathetically expressed.在乙腦的敘事,尤其是在部分屬於至J ,款式圖片和風景如畫,有生動的描述,並在很多細節和討論會,雙方感情和宗教感情的熱烈和表示同情。 As between J and E, there are sometimes differences in the representation.作為J和é之間有差異,有時的代表性。 In the account of the plagues, for instance, the Israelites are represented by J as living apart in Goshen (viii. 18 [AV 22], ix. 26; compare Gen. xlv. 10, xlvi. 28, etc.; also J); and the plagues are sent by Yhwh at a specified time announced beforehand to Pharaoh by Moses. In E the Israelites are represented, not as occupying a district apart, but as living side by side with the Egyptians (iii. 22, xi. 2, xii. 85 et seq.); and the plague is brought to pass on the spot by Moses with his rod (vii. 20b; ix. 23; x. 12, 13a; compare iv. 2, 17, 20b; xvii, 5; also E) or his hand (x. 22).該帳戶中的困擾,例如,以色列人是由j的同住在戈申( viii. 18 [影音22 ] ,第九章。 26 ;比較將軍第四十五。 10 ,四十六。 28等;也J ) ;和瘟疫發送的Yhwh在某一特定時間內宣布事先法老的摩西。在電子商務以色列人的代表,而不是佔領一個區分開,但由於毗鄰共存與埃及人( iii. 22十一。 2 ,十二。 85起。 ) ;和鼠疫提請通過在現場的摩西與他的棒( vii. 20B條;九。 23 ;十, 12 , 13A條;比較四。 2 , 17 , 20B條;十七, 5 ;也e )或他的手(十22 ) 。 An interesting chapter belonging to E is xviii., which presents a picture of Moses legislating.一個有趣的章節屬於E是十八。 ,這是一個圖片的摩西立法。 Disputes arise among the people; they are brought before Moses for settlement; and his decisions are termed "the statutes and directions ["torot"] of God."糾紛發生在人民群眾中,他們提交給摩西的解決;和他的決定被稱為“的章程和方向[ ” torot “ ]的上帝。 ” It was the office of the priests afterward to give direction () upon cases submitted to them, in matters both of civil right (Deut. xvii. 17) and of ceremonial observance (ib. xxiv. 8; Hag. ii. 11-13); and it is difficult not to think that in Exodus xviii.這是辦公室神父後給方向( )在案件提交給他們,在這兩個問題的公民權利( Deut.十七。 17 )和遵守的禮儀( ib.二十四。 8 ;哈格。二。 11月13日) ;和很難不認為,在出埃及記十八。 there is a genuine historical tradition of the manner in which the nucleus of Hebrew law was created by Moses himself.確實有歷史傳統的方式,核心部分的希伯來語法是由摩西本人。

JE's account of the Sinaitic legislation is contained in xix. 3-xxiv.乙腦的帳戶的Sinaitic的立法載於十九。 3 - 24 。 14, 18b; xxxi. 14 , 18B條;三十一。 18b-xxxiv. 18B條,三十四。 28. 28 。 This narrative, when examined attentively, discloses manifest marks of composite structure.這說明,在認真審查,公開表現出的痕跡複合結構。 The greater part of it belongs tolerably clearly to E, viz.: xix.大部份屬於相當清楚至E ,即。 :十九。 3-19; xx.-xxiii. 3月19日; xx. -二十三。 33 (expanded in parts by the compiler); xxiv. 33 (擴展部分的編譯器) ;二十四。 3-8, 12-14, 18b; xxxi. 3月8日, 12月14日, 18B條;三十一。 18b; xxxii. 18B條;三十二。 1-8 (9-14, probably compiler), 15-35; xxxiii. 5-11. 1月8日( 9月14日,可能編譯器) , 15-35 ;三十三。 5月11日。 To J belong xix.至J屬於十九。 20-25, xxiv. 20-25 , 24 。 1-2, 9-11 (fragments of an account of the theophany on Sinai); and xxxiii. 1月2日, 9月11日(片段的一個帳戶上的神西奈) ;和三十三。 1-4, xxxiii. 12-xxxiv. 1月4日,三十三。 12三十四。 28 appear also to be based upon J, but amplified by the compiler. 28似乎也將依據J ,但擴增的編譯器。 A particularly noticeable passage in E's narrative is xxxiii.通過一個特別引人注目的電子商務中的敘事是三十三。 7-11, which preserves the oldest representation of the "Tent of Meeting"; it was outside the camp (compare Num. xi. 16, 17, 24-30; xii. 4; also E; and contrast the representation of P in Num. ii. et seq.); the youthful Joshua was its keeper; and Moses from time to time repaired to it for the purpose of communing with Yhwh. Evidently the Tent of Meeting, as pictured by E, was a much simpler structure than it is in the representation of P (xxvi.-xxxi., etc.), just as the altar (xx. 24-26), feasts, etc. (xxiii. 10-19), presented by E, reflect the usage of a simpler, more primitive age than do the corresponding regulations in P. 7月11日,其中保存最古老的代表性, “帳篷會議” ,這是營外(比較數。十一。 16 , 17 , 24-30 ;十二。 4 ;還é ;和對比度的代表中P數。二。起。 ) ;年輕約書亞是其管理人;和摩西不時修復它的目的是communing與Yhwh 。很顯然,對帳篷的會議,因為照片以電子郵件,是一個非常簡單的結構比它的代表性的P ( xxvi. -三十一。等) ,就像祭壇( xx. 24日至26日) ,節日等( xxiii. 10月19日) ,由英,反映的用法一個較簡單,較原始時代相比,相應的法規在體育

The laws of JE are contained in xii.乙腦的法律載有十二。 21 27 (Passover); xiii. 21 27 (逾越節) ;十三。 3-16 (maẓẓot and consecration of first-born); xx. 3月16日( maẓẓot和神聖的第一胎) ;二十。 1-17 (the Decalogue); xx. 1月17日(十誡) ;二十。 22-xxiii. 22二十三。 33 (the "Book of the Covenant"; see xxiv. 7); and the repetition (with slight verbal differences, and the addition in xxxiv. 12-17 of more specific warnings against idolatry) of xiii. 12-13, and of the theocratic section of the Book of the Covenant (xxiii. 10-19) in xxxiv. 33 (以下簡稱“公約書” ,見二十四。 7 ) ;和重複(略有口頭分歧,並增加在三十四。 12月17日更具體的警告崇拜)的十三。 12月13日,和神節的圖書盟約( xxiii. 10月19日)在三十四。 10-26 (sometimes called the "Little Book of the Covenant"). 10月26日(有時被稱為“小書的公約” ) 。 The Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant both belong in particular to E.十誡和圖書盟約同屬特別是大腸桿菌

These laws have in many places had parenetic additions made to them by the compiler (eg, much of xiii. 3-16; the explanatory comments in xx. 4-6, 9-11, 12b, 17; xxii. 21b, 22; xxiii. 23-25a).這些法律在許多地方已parenetic增加了他們的編譯器(例如,許多十三。 3月16日;的解釋性意見在二十。 4月6日, 9月11日, 12B條, 17條;二十二。第二十一期乙, 22 ;二十三。 23 - 25A條) 。 The laws in xxxiv.法律在三十四。 10-26 are introduced ostensibly as embodying the conditions for the renewal of the Covenant after it had been broken by the sin of the golden calf; but it is generally supposed that originally they formed a separate collection, which was introduced independently, in slightly different recensions, into E in xxiii. 10-19, and into J here, and which probably, when J was complete, stood as part of J's direct sequel to xxiv. 10月26日,介紹了表面上體現的條件,延長盟約之後,被打破的罪惡金小腿,但人們普遍假定,原本他們組成了一個單獨的集合,這是引入獨立,在略有不同recensions ,到E的二十三。 10月19日,和成J這裡,這也許,當生被完成,為部分生的直接續集二十四。 1-2, 9-11. 1月2日, 9月11日。 Further, although by the author of xxxiv.此外,儘管作者的三十四。 1-28 in its present form (see verse 1b), the "ten commandments" (Hebr. "ten words") of verse 28b are evidently intended to be the Decalogue of xx. 1月28日在其目前的形式(見詩1b )向中, “十誡” ( Hebr. “ 10字” )的詩句28B款顯然打算十誡的二十。 1-17, yet the natural subject of "And he wrote" in verse 28 is "Moses" (compare verse 27); hence it is also inferred by many critics that, in the original context of verse 28, the "ten words" were the preceding group of laws (verses 10-26), which, though now expanded by the compiler, would in that case have comprised originally ten particular injunctions (the "ritual Decalogue" of J, as opposed to the "moral Decalogue" of E in xx. 1-17). 1月17日,但自然主題“和他寫道: ”在28日的詩句“摩西” (比較詩27 ) ,因此它也是推斷許多批評,在原來的背景下詩句28日, “十個字”被前一批法律(詩10月26日) ,雖然現在擴展的編譯器,將在這種情況下,已組成特別禁令原定10 (以下簡稱“禮儀十誡”的J ,而不是“道德十誡”的E在二十。 1月17日) 。 Whatever the true explanation of the double appearance of this little group of laws may be, it is in any case the earliest existing formulation of what were regarded at the time as the essential ritual observances of the religion of Yhwh.無論真正的解釋,雙外觀這個小團體的法律可能是,它在任何情況下,現有提法最早被認為是當時的基本儀式慶祝宗教Yhwh 。

Characteristics of P.特色體育

The literary and other characteristics of P are, mutatis mutandis, the same in Exodus as in other parts of the Hexateuch.文學和其他特性的P的,比照同在出埃及記作為其他地區的Hexateuch 。 The same or similar stereotyped formulas appear; and (as a reference to the synopsis above will show) there is the same disposition to reduce the account of ordinary events to a bare summary, but to enlarge upon everything connected with ceremonial institutions.相同或相似的定型公式出現;和(作為參考以上的大綱將顯示)有同樣的處置,以減少到一個普通的事件暴露總結,但放大後,一切都與禮儀機構。 In i.-xi. the narrative of P runs parallel to that of JE; and the compiler has sometimes preserved divergent versions of the same events.在i.-xi.敘事的P平行的乙腦;和編譯有時保存不同版本的同一事件。 Thus, if vi.因此,如果六。 2-vii. 2七。 13 be compared carefully with iii. 13進行比較仔細三。 1-vi. 1 ,六。 1, it will be seen not to describe the sequel of it, but to contain a parallel and partly divergent account of the commission of Moses and of the preliminary steps taken by him to secure the release of the people. In the narrative of the plagues there aresystematic differences between P and JE: thus in P Aaron cooperates with Moses; no demand for Israel's release is ever made upon Pharaoh, the plagues being viewed rather merely as signs or proofs of power; the description is brief; the success or failure of the Egyptian magicians (who are mentioned only in this narrative) is noted, and the hardening of Pharaoh's heart is expressed by the verb "ḥhazaḳ," "ḥizzaḳ" (this verb is used also by E; but J has regularly "kabed," "hikbid"), In xii.-xiii. 1 ,將被視為不來描述它的續集,但包含一個平行的部分發散到委員會摩西和採取了初步措施,以確保他獲釋的人。敘事中的瘟疫有aresystematic差異P和乙腦:因此在P亞倫與摩西;沒有要求以色列釋放是以往所作的法老,被認為是困擾而僅僅作為標誌或證據的權力;是簡單的描述;的成敗埃及魔術師(誰是只提到在此說明)指出,和硬化法老的心臟是動詞所表示的“ ḥhazaḳ ” , “ ḥizzaḳ ” (這個動詞也用於電子;但律政司已定期“ kabed ” “ hikbid ” ) ,在xii. -十三。 the double strand is particularly evident: Passover, maẓẓot, narrative, and the dedication of the first-born are all in duplicate (in P, xii. 1-13 [43-50 supplementary], 14-20, 28, 37a, 40-41, 51; xiii. 1-2: in JE, xii, 21-27 (which careful comparison will show to be not really the sequel of xii. 1-13), 29-36, 37b-39, 42a; xiii. 3-10, 11-16).在雙鏈尤為明顯:逾越節, maẓẓot ,敘述,和獻身精神的第一個出生的,都是一式兩份(在P ,十二。 1月13日[ 43-50補充] , 14-20 , 28 , 37A條, 40 -41 , 51 ;十三。 1月2日:在乙腦,十二, 21-27 (其中仔細比較,就會顯示是沒有真正的續集的十二。 1月13日) , 29-36 ,第37B - 39 , 42a ;十三。 3月10日, 11月16日) 。

The most characteristic part of P is, however, the account of the instructions given to Moses on the Mount (xxiv. 15-18a) for the construction of the Tabernacle and the appointment of a priesthood (xxv.-xxxi.).最具特色的部分P是,但是,該帳戶的指示摩西山上( xxiv. 15 - 18A條) ,用於建造會幕,並任命了一名司鐸( xxv. -三十一。 ) 。 These instructions fall into two parts: (1) xxv.-xxix.; (2) xxx.-xxxi.這些指令分為兩個部分: ( 1 ) xxv. -二十九。 ; ( 2 ) xxx. -三十一。 In xxv.-xxix.在xxv. -二十九。 the following subjects are dealt with: the Ark, table of show-bread, and candlestick (xxv.); the Tabernacle ("mishkan"), its curtains, boards, and veil (xxvi.); the altar of burnt offering, and the court (xxvii.); the dress of the priests (xxviii.); the ritual for their consecration, and for the daily burnt offering, which it is a primary duty of the priesthood to maintain (xxix. 1-42); and finally what is apparently the formal close of the entire body of instructions, Yhwh's promise to take up His abode in the sanctuary thus established (xxix. 43-46).下列議題都涉及:方舟,表顯示,麵包,燭台( xxv. ) ;會幕( “ mishkan ” ) ,其窗簾,板和面紗( xxvi. ) ;的祭壇上燔祭,和法院( xxvii. ) ;服裝的祭司( xxviii. ) ;儀式的奉獻,並在每日燔祭,它的首要責任鐸保持( xxix. 1-42 ) ;和最後有什麼明顯的正式結束,整個身體的指示, Yhwh的承諾,承擔起居留權聖殿因此建立( xxix. 43-46段) 。 Chapters xxx.-xxxi.章節xxx. -三十一。 contain directions respecting the altar of incense, the maintenance of public worship, the brazen laver, the anointing-oil, the incense (xxx.); the nomination of Bezaleel and Aholiab, and the observance of the Sabbath (xxxi.).包含方向尊重香壇,維護公共禮拜,公然紫菜,在輔之以抹油,香( xxx. ) ;提名Bezaleel和亞何利亞伯,和遵守安息日( xxxi. ) 。 While now it is not doubted that xxv.-xxix., with unimportant exceptions, form part of the original legislation of P, it is generally held by critics that xxx.-xxxi.雖然現在不是懷疑xxv. -二十九。與不重要例外,組成部分的原始立法的P ,人們普遍持有的評論家認為xxx. -三十一。 belong to a secondary and posterior stratum of it, reflecting a later stage of ceremonial usage.屬於中等和後地層它,反映了後期儀式使用。 The chief reason for this conclusion is the manner in which the altar of incense is introduced (xxxi. 1-10).的主要理由是這一結論的方式,在香壇介紹( xxxi. 1月10日) 。 If such an altar had been contemplated by the author of xxv.-xxix., he must, it is argued, have introduced it in xxv., together with the other furniture of the Holy Place, and also mentioned it in xxvi.如果這樣的祭壇已所設想作者xxv. -二十九。 ,他必須有人認為,提出了它在二十五。連同其他家具的聖地,並還提到它在二十六。 33-35; moreover, he would naturally, in such a case, have distinguished the altar described in xxvii. 33-35 ;此外,他自然會在這種情況下,有傑出的祭壇中介紹二十七。 1-8 from the altar of incense, and not have spoken of it simply as the altar. 1月8日從香壇,並沒有談到它只是作為祭壇。

This conclusion respecting the secondary character of the altar of incense appears to be confirmed by the fact that in the other laws of P there is a stratum in which such an altar is not recognized (for instance, Lev, xvi.).這一結論尊重次要性質的香壇似乎證實了一個事實,即在其他法律的P有一個階層在這樣一個祭壇不承認(例如,列夫,十六。 ) 。 There are also other indications tending to show that xxx.-xxxi.還有其他一些跡象表明,趨勢xxx. -三十一。 belong to a posterior stratum of P, as compared with xxv.-xxix.屬於後地層的P ,而xxv. -二十九。 Chapters xxxv-xl.章三十五儀。 describe, largely in the same words as xxv.-xxxi.描述,主要是在相同的文字作為xxv. -三十一。 (the tenses alone being altered), but with several differences of order, how the instructions given there to Moses were carried out. (時態的改變單靠) ,但與幾個不同的命令,指示如何有摩西進行。 In these chapters the altar of incense and the brazen laver (xxx. 17-21) are introduced in the places which they would naturally be expected to occupy, namely, in the descriptions of the Holy Place and the court respectively (xxxvii. 25-28, xxxviii. 8).這些章節的香壇紫菜和無恥( xxx. 17日至21日)介紹了他們的地方自然會預計將佔有,即在說明聖地和法院分別( xxxvii. 25 - 28日,三十八。 8 ) 。 It follows that if xxx.-xxxi.因此,如果xxx. -三十一。 belong to a secondary stratum of P, the same must be true of xxxv.-xl.屬於中等階層的P ,也同樣應該如此xxxv.-xl. The later origin of xxxv.-xl.後來起源xxxv.-xl. seems to be further supported by the fact that the Septuagint version of these chapters is not by the same hand as the rest of the book; so that presumably they were not in the manuscript used by the original translators.似乎進一步支持了這樣一個事實,即七十版本的這些章節是不能由同一手其餘的圖書;這樣大概他們沒有在使用的手稿原始譯員。 The chapters, if this view is correct, have taken the place of a much briefer account of the manner in which the construction of the Tabernacle was carried out.章節,如果這種觀點是正確的,所採取的位置更簡短到以何種方式建設的幕進行。

P's Representation of the Tabernacle Unhistorical. P的代表幕Unhistorical 。

P's representation of the Tabernacle and its appointments can not be historical. P的代表幕及其任用不能歷史。 The lsraelites in the wilderness had undoubtedly an "ohel mo'ed"; but it was the simple "ohel mo'ed" of E (Ex. xxxiii. 7-11; Num. xi., xii.), not the costly and elaborate structure described by P. P's representation is the embodiment of an ideal; it is a "product of religious idealism," constructing for the Mosaic age, upon the basis of traditions or reminiscences of the Temple of Solomon, a shrine such as might be adequate to Yhwh's majesty, and worthily symbolize His presence in the midst of His people (compare Ottley, "Aspects of the OT" p. 226).該lsraelites在野外已經無疑是一個“ ohel mo'ed ” ;但它是簡單的“ ohel mo'ed ”電子商務(例如三十三。 7月11日;數。十一。 ,十二。 ) ,而不是昂貴和複雜的結構描述由P. P的代表性體現了一個理想的,它是一種“產品的宗教理想主義, ”建設的馬賽克年齡後,根據傳統或回憶的所羅門聖殿,供奉如可能足以Yhwh的陛下,並worthily象徵著他在他的人民中間(比較奧特利, “方面的催產素”第226頁) 。

Bibliography:參考書目:

The introductions to the OT by Kuenen, Driver, Holzinger, König, Cornill, Baudissin; the commentaries of Dillmann, Baentsch (1900), Holzinger (1900), and ARS Kennedy (forthcoming); CA Briggs, The Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, 1897; Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, The Hexateuch, Oxford, 1900, especially ii.在引進的催產素的Kuenen ,司機, Holzinger ,柯尼格, Cornill , Baudissin ;評注的Dillmann , Baentsch ( 1900 ) , Holzinger ( 1900 ) ,肯尼迪和ARS的(即將出版) ;晚上布里格斯,上級批評Hexateuch , 1897年;卡朋特和哈福德,巴特斯,該Hexateuch ,牛津, 1900年,尤其是二。 79-143 (text of Exodus, with the sources distinguished typographically, and full critical notes); GF Moore, Exodus, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc. 79-143 (文外流,與尊敬的typographically來源,並充分關鍵注意到) ;綠摩爾,外流,在陳和黑色, Encyc 。 Bibl. Bibl 。 ii.二。 (where further literature is referred to).EGHSRD (進一步的文獻提到) 。 EGHSRD

-Critical View II.:臨界查看二。 :

The critical problems and hypotheses that Exodus shares with the other books, such as the historical value of the accounts; authorship; relation to the later books; age, origin, and character of the alleged sources, can not be discussed here now; the analysis of sources of Exodus can alone be treated.關鍵的問題和假設出埃及記股票的其他書籍,如歷史價值的帳戶;著作權;有關書籍後,年齡,籍貫,以及被指控的性質來源,不能現在這裡討論的分析來源出埃及記都無法單獨處理。 According to the critics of the Pentateuch, Exodus, like all the other books of the Torah, possesses no unity, having been compiled from different sources at different times, the various parts being then revised finally by one redactor (R); the same sources as those for Genesis furnish the material, namely, J (Jahvist), E (Elohist), and P (Priestly Code), in which again several strata must be distinguished, as P2, P3, P4, J1, J2, E1, E2, etc. It is not necessary to refer to all the suggestions that have been made; the analyses of sources by Kuenen and Cornill are chiefly treated here (Kuenen: Introduction; § 5; § 6, 2-15; § 8, 10-13; § 13, 12 et seq.; § 16, 12; Cornill: Introduction; § 7; § 11, 4; § 12; § 13, 2, 8; § 14, 1, 2, 3. To P2 is assigned, according to Kuenen: i. 1-7, 13, 14; ii. 23-25; vi. 2-12 (13-28 interrupt the course of the story and are by a later reviser; they are, according to Wellhausen, unskilfully inserted and amplified); vii. 1-13, 19, 20a (21c ?), 22; viii. 1-3, 11b, 12-15; ix. 8-12 (35 ?); xi. 9-10; xii. 1-20, 28, 40revision , 41revision, 43-51 (xiii. 20 ?); xiv. 1-4, 8, 9, 10 (inpart), 15-18, 21 (in part), 22, 23, 26, 27 (in part), 28, 29; xvi. ("this chapter has been subsequently revised and completed") (xvii. 1; xix. 2a ?); xxiv. 15-18a; xxv.-xxix. "follow in natural and regular order, and may have been arranged in this way by the author himself," but (§ 16, 12) contain many interpolations by R.據批評摩西五,外流,像所有其他書籍的律法,不擁有團結,彙編了從不同來源,在不同的時間,各地區正在然後訂正最後一個redactor (註冊商標) ;同一來源那些為起源提供的材料,即J某( Jahvist ) ,電子商務( Elohist )和P (祭司碼) ,其中再次幾個階層必須區分作為的P2 , P3號,小, J1 , j2環球通信, E1類, E2類等,這是沒有必要提及的所有建議已經作出;分析來源Kuenen和Cornill這裡主要是處理( Kuenen :導言;第5條;第6條, 2月15日; § 8 , 10 - 13 ; § 13 ,第12條及以後各條。 ; § 16 , 12 ; Cornill :導言; § 7 ; § 11 , 4 ; § 12 ; § 13 ,第2 ,第8條;第14條, 1 , 2 , 3 。為P2的分配據Kuenen :一, 1月7日, 13日, 14日;二。 23-25 ;六。 2月12日( 13-28中斷的過程中的故事,是由後來審校;他們根據豪森, unskilfully插入和擴增) ;七。 1月13日,第19 , 20A條( 21世紀? ) , 22 ;八。 1-3 , 11B款, 12月15日;九。 8月12日( 35 ? ) ;十一。 9月10日;十二。 1月20日, 28日, 40revision , 41revision , 43-51 ( xiii. 20 ? ) ;十四。 1-4 , 8 , 9 , 10 ( inpart ) , 15-18 , 21 (部分) , 22 , 23 , 26 , 27 (部分) , 28 , 29 ;十六。 ( “這一章已經完成,隨後修訂和” ) ( xvii. 1 ;十九。 2A型? ) ; 24 。 15 - 18A條; xxv. -二十九。 “遵循自然和正常秩序,並可能已被安排在這樣的作者自己, “但( § 16 , 12 )載有許多插值的河

Ch.總。 xxx., xxxi. xxx域名。 ,三十一。 1-17, in which "the connection is looser, or is wanting altogether; and in which there are contained regulations that do not harmonize with what has preceded, and that are not presupposed later where they would naturally be mentioned . . . probably contain later additions, harmonizing in style with xxiv.-xxix., but not composed by the same author." 1月17日,在“連接鬆散,或者是想完全;並在有載法規不統一的話之前,並沒有先決條件後,他們自然會被提及。 。 。可能含有後來補充,協調的風格與xxiv. -二十九。 ,但不包括由同一作者。 “ To P4 are assigned ch.為P4總分配。 xxxv.-xl. (and also Lev. viii.), which "depend entirely on xxv.-xxxi., which the author must have had before him." (也列夫。八。 ) ,這“完全取決於xxv. -三十一。 ,它的作者必須有收到了他。 ” They formed "originally a very brief account of the observance of the regulations laid down in xxv. et seq.; they seem to have been gradually worked out, and then made as similar to those regulations as possible. The striking variations found in the Greek translation of xxxv.-xl. lead to the assumption that the final redaction of these chapters was hardly completed-if indeed it was completed-when that translation was made, ie, about 250 BC" This entire theory regarding xxv.-xxxi., xxxv.-xl.他們組成了“原本是一個非常簡短的帳戶遵守的條例中規定二十五。起。 ;他們似乎已逐步完成,然後作出類似規定的。顯著的變化中發現的希臘翻譯xxxv.-xl.導致的假設,即最後編輯這些章節是難以完成,如果確實已經完成,當翻譯了,即約250公元前“這整個理論方面xxv. -三十一。 , xxxv.-xl. is based on Popper's work, which the other critics also follow.根據波普爾的工作,而其他批評者也跟進。

Cornill, who includes the later parts of P2 under the general designation Px, assigns to the Priestly Code the following portions: i. Cornill ,誰包括後來部分的P2根據一般指定酶,賦予祭司碼以下部分:一, 1-5, 7revision , 13, 14 revision ; ii. 1月5日, 7revision , 13日, 14日修訂;二。 23revision, 24-25; vi. essentially (13-30 = Px): vii. 23revision , 24日至25日;六。基本上( 13至30 =像素) :七。 1-13, 19, 20a revision, 21b-22; viii. 1-3, 11a, b-15; ix. 1月13日,第19 , 20A條的修訂,惠及- 22 ;八。 1月3日,第11A的B - 15 ;九。 8-12; xi. 8月12日;十一。 9-10; xii. 9月10日;十二。 1-20, 28, 37 revision, 40-41, 43-51 (15-20 and 43-50 = Px); xiii. 1月20日, 28 , 37修訂, 40-41 , 43-51 ( 15-20和43-50 = Px )活性;十三。 1-2; xiv. 1月2日;十四。 1-4, 8, 9b, 10a, b, 15 revision, 16-18, 21-23essentially, 26-28aa, 28 revision, 29; xvi. 1月4日, 8日,第9b , 10A條,乙, 15日修訂, 16日至18日, 21 23essentially , 26 - 28aa , 28日修訂, 29 ;十六。 1-3, 6-7, 9-18 revision, 20, 22a, b-24, 32-35a; xvii. 1月3日, 6月7日, 9月18日修訂,第20條,為22A的B - 24 , 32 - 35A條;十七。 1a; xix.第1a ;十九。 1 revision, 2a; xxiv. 1修訂, 2A型;二十四。 15-18aa; xxv. 15 - 18aa ;二十五。 1-xxxi. 1 -三十一。 18a (xxviii. 41 belongs surely to Px, as do perhaps also other shorter additions to xxv.-xxix.; and xxx.-xxxi. entire); xxxiv. 18A條( xxviii. 41屬於肯定酶一樣,也許還有其他較短的補充xxv. -二十九。 ;和xxx. -三十一。整個) ;三十四。 29-35 (?); xxxv.-xl. (entirely Px). 29-35 ( ? ) ; xxxv.-xl. (完全px )為單位。

It is much more difficult in what remains to distinguish between the closely related J and E. Passages relatively complete in themselves are: (1) ch.這是更為困難的是什麼仍然是區分密切相關J和東通道比較完整本身是: ( 1 )總。 xxi.-xxiii., the so-called "Book of the Covenant"; it belongs to E, though dating from an earlier time, and was found by him and incorporated in his work; (2) the story of the golden calf (xxxii.-xxxiv.), J and E sharing about equally in the account; (3) the Decalogue and the preparations for it (xix., xx.), chiefly E, but J also has a Decalogue tradition, its Ten Commandments being found in xxxiv. xxi. -二十三。 ,所謂的“圖書的公約” ,它屬於電子商務,但歷史可以追溯到較早的時間,並發現了他,並納入了他的工作; ( 2 )的故事,金牛犢( xxxii. -三十四。 ) , J和é共享同樣的帳戶; ( 3 )十誡和籌備工作( xix. ,二十。 ) ,主要是英文,但律政司亦有有十誡的傳統,其正在十誡發現三十四。 14-26 (Wellhausen). 14-26 (豪森) 。 E1, originally composed in the Northern Kingdom, must be distinguished from E2; the latter was compiled about 100 years later for Judah, and was worked over with J to form JE, many passages of which can no longer be analyzed. E: Kuenen: Traces of E are found in i.素E1 ,最初由北方英國,必須區別於素E2 ;後者是彙編約100年後的猶太,並制定了與J形成乙腦,許多段落,可以不再進行分析。電子郵件: Kuenen :痕跡電子商務是在一 (15-21, and apparently also 8-12, "is generally included in E"); in ii. ( 15-21 ,顯然也是8月12日, “一般是包括在E ” ) ;在二。 "there is great difference of opinion" on the origin of verses 1-23 (according to Jülicher verses 1-22 are taken from E; according to Dillmann 1-14 from E and 15-23a from J. Wellhausen takes the story on the whole to be a combination from J and E.) This document appears especially clear, though not without admixture, in iii. “有很大的意見分歧”的起源詩句1月23日(根據Jülicher詩句1月22日來自E類;根據Dillmann 1月14日從E和15 - 23A條需要從學者豪森的故事整個是一個組合由J和大腸桿菌)本文件似乎是明確的,但並非沒有外加劑,在三。 1-15, a section that, as complement to vi. 1月15日,有一節,作為補充,六。 2 et seq. 2起。 (P), also explains the use of "Elohim" in the account of the pre-Mosaic time taken from E. In the following "the traces are only with difficulty distinguished: in iii. 16-xii. only here and there with any certainty." (規劃) ,也說明了使用“耶洛因”帳戶中的預馬賽克時間從e.在以下“的痕跡只困難尊敬:在三。 16 - 12 。只有在這裡和那裡的任何確定性。 “ (Dillmann includes in E: the greater part of iii. 16-22; iv. 17, 20b, 18, 21; the greater part of v.; vii. 15, 16, 17b, 20b, 21a, 23 in part, 24; viii. 16a, 21-24a, 25b; ix. 22, 23a, 24a, 25b (?), 31, 32, 35; x. 8-13a, 14 in part, 15 in part, 20, 21-27; xi. 1-3; xii. 31-33, 37b, 38. Jülicher includes: iv. 17, 18, 20b: v. 1, 2, 5; vii. 17 in part, 18, 20 in part, and 21, 24, 25a; viii. 21b, 22, 23; ix. 22, 23a, 24 and 28 in part, 35; x. 7, 8-11, 12, 13a, 14a, 15a, 20, 21-27, 28, 29; xi. 1-7; xii. 32, 35-38.) E is found again in: xiii. ( Dillmann包括在E :大部份三。 16-22 ;四。 17 , 20B條, 18日, 21日;更大的一部分訴;七。 15 , 16 , 17B條, 20B條, 21A條,第23部分, 24八。 16A條,第21 - 24A條, 25B條;九。 22 , 23A條,第24A條, 25B條( ? ) , 31 , 32 , 35 ;十8 - 13A條,第14部分, 15部分, 20 , 21-27 ;十一。 1-3 ;十二。 31-33 ,第37B , 38 。 Jülicher包括:四。 17 , 18 , 20B條:五, 1 , 2 , 5 ;七。 17部分, 18 , 20部分和21日, 24 ,第25A ;八。第二十一期乙, 22 , 23 ;九。 22 , 23A條, 24日和28日的部分, 35條;十, 7 , 8月11日, 12日,第13A , 14A條,第15A , 20 , 21-27 , 28 , 29 ;十一。 1-7 ;十二。 32 , 35-38 。 )電子再次發現:十三。 17-19, 21, 22; xiv. 17日至19日, 21日, 22日;十四。 19a (19b ?); xv. 19A條(乙? ) ;十五。 22-26; xvii. 22-26 ;十七。 1b-7, 8-16; xviii.第1b - 7 , 8月16日;十八。 Also xix. 9a, 10-17; xx.另外十九。 9A條, 10月17日;二十。 18-21, 1-17 (in this order); this-the so-called "first"-the Decalogue, with the historical matter connected with it in xix.-xxiv., belongs to E2. 18日至21日, 1月17日(在本命令) ;此,所謂的“第一”十誡,歷史問題與它在xix. - 24 。 ,屬於素E2 。 From the Book of the Covenant xxiv.從書中的盟約二十四。 1, 2, 9-14, 18a, and various other passages, belong to E, as does also the story of Israel's apostasy at Sinai, which appears enlarged and connected with other stories in xxxii.-xxxiv., belonging originally to E2. 1 , 2 , 9月14日, 18A條,以及各種其他的通道,屬於至E ,也一樣的故事以色列的叛教在西奈半島,這似乎擴大和與其他故事xxxii. -三十四。 ,屬於原定素E2 。

Cornill: i. Cornill :一 11-12, 15-22 essentially; ii. 11月12日, 15日至22基本上;二。 1-10 essentially; iii. 1-15essentially, 21-22; iv. 1月10日基本上;三。 1 - 15essentially 21日至22日;四。 17, 18, 20b; vii. 17 , 18 , 20B條;七。 15b, 17b-18, 20b-21a, 24; ix.第15B , 17B條- 18 , 20B條- 21A條, 24條;九。 22-23a, 24brevision, 25b, 31-32, 35; x. 22 - 23A條, 24brevision , 25B條, 31-32 , 35 ;十 12-13aa, 14aa, b, 15b, 20-23, 25 (?); xi. 12 - 13aa , 14aa ,乙,第15B , 20-23 , 25 ( ? ) ;十一。 1-3; xii. 1-3 ;十二。 35-36, 37revision; xiii. 35-36 , 37revision ;十三。 17-19; xiv. 17-19 ;十四。 7-9a,β, 10a, β, 19a, 20 (?); xv. 7 - 9A條, β , 10A條, β , 19A條,第20 ( ? ) ;十五。 20-26essentially; xvii-xxiv.essentially; xxxi. 20 26essentially ;十七, xxiv.essentially ;三十一。 18b; xxxii.essentially; xxxiii. 1-11revision; xxxiv. 18B條; xxxii.essentially ;三十三。 1 - 11revision ;三十四。 1a,4 revision, 28b revision (?). 1A款,第4修訂, 28B款修訂( ? ) 。 In xix.-xxxiv. only xix.在xix. -三十四。只有十九。 13b (perhaps); xxiv. 13B條(也許) ;二十四。 1-2, 9-11; and xxxiii. 1月2日, 9月11日;和三十三。 7-10 belong to E1. 7月10日屬於素E1 。

J, according to Kuenen, is represented in i.-xv. J ,根據Kuenen ,派代表參加i.-xv. by accounts parallel with those of E, but which can not now be distinguished; "but it is doubtful whether J contributed anything to the account of the laws promulgated at Mount Sinai and of the defection of Israel, xix.-xxiv. and xxxii.-xxxiv."通過與這些帳戶的E ,但現在不能加以區別, “但令人懷疑的是,無論什麼J貢獻的帳戶頒布的法律在西乃山和叛逃以色列, xix. - 24 。和三十二。 ,三十四。 “ (Wellhausen finds J in: xix. 20-25; xx. 23-26; xxi.-xxiii.; xxiv. 3-8; Dillmann, in: xix. 9a, 20-25 [xx. 1-17, perhaps under a different form]; xxiv. 1, 2; xxxiv. 10-27; fragments in xxiv. 3-8, 9-11, 12 in part, 18b; xxxii. 1-14, 19b-24, 30-34; also in xxxiii. 1-6, 12, 13, 18-23; xxxiii. 14-17; xxxiv. 1-9.) (豪森認為J在:十九。 20-25 ;二十。 23-26 ; xxi. -二十三。 ;二十四。 3-8 ; Dillmann ,在:十九。 9A條, 20-25 [ XX元。 1月17日,或許下以不同的形式] ;二十四。 1 , 2 ;三十四。 10月27日;碎片在二十四。 3月8日, 9月11日,第12部分, 18B條;三十二。 1月14日,第十九B - 24 , 30-34 ;也在三十三。 1月6日, 12 , 13 , 18-23 ;三十三。 14-17 ;三十四。 1月9日。 )

Cornill: i. Cornill :一 6, 7a,b, 8-10, 14a,β, 20b, 22 (?); ii. 6 ,第7A ,乙, 8月10日, 14A條, β , 20B條,第22 ( ? ) ;二。 11-23aa; iii. 16-20; iv. 11 - 23aa ;三。 16-20 ;四。 1-12, 19, 20a, 24-26, 29revision, 30revision, 31; v.essentially; vi. 1月12日,第19 , 20A條, 24日至26日, 29revision , 30revision , 31 ; v.essentially ;六。 1; vii. 1 ;七。 14-15a, 16-17a, 23, 25, 29; viii. 4revision, 5-7, 8revision, 9-11aa, 16-20, 21 revision, 22-28; ix. 1-7, 13-21, 23b, 24 revision, 25a, 26, 27 revision, 28-30, 33; x.essentially; xi. 14 - 15A條, 16 - 17A條, 23 , 25 , 29 ;八。 4revision , 5月7日, 8revision , 9 - 11aa , 16日至20日, 21日修訂, 22-28 ;九。 1-7 , 13-21 , 23b 24日,修訂後,第25A , 26日, 27日修訂, 28-30 , 33 ; x.essentially ;十一。 4-8; xii. 4月8日;十二。 21-27essentially, 29-39essentially, 42a; xiii. 21 - 27essentially , 29 39essentially , 42a ;十三。 3-16essentially, 21-22; xiv. 3 16essentially 21日至22日;十四。 5-6, 9aa, 10ba, 11-14, 19b, 21a,β, 24-25, 27 revision, 28b, 30-31; xvi. 5月6日, 9aa , 10ba , 11月14日,乙, 21A條, β , 24日至25日, 27日修訂, 28B款, 30-31 ;十六。 4-5, 16a,β, 18b, 21-22aa; 25-31essentially, 35b; xvii. 4月5日,第16A , β , 18B條,第21 - 22aa ; 25 31essentially , 35B條;十七。 1a,b, 2, 7; xix. 1A款,乙,第2 ,第7 ;十九。 2b, 7, 9-11, 18, 20-21, 22b, 25a; xxxiii. 2b干擾素, 7日, 9月11日, 18日, 20日至21日, 22B款,第25A ;三十三。 12-23essentially (?); xxxiv. 12 23essentially ( ? ) ;三十四。 1a revision, 2-3, 4 revision, 5, 6a, 8, 10-28essentially. 1A條修訂, 2月3日, 4修訂, 5 , 6A條,第8 ,第10 - 28essentially 。

Redaction.編輯。

Editions (according to Cornill): In the first place J and E were combined into one book (JE) by one redactor (RJE).版(根據Cornill ) :首先J和é合併為一本書(乙腦)的一個redactor ( RJE ) 。 He greatly revised iii., and may have added the marching song xv.他非常訂正三。 ,並可能已經添加了遊行宋十五。 1-19 ("it is entirely improbable that it was composed at the time the event itself took place"). 1月19日( “這是完全不可能的,它是由當時這一事件本身發生了” ) 。 He also did much editing of the pericope dealing with the legislation (xix.-xxxiv.).他還沒有多少編輯pericope處理立法( xix. -三十四。 ) 。 He used E2 throughout as foundation, supplementing it with J; he omitted entirely the second Decalogue in J, incorporating what he thought valuable in the Book of the Covenant, xxiii.他用素E2全為基礎,以補充與J ;他完全略去了第二十誡在J ,把寶貴的是什麼,他認為這本書的盟約,二十三。 15-19, and reduced xxxii.-xxxiii., on the whole, to its present form. 15日至19日,並減少xxxii. -三十三。總體上,以目前的形式。 A second redactor then combined (the later) Deuteronomy with JE ( = JE + D).第二redactor然後合併(後)申命記與乙腦( =乙腦+ d )項。 He added iv.他補充說四。 21-23; in the story of the Egyptian plagues (x. 2) "there is at least a Deuteronomistic, touch"; he also added viii. 21日至23日,在埃及的故事瘟疫(十2 ) “至少有一個Deuteronomistic ,觸摸” ;他還補充說八。 18b and ix. 18B條和第九章。 29b, and probably revised ix. 29B款,並可能修訂九。 14-16. 14-16 。 He greatly revised xii.他大大修訂十二。 21-27, xiii. 3-16, xv. 21-27日,十三。 3月16日,十五。 26, xvi., and xviii. 26十六。 ,和十八。 20b. 20B條。 He transferred, according to Kuenen, the Book of the Covenant to Mount Sinai in order to get room for Deuteronomy, being responsible, therefore, for all the confusion caused thereby-for example, the transferring of xx.他轉移,根據Kuenen ,這本書的公約,以西乃山,以獲得空間申命記,負責,因此,所有因此而造成的混亂,例如,轉讓二十。 18-21 from its original position before, to its present position after, xx. 18日至21日從原來的立場,其現在的位置後,二十。 1-17; the transition to the Book of the Covenant as found in xx. 1月17日;過渡到書,公約於二十。 22, 23; and the peculiar form of xxiv. 22日, 23日;和特殊形式的二十四。 1-15a. 1 - 15A條。 Ch.總。 xix.十九。 3b-8 is also specifically Deuteronomic, as well as the revisions of the Book of the Covenant with the final admonitions in xxiii.三號乙- 8還專門Deuteronomic ,以及修訂了圖書公約的最後告誡在二十三。 22b-25a, 27, 31b-33, and the revision of the second Decalogue, which RJE transferred to the Book of the Covenant. 22B款,第25A , 27 , 31b - 33 ,以及修訂第二十誡,這RJE移交書盟約。

A third redactor, who combined JED with P, thus practically producing the Pentateuch (RP), added iv.第三redactor ,誰合併JED與P ,因此,實際上生產的摩西五(反相) ,加上四。 13-16 and 27-28, revised 29-30, and in v.-x. 13日至16日和27日至28日, 29日至30日修訂,並在v.-x. added everywhere the name of Aaron (which was not includedat all originally!).加上各地的名稱亞倫(這是沒有includedat原本都是! ) 。 He or Px (see ante) added vi. 13-30.他或過氧化物酶(見宰前)漲六。 13至30 。 It is more difficult to ascertain the method of his revision of xii.這是比較困難的方法,以確定他的修訂十二。 40-42. 40-42 。 To xvi.到十六。 he transferred (in consideration of JE) a passage by P on the manna, which originally was placed after the revelation on Sinai (the reason assigned for this assumption on the part of the critics is that verse 34 presupposes the Tabernacle; but this verse is as much merely an anticipatory comment as is 35).他轉移(在審議乙腦)通道的P的甘露,這原本是放在後啟示西奈(原因分配給這個假設是對批評的是,詩34的先決幕;但這一詩句是多只是防患未然評論是35 ) 。 He added to xvii.他補充說,以十七。 the fragment of the Jahvistic miraculous story of the spring in order to make room for P in Num.片段的奇蹟般的Jahvistic春天的故事,以騰出空間供磷序號。 xx.二十。 He added finally the repeated phrase "the tables of testimony," xxxi.他說最後的反复“一語表的證詞, ”三十一。 18, xxxiv. 18日,三十四。 29, and in xxxiii. 29日,並在三十三。 he omitted the Elohistic account of the making of the Ark of the Covenant.他忽略了Elohistic到決策的約櫃。 It is often doubtful whether a revision was made by RP or by P3, 4, 5-RP is himself a priestly redactor.人們常常懷疑是否修改了反相或小三,四,五,反相是自己祭司redactor 。

Errors of Critical School.錯誤的批判學校。

All these and similar analyses of the sources of Exodus and the conclusions based thereon are entirely wrong.所有這些和類似的分析的來源流亡和基礎就此得出的結論是完全錯誤的。 However rich and many-sided may have been the traditions from which the author drew his material, the book from beginning to end is composed and arranged according to a predetermined plan.但是富國和多方面的可能是傳統的作者提請他的材料,這本書從開始到結束的組成,並安排根據預定的計劃。 The fundamental errors of the critical views are these: (1) The distinction made between J and E is erroneous, resting as it does on the varying use of the divine names "Yhwh" and "Elohim"; this use does not indicate a difference in authorship, but is due to the different meanings of the two names, the choice of which is carefully considered in each case.最根本的錯誤,這些批評意見是: ( 1 )之間的區別J和E是錯誤的,因為它不休息的不同使用神聖的名字“ Yhwh ”和“耶洛因” ,這並不表明使用的差別在作者,但由於不同的含義的兩個名字,選擇的是認真考慮在每一種情況下。 The statement that E uses in iii.該聲明的E用途三。 15 the name "Yhwh" for the first time, is due to a wrong interpretation; it is based on the Alexandrian-Essenic-Christian-Gnostic common superstition of the power of names and mere words, which, going back to Egyptian antiquity, is strongly marked in the New Testament-and hence naturally influences modern scholars-but is entirely foreign to the Old Testament. 15名“ Yhwh ”第一次,是因為一個錯誤的解釋,它是基於亞歷山大- Essenic基督教,諾斯替共同迷信權力的名稱和單純的話,這可以追溯到古代埃及,是強烈標誌著在新約,因此,自然影響現代學者,但完全是外國的舊約。 The verses vi.的詩句六。 2 et seq. 2起。 are likewise interpreted wrongly.同樣是錯誤的解釋。 (2) An entirely insufficient argument is the alleged further variations of the language; for this presupposes the point to be proved. ( 2 )論點是完全不夠的進一步變化所稱的語言;這一點的前提是必須證明。 This argument turns in a circle: the critics seek to prove different sources by the variations of language, and vice versa.這一論點輪流在一個圓圈:批評家試圖證明不同來源的變化,語言,反之亦然。 Moreover, the vocabulary is too limited for such assertions. (3) The differences of style and treatment do not indicate different authors, but are called forth by the different subjects.此外,詞彙量是非常有限的這種說法。 ( 3 )不同的風格和治療並不表明不同的作者,但被要求提出的不同問題。 The account of the Tabernacle demanded technical details; while the stories of the deliverance from Egypt and of the revelation on Sinai prompted a strong, energetic, and thoughtful style.帳戶的幕要求的技術細節;而故事解救來自埃及和西奈半島的啟示提示一個強大的,充滿活力,和周到的作風。 A separation into JE and P is not admissible.分離到乙腦和P是不予受理。 (4) All suggestions of reduplications, differences, and contradictions show an insufficient insight into the spirit and intentions of the author. ( 4 )所有建議重疊,分歧和矛盾表現出充分的了解的精神和意圖的作者。 Ch.總。 i.-vi., for example, appear, on close investigation, to be an indissolubly united passage, from which not one word may be omitted. i.-vi.例如,看來,對密切調查,是一個不可分割的聯合國通行,其中沒有一個字可以省略。 The same holds good of the story of the Egyptian miracles (vii.-xi.), the arrangement of which the critics have entirely misunderstood.同樣擁有良好的故事埃及奇蹟( vii.-xi. )的安排,該批評完全是誤解。 The critics have refuted their own argument by making as a criterion of the division of this narrative into J and E the very want of definite scheme which is, according to them, characteristic of J and E.評論家已經駁倒了自己的論點,使作為標準司的這一敘事到J和é非常明確的計劃,希望這是根據他們的特點J和大腸桿菌

The Book of the Covenant (xix.-xxiv.) is a unified piece of work, with logical connections that are admirably established.圖書盟約( xix. - 24 。 )是一個統一的作品,與邏輯連接的欽佩成立。 The alleged double tradition of the revelation, and especially Wellhausen's so-called second Decalogue in ch.被指控的雙重傳統的啟示,尤其是豪森所謂的第二十誡在CH 。 xxxiv., are mere figments of the brain.三十四。 ,僅僅是虛構之事大腦。 The inadequacy of these criticisms is most striking in the review of the account of the Tabernacle, in the sequence of the passages xxv.-xxxi.不足的這些批評是最引人注目的審查到幕,在序列的通道xxv. -三十一。 and xxxv.-xl.和xxxv.-xl. and their connection with xxxii.-xxxiv.及其與xxxii. -三十四。 (5) The theory that the book was compiled from previous works is not sufficiently supported; and the attempt to analyze it into its component parts is a hopeless one, for all the elements of the book are closely welded together into one harmonious whole. ( 5 )的理論,該書的編撰工作從以往沒有充分的支持;並試圖分析它變成它的組成部分是一個毫無希望的一個,所有的這本書的內容是緊密焊接在一起成一個和諧的整體。 nullCompare Deuteronomy. nullCompare申命記。

Emil G. Hirsch, Benno Jacob, SR Driver埃米爾赫斯基灣,本諾雅各布,簡驅動程序

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography:參考書目:

The commentaries: M. Kalisch, 1855; A.評注:先生Kalisch , 1855 ;答: Knobel, 1857 (2d ed. by A. Dillmann, 1880; 3d ed. by V. Ryssel, 1897); JP Lange, 1874; Rawlinson, 2d ed., 1882; HL Strack, 1894; B.克諾貝爾, 1857年( 2版。由A. Dillmann , 1880年;的3D版。 Ryssel由五, 1897年) ;太平紳士蘭格, 1874年;羅林森,二維版。 , 1882年; HL施特拉克, 1894年;灣 Baentsch, 1899. Baentsch , 1899 。

Criticism: Th.批評:釷。 Nöldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des Alten Testaments, 1869; Colenso, The Pentateuch and Book of Joshua, vi., 1872; A. Nöldeke , Untersuchungen楚老聖經批判萬, 1869年;科倫索的摩西五和約書亞記,六。 , 1872年;答: Kayser, Das Vorexilische, Buch der Urgesch.耶塞達斯Vorexilische ,布赫之Urgesch 。 Israels und Seine Erweiterungen, 1874; Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuch und der Historischen Bücher des Alten Testaments, 1876-77, 2d ed.以色列與塞納河Erweiterungen , 1874年;豪森,模具組成沙漠Hexateuch與德國Historischen Bücher萬老聖經, 1876年至1877年,二維版。 1889; A. 1889年;答: Jülicher, Die Quellen von Exodus, i.-vii. Jülicher ,模具Quellen馮外流,一至七。 7, 1880; idem, Die Quellen von Exodus, vii. 7 , 1880年;同上,模具Quellen馮外流,七。 8-xxiv. 8 - 24 。 11, in Jahrb. 11日,在Jahrb 。 für Protestantische Theologie, 1882, viii. f黵新教神學, 1882年,八。 79-177, 272-315; A. 79-177 , 272-315 ;答: Kuenen, in Theologische Tijdschrift, 1880, xiv. Kuenen ,在神學Tijdschrift , 1880年,十四。 281-302 (Ex. xvi.); ib. 281-302 (例如:十六。 ) ;國際文憑。 1881, xv. 1881年,十五。 164-223, (Israel at Sinai, Ex. xix.-xxiv., xxxii.-xxxiv.); Cornill, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1881, xi. 164-223 , (以色列在西奈半島,惠。 xix. - 24 。 , xxxii. -三十四。 ) ; Cornill ,在體育場的雜誌, 1881年,十一。 (on the relation of Ex. xvii. 1-7 to Num. xx. 1-13); E. (關係的惠。十七。 1月7日至數。二十。 1月13日) ;大腸桿菌 Bertheau, Die Sieben Gruppen Mosaischer Gesetze, etc., 1840; Bruston, Les Quatre Sources des Lois de l'Exode, in Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie, 1883, xvi. Bertheau ,模具Sieben Gruppen Mosaischer法則等, 1840 ; Bruston ,法國四源之洛伊絲法國Exode ,在評論神學和哲學, 1883年,十六。 329-369; idem, Des Cinq Documents de la Loi Mosaïque, 1892; JW Rothstein, Das Bundesbuch und die Religionsgesch. 329-369 ;同上,德五首文件德拉薩來Mosaïque , 1892年;金威羅斯坦,達斯Bundesbuch與模具Religionsgesch 。 Entwickelung Israels, 1888 (designates Ex. xxi. et seq. as a commentary to the Decalogue); Budde, Die Gesetzgebung der Mittleren Bücher des Pentateuch, Insbesondere der Quellen J und E, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1891, xi. 193-234; idem, Bemerkungen zum Bundesbuch, in ib. Entwickelung以色列, 1888年(指定惠。二十一。起。作為評十誡) ;布德,模具立法之Mittleren Bücher萬摩西五, Insbesondere之Quellen J和英文,在體育場的雜誌, 1891年,十一。 193-234 ;同上, Bemerkungen zum Bundesbuch ,在國際文憑。 pp.頁。 99 et seq.; BW Bacon, JE in the Middle Books of the Pentateuch, in Jour. 99起。 ;體重培根,乙腦在中東的摩西五書,在季刊。 Bib. Lit.圍兜。里拉。 1890, ix a, 161-200 (Ex. vii.-xii.); ib. 1890年,九1 , 161-200 (例如vii. - 12 。 ) ;國際文憑。 1891, xb, 107-130 (Ex. i.-vii.); ib. 1891年,預算外, 107-130 (例如,一至七。 ) ;國際文憑。 xi b.十一灣 1892, 177-200 (Ex. xii. 37-xvii. 16); ib. 1892年, 177-200 (例如十二。 37十七。 16 ) ;國際文憑。 1893, xii a, 23-46 (Ex. xviii.-xxxiv.); idem, The Triple Tradition of the Exodus, Hartford, 1894; B. 1893年,十二1 , 23-46 (例如xviii. -三十四。 ) ;同上,傳統的三外流,哈特福德, 1894年;灣 Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch, 1892 (Ex. xx. 23-xxiii. 33); LB Paton, The Original Form of the Book of the Covenant, in Jour. Bib. Baentsch ,達斯Bundesbuch , 1892年(例如: XX元。 23 - 23 。 33 ) ;的LB佩頓,原來的形式預訂盟約,在季刊。書目。 Lit.里拉。 1893, xii b, 79-93; Briggs, Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, 1893, Appendix, vi.; idem, The Greater Book of the Covenant, etc., pp. 1893年,十二大b , 79-93 ;布里格斯,高等批判Hexateuch , 1893年,附錄六。 ;同上,大書盟約等頁。 211-232; R. 211-232 ;河 Kraetzschmar, Die Bundesvorstellung im AT 1896, pp. Kraetzschmar ,模具Bundesvorstellung即時通訊在1896年,頁。 70-99; Steuernagel, Der Jehovistische, Bericht über den Bundesschluss am Sinai (Ex. xix.-xxiv., xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 28), in Studien und Kritiken, 1899, p. 70-99 ; Steuernagel ,明鏡Jehovistische , Bericht黚er旦Bundesschluss上午西奈(例如xix. - 24 。 ,三十一。 18日,三十四。 28 ) ,在Studien與Kritiken , 1899年,第 319. On the Decalogue in particular: Franz Delitzsch, Der Dekalog in Exodus und Deuteronomium, in Zeitschrift für Kirchliche Wissenschaft, 1882, iii. 319 。論十大特別是:弗蘭茲德里,明鏡Dekalog在出埃及記和Deuteronomium ,在雜誌Kirchliche科學, 1882年,三。 281-299; O. 281-299 ;著 Naumann, Der Dekalog und das Sinaitische Bundesbuch, ib.瑙曼,明鏡Dekalog和存在Sinaitische Bundesbuch ,國際文憑。 1888, pp. 1888年,頁。 551-571; CG Monteflore, Recent Criticism upon Moses and the Pentateuchal Narratives of the Decalogue, in JQR 1891, xi. 551-571 ;協商小組Monteflore ,最近的批評後,摩西和Pentateuchal說明的十誡,在JQR 1891年,十一。 251-291; Briggs, The Higher Criticism, Appendix, iii. 251-291 ;布里格斯,上級批評,附錄三。 181-187; O. 181-187 ;著 Meissner, Der Dekalog, 1893. On the question of the division of the Ten Commandments: Dillmann, lcp 221.邁斯納,明鏡Dekalog , 1893年。關於該司十誡: Dillmann ,液晶221 。 On the Tabernacle: J. Popper, Der Biblische Bericht über die Stiftshütte, 1862; Delitzsch, in Zeitschrift für Kirchliche Wissenschaft und Kirchliches Leben, 1880, i.論幕:學者波普爾,明鏡Biblische Bericht黚er死於Stiftshütte , 1862 ;德里,在雜誌Kirchliche科學與Kirchliches生活, 1880年,島 57-66, 622; Green, in Presbyterian and Reformed Review, v. 69-88; A. 57-66 , 622 ;綠色,在長老和改革審查,訴69-88 ;答: Klostermann, in Neue Kirchliche Zeitscrift, 1897, pp. Klostermann ,在新Kirchliche Zeitscrift , 1897年,頁。 48-77, 228-253, 289-328, 353-383; introductions by Kuenen, Cornill, Strack, Driver, König, Baudissin, and especially Holzinger, Einleitung in den Hexateuch, 1893.BJ 48-77 , 228-253 , 289-328 , 353-383 ;引進的Kuenen , Cornill ,施特拉克,司機,柯尼格, Baudissin ,特別是Holzinger導論在2007 Hexateuch , 1893.BJ


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