Book of Ecclesiastes, Qoheleth傳道書, Qoheleth

General Information 一般信息

Ecclesiastes is a book of wisdom writing in the Old Testament of the Bible.傳道書是一本書寫作的智慧在舊約聖經。 Its title is a Greek form of the Hebrew Koheleth ("preacher" or "speaker").它的標題是希臘形式的希伯來文Koheleth ( “傳道”或“發言” ) 。 The author poses as Solomon, the archetype of the biblical wise man, but the book was not written before 350 - 250 BC.作者提出的所羅門的原型聖經智者,但是這本書之前,沒有書面350 - 250年。

Ecclesiastes is a philosophical essay on the meaning of human life.傳道書是一個哲學散文的意義人的生命。 The author rejects all religious and ethical theories known to him, because they are contradicted by experience.作者反對一切宗教和道德的理論知道他,因為他們是矛盾的經驗。 He sees no divine plan in history, nature, or personal existence and argues that only relative satisfactions can be found in wealth, pleasure, family, friends, or work.他認為沒有任何神聖計劃的歷史,性質,或個人存在和認為,只有相對的滿意度中可以找到的財富,快樂,家人,朋友或工作。 The sole meaning of life is in living it fully by making the wisest possible choices.唯一的生命的意義是在它充分的生活最明智的決策可能的選擇。 The few religious consolations expressed are widely attributed to a pious commentator.少數宗教慰藉表示被廣泛歸因於一個虔誠的評論員。

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Book of Ecclesiastes傳道書

Brief Outline簡要概述

  1. The futility of life是徒勞的生活
  2. The answer of practical Faith答案實際信仰


Book of Ecclesiastes傳道書

General Information 一般信息

Ecclesiastes is a book of the Old Testament, in Hebrew called Qoheleth. The English name is derived from a Greek term, roughly defined as "one who participates in or addresses an assembly," which appears in the title verse of the book in the earliest important Greek version of the Old Testament, the Septuagint.傳道書是一本書的舊約希伯來文呼籲Qoheleth 。英文名稱源自希臘而言,大致定義為“一個誰參與或地址的大會” ,它會出現在標題詩的書籍中最早重要的希臘版舊約的七十。 The Greek term is a rendering of the word Qoheleth, generally translated "preacher," although the precise meaning is not clear.希臘是一個長期渲染一詞Qoheleth ,一般翻譯“傳道,她說: ”雖然確切含義並不清楚。 Because Qoheleth identifies himself as "the son of David, king in Jerusalem" (1:1), by implication the Book of Ecclesiastes has been traditionally ascribed to the Israelite king Solomon.由於Qoheleth自稱為“大衛之子,國王在耶路撒冷” ( 1:1 ) ,其含義是傳道書歷來歸咎於以色列人所羅門王。

Ecclesiastes consists of 12 chapters containing a series of generally pessimistic reflections on the purpose and nature of life.傳道書包括12章載有一系列的普遍悲觀思考的目的和性質的生活。 The conclusion, stated at the very beginning of the work, is that "all is vanity" (1:2).最後,指出在一開始的工作,是“所有的虛榮” ( 1:2 ) 。 Pursue wisdom and wealth, cultivate pleasure, labor faithfully, deplore injustice and wickedness; the end is always the same, "vanity and a striving after wind" (4:4).追求智慧和財富,培養高興,勞動忠誠,正義和邪惡感到遺憾的結束總是相同, “虛榮和努力後,風” (四點〇四) 。 The coupling of this recurrent theme with assumptions that natural phenomena are cyclic (1:4-7, 3:1-8), and even preordained (3:15), leads the author to hedonistic, cynical doctrines (8:15-9:10, 12:1-8) so antithetical to the spirit of the earlier Old Testament books that the rabbis originally sought to suppress the book.耦合這個經常出現的主題與假設的自然現象是循環( 1:4-7 , 3:1-8 ) ,甚至注定( 3:15 ) ,導致作者享樂主義,玩世不恭的理論( 8:15-9 : 10 , 12:1-8 ) ,這樣的精神背道而馳的早期舊約書籍的拉比最初要求制止這本書。 Its popularity and its ascription to Solomon, however, eventually secured Ecclesiastes a place in the third section, the Writings, of the Hebrew canon.其受歡迎的程度和其歸屬到所羅門群島,但是,最終擔保傳道書舉行的第三部分,寫作,希伯來佳能。

Modern scholarship now attributes the book to the 3rd century BC, at a time when the Jews were under the influence of various Greek philosophic systems, such as Epicureanism and Stoicism.現代學術現在屬性書的公元3世紀,當時的猶太人的影響下,各種希臘哲學系統,如享樂主義和Stoicism 。 Ecclesiastes is part of the Wisdom literature of the Old Testament, which includes the Books of Job and Proverbs.傳道書是智慧文學舊約,其中包括書籍的就業和諺語。


Ecclesias'tes

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Ecclesiastes is the Greek rendering of the Hebrew Koheleth, which means "Preacher." The old and traditional view of the authorship of this book attributes it to Solomon.傳道書是希渲染的希伯來文Koheleth ,這意味著“傳道。 ”舊的傳統觀點,這本書的作者屬性它所羅門。 This view can be satisfactorily maintained, though others date it from the Captivity.這一觀點可以保持令人滿意的,但其他日期從圈養。 The writer represents himself implicitly as Solomon (1:12).作者表示自己含蓄所羅門群島( 1:12 ) 。 It has been appropriately styled The Confession of King Solomon.它已被適當風格供認的所羅門王。 "The writer is a man who has sinned in giving way to selfishness and sensuality, who has paid the penalty of that sin in satiety and weariness of life, but who has through all this been under the discipline of a divine education, and has learned from it the lesson which God meant to teach him." “作者是誰也犯過罪的人在讓位給自私和肉感,誰為此付出了罰款的罪孽飽足和厭倦的生活,但誰也通過這一切都受到了紀律教育的神聖,並教訓從它的經驗教訓上帝要教他。 “ "The writer concludes by pointing out that the secret of a true life is that a man should consecrate the vigour of his youth of God." “作者最後指出,一個真正的秘密生活是一個男人應該神聖的活力青年,他的上帝。 ” The key-note of the book is sounded in ch.的關鍵注意到這本書是在CH響起。 1:2, "Vanity of vanities! saith the Preacher, Vanity of vanities! all is vanity!" 1:2 , “名利場的虛榮! saith的傳教士,浮華的虛榮!所有的虛榮! ” ie, all man's efforts to find happiness apart from God are without result.也就是說,所有的人的努力,找到幸福除了上帝是沒有結果。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Ecclesiastes傳道書

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

(Septuagint èkklesiastés, in St. Jerome also CONCIONATOR, "Preacher"). (七十èkklesiastés ,在聖杰羅姆還CONCIONATOR , “傳道” ) 。

General survey一般調查

Ecclesiastes is the name given to the book of Holy Scripture which usually follows the Proverbs; the Hebrew Qoheleth probably has the same meaning.傳道書是名字被給這本書的聖經通常如下的諺語;希伯來Qoheleth可能具有相同的含義。 The word preacher, however, is not meant to suggest a congregation nor a public speech, but only the solemn announcement of sublime truths [hqhyl, passive nqhl, Lat.傳道這個詞,但並不意味著建議聚集,也不是一個公開演講,但只有莊嚴宣布的崇高真理[ hqhyl ,被動nqhl ,拉脫維亞。 congregare, I (III) K., viii, 1, 2; bqhl, in publico, palam, Prov., v, 14; xxvi, 26; qhlh to be taken either as a feminine participle, and would then be either a simple abstract noun, præconium, or in a poetic sense, tuba clangens, or must be taken as the name of a person, like the proper nouns of similar formation, Esd., ii, 55, 57; corresponding to its use, the word is always used as masculine, except vii, 27]. congregare ,我(三)光,八, 1 , 2 ; bqhl ,在大眾,巴勒姆省。 ,第五,第14條; 26 , 26 ; qhlh應採取的無論是作為一個女性詞,並隨後將不是一個簡單的抽象名詞, præconium ,或在一個詩的意義上說,大號clangens ,或者必須被視為人的姓名一樣,類似的專有名詞的形成,可持續發展教育。 ,二, 55 , 57 ;相應的使用,這個詞始終作為男性,除七, 27 ] 。 Solomon, as the herald of wisdom, proclaims the most serious truths.所羅門群島,作為先驅的智慧,宣布的最嚴重的真理。 His teaching may be divided as follows.他的教學可分為如下。

Introduction導言

Everything human is vain (i, 1-11); for man, during his life on earth, is more transient than all things in nature (i, 1-7), whose unchangeable course he admires, but does not comprehend (i, 8-11).一切人權是徒勞的(一, 1月11日) ;的男子,在他的地球上的生命,更不是所有的東西瞬態性質(一, 1月7日) ,其不可改變當然他欽佩,但不理解(一, 8月11日) 。

Part I第一部分

Vanity in man's private life (i, 12-iii, 15): vain is human wisdom (i, 12-18); vain are pleasures and pomp (ii, 1-23).名利場中的人的私人生活(一, 12三, 15歲) :徒勞的是人類的智慧(一, 12月18日) ;徒勞的歡樂和盛大(二, 1月23日) 。 Then, rhetorically exaggerating, he draws the conclusion: "Is it not better to enjoy life's blessings which God has given, than to waste your strength uselessly?"然後,口頭誇大,他得出結論: “這難道不是更好的享受生活的祝福而上帝給了,而不是浪費你的力量不必要? ” (ii, 24-26). (二24-26 ) 。 As epilogue to this part is added the proof that all things are immutably predestined and are not subject to the will of man (iii, 1-15).作為尾聲的這一部分是增加了證據,證明一切都是一成不變命中註定的,不受人的意志(三, 1月15日) 。 In this first part, the reference to the excessive luxury described in 1 Kings 10 is placed in the foreground. Afterwards, the author usually prefaces his meditations with an "I saw", and explains what he has learned either by personal observation or by other means, and on what he has meditated.在這第一部分,提到過度奢華中所描述列王紀上10放在前台。之後,他的作者通常序跋與沉思“我看見” ,並解釋了他所說的經驗教訓通過個人觀察或其他手段,對他的沉思。 Thus he saw:–因此他認為: -

Part II第二部分

Sheer vanity also in civil life (iii, 16-vi, 6).純粹的虛榮心也在民間生活(三, 16六, 6 ) 。 Vain and cheerless is life because of the iniquity which reigns in the halls of justice (iii, 16-22) as well as in the intercourse of men (iv, 1-3).是徒勞的和淒涼的生活,因為它的不公正的大廳中瀰漫的正義(三16-22 ) ,以及在性交的男子(四, 1月3日) 。 The strong expressions in iii, 18 sqq., and iv, 2 sq., must be explained by the writer's tragic vein, and thus does credit to the writer, who, speaking as Solomon, deplores bitterly what has often enough happened in his kingdom also, whether through his fault or without his knowledge.強勁的表現形式在三, 18 sqq 。 ,和四, 2平方米,必須加以解釋的作家的悲慘靜脈,因此沒有信用的作家,誰身份發言,索羅門,強烈譴責了什麼事情經常在他的王國此外,無論是通過他的過錯,或在他不知情。 The despotic rule of the kings was described in advance by Samuel and Solomon cannot be cleared of all guilt (see below).專制統治下,國王被稱為事先塞繆爾和所羅門不能清除所有罪責(見下文) 。 But even the best prince will, to his grief, find by experience that countless wrongs cannot be prevented in a large empire.但即使是最好的哈里王子將,他的悲痛,找到了無數錯誤的經驗,無法防止在一個大帝國。 Qoheleth does not speak of the wrongs which he himself has suffered, but of those which others sustained. Qoheleth不會說的錯誤,他本人也受到不利影響,但這些別人持續。 Another of life's vanities consists in the fact that mad competition leads many to fall into idleness (iv, 4-6); a third causes many a man through greed to shun society, or even to lose a throne because his unwisdom forbids him to seek the help of other men (iv, 7-16).另一種生活的梳妝台組成的事實,瘋狂的競爭導致許多落入無所事事(四, 4月6日) ;第三個原因很多人通過貪婪迴避社會,或什至失去了王位,因為他unwisdom禁止他尋求的幫助下,其他人(四, 7月16日) 。 Qoheleth then turns once more to the three classes of men named: to those who groan under the weight of injustice, in order to exhort them not to sin against God by murmuring against Providence, for this would be tantamount to dishonouring God in His temple, or to breaking a sacred vow, or to denying Providence (iv, 17-v, 8); in the same way he gives a few salutary counsels to the miser (v, 9-19) and describes the misery of the supposed foolish king (vi, 1-6).然後輪流Qoheleth再次向三類男子名為:那些誰的重壓下呻吟的不公正,為了告誡他們不要對上帝的罪過低聲對普羅維登斯,這無異於dishonouring上帝在他的寺廟,或打破一項神聖的誓言,或者拒絕普羅維登斯(四, 17五, 8 ) ;以同樣的方式,他給出了一些有益的律師向守財奴(五, 9月19日)和描述的苦難假定愚蠢的國王(六, 1月6日) 。 A long oratorical amplification closes the second part (vi, 7-vii, 30).長期擴增結束演講的第二部分(六,七人七, 30 ) 。 The immutable predestination of all things by God must teach man contentment and modesty (vi, 7-vii, 1, Vulg.).不變預定萬物的上帝必須教人知足和謙虛(六,七,七, 1 , Vulg 。 ) 。 A serious life, free from all frivolity, is best (vii, 2-7, Vulg.).一個嚴重的生命,不受任何frivolity ,是最好的(七, 2月7日, Vulg 。 ) 。 Instead of passionate outbreaks (vii, 8-15), he recommends a golden mean (vii, 16-23).不是激情爆發(七, 8月15日) ,他建議中庸(七16-23 ) 。 Finally, Qoheleth inquires into the deepest and last reason of "vanity" and finds it in the sinfulness of woman; he evidently thinks also of the sin of the first woman, through which, against the will of God (30), misery entered the world (vii, 24-30).最後, Qoheleth探討最深的原因和去年的“虛榮” ,並認為在罪惡的女人,他顯然認為還罪的第一位女性,通過這種對上帝的意志( 30 ) ,苦難進入世界(七24-30 ) 。 In this part, also, Qoheleth returns to his admonition to enjoy in peace and modesty the blessings granted by God, instead of giving oneself up to anger on account of wrongs endured, or to avarice, or to other vices (iii, 22; v, 17 sq.; vii, 15).在這部分,還Qoheleth回到他告誡享有在和平與謙遜的祝福天賜,而不是使自己的行動憤怒到錯誤忍受,或貪婪,或其他惡習(三, 22 ; v , 17平方米;七, 15歲) 。

Part III第三部分

Part III begins with the question: "Who is as the wise man?"第三部分開始了這樣一個問題: “誰是智者? ” (In the Vulg. these words have been wrongly placed in chap. vii.) Qoheleth here gives seven or eight important rules for life as the quintessence of true wisdom. (在Vulg 。這些話被錯誤地放置在第三章。七。 ) Qoheleth這裡讓七,八個重要規則生活的精髓,真正的智慧。 Submit to God's ("the king's") will (viii, 1-8).向上帝的( “國王” )將(八, 1月8日) 。 If you observe that there is no justice on earth, contain yourself, "eat and drink" (viii, 9-15).如果您觀察,沒有任何司法地球上載自己, “吃喝” (八, 9月15日) 。 Do not attempt to solve all the riddles of life by human wisdom; it is better to enjoy modestly the blessings of life and to work according to one's strength, but always within the narrow limits set by God (viii, 16-ix, 12.–In the Vulgate ad aliud must be dropped).不要試圖解決所有的謎語生命的人類智慧,是更好地享受溫和的祝福生活和工作根據自己的實力,但總是在設定的範圍狹窄的上帝(八, 16九, 12 。 ,在武加大廣告aliud必須下降) 。 In this "siege" of your city (by God) seek help in true wisdom (ix, 13-x, 3).在這種“包圍”的城市(上帝)尋求幫助,真正的智慧(九, 13十, 3 ) 。 It is always most important not to lose your temper because of wrongs done to you (x, 4-15).它始終是最重要的是不要失去自己的脾氣,因為這樣做對你的錯誤(十, 4月15日) 。 Then follows the repetition of the adivce not to give oneself up to idleness; sloth destroys countries and nations, therefore work diligently, but leave the success to God without murmuring (x, 16-xi, 6).接著重複的adivce不給自己的行動無所事事;懶破壞國家和民族,因此,勤奮工作,但讓上帝的成功沒有淙淙(十, 16十一, 6 ) 。 Even amid the pleasures of life do not forget the Lord, but think of death and judgment (xi, 7-xii, 8).即使在生命的快樂不要忘記上帝,但認為死亡和判決(十一,第7至十二, 8 ) 。

In the epilogue Qoheleth again lays stress upon his authority as the teacher of wisdom, and declares that the pith of his teaching is: Fear God and keep the Commandments; for that is the whole man.在結語Qoheleth再次注重對他的權威教師的智慧,並宣布了他的教學精髓是:害怕上帝並保持誡命;因為這是整個人類。

In the above analysis, as must be expected, the writer of this article has been guided in some particulars by his conception of the difficult text before him, which he has set forth more completely in his commentary on the same.在上面的分析,必須預期,作者的這篇文章已在一些細節的指導,他的概念案文的困難在他面前,他提出了更多的完全在他的評注相同。 Many critics do not admit a close connection of ideas at all.許多批評者不承認密切聯繫的想法在所有。 Zapletal regards the book as a collection of separate aphorisms which form a whole only exteriorly; Bickell thought that the arrangement of the parts had been totally destroyed at an early date; Siegfried supposes that the book had been supplemented and enlarged in strata; Luther assumed several authors. Zapletal關於這本書作為一個單獨的警句收集形成一個整體只有外表; Bickell認為,安排部分已經被完全毀壞早日;西格弗里假設這本書已被補充和擴大階層;路德假定幾個作者。 Most commentators do not expect that they can show a regular connection of all the "sayings" and an orderly arrangement of the entire book.大多數評論家並不指望他們能夠表現出正常的連接所有的“說法” ,並有秩序地安排整本書。 In the above analysis an attempt has been made to do this, and we have pointed out what means may lead to success. Several parts must be taken in the sense of parables, eg what is said in ix, 14 sqq., of the siege of a city by a king.在上述分析的一個已試圖做到這一點,我們必須指出,用什麼方法可能導致成功。幾個部分,必須考慮意義上的寓言,例如什麼是說在九, 14 sqq 。 ,包圍一個城市的一個國王。 And in viii, 2, and x, 20, "king" means God.並在第八,第2 ,與X , 20 , “國王”是指神。 It appears to me that iv, 17, is not to be taken literally; and the same is true of x, 8 sqq.看來,我認為四, 17歲,是不能從字面上看,也是如此的X , 8 sqq 。 Few will hestitate to take xi, 1 sqq., figuratively. Chap.很少人會hestitate採取十一, 1 sqq 。 ,比喻。章。 xii must convince every one that bold allegories are quite in Qoheleth's style.第十二必須說服每個人都認為是非常大膽的寓言中Qoheleth的風格。 Chap.第三章。 iii would by very flat if the proposition, "There is a time for everything", carried no deeper meaning than the words disclose at first sight. The strongest guarantee of the unity and sequence of thoughts in the book is the theme, "Vanitas vanitatum", which emphatically opens it and is repeated again and again, and (xii, 8) with which it ends. ㈢將非常平坦如果主張, “有時間的一切” ,沒有進行更深的意義的話披露比一見鍾情。最強保障的統一和序列的想法是這本書的主題, “ Vanitas vanitatum “ ,其中強調開放,是一次又一次重複,和(十二, 8 )與它的目的。 Furthermore, the constant repetition of vidi or of similar expressions, which connect the arguments for the same truth; finally, the sameness of verbal and rhetorical turns and of the writer's tragic vein, with its hyperbolical language, from beginning to end.此外,不斷重複的vidi或類似的表述,其中連接的論據同樣的真理;最後,相同的語言和修辭輪流和作家的悲劇精神,其hyperbolical語言,從開始到結束。

In order to reconcile the apparently conflicting statements in the same book or what seem contradictions of manifest truths of the religious or moral order, ancient commentators assumed that Qoheleth expresses varying views in the form of a dialogue.為了調和的矛盾說法顯然是在同一本書或什麼似乎矛盾的表現真理的宗教或道德秩序,古老的評論家認為, Qoheleth表示不同意見,進行對話的形式。 Many modern commentators, on the other hand, have sought to remove these discrepancies by omitting parts of the text, in this way to obtain a harmonious collection of maxims, or even affirmed that the author had no clear ideas, and, eg, was not convinced of the spirituality and immortality of the soul.許多現代評論家,另一方面,設法消除這些分歧,通過省略部分的文字,以這種方式獲得一個和諧收集格言,或什至申明,作者沒有明確的想法,例如,是不是深信精神和不朽的靈魂。 But, apart from the fact that we cannot admit erroneous or varying views of life and faith in an inspired writer, we regard frequent alterations in the text or the proposed form of a dialogue as poor makeshifts.但是,除了這一事實,我們不能承認錯誤或不同的看法和信念的生活在一個作家的啟發,我們認為頻繁更改的文字或建議性的對話方式為貧困makeshifts 。 It suffices, in my opinion, to explain certain hyperbolical and somewhat paradoxical turns as results of the bold style and the tragic vein of the writer.這就夠了,在我看來,解釋某些hyperbolical和有些矛盾的結果變成了大膽的風格和悲慘靜脈作家。 If our explanation is correct, the chief reproach against Qoheleth–viz.如果我們的解釋是正確的,對行政長官責備Qoheleth河。 that against his orthodoxy–falls to the ground.這對他的正統,落在地上。 For if iii, 17; xi, 9; xii, 7, 14, point to another life as distinctly as can be desired, we cannot take iii, 18-21, as a denial of immortality.如果三, 17人;十一, 9 ;十二, 7日, 14日,指向另一個生活明顯可以期望的,我們不能採取三, 18日至21日,作為剝奪永生。 Besides, it is evident that in his whole book the author deplores only the vanity of the mortal or earthly life; but to this may be truly applied (if the hyperbolical language of the tragical mood is taken into consideration) whatever is said there by Qoheleth.此外,顯而易見的是,在他的整本書的作者痛惜只有虛榮的致命或俗世生活;而且這可能是真正的應用(如hyperbolical語言的悲劇情緒考慮)說,無論是由Qoheleth 。 We cannot find fault with his comparing the mortal life of man and his death to the life and death of the beast (in vv. 19 and 21 rwh must always be taken as "breath of life").我們無法找到故障,他比較塵俗的男子和他的死亡的生命和死亡的野獸(中的VV 。 19日和21日rwh必須始終被視為“生活的呼吸” ) 。 Again, iv, 2 sq., is only a hyperbolical expression; in like manner Job (iii, 3) curses in his grief the day of his birth.再次,四, 2平方公里,僅是hyperbolical表達;在同樣的方式工作(三, 3 )咒罵他悲痛的一天,他出生。 True, some allege that the doctrine of immortality was altogether unknown to early intiquity; but even the Saviour (Luke 20:37) adduced the testimony of Moses for the resurrection of the dead and was not contradicted by his adversaries.誠然,一些人說,不朽的理論是完全陌生的早期intiquity ;但即使是救世主(路加福音20:37 )提出的證詞,摩西的,死人復活,並沒有違背他的對手。 And ix, 5 sq. and 10, must be taken in a similar sense.和第九章,第5和10平方米,必須採取類似的意義。 Now, in dooming all things earthly to destruction, but attributing another life to the soul, Qoheleth admits the spirituality of the soul; this follows especially from xii, 7, where the body is returned to the earth, but the soul to God.現在,在注定一切塵世的破壞,但歸於另一個生命的靈魂, Qoheleth承認精神的靈魂;在此之前,尤其是從12日, 7日,在身體返回地球,但上帝的靈魂。

Sometimes Qoheleth also seems to be given to fatalism; for in his peculiar manner he lays great stress on the immutability of the laws of nature and of the universe.有時Qoheleth似乎也考慮到宿命論;在他特有的方式,他突出強調了不可改變的自然規律和宇宙。 But he considers this immutability as dependent on God's will (iii, 14; vi, 2; vii, 14 sq.).但他認為這一不可改變的依賴天意(三, 14 ;六, 2 ;七, 14平方米) 。 Nor does he deny the freedom of man within the limits set by God; otherwise his admonitions to fear God, to work, etc. would be meaningless, and man would not have brought evil into the world through his own fault (vii, 29, Heb.) Just as little does he contest the freedom of God's decrees, for God is spoken of as the source of all wisdom (ii, 26; v, 5).他也沒有否認人的自由所規定的限度內上帝,否則他告誡害怕上帝,工作等將是毫無意義的,人不會帶來邪惡融入世界,通過他自己的錯(七, 29 ,河北。 )正如小競賽,他的自由,上帝的法令,為上帝是談到的源泉所有智慧(二26 ;五, 5 ) 。 His views of life do not lead Qoheleth to stoical indifference or to blind hatred; on the contrary he shows the deepest sympathy with the misery of the suffering and earnestly deprecates opposition against God.他的看法的生活不會導致Qoheleth以堅忍的冷漠或盲目仇恨,相反,他顯示了最深切的同情與苦難的痛苦和認真deprecates反對上帝。 In contentment with one's lot, in the quiet enjoyment of the blessings given by God, he discerns the golden mean, by which man prevents the vagaries of passion.在知足的人很多,在安靜享受的祝福給上帝,他discerns中庸,其中男子阻止變幻莫測的激情。 Neither does he thereby recommend a kind of epicurism.從而也沒有他建議一種epicurism 。 For the ever-recurring phrase, "Eat and drink, for that is the best in this life", evidently is only a typical formula by which he recalls man from all kinds of excesses.對於以往經常性的短語, “吃喝,因為這是最好的在此生活” ,顯然是一個典型的計算方法,他回憶男子從各種過激行為。 He recommends not idle, but moderate enjoyment, accompanyied by incessant labour.他建議不閒置,但溫和的享受, accompanyied的不斷勞動力。 Many persist in laying one charge at Qoheleth's door, viz., that of pessimism.許多堅持奠定一個負責Qoheleth的大門,即。 ,即悲觀。 He seems to call all man's efforts vain and empty, his life aimless and futile, and his lot deplorable.他似乎呼籲所有的人的努力白費,空,他的生活毫無目的的,也是徒勞,他的很多遺憾。 It is true that a sombre mood prevails in the book, that the author chose as his theme the description of the sad and serious sides of life but is it pessimism to recognize the evils of life and to be impressed with them?誠然,一個極為暗淡的情緒普遍存在在這本書中,作者選擇的主題,他的描述令人痛心和嚴重的生活,但雙方是悲觀承認罪惡的生命,並留下深刻的印象呢? Is it not rather the mark of a great and profound mind to deplore bitterly the imperfection of what is earthly, and, on the aother hand, the peculiarity of the frivolous to ignore the truth?是不是相當的標誌一個偉大而深刻的思想,以強烈的遺憾是什麼不完善的人間,並在aother另一方面,特殊性輕率忽視的真相? The colours with which Qoheleth paints these evils are indeed glaring, but they naturally flow from the poetical-oratorical style of his book and from his inward agitation, which likewise gives rise to the hyperbolical language in the Book of Job and in certain psalms.顏色與Qoheleth油漆這些罪惡確實是明顯的,但他們的自然流動的詩歌,演講風格,他的著作和他抵港激動,這同樣引起了hyperbolical語言約伯記和某些詩篇。 However, Qoheleth, unlike the pessimists, does not inveigh against God and the order of the universe, but only man.然而, Qoheleth ,不像悲觀主義者,沒有對上帝和漫罵秩序的宇宙,但只有男子。 Chap.第三章。 vii, in which he inquires into the last cause of evil, closes with the words, "Only this I have found, that God made man right, and he hath entangled himself with an infinity of questions [or phantasms]".第七,他在探討過去造成的邪惡,關閉的話, “只有這樣,我發現,即上帝創造人類的權利,和他自己的上帝糾纏的至無限遠的問題[或phantasms ] ” 。 His philosophy shows us also the way in which man can find a modest happiness.他的哲學也表明我們的方式,可以找到一個人微薄的幸福。 While severely condemning exceptional pleasures and luxury (chap. ii), it counsels the enjoyment of those pleasures which God prepares for every man (viii, 15; ix, 7 sqq.; xi, 9).同時嚴厲譴責例外樂趣和豪華(第二章) ,但律師享受這些樂趣上帝為每個人準備(八, 15 ;九, 7 sqq 。 ;十一, 9 ) 。 It does not paralyze, but incites activity (ix, 10; x, 18 sq.; xi, 1 sq.).它不會癱瘓,但煽動活動(九, 10 ;十, 18平方米;十一, 1平方米) 。 It stays him in his afflictions (v, 7 sqq.; viii, 5; x, 4); it consoles him in death (iii, 17; xii, 7); it discovers at every step how necessary is the fear of God.可以保持他的苦難(五, 7 sqq 。 ;八, 5 ;十, 4 ) ;它遊戲機他死亡(三, 17人;十二, 7 ) ;發現每一個步驟,是多麼必要害怕上帝。 But Qoheleth's greatest trouble seems to be his inability to find a direct, smooth answer to life's riddles; hence he so frequently deplores the insufficiency of his wisdom; on the other hand, besides wisdom, commonly so called, ie the wisdom resulting from man's investigations, he knows another kind of wisdom which soothes, and which he therefore recommends again and again (vii, 12, 20; Heb. viii, 1; ix, 17; xii, 9-14).但是Qoheleth最大的麻煩似乎是他無法找到一個直接的,順利的答案生活的謎語;因此,他經常感到遺憾的不足,他的智慧,另一方面,除了智慧,通常所謂的,即從人的智慧產生的調查,他知道另一種智慧舒緩,並因此,他建議一次又一次(七, 12 , 20 ;希伯來。八, 1 ;九, 17 ;十二, 9月14日) 。 It is true, we feel how the author wrestles with the difficulties which beset his inquiries into the riddles of life; but he overcomes them and offers us an effective consolation even in extraordinary trials.這是事實,我們認為如何作者wrestles的困難困擾著他的調查,謎語的生活,但他克服了他們為我們提供了一個有效的安慰,即使在特殊的審判。 Extraordinary also must have been the occasion which led him to compose the book.還必須有特別的場合,他撰寫這本書。 He introduces himself from the beginning and repeatedly as Solomon, and this forcibly recalls Solomon shortly before the downfall of the empire; but we know from the Scriptures that this had been prepared by various rebellions and had been foretold by the infallible word of the prophet (see below).他介紹了自己從一開始就一再所羅門群島,這強行回顧所羅門前不久倒台的帝國,但我們知道的聖經,這已編寫各種叛亂,並已預言的萬無一失字先知(見下文) 。 We must picture to ourselves Solomon in these critical times, how he seeks to strengthen himself and his subjects in this sore trial by the true wisdom which is a relief at all times; submission to the immutable will of God, the true fear of the Lord, undoubtedly must now appear to him the essence of human wisdom.我們必須圖片自己所羅門在這些關鍵時刻,他如何設法加強自己和他的臣民在這疼痛審判真正的智慧是一種救濟在任何時候;提交永恆上帝的意志,真正的敬畏耶和華毫無疑問,現在必須顯示他的本質,人類的智慧。

As the inspired character of Ecclesiastes was not settled in the Fifth Œcumenical Council but only solemnly reaffirmed against Theodore of Mopsuestia, the faithful have always found edification and consolation in this book.正如傳道書激勵性質沒有定居在第五Œcumenical安理會只是莊嚴重申對西奧多的Mopsuestia ,信徒們總是發現熏陶和安慰在這本書。 Already in the third century, St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, in his metaphrase, then Gregory of Nyssa, in eight homilies, later Hugh of St. Victor, in nineteen homilies, set forth the wisdom of Qoheleth as truly celestial and Divine.早在三世紀,聖格雷戈里Thaumaturgus ,在他的直譯,然後格雷戈里的果樹,在8個講道詞,後來休聖維克多,在19講道詞,闡明的智慧Qoheleth作為真正的天體和神聖。 Every age may learn from his teaching that man's true happiness must not be looked for on earth, not in human wisdom, not in luxury, not in royal splendour; that many afflictions await everybody, in consequence either of the iniquity of others, or of his own passions; that God has shut him up within narrow limits, lest he become overweening, but that He does not deny him a small measure of happiness if he does not "seek things that are above him" (vii, 1, Vulg.), if he enjoys what God has bestowed on him in the fear of the Lord and in salutary labour.每個時代可能會學習他的教學,人的真正的幸福不應該尋找在地球上,而不是人類的智慧,而不是奢侈品,而不是在英國皇家輝煌;許多苦難等待著每個人,因此任何一種不公正的其他人,或他自己的激情;上帝關閉他在狹窄的限制,否則,他變得過於自信,但他不否認他是幸福的小措施,如果他不“求是上述事情,他” (第七章, 1 , Vulg 。 ) ,如果他喜歡什麼上帝所賦予他的敬畏耶和華和有益的勞動。 The hope of a better life to come grows all the stronger the less this life can satisfy man, especially the man of high endeavour.希望過上更好的生活來增加所有越少這個人的生活能夠滿足,尤其是男子的努力。 Now Qoheleth does not intend this doctrine for an individual or for one people, but for mankind, and he does not prove it from supernatural revelation, but from pure reason.現在Qoheleth不打算為這一理論的個人或一個人,但對人類,他並不證明它從超自然的啟示,但是從純粹理性。 This is his cosmopolitan standpoint, which Kuenen rightly recognized; unfortunately, this commentator wished to conclude from this that the book originated in Hellenistic times. Nowack refuted him, but the universal application of the meditations contained therein, to every man who is guided by reason, is unmistakable.這是他大都市的角度來看,正確地認識到這Kuenen ;不幸的是,這評論員希望結束這個這本書起源於古希臘時期。 Nowack駁斥他,但普遍適用的沉思中所載,以每個人的指導方針是誰的原因,是不容置疑的。

The Author of the Book本書的作者

Most modern commentators are of the opinion that Qoheleth's style points not to Solomon, but to a later writer.最現代化的評論家認為, Qoheleth的風格點不所羅門群島,但到以後的作家。 About this the following may be said:–關於此以下可以說: -

(1) As a matter of fact, the language of this book differs widely from the language of the Proverbs. ( 1 )事實上,語言的這本書有很大的不同語言的諺語。 Some think that they have discovered many Aramaisms in it.有人認為他們已經發現了許多Aramaisms中。 What can we say on this point?–It cannot be gainsaid that Solomon and a great, if not the greatest part of his people understood Aramaic.我們可以說些什麼關於這一點的? ,它不能gainsaid的所羅門群島和偉大,如果不是最大的一部分,他的人民理解阿拉姆。 (We take the word here as the common name of the dialects closely related to the Biblical Hebrew.) Abraham and Sara, as well as the wives of Isaac and Jacob, had come from Chaldea; it is therefore probable that the language of that country was preserved, beside the language of Palestine, in the family of the Patriarchs; at any rate, in Moses' time the people still used Aramaic expressions. (我們在這裡一詞作為通用名稱的方言密切相關的聖經希伯來文。 )亞伯拉罕和Sara ,以及妻子的艾薩克和Jacob ,來自Chaldea ;因此,可能是該國的語言保存,旁邊的文字巴勒斯坦,在家庭中的始祖;無論如何,在摩西的時間的人仍然使用阿拉姆語的表達。 They exclaim (Exodus 16:15) mn hwa while Moses himself once substituted the Hebrew mh-hwa; the name of the miraculous food, however, remained mn.他們驚嘆(出16:15 )分鐘華而一旦取代摩西本人的希伯來文的MH -華的名字,奇蹟般的食物,但是,仍然分鐘。 A large portion of David's and Solomon's empire was peopled by Arameans, so that Solomon reigned from the Euphrates to Gaza [I (III) K., v, 4, Heb.; II Sam.大部分大衛和所羅門的帝國,這裡的阿拉曼人,因此,所羅門統治從幼發拉底河到加沙[我(三)光,五,四,希伯來。 ;二山姆。 (K.), x, 19; cf Gen., xv, 18]. (光) ,第十章, 19條;比照將軍,十五, 18 ] 。 He was conversant with the science of the "sons of the East" and exchanged with them his wisdom (1 Samuel 5:10-14, Hebrew).他精通科學的“兒子的東方” ,並與他們交換了他的智慧(撒母耳記上5:10-14 ,希伯來文) 。 But, as Palestine lay along the commercial routes between the Euphrates and Phœnecia, the Israelites, at least in the north of the country, must have been well acquainted with Aramaic.但是,正如巴勒斯坦奠定商業路線沿之間的幼發拉底河和Phœnecia ,以色列人,至少在該國北部,必須是熟悉阿拉姆。 At the time of King Ezechias even the officials of Jerusalem understood Aramaic (Isaiah 36:11; 2 Samuel 18:26, Hebrew).當時國王埃澤希亞甚甚至官員耶路撒冷理解阿拉姆(以賽亞書36:11 ;撒母耳記下18:26 ,希伯來文) 。 Solomon could therefore assume, without hesitation, a somewhat Aramaic speech, if reason or mere inclination moved him.所羅門群島因此可以假設,沒有猶豫,有些阿拉姆講話,如果原因或僅僅傾角感動他。 As a skilful writer, he may have intended, especially in his old age, and in a book whose style is partly oratorical, partly philosophical, partly poetical, to enrich the language by new turns.作為一個熟練的作家,他可能打算,特別是在晚年,並在一本書的風格,部分演講,部分哲學,詩歌部分,以豐富的語言,新滿。 Goethe's language in the second part of "Faust" differs greatly from the first, and introduces many neologisms. Now Solomon seems to have had a more important reason for it.歌德的語言在第二部分的“浮士德”大不相同第一,並介紹了許多新詞。現在,所羅門群島似乎有更重要的原因。 As it lay in his very character to remove the barriers between pagans and Israelites, he may have had the conscious intention to address in this book, one of his last, not only the Israelites but his whole people; the Aramaic colouring of his language, then, served as a means to introduce himself to Aramaic readers, who, in their turn, understood Hebrew sufficiently.因為它在於他非常性質,消除之間的障礙異教徒和猶太人,他可以有意識的意向,以解決在這本書中,他的一個最後,不僅是猶太人,但他的全體人民;的阿拉姆染色,他的語言,然後,作為一種手段,介紹自己的阿拉姆讀者,誰在其反過來,希伯來語充分理解。 It is remarkable that the name of God, Jahweh, never occurs in Ecclesiastes, while Elohim is found thirty-seven times; it is more remarkable still that the name Jahweh has been omitted in a quotation (5:3; cf. Deuteronomy 23:22).值得注意的是,以上帝的名義, Jahweh ,從來沒有發生在傳道書,而耶洛因發現37倍,這是更了不起的名字仍然Jahweh省略了在報價( 5時03 ;比照。申命記23 : 22 ) 。 Besides, nothing is found in the book that could not be known through natural religion, without the aid of revelation.此外,沒有發現在這本書不能稱為自然宗教,但援助的啟示。

(2) The Aramaisms may perhaps be explained in still another way. ( 2 ) Aramaisms也許可以解釋仍然另一種途徑。 We probably possess the Old Testament, not in the original wording and orthography, but in a form which is slightly revised.我們可能擁有舊約,而不是在原來的措詞和正字法,但在一種形式是略加修改。 We must unquestionably distinguish, it seems, between Biblical Hebrew as an unchanging literary language and the conversational Hebrew, which underwent constant changes.毫無疑問,我們必須區分,似乎聖經希伯來語之間的一個不變的文學語言和會話希伯來語,經歷不斷變化。 For there is no instance anywhere that a spoken language has been preserved for some nine hundred years so little changed in its grammar and vocabulary as the language of our extant canonical books.因為沒有任何一個實例口語一直保存一些九百年變化不大,使在其語法和詞彙的語言,我們現存的典型書籍。 Let us, for an instance, compare the English, French, or German of nine hundred years ago with those languages in their present form.讓我們的一個實例,比較英語,法語,德語或在九百年前,這些語言在其目前的形式。 Hence it seems exceedingly daring to infer from the written Hebrew the character of the spoken language, and from the style of the book to infer the date of its composition.因此,看來非常大膽的推斷從書面希伯來語的性質口語,從風格推斷書之日起其組成。 In the case of a literary language, on the other hand, which is a dead language and as such essentially unchangeable, it is reasonable to suppose that in the course of time its orthography, as well as single words and phrases, and, perhaps, here and there, some formal elements, have been subjected to change in order to be more intelligible to later readers. It is possible that Ecclesiastes was received into the canon in some such later edition.如果是文學語言,另一方面,這是一條走不通的語言,因此,基本上是一成不變的,可以合理地假設,在隨著時間的推移它的正字法,以及單一的單詞和詞組,以及或許,在這裡和那裡,一些正規的內容,受到了變化,以便更可理解為後來的讀者。有可能傳道書收到的佳能等後來在一些版本。 The Aramaisms, therefore, may also be explained in this manner; at any rate, the supposition that the time of the composition of a Biblical book may be deduced from its language is wholly questionable.該Aramaisms ,因此,也可能解釋了這種方式;無論如何,假定的時間組成聖經書,可從它的語言是完全值得懷疑。

(3) This is a fact admitted by all those critics who ascribe Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, portions of Isaias and of the Pentateuch, etc., to a later period, without troubling themselves about the difference of style in these books. ( 3 )這是一個事實承認所有這些批評誰賦予傳道書的頌歌的Canticles ,部分伊薩亞和摩西五等,到以後的時期,但令人擔憂的差異本身的風格在這些書籍。

(4) The eagerness to find Aramaisms in Ecclesiastes is also excessive. Expressions which are commonly regarded as such are found now and then in many other books. ( 4 )渴望找到Aramaisms在傳道書也太過分了。表現形式一般被視為現在這種被發現,然後在其他許多書籍。 Hirzel thinks that he has found ten Aramaisms in Genesis, eight in Exodus, five in Leviticus, four in Numbers, nine in Deuteronomy, two in Josue, nine in Judges, five in Ruth, sixteen in Samuel, sixteen in the Psalms, and several in Proverbs. Hirzel認為他已經發現10 Aramaisms的成因, 8外流, 5個在利未記,四個數字, 9個在申命記,兩個在若蘇埃,九個法官, 5名在露絲, 16在薩穆埃爾, 16中的詩篇,還有幾個在諺語。 For this there may be a twofold explanation: Either the descendants of Abraham, a Chaldean, and of Jacob, who dwelt twenty years in the Land of Laban, and whose sons were almost all born there, have retained numerous Aramaisms in the newly acquired Hebrew tongue, or the peculiarities pointed out by Hitzig and others are no Aramaisms.為此,可能有兩方面的解釋:要么亞伯拉罕的後裔,一個迦勒和雅各布,誰住二十年在土地的班,其兒子被幾乎所有出生在那裡,保留了許多Aramaisms在新獲得的希伯來語舌頭,或的特殊性所指出的那樣希齊格和其他沒有Aramaisms 。 It is indeed astonishing how accurately certain critics claim to know the linguistic peculiarities of each of the numerous authors and of every period of a language of which but little literature is left to us.這的確是令人吃驚如何準確某些批評家聲稱知道每個語言特點的眾多作家和每一個時期的一種語言,但其中很少文學是給我們留下。 Zöckler affirms that almost every verse of Qoheleth contains some Aramaisms (Komm., p. 115); Grotius found only four in the whole book; Hengstenberg admits ten; the opinions on this point are so much at variance that one cannot help noticing how varying men's conception of an Aramaism is. Zöckler申明,幾乎每一個詩的Qoheleth包含一些Aramaisms ( Komm. ,第115頁) ;格羅提斯發現只有四個在整本書;亨斯承認10 ;的意見,在這一點上是如此之大的差異,我們不能幫助發現如何變男子的概念是一個Aramaism 。 Peculiar or strange expressions are at once called Aramaisms; but, according to Hävernick, the Book of Proverbs, also, contains forty words and phrases which are often repeated and which are found in no other book; the Canticle of Canticles has still more peculiarities.獨特的或奇怪的表情是一度被稱為Aramaisms ;但據Hävernick ,這本書的諺語,還包含40個單詞和短語通常重複的,哪些是在沒有其他書籍;的頌歌的Canticles仍然更多的特點。 On the contrary the Prophecies of Aggeus, Zacharias, and Malachias are without any of those peculiarities which are supposed to indicate so late a period.與此相反的預言Aggeus ,撒迦利亞,並Malachias沒有任何這些特點是為了表明這麼晚的時期。 There is much truth in Griesinger's words: "We have no history of the Hebrew language".有許多事實格里辛格的話: “我們沒有任何歷史的希伯來語” 。

(5) Even prominent authorities adduce Aramaisms which are shown to be Hebraic by clear proofs or manifest analogies from other books. ( 5 )即使突出當局提出Aramaisms這表明是希伯來的明確證據或明顯的類比和其他書籍。 There are hardly any unquestionable Aramaisms which can neither be found in other books nor regarded as Hebraisms, which perchance have survived only in Ecclesiastes (for a detailed demonstration cf. the present writer's Commentary, pp. 23-31).幾乎沒有不容置疑Aramaisms這既不能發現的其他書籍,也不視為Hebraisms ,這或許只有在生存傳道書(詳細演示比照。本作家的評注,頁。 23-31 ) 。 We repeat here Welte's words: "Only the language remains as the principal argument that it was written after Solomon; but how fallacious in such cases is the merely linguistic proof, need not be mentioned after what has been said."我們在這裡重複Welte的話: “只有語言仍然作為主要的論點,這是寫在所羅門群島;多麼荒謬,但在這種情況下,僅僅是語言上的證據,無須提及後所說的話。 ”

It is alleged that the conditions as described in Ecclesiastes do not agree with the time and person of Solomon.據稱,這些條件中所描述傳道書不同意的時間和人的所羅門。 True, the author, who is supposed to be Solomon, speaks of the oppression of the weak by the stronger, or one official by another, of the denial of right in the courts of justice (iii, 16; iv, 1; v, 7 sqq.; viii, 9 sq.; x, 4 sqq.).誠然,作者,誰應該是所羅門,談到壓迫弱者的強大,或由另一一名官員,剝奪的權利,法院的司法(三, 16 ;四, 1 ;五, 7 sqq 。 ;八,九平方米;十, 4 sqq 。 ) 。 Now many think that such things could not have happened in Solomon's realm.現在許多人認為這種事情不可能發生在所羅門的境界。 But it surely did not escape the wisdom of Solomon that oppression occurs at all times and with every people; the glaring colours, however, in which he describes them originate in the tragic time of the whole book.但肯定沒有逃避的智慧,所羅門群島,壓迫發生在任何時候,每個人的明顯的顏色,然而,他在信中介紹了他們的悲慘源於時間的整本書。 Besides, Solomon himself was accused, after his death, of oppressing his people, and his son confirms the charge [I (III) K., xii, 4 and 14]; moreover, long before him, Samuel spoke of the despotism of the future kings [I Sam.此外,所羅門自己被指控,在他死後,他的人民的壓迫,和他的兒子證實了費[口(三)光,第十二章,第4和14 ] ;此外,長期在他面前,塞繆爾談到專制的未來的國王[我薩姆。 (K.), viii, 11 sq.]. (光) ,第八章, 11平方米] 。 Many miss in the book an indication of the past sins and the subsequent repentance of the king or, on the other hand, wonder that he discloses the mistakes of his life so openly.許多小姐在書中指出,過去的罪孽和隨後悔改國王或,另一方面,難怪他的錯誤,披露他的生命如此公開。 But if these readers considered vii, 27-29, they could not help sharing Solomon's disgust at women's intrigues and their consequences; if obedience towards God is inculcated in various ways, and if this (xii, 13) is regarded as man's sole destination, the readers saw that the converted king feared the Lord; in chap.但是,如果這些讀者認為七, 27日至29日,他們不能幫助分擔所羅門的厭惡婦女的陰謀詭計及其後果;如果服從對上帝是灌輸以各種方式,如果這(十二,十三)被看作是人的唯一目的,讀者看到,轉換國王擔心上帝;在第三章。 ii sensuality and luxury are condemned so vigorously that we may regard this passage as a sufficient expression of repentance.二肉感和奢侈品是如此強烈譴責,我們可以把這段話作為一個充分表達懺悔。 The openness, however, with which Solomon accuses himself only heightens the impression.的開放性,然而,其中只有所羅門群島指責自己加深印象。 This impression has at all times been so strong, precisely because it is the experienced, rich, and wise Solomon who brands the sinful aspirations of man as "vanity of vanities".這種印象在任何時候都如此強大,正是因為它是經驗豐富的,豐富的,而明智的所羅門誰的罪孽深重的品牌願望的人稱為“虛榮心的虛榮” 。 Again, what Qoheleth says of himself and his wisdom in xii, 9 sqq., cannot sound strange if it comes from Solomon, especially since in this passage he makes the fear of the Lord the essence of wisdom.同樣,什麼Qoheleth說自己和他的智慧在第十二, 9 sqq 。不能奇怪,如果是來自索羅門,尤其是因為在這一段,他使敬畏上帝的本質的智慧。 The passages iv, 13; viii, 10; ix, 13; x, 4, are considered by some as referring to historical persons, which seems to me incorrect; at any rate, indications of so general a nature do not necessarily point to definite events and persons.通道四, 13人;八, 10 ;九, 13人;十, 4 ,是有些人認為,它是指歷史的人,這在我看來,不正確的;無論如何,這樣的跡象一般性質不一定指向明確事件和人。 Other commentators think they have discovered traces of Greek philosophy in the book; Qoheleth appears to be now a sceptic, now a stoic, now an epicurean; but these traces of Hellenism, if existing at all, are nothing more than remote resemblances too weak to serve as arguments.其他評論家認為,他們已經發現痕跡的古希臘哲學的書; Qoheleth似乎現在懷疑,現在是一個淡泊,現在是一個享樂主義者;但這些痕跡,希臘,如果在所有現有的,只不過是偏遠相似之處太弱,無法作為論據。 Cheyne (Job and Solomon) sufficiently refuted Tyler and Plumptre. That iii, 12, is a linguistic Græcism, has not been proved, because the common meaning of ‘sh twb is retained by many commentators; moreover, in II Sam.陳(職位和所羅門群島)充分駁斥泰勒和Plumptre 。這三, 12日,是一個語言Græcism ,還沒有得到證實,因為共同的含義, '上海拼焊板是保留許多評論家;此外,在二山姆。 (K.), xii, 18, ‘sh r‘h means "to be sorry"; the verb, therefore, has about the same force as if we translated ‘sh twb by eû práttein. (光) ,第十二章,第18 , '上海r'h手段“對不起” ;動詞,因此,有同等效力的,如果我們翻譯'上海拼焊板歐盟práttein 。

As all the other internal proofs against the authorship of Solomon are not more convincing, we must listen to the voice of tradition, which has always attributed Ecclesiastes to him.正如所有其他的內部證明對著作權所羅門群島沒有更有說服力的,我們必須傾聽聲音的傳統,一直歸咎於傳道書他。 The Jews doubted not its composition by Solomon, but objected to the reception, or rather retention, of the book in the canon; Hillel's School decided definitely for its canonicity and inspiration.猶太人毫不懷疑其組成的所羅門群島,但反對接待,或者不如保留,這本書在佳能;希勒爾學校決定肯定的正規和靈感。 In the Christian Church Theodore of Mopsuestia and some others for a time obscured the tradition; all other witnesses previous to the sixteenth century favour the Solomonic authorship and the inspiration.在西奧多的基督教教會和其他一些Mopsuestia一段時間掩蓋了傳統;所有其他證人前的16世紀贊成Solomonic作者和靈感。 The book itself bears testimony for Solomon, not only by the title, but by the whole tone of the discussion, as well as in i, 12; moreover, in xii, 9, Qoheleth is expressly called the author of many proverbs.這本書本身就證明了所羅門群島,不僅奪冠的可能,但整個基調的討論,以及在一,第12條;此外,在12日, 9日, Qoheleth明確要求的作者,許多諺語。 The ancients never so much as suspected that here, as in the Book of Wisdom, Solomon only played a fictitious part.古人從來沒有這麼多的懷疑,在這裡,因為在這本書中的智慧,所羅門群島只打一個虛構的部分。 On the other hand, the attempt is made to prove that the details do not fit Solomon, and to contest his authorship with this single internal argument.另一方面,在試圖證明,不符合的細節所羅門群島,並繼續他的創作與此單一的內部爭論。 The reasons adduced, however, are based upon textual explanations which are justly repudiated by others.舉出的理由,不過,是根據文字的解釋是正確的駁斥他人。 Thus Hengstenberg sees (x, 16) in the king, "who is a child", an allusion to the King of Persia; Grätz, to Herod the Idumæan; Reusch rightly maintains that the writer speaks of human experiences in general.因此亨斯認為(十, 16 )的國王, “誰是孩子” ,指的是國王波斯;格拉茨,向希律Idumæan ; Reusch正確地堅持認為,作家談到人類的經驗一般。 From ix, 13-15, Hitzig concludes that the author lived about the year 200; Bernstein thinks this ridiculous and opines that some other historical event is alluded to.從九, 13日至15日,希齊格的結論是,作者生活在約200年;伯恩斯坦認為,這荒謬的和認為,其他一些歷史事件是提到。 Hengstenberg regards this passage as nothing more than a parable; on this last view, also, the translation of the Septuagint is based (it has the subjunctive; -élthe basile&ús, "there may come a king").亨斯關於這一段作為只不過是寓言;在這最後的觀點,同時,翻譯七十是基於(它的虛擬; - élthe巴西爾伊&我們, “有可能來的國王” ) 。 As a matter of fact, Qoheleth describes only what has happened or may happen somewhere "under the sun" or at some time; he does not speak of political situations, but of the experience of the individual; he has in view not his people alone, but mankind in general.事實上,只有Qoheleth描述發生了什麼事或可能發生的地方“在陽光下” ,或在一段時間內,他不會說的政治局勢,但經驗的個人;他已經在他的人認為沒有單獨,但人類在一般。 If internal reasons are to decide the question of authorship, it seems to me that we might more justly prove this authorship of Solomon with more right from the remarkable passage about the snares of woman (vii, 27), a passage the bitterness of which is not surpassed by the warning of any ascetic; or from the insatiable thirst of Qoheleth for wisdom; or from his deep knowledge of men and the unusual force of his style. Considering everything we see no decisive reason to look for another author; on the contrary, the reasons which have been advanced against this view are for the greatest part so weak that in this question the influence of fashion is clearly discernible.如果內部原因是決定問題的著作,在我看來,我們可能更公正地證明了這一點作者所羅門更多權利的顯著通過關於女人的圈套(七, 27歲) ,一個通道的痛苦是沒有超越的任何警告禁慾;或從飢渴的Qoheleth的智慧;或從他的深入了解男人和不尋常的力量他的風格。考慮一切我們看不出有任何決定性的原因,尋找另一作者,相反,原因已先進是對這一觀點的最大部分,使薄弱,在這個問題的影響,時裝是清晰可見。

The time of the composition of our book is variously set down by the critics who deny the authorship of Solomon.的時候,組成我們的書是不同的規定,由批評誰否認作者所羅門。 Every period from Solomon to 200 has been suggested by them; there are even authorities for a later time; Grätz thinks that he has discovered clear proof that the book was written under King Herod (40-4 BC).每間200所羅門已建議他們甚至當局稍後時間;格拉茨認為,他發現明確的證據,證明這本書是寫的希律王(公元前40-4 ) 。 This shows clearly how little likely the linguistic criterion and the other internal arguments are to lead to an agreement of opinion.這清楚地表明了多少可能的語言標準和其他內部爭論是導致協議的意見。 If Solomon wrote Ecclesiastes towards the end of his life, the sombre tone of the book is easily explained; for the judgments of God (1 Kings 11) which then came upon him would naturally move him to sorrow and repentance, especially as the breaking up of his kingdom and the accompanying misery were then distinctly before his eyes (see vv. 29 sqq.; 40).如果所羅門寫道傳道書快結束時他的生命,在暗淡的基調這本書是很容易解釋為上帝的判決(列王紀上11 ) ,然後來到他就會本能地他的悲痛和懺悔,特別是在打破他的英國和所附的苦難,然後在他眼前明顯(見的VV 。 29 sqq 。 ; 40 ) 。 Amid the sudden ruin of his power and splendour, he might well exclaim, "Vanity of vanities!".由於突然毀掉他的權力和輝煌,他很可能會驚呼, “名利場的虛榮! ” 。 But as God had promised to correct him "in mercy" (2 Samuel 7:14 sq.), the supposition of many ancient writers that Solomon was converted to God becomes highly probable.但是,正如上帝答應糾正他“慈悲” (撒母耳記下7點14平方米) ,假設許多古代作家的所羅門轉化為上帝成為極有可能。 Then we also understand why his last book, or one of his last, consists of three thoughts: the vanity of earthly things, self-accusation, and emphatic admonition to obey the immutable decrees of Providence.然後,我們也明白為什麼他的最後一本書,或他的一名去年,共分三個想法:人間的虛榮的東西,自我指責,並強烈警告服從不可改變的法令普羅維登斯。 The last was well suited to save the Israelites from despair, who were soon to behold the downfall of their power.在過去很適合拯救猶太人從絕望,誰很快看哪垮台其權力。

There is an unmistakable similarity between Ecclesiastes and the Canticle of Canticles, not only in the pithy shortness of the composition, but also in the emphatic repetition of words and phrases, in the boldness of the language, in the obscure construction of the whole, and in certain linguistic peculiarities (eg the use of the relative s).有一個明白無誤的相似之處傳道書和頌歌的Canticles ,不僅在簡練急促的組成,而且在強調重複的單詞和詞組,在大膽的語言,在掩蓋建設的整體,在某些語言的特殊性(如利用相對縣) 。 The loose succession of sententious thoughts, however, reminds us of the Book of Proverbs, whence the epilogue (xii, 9 sqq.) expressly refers to Qoheleth's skill in parables.鬆散繼承簡潔的想法,然而,讓我們想起了圖書的諺語,因而尾聲(十二, 9 sqq 。 )明確提到Qoheleth技能的比喻。 In the old lists of Biblical books, the place of Ecclesiastes is between Proverbs and the Canticle of Canticles: Sept., Talmud (Baba Bathra, xiv, 2), Orig., Mel., Concil.在舊的名單聖經書籍,傳道書地之間諺語和頌歌的Canticles : 9月,塔木德(巴巴Bathra ,第十四條, 2 ) ,原始。 ,梅爾。 , Concil 。 Laodic., etc., also in the Vulgate. Laodic 。等,還武加大。 Its position is different only in the Masoretic Bible, but, as is generally admitted, for liturgical reasons.它的立場是不同的只是在馬所拉聖經,但是,正如人們普遍承認,對禮儀的原因。

As to the contents, the critics attack the passages referring to the judgment and immortality: iii, 17; xi, 9; xii, 7; furthermore the epilogue, xii, 9 sqq., especially verses 13, 14; also some other passages.至於內容,批評攻擊通道指的是判斷和永生:三, 17人;十一, 9 ;十二, 7 ;此外,結語,第十二章,第9 sqq 。 ,特別是詩句13日, 14日;也有其它一些段落。 Bickell expressed the opinion that the folios of the original, while being stitched, were deranged and completely confused; his hypothesis found few advocates, and Euringer (Masorahtext des Qoheleth, Leipzig, 1890) maintains, in opposition to him, that books had not at that early date taken the place of rolls. Bickell表示認為,黹原始,同時縫合,精神失常,完全是混淆;他假說發現一些主張,並Euringer ( Masorahtext萬Qoheleth ,萊比錫, 1890年)保持,在反對他,這本書沒有在該早日取代了卷。 There is not sufficient evidence to assume that the text was written in verse, as Zapletal does.有沒有足夠的證據來承擔,這個案文是書面的詩句,因為Zapletal的。

Owing to its literalism, the translation of the Septuagint is frequently unintelligible, and it seems that the translators used a corrupt Hebraic text. The Itala and the Coptic translation follow the Septuagint.由於其拘泥於字句,翻譯七十常常不知所云,看來譯員使用腐敗希伯來文。該伊泰萊和科普特翻譯遵循七十。 The Peshito, though translated from the Hebrew, is evidently also dependent on the text of the Septuagint.該Peshito ,但翻譯的希伯來語,顯然還依賴於文字的譯本。 This text, with the notes of Origen, partly forms the Greek and Syriac Hexapla.這段文字,與債券的奧利,部分形式,希臘和敘利亞Hexapla 。 The Vulgate is a skilful translation made by Jerome from the Hebrew and far superior to his translation from the Greek (in his commentary). Sometimes we cannot accept his opinion (in vi, 9, he most likely wrote quid cupias, and in viii, 12, ex eo quod peccator).的武加大是一個熟練的翻譯提出傑爾姆從希伯來文和遠遠優於他的翻譯從希臘(在他的評注) 。有時候,我們不能接受他的意見(在第六,九,他最有可能寫塊cupias ,並在第八, 12日,前13224狴peccator ) 。 (See the remnants of the Hexapla of Origen in Field, Oxford, 1875; a paraphrase of the Greek text in St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Migne, X, 987.) The Chaldean paraphrast is useful for controlling the Masoretic text; the Midrash Qoheleth is without value. (見殘餘Hexapla的奧利在外地,牛津, 1875年,一個釋義希臘文字在聖格雷戈里Thaumaturgus ,米涅,第十, 987 。 )加爾丁paraphrast有利於控制馬所拉文本;的米德拉士Qoheleth是沒有任何價值。 The commentary of Olympiodorus is also serviceable (seventh century, M., XCIII, 477) and Œcumenius, "Catena" (Verona, 1532).評注的Olympiodorus也可用(七世紀,先生, XCIII , 477 )和Œcumenius , “卡特” (維羅納, 1532年) 。 A careful translation from the Hebrew was made about 1400 in the "Græca Veneta" (ed. Gebhardt, Leipzig, 1875).經過仔細的希伯來文翻譯了關於1400年在“ Græca威尼塔” (編Gebhardt ,萊比錫, 1875年) 。

Publication information Written by G. Gietmann.出版信息書面由G. Gietmann 。 Transcribed by WGKofron.轉錄的WGKofron 。 With thanks to St. Mary's Church, Akron, Ohio The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume V. Published 1909.與感謝聖瑪麗教堂,俄亥俄州阿克倫的天主教百科全書,體積五發布1909年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909. Nihil Obstat , 1909年5月1號。 Remy Lafort, Censor.雷米Lafort ,審查。 Imprimatur.認可。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰M法利,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

In the Latin Church important commentaries were written, after the time of Jerome on whom many depend, by BONAVENTURA, NICOL, LYRANUS, DENYS THE CARTHUSIAN, and above all by PINEDA (seventeenth cent.), by MALDONATUS, CORNELIUS A LAPIDE, and BOSSUET.在拉丁美洲教會重要寫評注,在時間上的杰羅姆其中許多依賴,由BONAVENTURA ,尼科爾, LYRANUS ,丹尼斯的卡爾特,以上所有的帕尼達(第十七左右。 ) ,由MALDONATUS , CORNELIUS阿LAPIDE和波舒哀。

Modern Catholic commentaries: SCHÄFER (Freiburg im Br., 1870); MOTAIS (Paris, 1876); RAMBOUILLET (Paris, 1877); GIETMANN (Paris, 1890); ZAPLETAL (Fribourg, Switzerland, 1905).現代天主教評論:沙菲爾(弗賴堡一二。 , 1870年) ; MOTAIS (巴黎, 1876年) ; RAMBOUILLET (巴黎, 1877年) ; GIETMANN (巴黎, 1890年) ; ZAPLETAL (瑞士弗里堡, 1905年) 。

Protestant commentaries: ZÖCKLER, tr.新教評論: ZÖCKLER ,文。 TAYLOR (Edinburgh, 1872); BULLOCK, in Speaker's Comment.泰勒(愛丁堡, 1872年) ;布洛克,在音箱的評論。 (London, 1883); Cambridge Bible (1881); WRIGHT, (London, 1883); LEIMDÖRFER, (Hamburg, 1892); SIEGFRIED (Göttingen, 1898); WILDEBOER (Freiburg im Br., 1898). (倫敦, 1883年) ;劍橋聖經( 1881年) ;賴特(倫敦, 1883年) ; LEIMDÖRFER , (漢堡, 1892年) ; SIEGFRIED (哥廷根, 1898 ) ; WILDEBOER (弗賴堡一二。 , 1898 ) 。


Book of Ecclesiastes傳道書

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

Name and Authorship.姓名和身份。

Date.日期。

Contents.目錄。

Name and Authorship.姓名和身份。

The name "Ecclesiastes"-literally, "Member of an Assembly," often thought to mean (after Jerome) "Preacher"-is the Septuagint rendering of the Hebrew "Ḳohelet," apparently as an intensive formation from the root "ḳahal," with which such forms as the Arabic "rawiyyah" (professional reciter) have been compared.名為“傳道書” ,字面上看, “會員大會, ”通常被認為是指(後傑爾姆) “傳道” ,是七十渲染的希伯來文“ Ḳohelet , ”顯然是一個密集的形成從根本上“ ḳahal ”與這種形式的阿拉伯文“ rawiyyah ” (專業reciter )進行了比較。 The Hebrew word is given by the author of the book as his name, sometimes with the article (xii. 8, and probably vii. 27), but ordinarily without it: similar license is allowed in Arabic in the case of some common nouns used as proper names.希伯來字是由本書的作者為他的名字,有時與文章( xii. 8 ,大概七。 27 ) ,但通常沒有它:類似的許可證允許在阿拉伯語中的某些共同的名詞用作為專有名詞。 The author represents himself as the son of David, and king over Israel in Jerusalem (i. 1, 12, 16; ii. 7, 9).作者表示自己的兒子大衛,和國王對以色列在耶路撒冷(一, 1 , 12 , 16 ;二。 7日, 9日) 。 The work consists of personal or autobiographic matter, with reflections on the purpose of life and the best method of conducting it.這項工作由個人或自傳事項,並思考生活的目的和最好的方法進行它。 These, the author declares, were composed by him as he increased in wisdom, were "weighed," studied" corrected, expressed in carefully chosen phrases, and correctly written out (xii. 9, 10), to be taught to the people.這些,作者聲明,組成了由他所增加,他的智慧,是“打壓” ,研究“糾正,表示在精心挑選的詞組,並正確地寫( xii. 9日, 10日) ,將教給人民。

The fact of the author describing himself in the foregoing style, together with his statements concerning the brilliancy of his court and his studies in philosophy (i. 13-17, ii. 4-11), led the ancients to identify him with Solomon; and this identification, which appears in the Peshiṭta, Targum, and Talmud (compare 'Er. 21b; Shab. 30a), passed unquestioned till comparatively recent times.事實上,作者自稱在上述的風格,與他的聲明,他的輝煌法院和他的哲學研究(一, 13日至17日,二。 4月11日) ,導致古人以確定他與所羅門;這鑑定,它會出現在Peshiṭta ,根,和塔木德(比較'呃。第二十一期乙;的Shab 。 30A的) ,通過比較無可置疑直到最近次。 The order of the Solomonic writings in the canon suggested that Ecclesiastes was written before Canticles (Rashi on BB 14b); whereas another tradition made their composition simultaneous, or put Ecclesiastes last (Seder 'Olam Rabbah, ed. Ratner, p. 66, with the editor's notes).秩序的Solomonic著作在佳能建議傳道書寫之前Canticles ( Rashi的BB心跳14B條) ;而另一個傳統,同時提出其組成,或把傳道書去年( Seder ' Olam安曼,教育署。拉特納,第66頁,與編輯注) 。 The fact that Kohelet speaks of his reign in the past tense (i. 12) suggested that the book was written on Solomon's death-bed (ib.).事實上, Kohelet談到他的統治在過去的緊張(一12 )建議,本書是寫在所羅門群島的死床( ib. ) 。 Another way of accounting for it was to suppose that Solomon composed it during the period in which he was driven from his throne (Giṭ. 68b), a legend which may have originated from this passage. The canonicity of the book was, however, long doubtful (Yad. iii. 5; Meg. 7a), and was one of the matters on which the school of Shammai took a more stringent view than the school of Hillel; it was finally settled "on the day whereon R. Eleazar b. Azariah was appointed head of the assembly."另一種方法核算有人假定所羅門組成它在此期間他被趕出王位( Giṭ. 68b ) ,一個傳說,這可能源自這一通道。在正規的書,但是,只要懷疑( Yad.三。 5 ;梅格。 7A款) ,是一個事項的沙麥學院採取了更加嚴格的立場,而不是學校的希勒爾;這是最終解決“的當天而其河埃萊亞薩灣Azariah被任命為大會。 “ Endeavors were made to render it apocryphal on the ground of its not being inspired (Tosef., Yad. ii. 14; ed. Zuckermandel, p. 683), or of its internal contradictions (Shab. 30b), or of a tendency which it displayed toward heresy-that is, Epicureanism (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, viii. 68b); but these objections were satisfactorily answered (see S. Schiffer, "Das Buch Ḳohelet," Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1884).努力作了使它在地面上未經其沒有靈感( Tosef. ,亞德瓦。二。 14 ;男女。 Zuckermandel ,第683 ) ,或其內部矛盾( Shab. 30B條) ,或其中的一種傾向它顯示為異端,即享樂主義( Pesiḳ. ,教育署。布伯,八。 68b ) ;但這些反對意見,給出令人滿意的答案(見S.婭希弗, “達斯圖書Ḳohelet , ”法蘭克福式的主, 1884年) 。 It was assumed that Solomon had taken the name "Ḳohelet," just as he had taken the name "Agur" (Prov. xxx. 1), as a collector (see, further, Eppenstein, "Aus dem Ḳohelet-Kommentar des Tanchum Jeruschalmi," Berlin, 1888); and probably the Septuagint rendering represents a theory that the name contained an allusion to I Kings viii.有人認為,所羅門已經採取的名稱是“ Ḳohelet , ”就像他的名字已採取“ Agur ” (省三十。 1 ) ,作為一個收藏家(另見Eppenstein , “澳大利亞DEM的Ḳohelet - Kommentar萬Tanchum Jeruschalmi “柏林, 1888年) ;和大概七十渲染是一個理論,這個名字包含了針對王八。 1, where Solomon is said to have gathered an assembly. 1 ,在所羅門群島據說已收集了大會。

Date.日期。

As to the age of the work, there is an indication of the latest date at which it could have been written in the fact that Ben Sira repeatedly quotes or imitates it (Ecclus. [Sirach] xxvii. 26, from Eccl. x. 8, verbatim [comp. LXX.]; xviii. 5, from Eccl. iii. 14, inverted, probably for metrical reasons; xxx. 21, from Eccl. xi. 10; xxxiv. 5b, from Eccl. v. 9; xiii. 21, 22, after Eccl. ix. 16; xxxvii. 14, after Eccl. vii. 19; xxxiv. 1, after Eccl. v. 11; comp. "The Wisdom of Ben Sira," ed. Schechter and Taylor, Introduction, pp. 13 et seq., and p. 26, note 2).隨著年齡的工作,有跡象表明最新的日期,它可以寫一個事實,即本特希拉多次引用或模仿它( Ecclus. [ Sirach ]二十七。 26日,來自Eccl 。十8 ,逐字[壓縮機。 LXX 。 ] ;十八。 5 ,來自Eccl 。三。 14 ,倒,可能是格律理由;三十。 21日,來自Eccl 。十一。 10 ;三十四。 5B號,來自Eccl 。訴9 ;十三。 21日, 22日,在Eccl 。九。 16 ;三十七。 14 ,後Eccl 。七。 19 ;三十四。 1 ,在Eccl 。訴11人;補償。 “智慧本特希拉”版。 Schechter已與泰勒,導言,頁。 13起。 ,和第26頁,注2 ) 。 Since Ben Sira declares himself a compiler from the Old Testament (xxiv. 28), whereas Ecclesiastes claims originality (xii. 9, 10), it seems certain, in the case of close agreement between the two books, that Ben Sira must be the borrower.自本特希拉宣布自己編譯舊約( xxiv. 28 ) ,而傳道書索賠獨創性( xii. 9日, 10日) ,似乎可以肯定,如果是密切兩國之間的協定書,這本特希拉必須是借款人。 This fact gives some date about 250 or 300 BC as the latest possible for the composition of the book in its present form; for this repeated borrowing implies that Ben Sira regarded it as part of his canon, which would scarcely contain any works that had been produced in his lifetime.這一事實使一些迄今大約有250個或公元前300年的最新可能的組成圖書以其目前的形式;此重複借款意味著本特希拉把它看作是他佳能,這將幾乎包含任何工程已在他的一生產生。 With this fact the nature of Ben Sira's language, as preserved in Talmudic quotations, agrees; for such decided Neo-Hebraisms as ("business"), ("lest"), and ("authorize") are not found in Ecclesiastes, though, had they been in vogue in the author's time, he would have had constant occasion to employ them.這一事實的性質,本特希拉的語言,因為保存在塔木德的報價,同意;對這種決定新Hebraisms作為( “企業” ) , ( “ ,以免” ) ,和( “授權” )是中找不到傳道書,儘管,如果他們當時流行的作者的時候,他將有機會不斷地僱用他們。 He uses instead (vii. 16, 17; also used in the Phenician Eshmunazar inscription), and .他利用而不是( vii. 16日, 17日;也用於Phenician Eshmunazar登記) ,和。 Though allusions to Ecclesiastes arenot common in the New Testament, Matt.雖然暗示傳道書arenot共同在新約,馬特。 xxiii.二十三。 23, RV, "These ye ought to have done, and not to have left the other undone," seems clearly a reminiscence of Eccl. 23 ,風疹病毒, “這些你們應該這樣做,而不是已經離開了其他撤消, ”看來顯然是一個懷舊的Eccl 。 vii.七。 18. 18 。 It is therefore necessary to reject all theories that bring the book down to a date later than 250 BC, including that of Graetz, who regarded it as Herodian - in which he is followed by Leimdörfer (Erlangen, 1891), who makes Simeon ben Shetaḥ the author - and that of Renan, who places it somewhere before 100 BC These theories are largely based on conjectural interpretations of historical allusions, which, though often attractive, are not convincing.因此,有必要拒絕所有的理論,使這本書,以一個日期晚於250年,包括Graetz ,誰把它看作Herodian -在他之後的是Leimdörfer (埃爾蘭根, 1891年) ,誰使西梅昂本Shetaḥ作者-和雷南維,誰把它100年前的地方,這些理論主要是基於猜測的解釋,歷史典故,雖然經常有吸引力的,是不能令人信服的。 The Grecisms supposed to be found in the book are all imaginary (for instance, has no connection with該Grecisms應該找到這本書都是虛構的(例如,有沒有聯繫 the phrase "under the sun," which occurs so frequently, is also found in the Eshmunazar and Tabnith inscriptions, not later than 300 BC, as the equivalent of "on earth"), and the suppositions as to borrowings from Greek philosophy which some have professed to detect are all fallacious (See Ad. Lods; "L'Ecclésiaste et la Philosophie Grecque," 1890). On the other hand, there is much in the language which, with the present knowledge of Hebrew, one should be disposed to regard as characteristic of a comparatively late period.改為“在陽光下, ”發生如此頻繁,也發現了Eshmunazar和Tabnith碑文,不晚於公元前300年,因為相當於“地球” ) ,並假設以借款由希臘哲學的一些已宣稱發現都是錯誤的(見廣告。 Lods ; “歐萊雅Ecclésiaste等哲學Grecque , ” 1890年) 。另一方面,有很多的語言,以目前的知識希伯來語,應予以處置視特徵比較後期。 H. Grotius, in the sixteenth century, collected about a hundred words and phrases of this sort occurring in the book; but several apparent modernisms may represent usages which must have been introduced into Palestine at an early period (eg,閣下格羅提斯,在十六世紀,收集了約100個單詞和短語這類發生在這本書,但一些明顯modernisms可能慣例必須被引入到巴勒斯坦處於早期階段(例如, for , and the abstracts in , both from Assyrian), or words which may have been largely used in ancient times (eg,和摘要中,無論是亞述人) ,或話可能已經基本上使用的遠古時代(例如, "to correct," also Assyrian); and even in the case of some idioms which seem especially characteristic of late Hebrew, the likeliest account is that they were preserved through long ages in remote dialects (so "kebar," "already," occurring only in this book-apparently an old verb, "kabur," "it is great"; ie, "it is a long time since"; comp. the Arabic "ṭalama"); certain Persisms, however (, "account" [viii. 11], Persian "payghām"; , "park" [ii. 5], Zend "pairidaeza," Armenian "partez"), seem to provide a more certain clue; and that the book is post-exilic may be asserted with confidence, though how near the latest possible limit the date can be brought down can not be fixed with precision. “糾正” ,還亞述) ; ,甚至在某些情況下似乎是習語特點晚希伯來語,最有可能考慮的是,他們通過長期保存年齡在邊遠方言(所謂“ kebar ” , “已經”發生只有在這本書,顯然是一個老動詞, “ kabur ” , “這是非常偉大” ,即“這是一個很長的時間,因為” ;補償。阿拉伯文“ ṭalama ” ) ;某些Persisms ,但是( “戶口” [八。 11 ] ,波斯語“ payghām ” , “公園” [二。 5 ] , Zend的“ pairidaeza ”亞美尼亞“ partez ” ) ,似乎提供了更多的某些線索;和這本書後可以斷言放逐有信心,但如何盡可能接近極限的最新的日期可以擊落不能固定精度。 Hence the Solomonic authorship (which few now hold) may be dismissed; nor indeed could the second king of the dynasty have spoken of "all which were in Jerusalem before me."因此, Solomonic著作權(其中幾個現在持有)可能被解僱,也確實可以第二王朝國王的發言“所有這些在我之前在耶路撒冷。 ”

Beyond the fact that Ḳohelet was uncritically identified with Solomon, it seems impossible to discover any connection between the two names.除了一個事實,即Ḳohelet是全盤確定所羅門群島,似乎不可能發現任何聯繫這兩個名字。 The interpretation of the word "Ḳohelet" as a substantive is purely conjectural; and though the phrase rendered "masters of assemblies," but more probably signifying "authors of collections," lends some color to the rendering "collector," it is not free from grave difficulty.在解釋這個詞的“ Ḳohelet ”作為一個實質性純粹是猜測,儘管提供的短語“主人集會” ,但更可能意味著“作者的集合, ”借給一些色彩渲染“收藏家” ,這是不是免費的從嚴重的困難。 As a proper name, however, it might be derived from "ḳahal" in one of the Arabic senses of that root, though its use with the article would in that case constitute a difficulty; finally, it might be a foreign word.作為一個適當的名稱,但是,它可能是來自“ ḳahal ”在一個阿拉伯文感官的根源,但其使用的條款將在這種情況下,構成了困難;最後,它可能是一種外國文字。 The Talmud seems rightly to call attention to the importance of the past tense in i.猶太法典似乎正確提請注意的重要性,在一,過去時態 12; for one who says "I was king" implies that his reign is over: he must be speaking either as a dead man or as one who has abdicated. 12 ;一個誰說: “我是王”意味著,他的統治已經結束:他必須講作為一個死人或作為一個誰也退位。 Ḳohelet is then either a fictitious person or an adaptation of some monarch, like Al-Nu'man of Arabic mythology (Ṭabari, i. 853), who, becoming conscious of the instability of the world, abandons his throne and takes to devotion.然後Ḳohelet是一個虛構的人或一個適應的一些君主,如鋁Nu'man阿拉伯語神話(塔巴里島853 ) ,誰,成為自覺的不穩定的世界,放棄王位,並以奉獻精神。 Similarly, Ḳohelet appears to pass from king to preacher, though it is not actually stated that he abandons his throne.同樣, Ḳohelet似乎傳球國王傳道,但實際上並沒有說,他放棄王位。 The references to kings in all but the earliest chapters rather imply that the author is a subject; but this may be unintentional.提及國王所有,但最早的章節,而意味著作者是一個問題;但是這可能是無意的。 The author's idea of a king would seem to be modeled on the monarchs of Persia, with kings and provinces subject to them (ii. 8); and the gardens with exotics (ii. 5) and irrigated parks (ii. 6) are likely to belong to the same region.作者的想法,國王似乎是仿照君主波斯,與國王和各省受他們(白介素8 ) ;和花園外來(白介素5 )和灌溉公園(白介素6 )有可能屬於同一區域。

The Israelitish name for God is nowhere employed, nor does there appear to be any reference to Judaic matters; hence there seems to be a possibility that the book is an adaptation of a work in some other language.名稱的Israelitish上帝是無處就業,也不看來有任何提及猶太教事項;因此,似乎有一種可能性,即這本書是一個適應的工作在一些其他的語言。 This supposition would agree with the fact that certain of the idioms found in it are not so much late Hebrew as foreign Hebrew (eg, vii. 24, viii. 17, xii. 9); with the frequent use of the participial present (eg, viii. 14); with the unintelligible character of several phrases which are apparently not corrupt (eg, iv. 17, x. 15, much of xii. 4-6); and with the want of sharpness that characterizes some of the aphorisms (eg, x. 9). Further, the verb (xii. 9), which describes a process to which the author says he subjected his proverbs, should, on the analogy of the Arabic "wazan," refer to the numbering of syllables; and the following phrases, apparently meaning "searched out and corrected" or "carefully straightened," have the appearance of referring to metrical correctness, though their exact import is not easy to fix. Of any such formal technicality the verses of Ḳohelet bear no trace in their existing form; yet there are places where the introduction of words would be more intelligible if the author had a fixed number of syllables to make up (eg, xii. 2, "while the sun or the light or the moon or the stars be not darkened").這一假設會同意這樣一個事實,即某些成語中發現它不是這麼多的外國月底希伯來希伯來文(例如,七。 24八。 17 ,十二。 9 ) ;與經常使用的詞本(例如,第八章。 14 ) ;的不明晰的性質幾個詞組這顯然是不腐敗的(例如,四。 17 ,十15 ,許多十二。 4月6日) ;和希望的銳利的特點一些警句(例如,十9 ) 。此外,動詞( xii. 9 ) ,描述一個進程,它的作者說,他受到他的諺語,應在比喻的阿拉伯文“ wazan ” ,指的編號音節;和下列詞組,顯然意為“搜查和糾正”或“認真整頓” ,已經出現了提到韻律正確性,但其確切的進口是不容易解決。任何此類正式技術性的詩句Ḳohelet無關微量元素在其現有的形式,但有些地方實行的話會更可理解如果作者有固定數量的音節,以彌補(例如,十二。 2 “ ,而太陽或輕或在月球或星級不漆黑“ ) 。 If this be so, the character of the idioms noticed (eg, xii. 9, "the wiser Ḳohelet became, the more did he teach") renders it probable that the language of the model was Indo-Germanic; and the introduction of the names "David," "Israel," and "Jerusalem," as well as the concealment of all names in the case of the anecdotes which the author introduces (eg, iv. 13-15, ix. 14-16), is with the view of accommodating the work to Jewish taste.如果這是這樣的,性質的成語發現(如十二。 9 “成為了明智的Ḳohelet ,更教他” ) ,使得它有可能的語言模型,印度日耳曼;和引入名字“大衛” , “以色列”和“耶路撒冷” ,以及隱瞞所有名稱的情況軼事的作者介紹了(例如,四。 13-15 ,九。 14-16日) ,是與認為兼顧工作猶太口味。

Contents.目錄。

In Ecclesiastes there are some continuous sections of considerable length: (1) Ḳohelet's autobiography, i.在傳道書有一些持續相當長部分: ( 1 ) Ḳohelet的自傳,一 12-ii. 12二。 26; (2) a statement of the doctrines of determinism and Epicureanism, ix. 26 ; ( 2 )一項聲明理論宿命論和享樂主義,九。 1-12; (3) a description of death, xii. 1月12日; ( 3 )的說明死亡,十二。 1-8. 1-8 。 The rest of the book is in short paragraphs or isolated aphorisms; and the author in xii.剩下的這本書是在短段或孤立的警句;和作者在十二。 11, 12 declares that the aphoristic style is superior to the continuous discourse-a doctrine which in modern times has been associated with the name of Bacon. 11日, 12日宣布, aphoristic風格優於連續話語理論在當今時代已與培根的名字。 In the autobiography the author states that he experimented with various forms of study, pleasure, and enterprise, in the hope of finding the meaning of the endless chain of phenomena, but that heabandoned them in disgust.在自傳的作者說,他嘗試了各種形式的學習,很高興,和企業,希望找到的含義,無休止地的現象,但heabandoned他們反感。 The morals that he draws, however, appear to be inconsistent; since, while some verses encourage the theory that pleasure is the summum bonum, others seem to warn youth against any such view.道德,他提請然而,似乎是不一致的;以來,雖然有些經文鼓勵理論,高興的是summum善,以警告其他年輕人似乎對任何此類觀點。 This inconsistency, which could probably be paralleled from the works of Oriental pessimists like Omar Khayyam and Abu al-'Ala of Ma'arrah, attracted attention, as has been stated, in early times; but the various attempts that have been made to bring the author into harmony with himself are too subjective to be convincing.這種不一致,這可能是平行的作品東方悲觀主義者像歐瑪爾海亞姆和Abu鋁'Ala的Ma'arrah ,引起了人們的關注,因為已經指出,在早期倍,但各種努力已經取得使作者將和諧與自己過於主觀的說服力。 Thus some would regard all the edifying passages as interpolations (so Haupt, "Oriental Studies," pp. 243 et seq.); others would regard the Epicurean passages as to be read with interrogations (so some rabbis), while it has also been suggested (by Bickell, "Der Prediger") that the sheets of the book have been displaced.因此,有些人會認為,所有的啟發通道作為插值(如此豪普特, “東方學” ,頁。 243起。 ) ;其他人則認為伊壁鳩魯通道以可閱讀盤問(所以一些猶太教教士) ,而它也被建議(由Bickell , “明鏡Prediger ” ) ,該表一書而流離失所。 None of these opinions can be received without external evidence.這些意見可以接受沒有外部的證據。 It seems more probable, therefore, that the author expresses the varying sentiments of different moods, just as the second of the writers mentioned above alternates between orthodoxy and blasphemy.似乎更有可能,因此,作者表達了不同的感情,不同的心情,就像第二個作家之間候補委員上述正統和褻瀆。

After his personal history the author proceeds to give illustrations of more general experiences.在他的個人歷史作者的收益,使更多的插圖的一般經驗。 In these he speaks as a subject rather than as a king; he cites the prevalence of injustice in the world, for which he had some tentative solutions (iii. 17, 18); later, however, he relapsed into the Epicurean conclusion (iii. 22), accentuated by further observation into pessimism (iv. 1-4).在談到這些,他是作為一個主題,而不是作為一個國王,他引用了普遍存在的不公正的世界,他有一些初步的解決方案( iii. 17日, 18日) ;以後,然而,他復發的伊壁鳩魯結論(三。 22 ) ,加重了進一步觀察到悲觀( iv. 1-4 ) 。 At this point he proceeds to introduce a variety of maxims, illustrated by anecdotes, leading up to the conclusion (vii. 17) that the plan of the universe is incomprehensible.在這一點上,他的收益,介紹了各種格言,說明軼事,導致結論( vii. 17 ) ,該計劃是對宇宙的理解。 Chapter ix.第九章。 formulates the doctrine that men's actions and motives are all foreordained, and advises gaiety on the ground that whatever is to happen is already fixed, and that there will be no room for activity in the grave. This is emphasized by anecdotes of the unexpected happening (11-16). There follows another series of maxims leading up to a poetical description of death, and, after some observations on the value of the aphorism, to the assertion that the substance of the whole matter is "Fear God and keep his commandments, . . . for God shall bring every work into judgment" (xii. 13-14).制定的原則,男子的行為和動機都是注定,並建議歡樂在地面上,無論是發生已經固定的,將不會有任何活動的餘地嚴重。這是強調的軼事的意外發生( 11月16日) 。有如下另一系列的格言導致了詩描述的死亡,並在一些意見的價值的格言,以主張的實質內容,整個事件是“上帝和恐懼使他的誡命, 。 。 。上帝應調動一切工作納入判決“ ( xii. 13日至14日) 。

The felicity, wisdom, and profundity of many of the aphorisms probably endeared the book to many who might have been displeased with the Epicurean and pessimistic passages.的幸福,智慧和深刻的許多警句或許22日的這本書對許多誰可能是不滿伊壁鳩魯和悲觀的通道。 Yet without the idea that Ḳohelet was Solomon one could scarcely imagine the work ever having been included in the canon; and had it not been adopted before the doctrine of the Resurrection became popular, it is probable that the author's views on that subject would have caused his book to be excluded therefrom.然而,如果沒有的想法是所羅門Ḳohelet一個幾乎無法想像的工作從來沒有被列入佳能以及如果沒有前通過復活學說開始流行,它可能是作者的意見,這一問題會造成他的書要排除的情況。 Mystical interpretation of the book began fairly early (see Ned. 32b); and the work was a favorite source of citation with those rabbis who, like Saadia, were philosophers as well as theologians.神秘的解釋,這本書很早就開始(見內。 32B條) ;和工作是一個最喜愛的來源引文誰與猶太教一樣, Saadia ,是哲學家和神學家。

Morris Jastrow Jr., David Samuel Margoliouth莫里斯賈斯特羅小大衛塞繆爾Margoliouth

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography:參考書目:

See, besides the commentaries of Hitzig, Delitzsch, Volck-Oettli, Siegfried, and Wildeboer, the following: Ewald, Poetische Schriften des Alten, Testaments, iv.; Renan, L'Ecclésiaste, Paris, 1882; Graetz, Koheleth, Breslau, 1871; CHH Wright, The Book of Kohelet, London, 1883; Bickell, Kohelet, 1886; Plumptre, Ecclesiastes, Cambridge, 1881; Tyler, Ecclesiastes, London, 1874; Wünsche, Bibliotheca Rabbinica, Midrash, Koheleth, 1880; Cheyne, Job and Solomon, London, 1887; also the following monographs on special points: Haupt, The Book of Ecclesiastes (Oriental Studies of the Philadelphia Oriental Club), 1894; Euringer, Der Masoratext des Kohelet, Leipsic, 1890; Köhler, Ueber die Grundanschauungen des Buches Kohelet, Erlangen, 1885; Bickell, Der Prediger über den Wert des Daseins, Innsbruck, 1884; Schiffer, Das Buch Kohelet Nach der Auffassung der Weisen des Talmuds und Midrasch, 1884; Renan, Histoire du Peuple d'Israel, vol.見,除了評注的希齊格,德里, Volck -歐特列,齊格弗里德和Wildeboer ,如下:埃瓦爾德,萬老Poetische著作,聖經,四。 ;雷南維,歐萊雅Ecclésiaste ,巴黎, 1882年; Graetz , Koheleth ,巴林, 1871年; CHH賴特,這本書的Kohelet ,倫敦, 1883年; Bickell , Kohelet , 1886年; Plumptre傳道書,劍橋, 1881年;泰勒傳道書,倫敦, 1874年; Wünsche ,圖書館Rabbinica ,米德拉士, Koheleth , 1880年;進益,就業和索羅門,倫敦, 1887年;也下列專著特殊點:豪普特的傳道書(東方學的76東方俱樂部) , 1894年; Euringer ,明鏡Masoratext萬Kohelet , Leipsic , 1890年;科勒,論死Grundanschauungen萬Buches Kohelet埃爾蘭根, 1885年; Bickell ,明鏡Prediger黚er旦價值此在,因斯布魯克, 1884年;亞希弗,達斯圖書Kohelet Nach之Auffassung之Weisen萬Talmuds與Midrasch , 1884 ;雷南維,史報德,以色列,第二卷。 v., ch.五,甲烷。 xv.; Piepenbring, Histoire du Peuple d'Israel. For further bibliography consult Palm, Die Qoheleth Litteratur, Tübingen, 1888; and Siegfried, Commentary, pp.十五。 ; Piepenbring ,歷史報德以色列。如需進一步書目諮詢棕櫚,模具Qoheleth Litteratur ,蒂賓根大學, 1888年;和齊格弗里德,評注,頁。 25-27.J. 25 - 27.J 。 Jr. DSM小手冊


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