Book of Deuteronomy書申命記

Words (Hebrew Title)分類號(希伯來文標題)

General Information 一般信息

Deuteronomy is the fifth book of the Old Testament in the Bible.申命記第五本書是舊約聖經中。 Its name, meaning "repeated law," is based on the book's stylistic form: a series of speeches in which the law originally given on Mount Sinai is repeated by Moses to the next generation.它的名稱,意思是“重複法” ,依據的是本書的文體形式:一系列的演講,法律最初的西乃山是重複了摩西給下一代。 The book consists of a double introduction, a legal section with concluding ritual elaboration, two old poems, and an account of Moses' death.這本書由一個雙介紹,法律條文與結論儀式擬訂,兩個老的詩,並敘述了摩西死亡。 Although it is traditionally ascribed to Moses, it could not have been written much earlier than the time of King Josiah (dc 609 BC). However, there was probably an earlier edition of the central legal section dating to the reign of Hezekiah (c. 700 BC). The principal themes of Deuteronomy include the election of Israel by God, trust in God's power, rejection of foreign gods, and the importance of the Mosaic law.雖然是傳統歸因於摩西,它不可能寫更早的時間比國王約書亞(直流609年) 。然而,有可能是較早版本的中央法律條文要追溯到統治Hezekiah (角700年) 。 主要議題包括選舉申命記以色列的上帝,對上帝的信仰的力量,反對外國神,和重要性的摩西律法。

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Bibliography 參考書目
L Goldberg, Deuteronomy (1986); AD Phillips, Deuteronomy (1973); M Weinfeld, Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School (1972). L戈德堡,申命記( 1986年) ;公元菲利普斯申命記( 1973年) ; M Weinfeld ,申命記和Deuteronomic學校( 1972年) 。


Book of Deuteronomy書申命記

Brief Outline簡要概述

  1. First discourse (1-4)第一話語( 1-4 )
  2. Second discourse (5-26)第二話語( 5月26日)
  3. Third discourse (27-30)第三話語( 27-30 )
  4. Last counsels; parting blessings (31-34)最後律師;臨別祝福( 31-34 )


Deuteron'omy

Advanced Information 先進的信息

In all the Hebrew manuscripts the Pentateuch (qv) forms one roll or volume divided into larger and smaller sections called parshioth and sedarim. 在所有的希伯來文手稿的摩西五( qv )形式一卷或卷分為大,小部分所謂parshioth和sedarim 。 It is not easy to say when it was divided into five books. This was probably first done by the Greek translators of the book, whom the Vulgate follows. 這是不容易說出什麼時候被分為五本書。這可能是第一次做的希臘翻譯的書籍,其中的武加大如下。 The fifth of these books was called by the Greeks Deuteronomion, ie, the second law, hence our name Deuteronomy, or a second statement of the laws already promulgated.第五這些書籍是由希臘人Deuteronomion ,即第二定律,因此我們的名字申命記,或第二次發言的法律已經頒布。 The Jews designated the book by the two first Hebrew words that occur, 'Elle haddabharim, ie, "These are the words."猶太人的指定書籍的兩個第一次發生的希伯來字, '艾麗haddabharim ,即“這些話。 ” They divided it into eleven parshioth. In the English Bible it contains thirty-four chapters.他們劃分成11 parshioth 。在英文聖經它包含34章。 It consists chiefly of three discourses delivered by Moses a short time before his death.它包括三個主要論述交付摩西很短的時間他去世之前。

They were spoken to all Israel in the plains of Moab, in the eleventh month of the last year of their wanderings.他們談過,所有以色列在平原莫阿布,在第十一屆一個月的最後一年,他們的流浪。 The first discourse (1-4:40) recapitulates the chief events of the last forty years in the wilderness, with earnest exhortations to obedience to the divine ordinances, and warnings against the danger of forsaking the God of their fathers.第一話語( 1-4:40 )概括了行政事件過去四十年在曠野,認真告誡服從神的法例,並警告的危險,放棄了神,他們父輩。 The second discourse (5-26:19) is in effect the body of the whole book.第二話語( 5-26:19 )實際上是身體的整本書。 The first address is introductory to it.第一項是介紹給它。 It contains practically a recapitulation of the law already given by God at Mount Sinai, together with many admonitions and injunctions as to the course of conduct they were to follow when they were settled in Canaan.它包含幾乎概述法律已經給予上帝在西奈山,連同許多警告和禁令的過程,以他們的行為時應遵循他們定居在迦南。

The concluding discourse (ch. 27-30) relates almost wholly to the solemn sanctions of the law, the blessings to the obedient, and the curse that would fall on the rebellious.的結論性話語(章27-30 )涉及幾乎完全的嚴正制裁的法律,祝福的順從和詛咒,將秋天的叛逆。 He solemnly adjures them to adhere faithfully to the covenant God had made with them, and so secure for themselves and their posterity the promised blessings.他鄭重adjures他們忠實地遵守上帝的盟約了他們,因此安全,為自己和子孫後代的承諾祝福。 These addresses to the people are followed by what may be called three appendices, namely (1), a song which God had commanded Moses to write (32:1-47); (2) the blessings he pronounced on the separate tribes (ch.33); and (3) the story of his death (32:48-52) and burial (ch. 34), written by some other hand, probably that of Joshua.這些地址的人之後,可能是所謂的三個附錄,即( 1 ) ,一首歌的上帝命令摩西寫( 32:1-47 ) ; ( 2 )突出的祝福,他的獨立部落(總0.33 )和( 3 )的故事,他的死亡( 32:48-52 )和埋葬(章34條) ,撰寫的一些另一方面,可能是約書亞。 These farewell addresses of Moses to the tribes of Israel he had so long led in the wilderness "glow in each line with the emotions of a great leader recounting to his contemporaries the marvellous story of their common experience.這些告別地址摩西部落,以色列,他只要領導在荒野“發光,每行的感情,一位偉大的領袖敘述他同時代的神奇故事,他們的共同經驗。

The enthusiasm they kindle, even to-day, though obscured by translation, reveals their matchless adaptation to the circumstances under which they were first spoken.他們的熱情點燃,即使在今天,儘管所掩蓋翻譯,顯示其無與倫比的適應情況下,他們首先發言。 Confidence for the future is evoked by remembrance of the past.對未來的信心是誘發紀念過去。 The same God who had done mighty works for the tribes since the Exodus would cover their head in the day of battle with the nations of Palestine, soon to be invaded.同上帝誰做了偉大的工程,因為部落的外流將支付他們的頭一天的戰鬥與聯合國巴勒斯坦,不久將入侵。 Their great lawgiver stands before us, vigorous in his hoary age, stern in his abhorrence of evil, earnest in his zeal for God, but mellowed in all relations to earth by his nearness to heaven.他們的偉大立法者站在我們面前,在他的蒼老有力的年齡,斯特恩在他的憎惡邪惡,真誠熱情,在他的上帝,但成熟的所有關係到地球,他貼近天堂。 The commanding wisdom of his enactments, the dignity of his position as the founder of the nation and the first of prophets, enforce his utterances.在他的指揮智慧法規的尊嚴,他的立場的創始人和第一民族的先知,執行他的話語。 But he touches our deepest emotions by the human tenderness that breathes in all his words.但他表示最深切的感情觸動了人類溫情的呼吸在所有他的話。

Standing on the verge of life, he speaks as a father giving his parting counsels to those he loves; willing to depart and be with God he has served so well, but fondly lengthening out his last farewell to the dear ones of earth.站在邊緣的生活裡,他作為一名父親,給他的臨別律師向那些他熱愛;願意離開,並與神,他表現不錯,但他深情地延長最後告別親人的地球。 No book can compare with Deuteronomy in its mingled sublimity and tenderness." Geikie, Hours, etc. The whole style and method of this book, its tone and its peculiarities of conception and expression, show that it must have come from one hand.沒有書可以比較申命記在其混合崇高和溫情。 “蓋基,時間等,整個風格和方法,這本書,其語氣和其特有的概念和表達,表明它必須有來自一方面。

That the author was none other than Moses is established by the following considerations: (1.) The uniform tradition both of the Jewish and the Christian Church down to recent times. ,作者不是別人,正是摩西建立了下列因素: ( 1 ) 。雙方的統一傳統的猶太和基督教會下降到最近時期。 (2.) The book professes to have been written by Moses (1:1; 29:1; 31:1, 9-11, etc.), and was obviously intended to be accepted as his work. ( 2 。 )這本書自稱已撰寫的摩西( 1:1 , 29:1 , 31:1 , 9-11 ,等等) ,顯然是打算接受他的工作。 (3.) The incontrovertible testimony of our Lord and his apostles (Matt. 19:7, 8; Mark 10:3, 4; John 5:46, 47; Acts 3:22; 7:37; Rom. 10:19) establishes the same conclusion. ( 3 。 )的無可辯駁的證詞我們的上帝和他的使徒(太十九點07 , 8 ;馬克十時03分, 4 ;約翰五點46分, 47 ;行為3時22分, 7時37分;光盤。 10:19 )規定了同樣的結論。 (4.) The frequent references to it in the later books of the canon (Josh. 8:31; 1 Kings 2:9; 2 Kings 14:6; 2 Chr. 23:18; 25:4; 34: 14; Ezra 3:2; 7:6; Neh. 8:1; Dan. 9: 11, 13) prove its antiquity; and (5) the archaisms found in it are in harmony with the age in which Moses lived. ( 4 。 )經常提到它在以後的書籍,佳能( Josh. 8點31 ;列王紀上2時09分;列王紀下14點06 ; 2染色體。 23:18 ; 25:4 ; 34 : 14 ;以斯拉3:2 ; 7時06分; Neh 。 8:1 ;丹。 9 : 11 , 13 )證明其文物;和( 5 ) archaisms發現它是在和諧的時代,摩西生活。 (6.) Its style and allusions are also strikingly consistent with the circumstances and position of Moses and of the people at that time. ( 6 。 )及其風格和典故也非常符合當時的情況和立場摩西和人民在那個時候。 This body of positive evidence cannot be set aside by the conjectures and reasonings of modern critics, who contended that the book was somewhat like a forgery, introduced among the Jews some seven or eight centuries after the Exodus.該機構的積極的證據不能被擱置的猜測和reasonings現代批評,誰爭辯說,這本書有點像偽造,介紹了一些猶太人之間的七,八世紀後外逃。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Deuteronomy申命記

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

Deuteronomy is a partial repetition and explanation of the foregoing legislation together with an urgent exhortation to be faithful to it.申命記是一種部分重複和解釋上述立法與迫切告誡要忠實於它。 The main body of the book consists of three discourses delivered by Moses to the people in the eleventh month of the fortieth year; but the discourses are precede by a short introduction, and they are followed by several appendices.正文本書包括三個論述交付摩西的人在第十一屆一個月的第四十個年頭,但之前的論述是一個簡短的介紹,他們隨後幾個附錄。

Introduction, i, 1-5.-Brief indication of the subject matter, the time, and the place of the following discourses.言,我一5. -簡要說明事由,時間和地點如下論述。

(1) First Discourse, i, 6-iv, 40.-God's benefits are enumerated, and the people are exhorted to keep the law. ( 1 )第一話語,我6四, 40. -上帝的好處列舉的,人民是告誡保持法。

(a) i, 6-iii, 29.-The main occurrences during the time of the wandering in the desert are recalled as showing the goodness and justice of God. (一)一, 6三, 29. -主要發生在時間上的遊蕩在沙漠中回顧作為顯示的善良和正義的上帝。

(b) iv, 1-40.-Hence the covenant with God must be kept. (二)四, 1 - 40. -因此,公約與上帝必須保持。 By way of parenthesis, the sacred writer adds here (i) the appointment of three cities of refuge across the Jordan, iv, 41-43; (ii) an historical preamble, preparing us for the second discourse, iv, 44-49.括號的方式,增加了神聖的作家在這裡(一)任命三個城市在約旦避難,四, 41-43 ; (二)歷史的序言,準備我們的第二次討論,四, 44-49 。

(2) Second Discourse, v, 1-xxvi, 19.-This forms almost the bulk of Deuteronomy. ( 2 )第二話語,五, 1 - 26 , 19. -這一形式幾乎大部分申命記。 It rehearses the whole economy of the covenant in two sections, the one general, the other particular.它的整個經濟排練的盟約在兩個區段,一個一般,其他特別。

(a) The General Repetition, v, 1-xi, 32.-Repetition of the decalogue, and reasons for the promulgation of the law through Moses; explanation of the first commandment, and prohibitions of all intercourse with the gentiles; reminder of the Divine favours and punishments; promise of victory over the Chanaanites; God's blessing on the observance of the Law, His curse on the transgressors. (一)一般重複,五,一喜, 32.重複十誡及原因,頒布法律通過摩西;解釋第一誡命,並禁止所有交往與外邦人;提醒神聖的贊成和懲罰;承諾戰勝Chanaanites ;上帝保佑的遵守法律,他的詛咒的違法。

(b) Special Laws, xii, 1-xxvi, 19.-(i) Duties towards God: He is to be duly worshiped, never to be abandoned; distinction of clean and unclean meats; tithes and first-fruits; the three principal solemnities of the year. (二)特別法,十二, 1 - 26 , 19 .- (一)對上帝的職責:他是要得到應有的崇拜,從來沒有被拋棄;區分清潔和不清潔的肉類;什一稅和第一水果;的三個主要solemnities的一年。 (ii) Duties towards God's representatives: toward the judges, the future kings, the priests, and Prophets. (二)義務對上帝的代表:對法官,未來的國王,祭司和先知。 (iii) Duties towards the neighbour: as to life, external possessions, marriage, and various other particulars. (三)對鄰國的職責:為生命,外部的財產,婚姻,以及其他各種資料。

(3) Third Discourse, xxvii, 1-xxx, 20.-A renewed exhortation to keep the law, based on diverse reasons. ( 3 )第三話語,二十七, 1 -三十, 20. -重新告誡保持法律的基礎上,不同的原因。

(a) xxvii, 1-26.-Command to inscribe the law on stones after crossing the Jordan, and to promulgate the blessings and curses connected with the observance or non-observance of the law. (一)第二十七1 - 26. -司令部登記法的石頭過了約旦,並頒布的祝福和詛咒與遵守或不遵守法律。

(b) xxviii, 1-68.-A more minute statement of the good or evil depending on the observance or violation of the law. (二)二十八, 1 - 68.一分鐘的發言善惡取決於遵守或違反法律的。

(c) xxix, 1-xxx, 20.-The goodness of God is extolled; all are urged to be faithful to God. (三)第29屆, 1 -三十, 20. -的善良的上帝是讚美;所有呼籲忠於上帝。

(4) Historical Appendix, xxxi, 1-xxxiv, 12. ( 4 )歷史附錄,三十一, 1 -三十四, 12 。

(a) xxxi, 1-27.-Moses appoints Josue as his successor, orders him to read the law to the people every seven years, and to place a copy of the same in the ark. (一)三十一, 1 - 27. -摩西任命若蘇埃作為他的繼任者,命令他閱讀法律的人每7年,並把一份相同的方舟。

(b) xxxi, 28-xxxii, 47.-Moses calls an assembly of the Ancients and recites his canticle. (二)三十一, 28三十二, 47. -摩西呼籲集會古人和叨唸他的頌歌。

(c) xxxii, 48-52.-Moses views the Promised Land from a distance. (三)三十二, 48 52. -摩西意見樂土從很遠的地方。

(d) xxxiii, 1-29.-He blesses the tribes of Israel. (四)三十三, 1 - 29. -他祝福部落以色列。

(e) xxxiv, 1-12.-His death, burial, and special eulogium. (五)三十四, 1 - 12. -他的死,埋葬,特別eulogium 。

III.三。 AUTHENTICITY真實性

The contents of the Pentateuch furnish the basis for the history, the law, the worship, and the life of the Chosen People of God.的內容,摩西五提供的基礎,歷史,法律,宗教,以及所選擇的生活在天主的子民。 Hence the authorship of the work, the time and manner of its origin, and its historicity are of paramount importance.因此,作者的工作,時間和方式的起源,它的歷史性是至關重要的。 These are not merely literary problems, but questions belonging to the fields of history of religion and theology.這些不僅是文學問題,但問題屬於該領域的歷史宗教和神學。 The Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is inseparably connected with the question, whether and in what sense Moses was the author or intermediary of the Old-Testament legislation, and the bearer of pre-Mosaic tradition.鑲嵌作品的摩西五是密不可分的問題,無論在何種意義摩西是作者或中介的老全書立法,並持證前花葉傳統。 According to the trend of both Old and New Testament, and according to Jewish and Christian theology, the work of the great lawgiver Moses is the origin of the history of Israel and the basis of its development down to the time of Jesus Christ; but modern criticism sees in all this only the result, or the precipitate, of a purely natural historical development.據趨勢新舊新約全書,根據猶太教和基督教神學的工作是偉大的立法者摩西的起源,歷史,以色列和根據其發展到耶穌基督的時間,但現代批評認為,只有在所有這一切的結果,或沉澱物,純自然的歷史發展。 The question of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch leads us, therefore, to the alternative, revelation or historical evolution; it touches the historical and theological foundation of both the Jewish and the Christian dispensation.的問題,花葉作者的摩西五導致我們,因此,作為替代,啟示或歷史演變;它涉及的歷史和神學的基礎,雙方的猶太教和基督教分配。 We shall consider the subject first in the light of Scripture; secondly, in the light of Jewish and Christian tradition; thirdly, in the light of internal evidence, furnished by the Pentateuch; finally, in the light of ecclesiastical decisions.我們應考慮這個問題首先是根據聖經;其次,根據猶太教和基督教傳統;第三,根據內部的證據,所提供的摩西五;最後,在根據教會的決定。

A. TESTIMONY OF SACRED SCRIPTURE答:見證聖經

It will be found convenient to divide the Biblical evidence for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch into three parts: (1) Testimony of the Pentateuch;這將是發現方便分裂聖經證據花葉著作權的摩西五分為三個部分: ( 1 )證言摩西五;

(2) Testimony of the other Old-Testament books; (3) Testimony of the New Testament. ( 2 )證明其他舊全書書籍; ( 3 )鑑定的新約。

(1) Witness of the Pentateuch ( 1 )證人的摩西五

The Pentateuch in its present form does not present itself as a complete literary production of Moses.在摩西五以其目前的形式並不本本身作為一個完整的文學生產摩西。 It contains an account of Moses' death, it tells the story of his life in the third person and in an indirect form, and the last four books do not exhibit the literary form of memoirs of the great lawgiver; besides, the expression "God said to Moses" shows only the Divine origin of the Mosaic laws but does not prove that Moses himself codified in the Pentateuch the various laws promulgated by him.它包含一個帳戶的摩西死亡,它講述了他的生命中的第三人,並以間接的形式,並在過去四年的書籍沒有展示的文學形式的回憶錄偉大立法者;此外,表達“上帝摩西說: “只顯示的神源是鑲嵌法,但並不能證明自己編纂摩西五經中的各種法律頒布的他。 On the other hand, the Pentateuch ascribes to Moses the literary authorship of at least four sections, partly historical, partly legal, partly poetical.另一方面,賦予了摩西五經的文學作品,至少四個部分,這部分是歷史,部分法律,部分詩意。 (a) After Israel's victory over the Amalecites near Raphidim, the Lord said to Moses (Exodus 17:14): "Write this for a memorial in a book, and deliver it to the ears of Josue." ( a )在以色列的勝利, Amalecites近Raphidim ,主說,摩西(出17:14 ) : “寫這本為紀念在一本書,並提供它的耳朵若蘇埃。 ” This order is naturally restricted to Amalec's defeat, a benefit which God wished to keep alive in the memory of the people (Deuteronomy 25:17-19).這自然是為了限制Amalec的失敗,受益上帝希望保持在記憶的人(申命記25:17-19 ) 。 The present pointing of the Hebrew text reads "in the book", but the Septuagint version omits the definite article. Even if we suppose that the Massoretic pointing gives the original text, we can hardly prove that the book referred to is the Pentateuch, though this is highly probable (cf. von Hummelauer "Exodus et Leviticus", Paris, 1897, p. 182; Idem, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 152; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, p. 217).本指著希伯來文寫著“在這本書” ,但七十版本忽略了定冠詞。即使我們假設Massoretic指著使原來的案文,我們很難證明這本書提到的是摩西五,儘管這是極有可能(見馮Hummelauer “出埃及記和利未記” ,巴黎, 1897年,第182頁;同上, “ Deuteronomium ” ,巴黎, 1901年,第152頁; Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage ” ,明斯特, 1903年,第217 ) 。 (b) Again, Ex., xxiv, 4: "And Moses wrote all the words of the Lord." (二)同樣,惠。 , 24 , 4 : “摩西寫的話,所有的主。 ” The context does not allow us to understand these words in an indefinite manner, but as referring to the words of the Lord immediately preceding or to the so-called "Book of the Covenant", Ex., xx-xxiii.的範圍內不允許我們理解這句話的是無限期的方式,但它是指用上帝緊接或所謂的“圖書的公約” ,當然。 ,二十,二十三。 (c) Ex., xxxiv, 27: "And the Lord said to Moses: Write thee these words by which I have made a covenant both with thee and with Israel." (三)前。 ,三十四, 27 : “耶和華對摩西說:你寫這些話的,我提出了兩個公約,並與你同以色列。 ” The next verse adds: "and he wrote upon the tables the ten words of the covenant."下次詩說: “和他寫的表的十個字的規定。 ” Ex., xxxiv, 1, 4, shows how Moses had prepared the tables, and Ex., xxxiv, 10-26, gives us the contents of the ten words.當然。 ,三十四, 1 , 4 ,顯示了如何編寫了摩西的桌子,和前。 ,三十四, 10月26日,使我們的內容十個字。 (d) Num., xxxiii, 1-2: "These are the mansions of the children of Israel, who went out of Egypt by their troops under the conduct of Moses and Aaron, which Moses wrote down according to the places of their encamping." (四)序號。 ,三十三, 1月2日: “這是紅樓夢的兒童以色列,誰走出埃及其部隊的行為摩西和亞倫,這摩西寫下根據地方的encamping 。 “ Here we are informed that Moses wrote the list of the people's encampments in the desert; but where it this list to be found?在這裡,我們被告知,摩西寫名單的人的營地在沙漠中,但如果此列表中可以找到? Most probably it is given in Num., xxxiii, 3-49, or the immediate context of the passage telling of Moses' literary activity; there are, however, scholars who understand this latter passage as referring to the history of Israel's departure from Egypt written in the order of the people's encampments, so that it would be our present Book of Exodus.這是最有可能提供數。 ,三十三, 3-49 ,或立即背景下,通過講述了摩西的文學活動;但是,也有學者誰明白這一點後,它是指通過以色列歷史上離開埃及寫在該命令的人的營地,因此,它將成為我們本書出走。 But this view is hardly probable; for its assumption that Num., xxxiii, 3-49, is a summary of Exodus cannot be upheld, as the chapter of Numbers mentions several encampments not occurring in Exodus.但這種觀點是很難有可能;其前提是序號。 ,三十三, 3-49 ,是一個總結出不能得到維護,因為該章中提到的幾個營地號碼不發生在出走。

Besides these four passages there are certain indications in Deuteronomy which point to the literary activity of Moses.除了這四個段落有一些跡象表明這一點在申命記的文學活動的摩西。 Deut., i, 5: "And Moses began to expound the law and to say"; even if the "law" in this text refer to the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation, which is not very probable, it shows only that Moses promulgated the whole law, but not that he necessarily wrote it. Practically the entire Book of Deuteronomy claims to be a special legislation promulgated by Moses in the land of Moab: iv, 1-40; 44-49; v, 1 sqq.; xii, 1 sqq. Deut 。 ,我, 5 : “摩西開始闡述法律,並表示” ;即使“法律”這個文本是指整個Pentateuchal立法,這是不太可能的,它表明只有摩西頒布整個法律,但不是說,他一定寫。實際上,整本書的申命記聲稱是一個特殊的立法頒布的摩西在土地莫阿布:四, 1-40 ; 44-49 ;五, 1 sqq 。 ;十二1 sqq 。 But there is a suggestion of writing too: xvii, 18-9, enjoins that the future kings are to receive a copy of this law from the priests in order to read and observe it; xxvii, 1-8, commands that on the west side of the Jordan "all the words of this law" be written on stones set up in Mount Hebal; xxviii, 58, speaks of "all the words of this law, that are written in this volume" after enumerating the blessings and curses which will come upon the observers and violators of the law respectively, and which are again referred to as written in a book in xxix, 20, 21, 27, and xxxii, 46, 47; now, the law repeatedly referred to as written in a book must be at least the Deuteronomic legislation.但是有一個建議,寫太多: 17 , 18-9 ,責成,未來的國王收到了一份來自該法的祭司,以便閱讀和遵守它;二十七, 1月8日,命令,在西約旦一側的“所有的話,該法”是寫在石頭山設立Hebal ;二十八, 58歲,說的是“所有的話,這一法律,這是寫在這卷”之後列舉的祝福和詛咒的會後,觀察員和違反法律的分別,並再次被稱為寫的一本書,第29 , 20 , 21 , 27 ,和三十二,第四十六條,第四十七條,現在,法律一再稱為寫圖書必須至少Deuteronomic立法。 Moreover, xxxi, 9-13 states, "and Moses wrote this law", and xxxi, 26, adds, "take this book, and put it in the side of the ark. . .that it may be there for a testimony against thee"; to explain these texts as fiction or as anachronisms is hardly compatible with the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture.此外,三十一, 9月13日國家“ ,並寫了這個摩西法” ,並三十一, 26歲,說: “考慮這本書,並把它放在一邊,方舟。 。 。 ,它可能是有一個證詞對你“ ;解釋這些文本小說或過時很難符合無誤的聖經。 Finally, xxxi, 19, commands Moses to write the canticle contained in Deut., xxxii, 1-43.最後,第31 ,第19 ,命令摩西寫頌歌載於Deut 。 ,三十二, 1-43 。

The Scriptural scholar will not complain that there are so few express indications in the Pentateuch of Moses' literary activity; he will rather be surprised at their number.在聖經學者不會抱怨說,有這麼幾個明確跡象表明在摩西五經的文學活動,他將感到吃驚,而他們的人數。 As far as explicit testimony for its own, at least partial, authorship is concerned, the Pentateuch compares rather favourably with many other books of the Old Testament.至於明確的證詞為自己的,至少是部分,作者而言,五經比較有利,而與其他許多書籍舊約。

(2) Witness of other Old-Testament Books ( 2 )證人的其他老聖經書籍

(a) Josue.-The narrative of the Book of Josue presupposes not merely the facts and essential ordinances contained in the Pentateuch, but also the law given by Moses and written in the book of the law of Moses: Jos., i, 7-8; viii, 31; xxii, 5; xxiii, 6. (一) Josue. ,說明部分圖書的前提不僅是若蘇埃的事實和基本條例載於五經,而且所提供的法律和書面摩西的書摩西律法:聖何塞,我7 -8 ;八, 31 ; 22 , 5 ;二十三, 6 。 Josue himself "wrote all these things in the volume of the law of the Lord" (xxiv, 26).若蘇埃他寫道: “所有這些事情中的體積法勳爵” ( 24 , 26 ) 。 Prof. Hobverg maintains that this "volume of the law of the Lord" is the Pentateuch ("Über den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, 340); Mangenot believes that it refers at least to Deuteronomy (Dict. de la Bible, V, 66).教授Hobverg堅持認為,這種“體積法的上帝”是五經( “尤伯杯2007萬Pentateuchs起源”中的“ Biblische雜誌” , 1906年,四, 340 ) ; Mangenot認為,它是指至少在申命記(快譯通。德拉薩聖經,五, 66 ) 。 At any rate, Josue and his contemporaries were acquainted with a written Mosaic legislation, which was divinely revealed.無論如何,若蘇埃和他同時代的人熟悉的書面花葉立法,這是上天顯示。

(b) Judges; I, II Kings.-In the Book of Judges and the first two Books of Kings there is no explicit reference to Moses and the book of the law, but a number of incidents and statements presuppose the existence of the Pentateuchal legislation and institutions. (二)法官;一,二Kings. ,在書中法官和兩本書的第一個國王沒有明確提到摩西和圖書的法律,但一些事件和報表以存在的Pentateuchal立法和機構。 Thus Judges, xv, 8-10, recalls Israel's delivery from Egypt and its conquest of the Promised Land; Judges, xi, 12-28, states incidents recorded in Num., xx, 14; xxi, 13,24; xxii, 2; Judges, xiii, 4, states a practice founded on the law of the Nazarites in Num., vi, 1-21; Judges, xviii, 31, speaks of the tabernacle existing in the times when there was no king in Israel; Judges, xx, 26-8 mentions the ark of the covenant, the various kinds of sacrifices, and the Aaronic priesthood.因此,法官,十五, 8月10日,回顧以色列提供來自埃及和其征服樂土;法官,十一, 12月28日,國家中記錄的事件數量。 ,第XX號,第14 ; 21 , 13,24 , 22 , 2法官, 13日, 4日,國家做法的基礎上的法律Nazarites在序號。 ,六, 1月21日,法官, 18 , 31 ,談到幕中存在的時候,沒有國王在以色列;法官,二十, 26-8提到約櫃,各種犧牲,和Aaronic鐸。 The Pentateuchal history and laws are similarly presupposed in 1 Samuel 10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 sqq.; 23:6-9; 2 Samuel 6.該Pentateuchal歷史和法律是同樣的先決條件在撒母耳記上10:18 ; 15:1-10 ; 10:25 ; 21:1-6 ; 22時零六sqq 。 ; 23:6-9 ;撒母耳記下6 。

(c) 1 and 2 Kings.-The last two Books of Kings repeatedly speak of the law of Moses. (三)第1和第2 Kings. ,最後兩本書的國王多次談到摩西律法。 To restrict the meaning of this term to Deuteronomy is an arbitrary exegesis (cf. 1 Kings 2:3; 10:31); Amasias showed mercy to the children of the murderers "according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses" (2 Kings 14:6); the sacred writer records the Divine promise of protecting the Israelites "Only if they will observe to do all that I have commanded them according to the law which my servant Moses commanded them" (2 Kings 21:8).限制的含義,這個詞來申命記是一個任意的註釋(見列王紀上2時03分; 10時31分) ; Amasias表明憐憫的兒童的兇手“根據該寫這本書的法律摩西“ (列王紀下14點06分) ;神聖作家記錄神聖承諾保護以色列人”只有當他們將遵守盡一切,我已命令他們根據法律,我的僕人摩西指揮他們“ (列王紀下21 : 8 ) 。 In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was found the book of the law (2 Kings 22:8, 11), or the book of the covenant (2 Kings 23:2), according to which he conducted his religious reform (2 Kings 23:10-24), and which is identified with "the law of Moses" (2 Kings 23:25).早在十八歲的統治Josias發現這本書的法律(列王紀下22時08分, 11人) ,或本書的盟約(列王紀下23點零二分) ,根據了他的宗教改革( 2國王23:10-24 ) ,並確定這是與“摩西律法” (列王紀下23:25 ) 。 Catholic commentators are not at one whether this law-book was Deuteronomy (von Hummelauer, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 40-60, 83-7) or the entire Pentateuch (Clair, "Les livres des Rois", Paris, 1884, II, p. 557 seq.; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Frieburg, 1905, p. 17 seq.; "uber den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, pp. 338-40).天主教評論家不是一個是否本法書是申命記(馮Hummelauer , “ Deuteronomium ” ,巴黎, 1901年,第40-60 , 83-7 )或整個摩西五(克萊爾, “沙漠之里弗羅伊斯” ,巴黎, 1884 ,二,第557頁起。 ;霍貝格, “摩西五經之和” , Frieburg , 1905年,第17頁以下。 “尤伯杯2007萬Pentateuchs起源”中的“ Biblische雜誌” , 1906年,四頁。 338 -40 ) 。

(d) Paralipomenon.-The inspired writer of Paralipomenon refers to the law and the book of Moses much more frequently and clearly. (四) Paralipomenon. ,作家的靈感Paralipomenon是指法律和這本書的摩西更頻繁和明確。 The objectionable names and numbers occurring in these books are mostly due to transcribers.不良的姓名和號碼出現在這些圖書主要是由於謄寫。 The omission of incidents which would detract from the glory of the Israelite kings or would not edify the reader is not detrimental to the credibility or veracity of the work. Otherwise one should have to place among works of fiction a number of biographical or patriotic publications intended for the young or for the common reader.遺漏的事件將影響到光榮的以色列人國王或不會陶冶讀者不會損害的信譽或真實性的工作。否則應該有一個地方的小說作品中的一些傳記或愛國出版物年輕或為了共同的讀者。 On their part, the modern critics are too eager to discredit the authority of Paralipomena.對他們而言,現代的批評太急於詆毀權威Paralipomena 。 "After removing the account of Paralipomena", writes de Wette (Beitrage, I, 135), "the whole Jewish history assumes another form, and the Pentateuchal investigations take another turn; a number of strong proofs, hard to explain away, for the early existence of the Mosaic books have disappeared, the other vestiges of their existence are placed in a different light." “在取消帳戶Paralipomena ” ,寫入日Wette ( Beitrage ,我, 135 ) , “整個猶太歷史承擔的另一種形式,和Pentateuchal調查,再反過來;了一些強有力的證據,很難解釋了,為早期存在的馬賽克書籍已經消失,其他殘餘的存在被安置在不同的光。 “ A glance at the contents of Parlipomenon suffices to explain the efforts of de Witte and Wellhausen to disprove the historicity of the books.一瞥的內容,足以解釋Parlipomenon的努力日維特和豪森駁斥了歷史性的書籍。 Not only are the genealogies (1 Chronicles 1-9) and the descriptions of worship traced after the data and laws of the Pentateuch, but the sacred writer expressly points out their conformity with what is written in the law of the Lord (1 Chronicles 16:40), in the law of Moses (2 Chronicles 23:18; 31:3), thus identifying the law of the Lord with that written by Moses (cf. 2 Chronicles 25:4).不僅是族譜(歷代誌上1月9日)和說明崇拜追查後,數據和法律的五經,但神聖的作家明確指出其符合什麼是書面的法律勳爵(歷代誌上16 : 40 ) ,在摩西律法(歷代誌下23:18 ; 31:3 ) ,從而確定的法律與主寫的摩西(參見歷代誌下25:4 ) 。 The reader will find similar indications of the existence and the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch in I Par., xxii, 12 seq.; II Par., xvii, 9; xxxiii, 4; xxxiv, 14; xxv, 12.讀者會發現類似的跡象的存在和馬賽克起源於我的摩西五桿。 , 22 , 12起。 ;二桿。 ,十七, 9 ;三十三, 4 ;三十四, 14 ;二十五, 12 。 By an artificial interpretation, indeed, the Books of Paralipomenon may be construed to represent the Pentateuch as a book containing the law promulgated by Moses; but the natural sense of the foregoing passages regards the Pentateuch as a book edited by Moses.由人工解釋,事實上,圖書的Paralipomenon可能被解釋為代表了摩西五是出版了一本書的法律頒布的摩西;但自然意義上的上述段落關於摩西五為一本書主編的摩西。

(e) I, II Esdras.-The Books of Esdras and Nehemias, too, taken in their natural and commonly accepted sense, consider the Pentateuch as the book of Moses, not merely as a book containing the law of Moses. (五)一,二Esdras. ,帳簿埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias ,也採取了它們的自然和普遍接受的意義上說,考慮到五經的書摩西,而不僅僅是一本書,載摩西律法。 This contention is based on the study of the following texts: I Esd., iii, 2 sqq.; vi, 18; vii, 14; II Esd., i, 7 sqq.; viii, 1, 8, 14; ix, 3; x, 34, 36; xiii, 1-3.這一論點的依據是研究下列文本:我可持續發展教育。 ,三, 2 sqq 。 ;六, 18 ;第七章,第14條;二可持續發展教育。 ,我7 sqq 。 ;八, 1 , 8 , 14 ;九, 3 ;十, 34 , 36 ;第十三1-3 。 Graf and his followers expressed the view that the book of Moses referred to in these texts is not the Pentateuch, but only the Priestly Code; but when we keep in mind that the book in question contained the laws of Lev., xxiii, and Deut., vii, 2-4; xv, 2, we perceive at once that the book of Moses cannot be restricted to the Priestly Code.格拉夫和他的追隨者認為,這本書的摩西中提到的這些文本不是摩西五,但只有祭司碼;但是,當我們記住這本書載有問題的法律列夫。 ,二十三,並Deut 。 ,七, 2月4日;十五, 2 ,我們認為在這本書後,摩西不能僅限於在祭司碼。 To the witness of the historical books we may add II Mach., ii, 4; vii, 6; Judith, viii, 23; Ecclus., xxiv, 33; xlv, 1-6; xlv, 18, and especially the Preface of Ecclus.對證人的歷史書籍,我們可以添加二馬赫。 ,二, 4 ;七, 6 ;朱迪,八, 23 ; Ecclus 。 , 24 , 33 ;第四十五, 1月6日;第四十五, 18 ,特別是序Ecclus 。

(f) Prophetic Books.-Express reference to the written law of Moses is found only in the later Prophets: Bar., ii, 2, 28; Dan., ix, 11, 13; Mal., iv, 4. ( F )的先知Books. ,明確提到的書面摩西律法是發現,只有在後來先知:酒吧。 ,二, 2 , 28 ;丹。 ,第九章, 11 , 13 ;條。 ,四, 4 。 Among these, Baruch knows that Moses has been commanded to write the law, and though his expressions run parallel to those of Deut., xxviii, 15, 53, 62-64, his threats contain allusions to those contained in other parts of the Pentateuch. The other Prophets frequently refer to the law of the Lord guarded by the priests (cf. Deuteronomy 31:9), and they put it on the same level with Divine Revelation and the eternal covenant of the Lord.其中,巴魯克知道摩西已寫入命令的法律,儘管他的表現形式並行的那些Deut 。 ,二十八, 15 , 53 , 62-64 ,他的威脅含有暗示那些載於其他地區的摩西五。其他先知經常提到的法律,主守衛的祭司(參見申命記31:9 ) ,他們把它放在同樣的水平與天啟和永恆的盟約的上帝。 They appeal to God's covenant, the sacrificial laws the calendar of feasts, and other laws of the Pentateuch in such a way as to render it probable that a written legislation formed the basis of their prophetic admonitions (cf. Hosea 8:12), and that they were acquainted with verbal expressions of the book of the law.他們呼籲上帝的盟約,犧牲法律的日曆節日,和其他法律的摩西五以這樣一種方式,以使其有可能形成書面立法的基礎上他們的預言告誡(見何西阿8點12分) ,和他們熟悉的口頭表達的這本書的法律。 Thus in the northern kingdom Amos (iv, 4-5; v, 22 sqq.) and Isaias in the south (i, 11 sqq.) employ expressions which are practically technical words for sacrifice occurring in Lev., i-iii; vii, 12, 16; and Deut., xii, 6.因此,在英國北部阿摩司(四, 4月5日;五, 22 sqq 。 )和伊薩亞南部(一, 11 sqq 。 )僱用表現是技術的話幾乎犧牲發生在列夫。 ,一至三;七, 12 , 16 ;和Deut 。 ,第十二章, 6 。

(3) Witness of the New Testament ( 3 )證人的新約全書

We need not show that Jesus and the Apostles quoted the whole of the Pentateuch as written by Moses.我們沒有必要表明,耶穌和使徒引述整個五經書面的摩西。 If they attributed to Moses all the passages which they happen to cite, if they ascribe the Pentateuch to Moses whenever there is question of its authorship, even the most exacting critics must admit that they express their conviction that the work was indeed written by Moses.如果他們由於摩西的所有通道,他們舉出發生,如果他們賦予了摩西五摩西只要有問題,其著作權,即使是最苛刻的批評者也必須承認,他們表示相信,工作確實是寫的摩西。 When the Sadducees quote against Jesus the marriage law of Deut., xxv, 5, as written by Moses (Matthew 22:24; Mark 12:19; Luke 20:28), Jesus does not deny the Mosaic authorship, but appeals to Ex., iii, 6, as equally written by Moses (Mark 12:26; Matthew 22:31; Luke 20:37).當撒都該人對耶穌回复婚姻法Deut 。 , 25日, 5日,作為撰寫的摩西(馬太22:24 ;馬克12點19分;路加福音20:28 ) ,耶穌並不否認花葉著作權,但呼籲惠。 ,三,六,同樣寫的摩西(馬克12時26分;馬修22:31 ;路加福音20:37 ) 。 Again, in the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:29), He speaks of "Moses and the prophets", while on other occasions He speaks of "the law and the prophets" (Luke 16:16), thus showing that in His mind the law, or the Pentateuch, and Moses are identical.再次,在寓言富豪和拉撒路(路加福音16時29分) ,他談到了“摩西和先知” ,而在其他場合,他說的是“ ,是律法和先知” (路加福音16:16 ) ,從而表明,在他的記憶法,或摩西五,和摩西是相同的。 The same expressions reappear in the last discourse addressed by Christ to His disciples (Luke 24:44-6; cf. 27): "which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".同樣的表情出現在過去的話語處理基督門徒(路加福音24:44-6 ;比照。二十七日)說: “這是寫在摩西律法,並在先知,並在關於我的詩篇” 。 Finally, in John, v, 45-7, Jesus is more explicit in asserting the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch: "There is one that accuseth you, Moses. . .for he wrote of me. But if you do not believe his writings, how will you believe my words?"最後,在美國,五, 45-7 ,耶穌是更明確地主張著作權的馬賽克的摩西五: “我們是一個accuseth你,摩西。 。 。為他寫的我。但是,如果你不相信他的著作,您將如何相信我的話? “ Nor can it be maintained that Christ merely accommodated himself to the current beliefs of his contemporaries who considered Moses as the author of the Pentateuch not merely in a moral but also in the literary sense of authorship.也不能被認為基督只是住自己目前的信仰誰認為他同時代的作家摩西的摩西五不僅在道義上,而且在文學意義上的作者。 Jesus did not need to enter into the critical study of the nature of Mosaic authorship, but He could not expressly endorse the popular belief, if it was erroneous.耶穌並不需要進入關鍵研究的性質花葉作者,但他沒有明確贊同普遍認為,如果是錯誤的。

The Apostles too felt convinced of, and testified to, the Mosaic authorship. "Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith to him: We have found him of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write."使徒們也認為深信,並證明,著作權的馬賽克。 “菲利普findeth拿,和saith對他說:我們已經找到了他的人摩西的法律,和先知沒有寫。 ” St. Peter introduces a quotation from Deut., xviii, 15, with the words: "For Moses said" (Acts 3:22).聖彼得介紹引自Deut 。 , 18 , 15 ,改為: “對摩西說: ” (使徒3點22分) 。 St. James and St.聖雅各福群和街 Paul relate that Moses is read in the synagogues on the Sabbath day (Acts 15:21; 2 Corinthians 3:15).保羅說,摩西是涉及閱讀的猶太教堂的安息日(使徒15時21分;哥林多後書3:15 ) 。 The great Apostle speaks in other passages of the law of Moses (Acts 13:33; 1 Corinthians 9:9); he preaches Jesus according to the law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts 28:23), and cites passages from the Pentateuch as words written by Moses (Romans 10:5-8; 19).偉大的使徒談到其他段落中的摩西律法(使徒13:33 ;哥林多前書9時09分) ;他鼓吹耶穌根據摩西律法和先知(使徒28:23 ) ,並列舉了摩西五通道作為文字的摩西(羅馬書10:5-8 ; 19 ) 。 St. John mentions the canticle of Moses (Revelation 15:3).聖約翰提到頌歌摩西(啟示錄15:3 ) 。

B. WITNESS OF TRADITION灣昭傳統

The voice of tradition, both Jewish and Christian, is so unanimous and constant in proclaiming the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch that down to the seventeenth century it did not allow the rise of any serious doubt.傳統的聲音,無論猶太教和基督教,是如此一致,不斷在宣布馬賽克作者的摩西五是到17世紀它不允許任何崛起的嚴重懷疑。 The following paragraphs are only a meagre outline of this living tradition.以下各段僅是微薄的大綱此生活的傳統。

(1) Jewish Tradition ( 1 )猶太傳統

It has been seen that the books of the Old Testament, beginning with those of the Pentateuch, present Moses as the author of at least parts of the Pentateuch. The writer of the Books of Kings believes that Moses is the author of Deuteronomy at least.人們看到,圖書舊約,首先是摩西五,本摩西的作者至少部分摩西五。作家的書國王認為,摩西是作者申命記至少。 Esdras, Nehemias, Malachias, the author of Paralipomena, and the Greek authors of the Septuagint Version consider Moses as the author of the whole Pentateuch.埃斯德拉斯, Nehemias , Malachias的作者Paralipomena ,和希臘作者七十版本考慮摩西的作者整個摩西五。 At the time of Jesus Christ and the Apostles friend and foe take the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch for granted; neither our Lord nor His enemies take exception to this assumption.當時耶穌和使徒朋友和敵人採取馬賽克作者的摩西五是理所當然的;既不我們的上帝,也沒有他的敵人採取例外,這一假設。 In the first century of the Christian era, Josephus ascribes to Moses the authorship of the entire Pentateuch, not excepting the account of the lawgiver's death ("Antiq. Jud.", IV, viii, 3-48; cf. I Procem., 4; "Contra Apion.", I, 8).在二十一世紀的公元,約瑟夫賦予摩西作者整個摩西五,不除外到立法者的死亡( “ Antiq 。珠德。 ” ,四,八, 3-48 ;比照。我Procem 。 , 4 , “康特拉阿皮翁。 ”一, 8 ) 。 The Alexandrian philosopher Philo is convinced that the entire Pentateuch is the work of Moses, and that the latter wrote a prophetic account of his death under the influence of a special divine inspiration ("De vita Mosis", ll. II, III in "Opera", Geneva, 1613, pp. 511, 538).哲學家斐洛的亞歷山大相信,整個摩西五是工作的摩西,後者寫了預言到他去世的影響下,一個特別神聖的啟示( “者維Mosis ” ,當地僱員。二,三在“歌劇院“ ,日內瓦, 1613年,頁。 511 , 538 ) 。 The Babylonian Talmud ("Baba-Bathra", II, col. 140; "Makkoth", fol. IIa; "Menachoth", fol. 30a; cf. Vogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'exegese biblique jusqua'a nos jours", Paris, 1881, p. 21), the Talmud of Jerusalem (Sota, v, 5), the rabbis, and the doctors of Israel (cf. Furst, "Der Kanon des Alten Testaments nach den Überlieferungen im Talmud und Midrasch", Leipzig, 1868, pp. 7-9) bear testimony to the continuance of this tradition for the first thousand years.巴比倫塔木德( “巴巴- Bathra ” ,二,山口。 140 ; “ Makkoth ” ,下載。國際投資協定“ ; Menachoth ” ,下載。 30A的;比照。時尚, “組織胺。德拉薩聖經與法國exegese biblique jusqua ' 1我jours “ ,巴黎, 1881年,第21頁) ,在耶路撒冷的猶太法典(索塔,五, 5 ) ,猶太教,和醫生的以色列(參見弗斯特, ”明鏡加隆萬老聖經nach旦Überlieferungen即時塔爾穆德與Midrasch “ ,萊比錫, 1868年,頁。 7-9 )證明的延續了這一傳統的第一一千多年。 Though Isaac ben Jasus in the eleventh century and Abenesra in the twelfth admitted certain post-Mosaic additions in the Pentateuch, still they as well as Maimonides upheld its Mosaic authorship, and did not substantially differ in this point from the teaching of R. Becchai (thirteenth cent.), Joseph Karo, and Abarbanel (fifteenth cent.; cf. Richard Simon, "Critique de la Bibl. des aut. eccles. de E. Dupin", Paris, 1730, III, pp. 215-20).雖然伊薩克本Jasus於11世紀和Abenesra在某些第十二屆承認後花葉增加在五經,但他們以及邁蒙尼德堅持花葉著作權,並沒有實質性不同,這一點從教學中的河Becchai (第十三左右。 ) ,約瑟夫卡羅和Abarbanel (第十五左右。 ;比照。理查德西蒙, “批判Bibl 。沙漠引渡。埃克勒斯。日體育Dupin ” ,巴黎, 1730年,三,頁。 215-20 ) 。 Only in the seventeenth century, Baruch Spinoza rejected the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, pointing out the possibility that the work might have been written by Esdras ("Tract. Theol.-politicus", c. viii, ed. Tauchnitz, III, p. 125).只有在十七世紀,巴魯克斯賓諾莎拒絕馬賽克著作權的摩西五,指出的可能性,這項工作可能已經寫的埃斯德拉斯( “道。 Theol.政治論” ,角八,教育署。 Tauchnitz ,三,磷。 125 ) 。 Among the more recent Jewish writers several have adopted the results of the critics, thus abandoning the tradition of their forefathers.在最近的幾個猶太人作家已經通過的結果,評論家,從而放棄了他們祖先的傳統。

(2) Christian Tradition ( 2 )基督教傳統

The Jewish tradition concerning the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch was brought in to the Christian Church by Christ Himself and the Apostles.猶太傳統的馬賽克著作權的五經被帶到基督教的耶穌和使徒。 No one will seriously deny the existence and continuance of such a tradition from the patristic period onward; one might indeed be curious about the interval between the time of the Apostles and beginning of the third century.沒有人會認真地否認存在和繼續存在這樣一個傳統的教父期間起;人們可能確實是好奇之間的間隔時間的使徒和年初三世紀。 For this period we may appeal to the "Epistle of Barnabus" (x, 1-12; Funk, "Patres apostol.", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1901, I, p. 66-70; xii, 2-9k; ibid., p. 74-6), to St. Clement of Rome (1 Corinthians 41:1; ibid., p. 152), St. Justin ("Apol. I", 59; PG, VI, 416; I, 32, 54; ibid., 377, 409; "Dial.", 29; ibid., 537), to the author of "Cohort. Ad Graec."在此期間我們可能會呼籲“使徒Barnabus ” (十, 1月12日;克, “ Patres apostol 。 ”第2版。 ,蒂賓根大學, 1901年,我,第66-70 ;十二, 2 - 9k ;同上。 ,第74-6 ) ,聖克萊門特的羅馬(哥林多前書41:1 ;同上。 ,第152頁) ,聖賈斯汀( “ Apol 。一” , 59 ;前列腺素,六, 416 ,我, 32 , 54 ;同上。 , 377 , 409 ; “撥號。 ” 29 ;同上。 , 537 ) ,作者的“隊列。廣告Graec 。 ” (9, 28, 30, 33, 34; ibid., 257, 293, 296-7, 361), to St. Theophilus ("Ad Autol.", III, 23; ibid., 1156; 11, 30; ibid., 1100), to St. Irenæus (Cont. haer., I, ii, 6; PG, VII, 715-6), to St. Hippolytus of Rome ("Comment. In Deut.", xxxi, 9, 31, 35; cf. Achelis, "Arabische Fragmente etc.", Leipzig, 1897, I, 118; "Philosophumena", VIII, 8; X, 33; PG, XVI, 3350, 3448), to Tertullian of Carthage (Adv. Hermog., XIX; PL, II, 214), to Origen of Alexandria (Contra. Cels., III, 5-6; PG, XI, 928; etc.), to St. Eusthatius of Antioch (De engastrimytha c. Orig., 21; PG, XVIII, 656); for all these writers, and others might be added, bear witness to the continuance of the Christian tradition that Moses wrote the Pentateuch. ( 9 , 28 , 30 , 33 , 34 ;同上。 , 257 , 293 , 296-7 , 361 ) ,聖奧菲勒斯( “廣告Autol 。 ” ,三, 23 ;同上。 , 1156年; 11 , 30 ;同上。 , 1100年) ,聖Irenæus (續haer 。 ,一,二, 6 ;指引,第七, 715-6 ) ,聖西波呂羅馬( “評論。在Deut 。 ”三十一, 9 , 31 , 35 ;比照。 Achelis , “ Arabische Fragmente等” ,萊比錫, 1897年,我, 118 ; “ Philosophumena ” ,八, 8 ;十, 33 ;指引,十六, 3350 , 3448 ) ,以良的迦太基( Adv. Hermog 。 ,十九;光致發光,二, 214 ) ,以奧利亞歷山大( Contra.細胞。 ,三, 5月6日;指引,十一, 928等) ,聖Eusthatius的安提阿(者engastrimytha角原始。 , 21 ;前列腺素,十八, 656 ) ;所有這些作家,和其他可添加,見證繼續基督教傳統,寫了摩西五經。 A list of the later Fathers who bear witness to the same truth may be found in Mangenot's article in the "Dict. de la Bible" (V, 74 seq.).的名單後父親誰見證相同的事實中可以找到Mangenot的文章在“快譯通。德拉薩聖經” (五, 74歲以下。 ) 。 Hoberg (Moses und der Pentateuch, 72 seq.) has collected the testimony for the existence of the tradition during the Middle Ages and in more recent times.霍貝格(摩西五經之和, 72起。 )已收集的證詞存在的傳統在中世紀,在更近的時候。

But Catholic tradition does not necessarily maintain that Moses wrote every letter of the Pentateuch as it is today, and that the work has come down to us in an absolutely unchanged form.但是,天主教的傳統,並不一定認為摩西寫每信摩西五象今天,該工作已下降到我們絕對不變的形式。 This rigid view of the Mosaic authorship began to develop in the eighteenth century, and practically gained the upper hand in the nineteenth.這種僵硬鑑於花葉作者開始發展在18世紀,切實佔上風19 。 The arbitrary treatment of Scripture on the part of Protestants, and the succession of the various destructive systems advanced by Biblical criticism, caused this change of front in the Catholic camp.任意對待聖經的一部分新教徒,並繼承了各種先進的破壞性系統聖經批評,造成這一變化的戰線天主教營地。 In the sixteenth century Card.在16世紀卡。 Bellarmine, who may be considered as a reliable exponent of Catholic tradition, expressed the opinion that Esdras had collected, readjusted, and corrected the scattered parts of the Pentateuch, and had even added the parts necessary for the completion of the Pentateuchal history (De verbo Dei, II, I; cf. III, iv).貝拉明,誰可被視為一個可靠的指數,天主教的傳統,認為埃斯德拉斯收集,調整,並糾正了分散部分摩西五,甚至增加了部分必要的完成Pentateuchal歷史(者動詞上帝,二,一;比照。三,四) 。 The views of Génebrard, Pereira, Bonfrere, a Lapide, Masius, Jansenius, and of other notable Biblicists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are equally elastic with regard to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.意見Génebrard ,佩雷拉,邦弗雷雷,一個Lapide ,麥西斯, Jansenius ,和其他顯著Biblicists的16和17世紀也同樣彈性關於花葉作者的摩西五。 Not that they agree with the contentions of our modern Biblical criticism; but they show that today's Pentateuchal problems were not wholly unknown to Catholic scholars, and that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch as determined by the Biblical Commission is no concession forced on the Church by unbelieving Bible students.不是他們同意爭論我們現代聖經批評;但它們表明,今天的Pentateuchal問題沒有完全陌生的天主教學者和作者的馬賽克的摩西五所確定的聖經委員會沒有讓步強迫教會問題的不信聖經學生。

C. VOICE OF INTERNAL EVIDENCE角聲內部證據

The possibility of producing a written record at the time of Moses is no longer contested.可能生成書面記錄的時候,摩西已不再有爭議。 The art of writing was known long before the time of the great lawgiver, and was extensively practised both in Egypt and Babylon.寫作的藝術被稱為之前很久的時候,偉大的立法者,並廣泛實行在埃及和巴比倫。 As to the Israelites, Flinders Petrie infers from certain Semitic inscriptions found in 1905 on the Sinaitic peninsula, that they kept written accounts of their national history from the time of their captivity under Ramses II.至於以色列人,弗林德斯皮特里推斷某些猶太人碑文於1905年發現的Sinaitic半島,他們隨時書面帳戶本國的歷史,他們被關押的時間下拉美西斯二世。 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets show the language of Babylon was in a way the official language at the time of Moses, known in Western Asia, Palestine, and Egypt; the finds of Taanek have confirmed this fact.該告訴埃及阿瑪爾納片顯示的語言,巴比倫是一種官方語言的時候,摩西,已知在西亞,巴勒斯坦和埃及的認定的Taanek證實了這一事實。 But it cannot be inferred from this that the Egyptians and Israelites employed this sacred or official language among themselves and in their religious documents (cf. Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaologie", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1907, p. 172 sqq.).但是,它不能作為推斷這是埃及人和以色列人僱用這個神聖或它們之間的官方語言,並在其宗教文件(參見Benzinger , “ Hebraische Archaologie ” ,第2版。 ,蒂賓根大學, 1907年,第172頁sqq 。 ) 。 It is not merely the possibility of writing at the time of Moses and the question of language that confronts us here; there is the further problem of the kind of written signs used in the Mosaic documents.它不僅是書面的可能性時,摩西和問題的語言,使我們在這裡有進一步的問題,什麼樣的書面標誌用於花葉文件。 The hieroglyphic and cuneiform signs were widely employed at that early date; the oldest inscriptions written in alphabetical characters date only from the ninth century BC But there can hardly be any doubt as to the higher antiquity of alphabetic writing, and there seems to be nothing to prevent our extending it back to the time of Moses.象形文字和楔形文字的標誌,廣泛採用該早日生效;最古老的碑文寫的字母字符到目前為止,只有從公元前9世紀,但就不可能有疑問,較高的文物的拼音文字,似乎是沒有防止我們的延長回到時間的摩西。 Finally, the Code of Hammurabi, discovered in Susa in 1901 by the French expedition funded by Mr. And Mrs. Dieulafoy, shows that even in pre-Mosaic times legal enactments were committed to, and preserved in, writing; for the Code antedates Moses some five centuries, and contains about 282 regulations concerning various contingencies in the civic life.最後,漢謨拉比法典,在蘇薩發現於1901年由法國資助的探險先生和夫人杜氏,結果表明,即使在預花葉次法令承諾,並保存在,寫作;守則antedates摩西大約5個世紀,並載有大約282名各種突發法規的公民生活。

Thus far it has been shown negatively that an historic and legal document claiming to be written at the time of Moses involves no antecedent improbability of its authenticity.迄今為止,它已被證明是一種消極的歷史和法律文件,聲稱是書面的時候,摩西不涉及先行不大可能的真實性。 But the internal characteristics of the Pentateuch show also positively that the work is at least probably Mosaic.但是,內部特徵的摩西五顯示了積極的,這項工作至少是可能馬賽克。 It is true that the Pentateuch contains no express declaration of its entire Mosaic authorship; but even the most exacting of critics will hardly require such testimony.的確,摩西五載沒有明確宣布其整個花葉著作權;但即使是最苛刻的批評者就很難要求這些證詞。 It is practically lacking in all other books, whether sacred or profane.這實際上是缺乏所有其他的書籍,不論是神聖的或褻瀆。 On the other hand, it has already been shown that four distinct passages of the Pentateuch are expressly ascribed to the authorship of Moses.另一方面,它已經表明,四個不同的段落的摩西五是明確歸因於作者的摩西。 Deut., xxxi, 24-9, is especially noted; for it knows that Moses wrote the "words of this law in a volume" and commanded it to be placed in the ark of the covenant as a testimony against the people who have been so rebellious during the lawgiver's life and will "do wickedly" after his death. Deut 。 ,三十一, 24-9 ,特別指出,因為它知道,摩西寫了“的話本法數額” ,並命令它放在約櫃的證詞對人民誰已這樣叛逆在立法者的生命,將“做壞透”在他死後。 Again, a number of legal sections, though not explicitly ascribed to the writing of Moses, are distinctly derived from Moses as the lawgiver.同樣,一些法律部門,雖然沒有明確賦予的書面摩西,明顯來自摩西作為立法者。 Besides, many of the Pentateuchal laws bear evidence of their origin in the desert; hence they too lay an indirect claim to Mosaic origin.此外,許多Pentateuchal法律承擔證明其原產地在沙漠中,因此他們也奠定了間接聲稱花葉來源。 What has been said of a number of Pentateuchal laws is equally true of several historical sections.所說的一些Pentateuchal同樣的法律的若干歷史章節。 These contain in the Book of Numbers, for instance, so many names and numbers that they must have been handed down in writing. Unless the critics can bring irrefutable evidence showing that in these sections we have only fiction, they must grant that these historical details were written down in contemporary documents, and not transmitted by mere oral tradition. Moreover, Hommel ("Die altisraelitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", p. 302) has shown that the names in the lists of the Book of Numbers bear the character of the Arabian names of the second millennium before Christ, and can have originated only in the time of Moses, though it must be admitted that the text of certain portions, eg, Num., xiii, has suffered in its transmission.這些包含在這本書中的數字,例如,如此眾多的名字和號碼,他們必須一直流傳下來的書面。除非批評可以帶來不可辯駁的證據顯示,在這些路段,我們只有小說,他們必須承認,這些歷史的細節寫在當代的文件,而不是僅僅通過口頭傳播的傳統。此外,霍梅爾( “模具altisraelitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung ” ,第302頁)表明,名單中的名字的圖書數承擔的性質阿拉伯名字公元前第二個千年,可以只在起源時,摩西,但必須承認,案文的某些部分,例如數。 ,十三,受到在其傳播。 We need not remind the reader that numerous Pentateuchal laws and data imply the conditions of a nomadic life of Israel.我們需要提醒讀者,許多Pentateuchal法律和數據意味著條件游牧生活以色列。 Finally, both the author of the Pentateuch and its first readers must have been more familiar with the topography and the social conditions of Egypt and with the Sinaitic peninsula than with the land of Chanaan.最後,作者的五經和它的第一讀者必須是比較熟悉的地形和社會條件的埃及和比Sinaitic半島的土地Chanaan 。 Cf., eg, Deut., viii, 7-10; xi, 10 sqq.比照。 ,例如Deut 。 ,八, 7月10日;十一, 10 sqq 。 These internal characteristics of the Pentateuch have been developed at greater length by Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; Vigouroux, "La Bible et les decouvertes modernes", 6th ed., Paris, 1896, I, 453-80; II, 1-213, 529-47, 586-91; Idem, "Les Livres Saints et la critique rationaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 28-46, 79-99, 122-6; Heyes, "Bibel und Ægypten", Munster, 1904, p.這些內部特徵的摩西五已經制定更詳細的史密斯, “這本書或摩西五經的作者,信譽,文明之光” ,倫敦, 1868年; Vigouroux , “香格里拉聖經與法國decouvertes現代” ,第6版。 ,巴黎, 1896年,我, 453-80 ;二, 1-213 , 529-47 , 586-91 ;同上, “法國和法語圖書聖徒批判rationaliste ” ,巴黎, 1902年,三, 28-46 , 79 - 99 , 122-6 ; Heyes , “聖經和Ægypten ” ,穆斯特, 1904年,第 142; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in histor. Vet. Test. libros", I, Paris, 1887, pp. 142 ; Cornely , “引的特別histor 。獸醫。試驗。 libros ” ,我,巴黎, 1887年,頁。 57-60; Poole, "Ancient Egypt" in "Contemporary Review", March, 1879, pp. 57-60 ;普爾, “古埃及”在“當代評論” , 3月, 1879年,頁。 757-9. 757-9 。

D. ECCLESIASTICAL DECISIONS 4教會決定

In accordance with the voice of the triple argument thus far advanced for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, the Biblical Commission on 27 June, 1906, answered a series of questions concerning this subject in the following way:根據聲音的三重論點迄今先進的馬賽克著作權的五經,聖經委員會關於1906年6月27日,回答了一系列問題,這一問題的方式如下:

(1) The arguments accumulated by the critics to impugn the Mosaic authenticity of the sacred books designated by the name Pentateuch are not of such weight as to give us the right, after setting aside numerous passages of both Testaments taken collectively, the continuous consensus of the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age. ( 1 )論點所積累批評家非難花葉真實性神聖的書籍指定的名稱摩西五沒有這種重量給我們的權利,在撇開許多段落都聖經採取集體,連續共識猶太人民,不斷的傳統,教會,和內部的跡象來自文字本身,以保持這些書籍沒有摩西作為其作者,而且是從來源的最大部分不遲於花葉年齡。

(2) The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch does not necessarily require such a redaction of the whole work as to render it absolutely imperative to maintain that Moses wrote all and everything with his own hand or dictated it to his secretaries; the hypothesis of those can be admitted who believe that he entrusted the composition of the work itself, conceived by him under the influence of Divine inspiration, to others, but in such a way that they were to express faithfully his own thoughts, were to write nothing against his will, were to omit nothing; and that finally the work thus produced should be approved by the same Moses, its principal and inspired author, and published under his name. ( 2 )花葉真實性摩西五並不一定需要這樣的編輯整個工作使其絕對必須保持這一摩西寫道,一切都與他自己的手或口述給他的秘書;的假設這些可必須承認誰相信他委託組成的工作本身,他所設想的影響下,神聖的靈感,給他人,但以這樣一種方式,他們忠實地表達自己的想法,寫了什麼對他的意志,省略了什麼;和最後的工作應該是這樣生產批准同摩西,其本金和激勵作者和出版他的名字。

(3) It may be granted without prejudice to the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch, that Moses employed sources in the production of his work, ie, written documents or oral traditions, from which he may have drawn a number of things in accordance with the end he had in view and under the influence of Divine inspiration, and inserted them in his work either literally or according to their sense, in an abbreviated or amplified form. ( 3 )可給予不損害花葉真實性摩西五,即摩西受聘來源生產中所做的工作,即書面文件或口頭傳統,他從那裡可以得出一些事情根據為此,他已經考慮和的影響下,神聖的靈感,並插入他們在工作中也確實或根據自己的感覺,在一個縮寫或擴增形式。

(4) The substantial Mosaic authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch remains intact if it be granted that in the long course of centuries the work has suffered several modifications, as; post-Mosaic additions either appended by an inspired author or inserted into the text as glosses and explanations; the translation of certain words and forms out of an antiquated language into the recent form of speech; finally, wrong readings due to the fault of transcribers, which one may investigate and pass sentence on according to the laws of criticism. ( 4 )大量馬賽克真實性和完整性的摩西五不變,如果給予,在長期的世紀工作就經受了好幾次修改,如;後花葉增加或者附加的啟發作者或插入文本掩蓋和解釋;翻譯某些詞和形式的陳舊的語言到最近形式的講話,最後,由於錯誤讀數的過錯謄寫,其中一個調查和判決的法律根據的批評。

The post-Mosaic additions and modifications allowed by the Biblical Commission in the Pentateuch without removing it from the range of substantial integrity and Mosaic authenticity are variously interpreted by Catholic scholars.後花葉補充和修訂所允許的聖經中的摩西五委員會而不刪除它的範圍從大量的完整性和真實性是不同的馬賽克解釋天主教學者。

(1) We should have to understand them in a rather wide sense, if we were to defend the views of von Hummelauer or Vetter. ( 1 )我們應該理解他們在一個相當廣泛的意義上說,如果我們要維護的意見,馮Hummelauer或Vetter 。 This latter writer admits legal and historical documents based on Mosaic tradition, but written only in the times of the Judges; he places the first redaction of the Pentateuch in the time of the erection of Solomon's temple, and its last redaction in the time of Esdras.後者作家承認的法律和歷史文獻的基礎上鑲嵌的傳統,但只寫在他的時代,法官,他的第一個地方的五經編輯的時候,勃起的所羅門聖殿,並在其最後編輯時間埃斯德拉斯。 Vetter died in 1906, the year in which the Biblical Commission issued the above Decree; it is an interesting question, whether and how the scholar would have modified his theory, if time had been granted him to do so. Vetter死於1906年,在這一年中的聖經委員會發表了上述法令,這是一個有趣的問題,是否和如何修改的學者將他的理論,如果時間已給予他這樣做。

(2) A less liberal interpretation of the Decree is implied in the Pentateuchal hypotheses advanced by Hobert ("Moses und der Pentateuch; Die Pentateuch Frage" in "Biblische Studien", X, 4, Freiburg, 1907; "Erklarung des Genesis", 1908, Freiburg, IL), Schopfer (Geschichte des Alten Testamentes, 4th ed., 226 sqq.), Hopfl ("Die hohere Bibelkritik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1906), Brucker ("L'eglise et la critique", Paris, 1907, 103 sqq.), and Selbst (Schuster and Holzammer's "Handbuch zur Biblischen Geschichte", 7th ed., Freiburg, 1910, II, 94, 96). ( 2 )少從寬解釋法令是隱含在Pentateuchal假設先進的Hobert ( “摩西五經之和; Frage模具五經”中的“ Biblische Studien ” ,第十,第4 ,弗賴堡, 1907年; “ Erklarung之起源” 1908年,弗萊堡,白細胞介素) , Schopfer (史老Testamentes ,第4版。 , 226 sqq 。 ) Hopfl ( “模具hohere Bibelkritik ” ,第2版。 ,帕德博恩, 1906 ) , Brucker ( “歐萊雅埃格利斯與香格里拉批判” ,巴黎, 1907年, 103 sqq 。 )和自身( Schuster和Holzammer的“手冊Biblischen史論” ,第七版。 ,弗賴堡, 1910年,二, 94 , 96 ) 。 The last-named writer believes that Moses left a written law-book to which Josue and Samuel added supplementary sections and regulations, while David and Solomon supplied new statutes concerning worship and priesthood, and other kings introduced certain religious reforms, until Esdras promulgated the whole law and made it the basis of Israel's restoration after the Exile.過去命名的作家認為,摩西留下了書面法律書籍的若蘇埃和Samuel補充和規章的補充部分,而大衛和所羅門提供新的章程和有關禮拜牧師和其他國王介紹了某些宗教的改革,直到整個埃斯德拉斯頒布法律並使其根據以色列的恢復後,流亡國外。 Our present Pentateuch is, therefore, an Esdrine edition of the work.我們目前的五經,因此,一個Esdrine版的工作。 Dr. Selbst feels convinced that his admission of both textual changes and material additions in the Pentateuch agrees with the law of historical development and with the results of literary criticism.博士自我感覺相信,他承認這兩個文本的修改和補充材料中的五經同意的法律和歷史發展的結果,文學批評。 Historical development adapts laws and regulations to the religious, civil, and social conditions of successive ages, while literary criticism discovers in our actual Pentateuch peculiarities of words and phrases which can hardly have been original, and also historical additions or notices, legal modifications, and signs of more recent administration of justice and of later forms of worship.適應歷史發展的法律和規章的宗教,民間,社會條件的歷屆年齡,而文學批評發現在我們的實際摩西五特點的單詞和詞組難以被原始,也是歷史上增加或通知,法律的修改,和最近的跡象,司法行政和後來形式的崇拜。 But Dr. Selbst believes that these peculiarities do not offer a sufficient basis for a distinction of different sources in the Pentateuch.但醫生認為,這些自身的特點沒有提供足夠的基礎,區分不同來源的摩西五。

(3) A strict interpretation of the words of the Decree is implied in the views of Kaulen (Einleitung, n. 193 sqq.), Key ("Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte un ihre System", Munster, 1903), Flunk (Kirchenlexicon, IX, 1782 sqq.), and Mangenot ("L'authenticite mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1907; Idem, "Dict. de la Bible", V, 50-119. With the exception of those portions that belong to the time after the death of Moses, and of certain accidental changes of the text due to transcribers, the whole of the Pentateuch is the work of Moses who composed the work in one of the ways suggested by the Biblical Commission. Finally, there is the question as the theological certainty of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch. ( 3 )嚴格解釋的話是暗示的法令的意見Kaulen (導論,北路193 sqq 。 ) ,關鍵詞( “模具Pentateuchfrage , ihre史聯合國ihre系統” ,明斯特, 1903年) ,失敗( Kirchenlexicon ,九, 1782年sqq 。 )和Mangenot ( “歐萊雅authenticite mosaique杜Pentateuque ” ,巴黎, 1907年;同上, “快譯通。德拉薩聖經” ,五, 50-119 。除部分屬於時間去世後摩西,以及某些意外更改的文字,由於謄寫,整個摩西五是工作的組成摩西誰的工作方法之一聖經所建議的委員會。最後,還有一個問題作為神學確定性論文保持花葉真實性摩西五。

(1) Certain Catholic scholars who wrote between 1887 and 1906 expressed their opinion that the thesis in question is not revealed in Scripture nor taught by the Church; that it expresses a truth not contained in Revelation, but a tenet which may be freely contested and discussed. ( 1 )某些天主教學者誰寫的1887年和1906年表示,他們認為,論文中的問題是,沒有發現在聖經也不教教堂,它表達了真理中不包含的啟示,而是一個宗旨可以自由爭論和討論。 At that time, ecclesiastical authority had issued no pronouncement on the question.在那個時候,教會當局沒有發出聲明問題上。

(2) Other writers grant that the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is not explicitly revealed, but they consider it as a truth revealed formally implicitly, being derived from the revealed formulae not by a syllogism in the strict sense of the word, but by a simple explanation of the terms. ( 2 )其他作者給予的馬賽克真實性摩西五是沒有明確透露,但他們認為這是一個事實表明正式含蓄,被來自顯示公式不是一個三段論在嚴格意義上的文字,但由簡單的解釋條款。 The denial of the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is an error, and the contradictory of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is considered erronea in fide (cf. Mechineau, "L'origine mosaique du Pentateuque", p. 34).剝奪花葉真實性摩西五是一個錯誤,而且矛盾的命題保持花葉真實性摩西五是erronea在真誠(參見Mechineau , “歐萊雅起源mosaique杜Pentateuque ” ,第34頁) 。

(3) A third class of scholars considers the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch neither as a freely debatable tenet, nor as a truth formally implicitly revealed; they believe it has been virtually revealed, or that it is inferred from revealed truth by truly syllogistic deduction. ( 3 )第三類學者認為,花葉真實性摩西五既不作為一個有爭議的自由的宗旨,也作為一個真相正式含蓄地表明,他們認為它實際上已被發現,或者說這是推斷揭示真理的真正三段論扣除。 It is, therefore, a theologically certain truth, and its contradictory is a rash (temeraria) or even erroneous proposition (cf. Brucker, "Authenticite des livres de Moise" in "Etudes", March, 1888, p. 327; ibid., January, 1897, p. 122-3; Mangenot, "L'authenticité mosaïque du Pentateuque", pp. 267-310.因此,一個神學某些事實,其矛盾的是皮疹( temeraria ) ,甚至錯誤的主張(見Brucker , “ Authenticite萬里弗日莫伊茲”中的“練習曲” , 3月, 1888年,第327頁;同上。 1月, 1897年,第122-3 ; Mangenot , “歐萊雅authenticité mosaïque杜Pentateuque ” ,頁。 267-310 。

Whatever effect the ecclesiastical decision concerning the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch may have had, or will have, on the opinion of students of the Pentateuchal question, it cannot be said to have occasioned the conservative attitude of scholars who wrote before the promulgation of the Decree.無論教會決定作用的馬賽克真實性摩西五可能有或將有的意見,學生的Pentateuchal問題,不能說已經引起了保守態度的學者誰寫之前頒布的法令。 The following list contains the names of the principal recent defenders of Mosaic authenticity: Hengstenberg, "Die Bucher Moses und Aegypten", Berlin, 1841; Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; C. Schobel, "Demonstration de l'authenticite du Deuteronome", Paris, 1868; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique de l'Exode", Paris, 1871; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique du Levitique et des Nombres", Paris, 1869; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite de la Genese", Paris, 1872; Idem, "Le Moise historique et la redaction mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1875; Knabenbauer, "Der Pentateuch und die unglaubige Bibelkritik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1873, IV; Bredenkamp, "Gesetz und Propheten", Erlangen, 1881; Green, "Moses and the Prophets", New York, 1883; Idem, "The Hebrew Feasts", New York, 1885; Idem, "The Pentateuchal Question" in "Hebraica", 1889-92; Idem, "The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch", New York, 1895; Idem, "The Unity of the Book of Genesis", New York, 1895; C. Elliot, "Vindication of the Mosaic Authorship of the Pentateuch", Cincinnati, 1884; Bissel, "The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure", New York, 1885; Ubaldi, "Introductio in Sacram Scripturam", 2nd ed., Rome, 1882, I, 452- 509; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in historicos VT libros", Paris, 1887, pp.下面的列表包含的姓名,最近的主要捍衛者的馬賽克真實性:亨斯, “模具與Aegypten布赫爾摩西” ,柏林, 1841年;史密斯, “這本書或摩西五經的作者,信譽,文明之光” ,倫敦, 1868 ;角Schobel , “示範法國authenticite杜Deuteronome ” ,巴黎, 1868年;同上, “示範法國authenticite mosaique法國Exode ” ,巴黎, 1871年;同上, “示範法國authenticite mosaique杜Levitique等沙漠Nombres “ ,巴黎, 1869年;同上, ”示範法國authenticite德拉薩Genese “ ,巴黎, 1872年;同上, ”樂莫伊茲歷史等香格里拉編輯mosaique杜Pentateuque “ ,巴黎, 1875年; Knabenbauer , ”明鏡摩西五與死亡unglaubige Bibelkritik “中的” Stimmen澳大利亞瑪麗亞Laach “ , 1873年,第四;登坎普”法則與Propheten “埃爾蘭根, 1881年;綠色, ”摩西和先知“ ,紐約, 1883年;同上, ”希伯來節日“ ,紐約, 1885年;同上, ”該Pentateuchal提問“ , ” Hebraica “ , 1889年至1892年;同上, ”上批評五經“ ,紐約, 1895年;同上, ”團結的創世記“ ,紐約, 1895年;角艾略特, “報復的馬賽克著作權的五經” ,辛辛那提, 1884年; Bissel說: “摩西五,其來源和結構” ,紐約, 1885年; Ubaldi , “引Sacram Scripturam ” ,第2版。 ,羅馬, 1882年,我, 452 - 509 ; Cornely , “引historicos特別在佛蒙特州libros ” ,巴黎, 1887年,頁。 19-160; Vos, "Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes", London, 1886; Bohl, "Zum Gesetz und zum Zeugniss", Vienna, 1883; Zah, "Erneste Blicke in den Wahn der modernen Kritik des AT", Gutersloh, 1893; Idem, "Das Deuteronomium", 1890; Idem, "Israelitische und judische Geschichte", 1895; Rupprecht, "Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhausens vom Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893; Idem, "Das Rathsel des Funfbuches Mose und seine falsche Losung", Gutersloh, 1894; Idem, "Des Rathsels Losung order Beitrage zur richtigen Losung des Pentateuchrathsels", 1897; Idem, "Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht", 1897; "Lex Mosaica, or the Law of Moses and the Higher Criticism" (by Sayce, Rawlinson, Trench, Lias, Wace, etc.), London, 1894; Card. 19-160 ;沃斯, “馬賽克起源Pentateuchal守則” ,倫敦, 1886年;博爾, “ Zum法則與zum Zeugniss ” ,維也納, 1883年; Zah , “ Erneste Blicke在2007 Wahn現代批判之在” ,居特斯洛, 1893年;同上, “達斯Deuteronomium ” , 1890年;同上, “ Israelitische與judische史” , 1895年;魯普雷希特, “模具之kritischen直觀學派Wellhausens論五經” ,萊比錫, 1893年;同上, “達斯Rathsel萬Funfbuches摩西和他的falsche Losung “ ,居特斯洛, 1894年;同上, ”輔Rathsels Losung秩序Beitrage楚richtigen Losung萬Pentateuchrathsels “ , 1897年;同上, ”模具批判nach ihrem法uknd不法“ , 1897年; ”的Lex Mosaica ,或摩西律法和更高批判“ (由Sayce ,羅林森,麟趾,黑侏羅統, Wace ,等等) ,倫敦, 1894年;卡。 Meignan, "De L'Eden a Moise", Paris, 1895, 1-88; Baxter, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice", London, 1896; Abbé de Broglie, "Questions bibliques", Paris, 1897, pp. Meignan , “法國伊甸園1莫伊茲” ,巴黎, 1895年1-88 ;巴克斯特的“庇護和犧牲” ,倫敦, 1896年;布沙尼德布羅意, “問題bibliques ” ,巴黎, 1897年,頁。 89-169; Pelt, "Histoire de l'AT", 3rd ed., Paris, 1901, I, pp. 89-169 ;佩爾特, “法國史的” ,第3版。 ,巴黎, 1901年,我頁。 291-326; Vigouroux, "Les Livres Saints et la critique ratioinaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 1-226; IV, 239-53, 405-15; Idem, "Manuel biblique", 12th ed., Paris, 1906, I, 397-478; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Systeme", Munster, 1903; Hopfl, "Die hohere Bibelkritik", Paderborn, 1902; Thomas, "The Organic Unity of the Pentateuch", London, 1904; Wiener, "Studies in Biblical Law", London, 1904; Rouse, "The Old Testament in New Testament Light", London, 1905; Redpath, "Modern Criticism and the Book of Genesis", London, 1905; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Freiburg, 1905; Orr, "The Problem of the Old Testament considered with reference to Recent Criticism", London, 1906. 291-326 ; Vigouroux , “法國圖書聖徒等批判ratioinaliste香格里拉” ,巴黎, 1902年,三, 1-226 ;四, 239-53 , 405-15 ;同上, “曼努埃爾biblique ” ,第12版。 ,巴黎, 1906年,我, 397-478 ; Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage , ihre歷史與ihre制” ,明斯特, 1903 ; Hopfl , “模具hohere Bibelkritik ” ,帕德博恩, 1902年;托馬斯“的有機統一的五經” ,倫敦, 1904年;維納, “聖經研究法” ,倫敦, 1904年;勞斯, “舊約中新約全書光” ,倫敦, 1905年;雷德帕思, “現代的批判和創世記” ,倫敦, 1905年;霍貝格, “摩西與德國五經“ ,弗賴堡, 1905年;奧爾,他說: ”問題舊約審議提到最近批評“ ,倫敦, 1906年。

E. OPPONENTS OF THE MOSAIC AUTHORSHIP OF THE PENTATEUCH體育反對者鑲嵌著作權的摩西五

A detailed account of the opposition to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is neither desirable nor necessary in this article.詳細介紹了反對花葉著作權的摩西五既不可取,也不需要在這一條。 In itself it would form only a noisome history of human errors; each little system has had its day, and its successors have tried their best to bury it in hushed oblivion.它本身只是一個形式有礙人類歷史錯誤;每個小系統也有一天,它的繼任者已經盡力埋葬在寂靜遺忘。 The actual difficulties we have to consider are those advanced by our actual opponents of today; only the fact that the systems of the past show us the fleeting and transitory character of the actual theories now in vogue can induce us to briefly enumerate the successive views upheld by the opponents of the Mosaic authorship.的實際困難,我們必須要考慮的是通過我們的實際先進反對者今天,只有這樣一個事實,即系統過去查看我們的短暫和過渡性質的實際現在流行的理論能誘導我們簡要列舉堅持連續意見由反對花葉作者。

(1) Abandoned Theories ( 1 )被遺棄的理論

The views advanced by the Valentinian Ptolemy, the Nazarites, Abenesra, Carlstadt, Isaac Peyrerius, Baruch Spinoza, Jean Leclerc are sporadic phenomena. Not all of them were wholly incompatible with the Mosaic authorship as now understood, and the others have found their answer in their own time.-With the work of John Astrue, published in 1753, began the so-called Hypothesis of Documents which was further developed by Eichhorn and Ilgen.該意見提出瓦倫蒂安托勒密的Nazarites , Abenesra , Carlstadt ,艾薩克Peyrerius ,巴魯克斯賓諾莎,讓勒克萊爾是零星的現象。不是所有的人完全不符合著作權的馬賽克像現在的理解,和其他人發現自己的答案自己time. ,隨著工作的約翰Astrue ,發表於1753年,開始了所謂的假說文件進一步發展了艾希霍恩和Ilgen 。 But the works of the suspended priest, Alexander Geddes, published in 1792 and 1800, introduced the Hypothesis of Fragments, which in its day was elaborated and championed by Vater, de Wette (temporarily at least), Berthold, Hartmann, and von Bohlen.但是,工程暫停神父,亞歷山大格迪斯,出版於1792年和1800年,介紹了假設的碎片,這一天是在其制定並倡導壺腹部,日Wette (至少暫時) ,貝特霍爾德,哈特曼和馮波倫。 This theory was soon confronted by, and had to yield to the Hypothesis of Complements or Interpolations which numbered among its patrons Kelle, Ewald, Stahelin, Bleek, Tuch, de Wette, von Lengerke, and for a brief period also Franz Delitzsch.這一理論很快就面臨著,並已取得的假說補或插值其中編號之間的顧客凱萊,埃瓦爾德,斯斯塔埃林, Bleek , Tuch ,日Wette ,馮Lengerke ,和一個短暫的時期內還弗蘭茲德里。 The theory of interpolations again had hardly found any adherents before Gramberg (1828), Stahelin (1830), and Bleek (1831) returned to the Hypothesis of Documents, proposing it in a somewhat modified form.插值理論的再次幾乎沒有發現任何信徒面前Gramberg ( 1828 ) ,斯斯塔埃林( 1830 ) ,和Bleek ( 1831年)返回假設的文件,提出它在一種經略加修改的形式。 Subsequently, Ewald, Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, and Schrader advanced each a different explanation of the documentary hypothesis.隨後,埃瓦爾德,克諾貝爾,霍普菲, Noldeke和施拉德先進的每一個不同的解釋紀錄片假說。 But all of these are at present only of an historical interest.但是,所有這些都是目前唯一的一個歷史的興趣。

(2) Present Hypothesis of Documents ( 2 )現假設文件

A course of religious development in Israel had been proposed by Reuss in 1830 and 1834, by Vatke in 1835, and by George in the same year.課程在以色列的宗教發展提出了Reuss在1830年和1834年,由Vatke於1835年,和喬治在同一年。 In 1865-66 Graf took up this idea and applied it to the literary criticism of the Hexateuch; for the critics had begun to consider the Book of Josue as belonging to the preceding five books, so that the collection formed a Hexateuch instead of a Pentateuch. The same application was made by Merx in 1869.格拉夫在1865年至1866年了這一想法,並適用於它的文學批評的Hexateuch ;的批評已開始考慮書若蘇埃屬於前5本書,以便收集形成了Hexateuch不是摩西五。同一申請是由Merx於1869年。 Thus modified the documentary theory continued in its development until it reached the state described in the translation of the Bible by Kautzsch (3rd ed., with Introduction and Annotations, Tübingen, 1908 sqq.).因此,修改的文件在其理論繼續發展,直至達到國家中所描述的翻譯聖經的Kautzsch (第3版。 ,以介紹和說明,圖賓根, 1908年sqq 。 ) 。 In itself there is nothing against the assumption of documents written by Moses; but we cannot ascribe with certainty anything of our literary remains to the hands of the Hebrew lawgiver.這本身沒有什麼危害擔任撰寫的文件摩西;但我們不能歸咎於任何肯定我們的文學仍然掌握在希伯萊立法者。 The beginning of written accounts must be placed towards the end of the time of Judges; only then were fulfilled the conditions which must precede the origin of a literature properly so called, ie, a general acquaintance with the art of writing and reading, stationary settlement of the people, and national prosperity.年初書面帳目必須放置在接近年底時法官的時間才得到滿足的條件,必須先來源的文學所謂正確,即一般熟人與藝術的書寫和閱讀,平穩解決人民和國家的繁榮。 What then are the oldest literary remains of the Hebrews?那麼什麼是最古老的文學仍然希伯來書? They are the collections of the songs dating from the heroic time of the nation, eg, the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21:14), the Book of the Just (Joshua 10:12 sqq.), the Book of Songs (1 Kings 8:53; cf. Budde, "Geschichte der althebr. Literature", Leipzig, 1906, 17).他們收藏的歌曲約會時間從英雄的民族,如圖書的戰爭勳爵(民數記21:14 ) ,這本書的正義(約書亞10:12 sqq 。 ) ,這本書的首歌曲(列王紀上8點53分;比照。布德, “史althebr 。文學” ,萊比錫, 1906年, 17歲) 。 The Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20:24-23:19) too must have existed before the other sources of the Pentateuch. The oldest historical work is probably the book of the Yahwist, designated by J, and ascribed to the priesthood of Juda, belonging most probably to the ninth century BC圖書盟約(出20:24-23:19 )也必須有之前就存在的其他來源的摩西五。最古老歷史的工作,可能是本書的Yahwist指定的J和歸因於鐸的猶大,屬於最有可能在公元前9世紀

Akin to this is the Elohim document, designated by E, and written probably in the northern kingdom (Ephraim) about a century after the production of the Yahweh document.類似於這是耶洛因文件,指定的E和書面可能是在英國北部(埃弗拉伊姆)約在一個多世紀後的生產耶和華文件。 These two sources were combined by a redactor into one work soon after the middle of the sixth century.這兩個來源所合併成一個工作redactor後不久,中東第六世紀。 Next follows the law-book, almost entirely embodied in our actual Book of Deuteronomy, discovered in the temple 621 BC, and containing the precipitate of the prophetic teaching which advocated the abolition of the sacrifices in the so- called high places and the centralization of worship in the temple of Jerusalem.下一步如下法律書籍,幾乎完全體現在我們的實際書申命記,發現了公元前621廟,並載有沉澱的預言教學主張廢除犧牲在所謂的高的地方和集中禮拜寺耶路撒冷。 During the Exile originated the Priestly Code, P, based on the so-called law of holiness, Lev., xvii-xxvi, and the programme of Ezechiel, xl-xlviii; the substance of P was read before the post-exilic community by Esdras about 444 BC (Nehemiah 8-10), and was accepted by the multitude.在流亡的祭司碼起源,磷的基礎上,所謂的法律的聖德,列夫。 ,十七,二十六,該方案的Ezechiel ,儀-四十八;的P物質前宣讀後放逐社會公元前約444埃斯德拉斯(尼希米記8月10日) ,並接受了眾多。 History does not tell us when and how these divers historical and legal sources were combined into our present Pentateuch; but it is generally assumed that there was an urgent call for a compilation of the tradition and pre-exilic history of the people.歷史上並沒有告訴我們何時和如何這些潛水員的歷史和法律的來源合併為我們目前的摩西五;但一般認為,迫切要求彙編傳統和前放逐人民歷史。 The only indication of time may be found in the fact that the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch as a sacred book probably in the fourth century BC Considering their hatred for the Jews, one must conclude that they would not have taken this step, unless they had felt certain of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.唯一顯示時間可能會發現這樣一個事實,即撒瑪利亞接受了摩西五書作為一項神聖的可能是在公元前四世紀的考慮他們的仇恨猶太人,我們必須得出結論,他們就不會採取這一步驟,除非他們認為某些馬賽克起源摩西五。 Hence a considerable time must have intervened between the compilation of the Pentateuch and its acceptance by the Samaritans, so that the work of combining must be placed in the fifth century.因此,在相當一段時期內必須進行干預之間的彙編摩西五和接受撒瑪利亞,這樣結合起來的工作必須放置在五世紀。 It is quite generally agreed that the last redactor of the Pentateuch completed his task with great adroitness.這是很普遍認為,在過去的五經redactor完成他的任務十分精明。 Without altering the text of the older sources, he did all within man's power to fuse the heterogeneous elements into one apparent (?) whole, with such success that not only the Jews after the fourth century BC, but also the Christians for many centuries could maintain their conviction that the entire Pentateuch was written by Moses.在不改變舊的案文的來源,但他所有的人的權力,融合成一個異質因素明顯( ? )整體而言,這種成功,不僅對猶太人在公元前四世紀,而且為許多世紀基督徒可能保持它們的信念,即整個五經的作者是摩西。

(3) Deficiencies of the Critical Hypothesis ( 3 )有缺陷的關鍵假設

As several Pentateuchal critics have endeavoured to assign the last redaction of the Pentateuch to more recent dates, its placement in the fifth century may be regarded as rather favourable to conservative views.正如一些批評者一直在努力Pentateuchal指派最後編輯的摩西五,以更近的日期,其位置在第五世紀可能會被視為相當有利的保守觀點。 But it is hard to understand why the patrons of this opinion should not agree in considering Esdras as the last editor.但很難理解為什麼顧客的意見不應該同意在考慮埃斯德拉斯作為最後的編輯器。 Again, it is quite certain that the last editor of the Pentateuch must have notably preceded its acceptance on the part of the Samaritans as a sacred book; bit is it probably that the Samaritans would have accepted the Pentateuch as such in the fourth century BC, when the national and religious opposition between them and Jews was well developed?再次,這是很肯定地說,最後的編輯特別是摩西五之前必須接受的一部分撒瑪利亞為一個神聖的書籍;位是它可能是撒瑪利亞會接受了摩西五等在公元前四世紀,在民族和宗教對立,他們和猶太人已經十分發達? Is it not more probable that the mixed nation of Samaria received the Pentateuch through the priest sent to them from Assyria?這難道不是更可能是混合的國家薩馬利亞收到摩西五通過神父向他們發送從亞述? Cf.比照。 2 Kings 17:27.列王紀下17時27分。 Or again, as this priest instructed the Samaritan population in the law of the god of the country, is it not reasonable to suppose that he taught them the Pentateuchal law which the ten tribes carried with them when they separated from Juda?或再次,因為這神父指示撒瑪利亞人口的法律,上帝的國,是不是合理的假設,他教他們Pentateuchal法律進行的10個部落與他們分開時,猶大? At any rate, the fact that the Samaritans accepted as sacred only the Pentateuch, but not the Prophets, leads us to infer that the Pentateuch existed among the Jews before a collection of the prophetic writings was made, and that Samaria chose its sacred book before even Juda placed the works of the Prophets on the same level with the work of Moses.無論如何,這樣一個事實,即撒瑪利亞接納為神聖只有五經,但不是先知,使我們推斷,摩西五猶太人之間存在之前收集的預言著作寫了,而且薩馬利亞選擇其聖書之前甚至猶大放在工作的先知在同一水平上的工作,摩西。 But this natural inference finds no favour among the critics; for it implies that the historical and legal traditions codified in the Pentateuch, described the beginning, and not the end, of Israel's religious development.但是,這自然推理認為,沒有贊成的批評,因為它意味著,歷史和法律傳統中的摩西五編,介紹了剛剛開始,不是結束,以色列的宗教發展。 The view of Israel's religious development prevalent among the critics implies that the Pentateuch is later than the Prophets, and that the Psalms are later than both.以色列認為的宗教發展中普遍存在的批評意味著摩西五晚於先知,而且詩篇是不遲於兩個。 After these general considerations, we shall briefly examine the main principles, the methods, the results, and the arguments of the critical theory.在這些一般性的考慮,我們將簡要地審查的主要原則,方法,結果和論點的批判理論。

(a) Principles of the Critics (一)原則批評

Without pretending to review all the principles involved in the theories of the critics, we draw attention to two: the historical development of religion, and the comparative value of internal evidence and tradition.沒有假裝審查所有參與的原則理論的批評,我們提請大家注意兩個:歷史發展的宗教,和相對值的內部證據和傳統。

(i) The theory of the historical evolution of Israelitic religions leads us from Mosaic Yahwehism to the ethical monotheism of the Prophets, from this to the universalist conception of God developed during the Exile, and from this again to the ossified Phariseeism of later days. (一)理論的歷史演變Israelitic宗教使我們從花葉Yahwehism的道德一神教的先知,從這一概念的普遍性上帝流亡期間制定,並從這個再次僵化Phariseeism後來天。 This religion of the Jews is codified in our actual Pentateuch, but has been fictitiously projected backwards in the historical books into the Mosaic and pre-prophetic times. The idea of development is not a purely modern discovery.這一宗教的猶太人是編纂在我們的實際摩西五,但一直fictitiously預計倒退的歷史書籍的花葉和前預言次。發展的想法是不是一個純粹的現代發現。 Meyer ("Der Entwicklungsgedanke bei Aristoteles", Bonn, 1909) shows that Aristotle was acquainted with it; Gunkel ("Weiterbildung der Religion", Munich, 1905, 64) maintains that its application to religion is as old as Christianity, and that St.邁耶( “明鏡Entwicklungsgedanke北亞里士多德” ,波恩, 1909 )表明,亞里士多德是熟悉它;貢克爾( “ Weiterbildung之宗教” ,慕尼黑, 1905年, 64歲)堅持認為,它適用於宗教一樣古老基督教,和意法半導體。 Paul has enunciated this principle; Diestel ("Geschichte des AT in der chrislichen Kirche", Jena, 1869, 56 sqq.), Willmann ("Geschichte des Idealismus", 2nd ed., II, 23 sqq.), and Schanz ("Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People.保羅已經闡明了這一原則; Diestel ( “史中的chrislichen在教堂” ,耶拿, 1869年, 56 sqq 。 ) ,維爾曼( “史唯心主義” ,第2版。 ,二, 23 sqq 。 )和坎茲( “辯護萬基督教“ ,第3版。二, 4 sqq 。 , 376 )找到同一申請的著作中的父親,但霍貝格( ”模具Forschritte之bibl 。學問“ ,弗賴堡, 1902年, 10 )贈款教父作家往往忽視了外部形式的思想影響的選民。 The Fathers were not fully acquainted with profane history, and were more concerned about the contents of Revelation than about its historical development.父親沒有完全熟悉褻瀆歷史,並更關注啟示的內容比其歷史發展。 Pesch ("Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtliche Thatsachen" in "Theol. Zeitfragen", IV, Freiburg, 1908, 183) discovers that St. Thomas, too, admits the principle of development in his "Summa" (II-II, Q. i, a. 9, 10; Q. ii, a. 3; etc.).佩施( “信仰, Dogmen與geschichtliche Thatsachen ”中的“ Theol 。 Zeitfragen ” ,四,弗賴堡, 1908年, 183 )發現,聖托馬斯也承認,發展的原則,在他的“神學” (二,二,問:我答: 9日, 10日;問:二A 3 ;等等) 。 But the Catholic conception of this principle avoids two extremes:但是,天主教的概念這一原則避免兩個極端:

the theory of degeneracy, based on the teaching of the early Lutheran theologians (cf. Giesebrecht, "Die Degradationshypothese und die altl. Geschichte", Leipzig, 1905; Steude, "Entwicklung und Offenbarung", Stuttgart, 1905, 18 sqq.);

the theory of evolution which dissolves all truth and history into purely natural development to the exclusion of everything supernatural.

It is this latter extreme that is advocated by the Biblical critics.正是這種極端後者是聖經所主張的批評。 Their description of the early religion of Israel is contradicted by the testimony of the oldest Prophets whose authority is not questioned by them.他們描述了早期宗教的以色列是矛盾的證詞,最古老的預言,其權威是不能質疑他們。 These inspired seers know of the fall of Adam (Hosea 6:7), the call of Abraham (Isaiah 29:23; Micah 7:20), the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha (Hosea 11:8; Isaiah 1:9; Amos 4:11), the history of Jacob and his struggle with the angel (Hosea 12:2 sqq.), Israel's exodus from Egypt and dwelling in the desert (Hosea 2:14; 7:16; 11:1; 12:9, 13; 13:4, 5; Amos 2:10; 3:1; 9:7), the activity of Moses (Hosea 12:13; Micah 6:4; Isaiah 63:11-12), a written legislation (Hosea 8:12), and a number of particular statutes (cf. Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, 223 sqq.). Again, the theory of development is more and more contradicted by the results of historical investigation.這些靈感的預言家知道秋天亞當(何西阿6點07 ) ,要求亞伯拉罕(以賽亞書29:23 ;米卡7時20分) ,銷毀所多瑪和Gomorrha (何西阿11時08 ;以賽亞1點09 ;阿莫斯納曼4時11分) ,歷史上的雅各布和他的鬥爭與天使(何西阿12:2 sqq 。 ) ,以色列的流亡埃及和居住在沙漠中(何西阿2時14 ; 7時16分; 11時零一分; 12時09分, 13人; 13時04分, 5個;阿莫斯納曼2時10 ; 3:1 ; 9時07分) ,活動的摩西(何西阿12:13 ;米卡六點04 ;以賽亞書63:11-12 ) ,書面立法(何西阿八時12分) ,以及一些特別的章程(見Kley , “模具Pentateuchfrage ” ,明斯特, 1903年, 223 sqq 。 ) 。同樣,理論的發展是越來越多的矛盾的結果,歷史調查。 Weber ("Theologie und Assyriologie im Streit um Babel und Bibel", Leipzig, 1904, 17) points out that the recent historical results imply decadence rather than development in ancient oriental art, science, and religion; Winckler ("Religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl. Orient", Leipzig, 1906, 33) considers the evolutionary view of the primitive state of man as false, and believes that the development theory has, at least, been badly shaken, if not actually destroyed by recent Oriental research (cf. Bantsch, "Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monothesismus", Tübingen, 1906).韋伯( “神學與Assyriologie即時通訊漫嗯巴貝爾和聖經” ,萊比錫, 1904年, 17歲)指出,最近的歷史結果意味著頹廢,而不是發展的古代東方藝術,科學和宗教; Winckler ( “ Religionsgeschichtler與geschichtl 。東方“ ,萊比錫, 1906年, 33歲)認為,進化觀點,原始狀態的男子為false ,並認為,發展理論,至少被嚴重動搖,如果不是實際上摧毀了最近東方研究(參見Bantsch ” Altorientalischer與israelitischer Monothesismus “ ,圖賓根, 1906年) 。 Köberle ("Die Theologie der Gegenwart", Leipzig, 1907, I, 2) says that the development theory has exhausted itself, reproducing only the thoughts of Wellhausen, and deciding particular questions not in the light of facts, but according to the postulates of the theory. Köberle ( “模具之當代神學” ,萊比錫, 1907年,一,二)說,發展理論已用盡本身,音響唯一的想法豪森,並決定具體問題沒有根據的事實,但根據假設的這一理論。 Finally, even the rationalistic writers have thought it necessary to replace the development theory by another more in agreement with historical facts.最後,即使是理性的作家都認為有必要,以取代發展理論的另一種更符合歷史事實。 Hence Winckler ("Ex Oriente lux", Leipzig, 1905- 6; Idem, "Der Alte Orient", III, 2-3; Idem, "Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit" in "Wissenschaft und Bildung", Leipzig, 1907; cf. Landersdorfer in "Historisch-Politische Blatter", 1909, 144) has originated the theory of pan-Babelism according to which Biblical religion is conceived as a conscious and express reaction against the Babylonian polytheistic state religion.因此Winckler ( “惠東方勒克斯” ,萊比錫, 1905年- 6 ;同上, “明鏡老東方” ,三, 2月3日;同上, “模具babylonische Geisteskultur在ihren Beziehungen楚Kulturentwicklung之Menschheit ”中的“科學與修養” ,萊比錫, 1907年;比照。 Landersdorfer在“歷史,政治的布拉特” , 1909年, 144 )源於理論的泛Babelism其中聖經宗教被認為是有意識的反應,並表示對巴比倫多神教國教。 It was not the common property of Israel, but of a religious sect which was supported in Babylon by certain monotheistic circles irrespective of nationality.這不是共同財產,以色列,而是一個教派對此表示支持在巴比倫的某些一神教界無論其國籍如何。 This theory has found powerful opponents in Budde, Stade, Bezold, Köberle, Kugler, Wilke, and others; but it has also a number of adherents.這一理論已經發現強大對手的布德,體育場, Bezold , Köberle ,庫格勒,維爾克等;但也有不少信徒。 Though wholly untenable from a Christian point of view, it shows at least the weakness of the historical development theory.雖然完全站不住腳從基督教的觀點來看,這表明至少薄弱的歷史發展理論。

(ii) Another principle involved in the critical theory of the Pentateuch supposes that the internal evidence of literary criticism is of higher value than the evidence of tradition. (二)另一個原則參與批判理論的摩西五假設的內部證據的文學批評具有較高的價值比傳統的證據。 But thus far the results of excavations and historical research have been favourable to tradition rather than to internal evidence.但迄今發掘的成果和歷史的研究已經有利於傳統,而不是內部的證據。 Let the reader only remember the case of Troy, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Orchomenos (in Greece); the excavations of the English explorer Evans in Crete have shown the historical character of King Minos and his labyrinth; Assyrian inscriptions have re-established the historical credit of King Midas of Phrygia; similarly, Menes of Thebes and Sargon of Agade have been shown to belong to history; in general, the more accurate have been the scientific investigations, the more clearly have they shown the reliability of even the most slender traditions.讓讀者只記得特洛伊的情況下,梯林斯,邁錫尼和奧爾霍邁諾斯(希臘) ;挖掘英語總管埃文斯在克里特表明,歷史特點和他的國王米諾斯迷宮;亞述銘文重新建立的歷史信貸的國王邁達斯的Phrygia ;同樣,美尼斯底比斯和薩爾貢的Agade已被證明屬於歷史,總體而言,更準確的科學已調查,更清楚地表明,他們的可靠性,即使是最微弱的傳統。 In the field of New-Testament criticism the call "back to tradition" has begun to be heeded, and has been endorsed by such authorities as Harnack and Deissmann.領域中的新舊約批評呼籲“回到傳統”已開始得到重視,並已通過這種當局哈爾納克和Deissmann 。 In the study of the Old Testament too there are unmistakable signs of a coming change.在這項研究中舊約也有明確的跡象表明,未來的變化。 Hommel ("Die altisrealitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", Munich, 1897) maintains that Old- Testament tradition, both as a whole and in its details, proves to be reliable, even in the light of critical research.霍梅爾( “模具altisrealitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung ” ,慕尼黑, 1897 )堅持認為,舊全書傳統,無論作為一個整體,在其詳細信息,被證明是可靠的,即使在光線的關鍵研究。 Meyer ("Die Entstehung des Judentums", Halle, 1896) comes to the conclusion that the foundations of the critical Pentateuchal theory are destroyed, if it can be proved that even part of the impugned Hebrew tradition is reliable; the same writer proves the credibility of the sources of the Books of Esdras (cf. "Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orientes", Munich, 1904, 167 sqq.).邁耶( “模具Entstehung萬Judentums ” ,哈雷, 1896年)得出結論的基礎的關鍵Pentateuchal理論被銷毀,如果能夠證明,即使部分指責希伯來傳統是可靠的;同一作家的信譽證明的來源的書埃斯德拉斯(參見“ Grundriss德國地理學與史老Orientes ” ,慕尼黑, 1904年, 167 sqq 。 ) 。 SA Fries has been led by his critical studies, and without being influenced by dogmatic bias, to accept the whole traditional view of the history of Israel.公司薯條一直由他的批判性研究,並沒有受到教條偏見,接受傳統觀點整個以色列歷史上。 Cornill and Oettli express the conviction that Israel's traditions concerning even its earliest history are reliable and will withstand the bitterest attacks of criticism; Dawson (cf. Fonck, "Kritik und Tradition im AT" in "Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie", 1899, 262-81) and others apply to tradition the old principle which has been so frequently misapplied, "magna est veritas, et praevalebit"; Gunkel ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, Tübingen, 1906, 8) grants that Old-Testament criticism has gone a little too far, and that many Biblical traditions now rejected will be re-established. Cornill和歐特列表示相信,以色列的傳統,其最早的關於歷史甚至是可靠的和能夠承受預定的激烈攻擊批評;道森(參見Fonck , “批判與傳統即時在”中“雜誌天主教神學” , 1899年, 262 - 81 )和其他適用於傳統的舊的原則,已經經常誤用, “大預測船級社等praevalebit ” ;貢克爾( “ Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher ” ,二,圖賓根, 1906年, 8 )贈款,舊全書批評了一有點遠,而且許多聖經傳統現在拒絕將重新建立。

(b) Critical Method (二)關鍵方法

The falsehood of the critical method does not consist in the use of criticism as such, but in its illegitimate use.謊言的重要方法並不使用的批評,而是在其非法使用。 Criticism became more common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at the end of the eighteenth it was applied to classical antiquity.批判變得更加常見於十六世紀和十七世紀;年底第十八這是適用於古代。 Bernheim ("Lehrbuch der historischen Methode", Leipzig, 1903, 296) believes that by this means alone history first became a science.伯恩海姆( “教科書之historischen方法” ,萊比錫, 1903年, 296頁)認為,以這種方式本身的歷史第一次成為科學。 In the application of criticism to the Bible was are limited, indeed, by the inspiration and the canonicity of its books; but there is an ample field left for our critical investigations (Pesch, "Theol. Zeitfragen", III, 48).在批評中的應用的聖經是有限的,事實上,靈感和正規的書籍,但有充足的外地留給我們的重要調查(佩施, “ Theol 。 Zeitfragen ” ,第三章, 48條) 。

Some of the principal sins of the critics in their treatment of Sacred Scripture are the following:一些主要的罪過的批評,他們的待遇聖經如下:

They deny everything supernatural, so that they reject not merely inspiration and canonicity, but also prophecy and miracle a priori (cf. Metzler, "Das Wunder vor dem Forum der modernen Geschichtswissenschaft" in "Katholik", 1908, II, 241 sqq.).他們否認一切超自然的,因此,他們拒絕不僅僅是靈感和正規,而且還預言與奇蹟先驗(參見梅茨勒, “達斯奇蹟的VOR DEM的論壇現代Geschichtswissenschaft ”中的“ Katholik ” , 1908年,二, 241 sqq 。 ) 。

They seem to be convinced a priori of the credibility of non-Biblical historical documents, while they are prejudiced against the truthfulness of Biblical accounts.他們似乎都相信先驗的信譽非聖經的歷史文件,同時對他們有偏見的真實性聖經帳戶。 (Cf. Stade, "Geschichte Israel's", I, 86 seq., 88, 101.) Depreciating external evidence almost entirely, they consider the questions of the origin, the integrity, and the authenticity of the sacred books in the light of internal evidence (Encycl. Prov. Deus, 52). (參見體育場, “歷史以色列的” ,我, 86起。 , 88 , 101 。 )貶值的外部證據幾乎完全,他們考慮問題的來源,完整性,真實性和神聖的書籍,根據內部證據( Encycl.省。殺出, 52 ) 。

They overestimate the critical analysis of the sources, without considering the chief point, ie, the credibility of the sources (Lorenz, "Die Geschichtswissenschaft in ihren Hauptrichtungen und Aufgaben", ii, 329 sqq.). Recent documents may contain reliable reports of ancient history.他們高估了批判性分析的來源,而不考慮行政點,即信譽的來源(洛倫茲, “模具Geschichtswissenschaft在ihren Hauptrichtungen與Aufgaben ” ,二, 329 sqq 。 ) 。最近的文件中可能包含的可靠報告古代歷史。 Some of the critics begin to acknowledge that the historical credibility of the sources is of greater importance than their division and dating (Stark, "Die Entstehung des AT", Leipzig, 1905, 29; cf. Vetter, "Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift", 1899, 552).一些批評者開始認識到,歷史信譽的來源是更重要比司和約會(斯塔克, “模具Entstehung之在” ,萊比錫, 1905年, 29 ;比照。 Vetter , “ Tübinger神學Quartalschrift ” , 1899年, 552 ) 。

The critical division of sources is based on the Hebrew text, though it is not certain how far the present Massoretic text differs from that, for instance, followed by the Septuagint translators, and how far the latter differed form the Hebrew text before its redaction in the fifth century BC Dahse ("Textkritische Bedenken gegen den Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik" in "Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte", VI, 1903, 305 sqq.) shows that the Divine names in the Greek translation of the Pentateuch differ in about 180 cases from those of the Hebrew text (cf. Hoberg, "Die Genesis", 2nd ed., p. xxii sqq.); in other words and phrases the changes may be fewer, but it would be unreasonable to deny the existence of any.關鍵司的來源是基於希伯來文字,但我們並不一定多遠本Massoretic不同於文本,例如,其次是譯本翻譯的程度,以及不同形式後者希伯來文字之前,編輯在公元前五世紀Dahse ( “ Textkritische Bedenken葛根旦Ausgangspunkt德國當代Pentateuchkritik ”中的“檔案館毛皮Religionsgeschichte ” ,六, 1903年, 305 sqq 。 )表明,神聖的名字,在希臘的翻譯五經不同約180例從這些希伯來文(見霍貝格, “模具起源” ,第2版。 ,第22 sqq 。 ) ;在其他單詞和短語的變化可能會減少,但它是不合理的否認存在任何。 Again, it is antecedently probable that the Septuagint text differs less from the Massoretic than from the ante-Esdrine text, which must have been closer to the original.再次,這是先行可能是不同的譯本文字較少從Massoretic不是從產前Esdrine文字,它必須已經接近原來的。 The starting point of literary criticism is therefore uncertain. It is not an inherent fault of literary criticism that it was applied to the Pentateuch after it had become practically antiquated in the study of Homer and the Nibelungenlied (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 303, 306 sqq.), nor that Reuss considered it as more productive of difference of opinion than of results (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 304 seq.), nor again that Wellhausen thought it had degenerated into childish play.起點文學批評因此,不確定的。這不是一個固有的過錯文學批評,這是適用於摩西五後,它已成為幾乎陳舊的研究荷馬和龍根之歌(參見Katholik , 1896年,我303 , 306 sqq 。 ) ,也不是Reuss認為,隨著越來越多的生產性的意見分歧,而不是結果(參見Katholik , 1896年,我, 304起。 ) ,也再次表明豪森認為它已墮落為幼稚的發揮。 Among Bible students, Klostermann ("Der Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893), Konig ("Falsche Extreme im Gebiete der neueren Kritik des AT", Leipzig, 1885; "Neueste Prinzipien der alt. Kritik", Berlin, 1902; "Im Kampfe um das AT", Berlin, 1903), Bugge ("Die Hauptparabeln Jesu", Giessen, 1903) are sceptical as to the results of literary criticism, while Orelli ("Der Prophet Jesaja", 1904, V), Jeremias ("Das alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients", 1906, VIII), and Oettli ("Geschichte Israels", V) wish to insist more on the exegesis of the text than on the criss-cross roads of criticism.在聖經學生, Klostermann ( “明鏡五經” ,萊比錫, 1893年) ,柯尼格( “ Falsche至尊之neueren即時Gebiete批判之在” ,萊比錫, 1885年; “最新Prinzipien河畔轉氨酶。批判” ,柏林, 1902年“進出口Kampfe這個東西在“ ,柏林, 1903年) ,布格( ”模具Hauptparabeln耶穌“ ,吉森, 1903年)是懷疑的結果,文學批評,而Orelli ( ”明鏡Jesaja先知“ , 1904年,五) ,赫雷米亞斯( ”達斯老約萬老即時Lichte方向“ , 1906年,八) ,和歐特列( ”以色列的歷史“ ,五)要堅持更多關於註釋的文字比對縱橫交錯的道路的批評。 G. Jacob ("Der Pentateuch", Göttingen, 1905) thinks that the past Pentateuchal criticism needs a thorough revision; Eerdmans ("Die Komposition der Genesis", Giessen, 1908) feels convinced that criticism has been misled into wrong paths by Astrue.灣雅各布( “明鏡五經” ,哥廷根, 1905年)認為,過去Pentateuchal批評需要徹底修訂; Eerdmans ( “模具Komposition之成因” ,吉森, 1908年)認為相信,批評被誤導到錯誤的路徑的Astrue 。 Merx expresses the opinion that the next generation will have to revise backwards many of the present historico-literary views of the Old Testament ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, 1907, 3, 132 sqq.). Merx表示認為,下一代將不得不修改倒退許多本歷史,文學觀舊約( “ Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher ” ,二, 1907年, 3 , 132 sqq 。 ) 。

(c) Critical Results (三)重大成果

Here we must distinguish between the principles of criticism and its results; the principles of the historical development of religion, for instance, and of the inferiority of tradition to internal evidence, are not the outcome of literary analysis, but are its partial basis.在這裡,我們必須區分的原則,批評,其結果;的原則,歷史發展的宗教,例如,和自卑感傳統內部的證據,沒有結果的文學分析,但其部分基礎。 Again, we must distinguish between those results of literary criticism which are compatible with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch and those that contradict it.再次,我們必須區分這些成果的文學批評是符合花葉真實性摩西五和那些違背它。 The patrons of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and even the ecclesiastical Decree relating to this subject, plainly admit that Moses or his secretaries may have utilized sources or documents in the composition of the Pentateuch; both admit also that the sacred text has suffered in its transmission and may have received additions, in the form of either inspired appendices or exegetical glosses.顧客的馬賽克著作權的五經,甚至宗教法令有關這一問題,顯然承認,他的秘書摩西或可能利用源或文件組成的摩西五;都承認還神聖案文中所受它的傳輸和可能已收到補充的形式,要么靈感附錄或訓詁粉飾。 If the critics, therefore, can succeed in determining the number and the limits of the documentary sources, and of the post-Mosaic additions, whether inspired or profane, they render an important service to the traditional tenet of Pentateuchal authenticity.如果批評,因此,可以成功地確定的數量和範圍的文件來源,並後的馬賽克增加,無論是啟發或褻瀆,他們提供服務的一個重要的傳統宗旨Pentateuchal真實性。 The same must be said with regard to the successive laws established by Moses, and the gradual fidelity of the Jewish people to the Mosaic law.同樣必須指出的是關於連續法律設立的摩西,並逐步高保真猶太人民的摩西律法。 Here again the certain or even probable results of sane literary and historical criticism will aid greatly the conservative commentator of the Pentateuch.在這方面,某些甚至可能結果理智的文學和歷史的批評將有助於大大保守評論員的摩西五。 We do not quarrel with the legitimate conclusions of the critics, if the critics do not quarrel with each other.我們不吵架的合法結論的批評,如果批評不互相爭吵。 But they do quarrel with each other. According to Merx (loc. cit.) there is nothing certain in the field of criticism except its uncertainty; each critic proclaims his views with the greatest self-reliance, but without any regard to the consistency of the whole.但他們互相爭吵。根據Merx (如上。 )沒有任何某些領域中的批評,但它的不確定性;每個評論家宣稱他的意見最大的自力更生,但沒有任何方面的一致性整個。 Former views are simply killed by silence; even Reuss and Dillmann are junk-iron, and there is a noticeable lack of judgment as to what can or cannot be known. Hence the critical results, in as far as they consist merely in the distinction of documentary sources, in the determination of post-Mosaic materials, eg, textual changes, and profane or inspired additions, in the description of various legal codes, are not at variance with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.前意見只是被沉默;甚至Reuss和Dillmann是垃圾鐵,並有明顯的缺乏判斷力什麼可以或不可以被稱為。因此,關鍵的結果,至於他們在於區別文件來源,在確定後鑲嵌材料,如文字的變化,褻瀆或啟發補充,在描述中的各種法律法規,沒有不符合花葉真實性摩西五。 Nor can an anti-Mosaic character be pointed out in the facts or phenomena from which criticism legitimately infers the foregoing conclusions; such facts or phenomena are, for instance, the change of the Divine names in the text, the use of certain words, the difference of style, the so-called double accounts of really, not merely apparently, identical events; the truth of falsehood of these and similar details does not directly affect the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.也不能反馬賽克性質必須指出的事實或現象從批評合法推斷上述結論;這些事實或現象,例如,改變名稱的神聖案文中,使用某些也就是說,不同的風格,所謂的雙重帳目真的,而不僅僅是顯然,相同的活動;真相的謊言,這些和類似的細節並不直接影響到花葉著作權的摩西五。 In which results then does criticism clash with tradition?在這種結果那麼批評同傳統? Criticism and tradition are incompatible in their views as to the age and sequence of the documentary sources, as to the origin of the various legal codes, and as to the time and manner of the redaction of the Pentateuch.批評與傳統相抵觸的意見的年齡和序列的文件來源,為原產地的各種法律法規,並以的時間和方式編輯的摩西五。

(i) Pentateuchal Documents.-As to the age and sequence of the various documents, the critics do not agree. (一) Pentateuchal Documents. ,至於年齡和序列的各種文件,批評不同意。 Dillmann, Kittel, Konig, and Winckler place the Elohist, who is subdivided by several writers into the first, second, and third Elohist, before the Yahwist, who also is divided into the first and second Yahwist; but Wellhausen and most critics believe that the Elohist is about a century younger than the Yahwist. Dillmann ,基特爾,柯尼格和Winckler把Elohist ,誰細分成幾個作家的第一,第二和第三Elohist之前, Yahwist ,誰也分為第一和第二Yahwist ;但豪森和大多數評論家認為,在Elohist約一個世紀更年輕Yahwist 。 At any rate, both are assigned to about the ninth and eight centuries BC; both too incorporate earlier traditions or even documents.無論如何,都被分配到的第九和公元前8世紀;既過於納入較早的傳統,甚至文件。

All critics appear to agree as to the composite character of Deuteronomy; they admit rather a Deuteronomist school than single writers.所有批評似乎同意作為綜合性質的申命記;他們承認而是Deuteronomist學校比單一作家。 Still, the successive layers composing the whole book are briefly designated by D1, D2, D3, etc. As to the character of these layers, the critics do not agree: Montet and Driver, for instance, assigned to the first Deuteronomist cc.儘管如此,層層撰寫全書簡要指定的D1和D2中,維生素D3等作為的性質這些層,批評不同意: Montet和驅動程序,例如,分配給第一Deuteronomist毫升。 i-xxi; Kuenen, Konig, Reuss, Renan, Westphal ascribe to DN, iv, 45-9, and v-xxvi; a third class of critics reduce D1 to xii, 1-xxvi, 19, allowing it a double edition: according to Wellhausen, the first edition contained i, 1-iv, 44; xii-xxvi; xxvii, while the second comprised iv, 45-xi, 39; xii-xxvi; xxviii-xxx; both editions were combined by the redactor who inserted Deuteronomy into the Hexateuch.一至二十一; Kuenen ,柯尼格, Reuss ,雷南維,韋斯特法賦予的DN ,四, 45-9 ,和V - 26 ;第三類批評減少D1至十二, 1 - 26 , 19 ,允許其雙重版本:據威爾浩,第一版載一, 1至四, 44 ; 12 - 26 ;二十七,而第二個組成四, 45喜, 39歲; 12 - 26 ;二十八,三十;兩種版本合併的redactor誰申命記插入到Hexateuch 。 Cornill arranges the two editions somewhat differently. Cornill安排兩個版本略有不同。 Horst considers even cc. xii-xxvi as a compilation of pre-existing elements, gathered together without order and often by chance.克勒認為,即使抄送。第十二- 26作為彙編預先存在的要素聚集和無秩序往往是偶然的。 Wellhausen and his adherents do not wish to assign to D1 a higher age than 621 BC, Cornill and Bertholet consider the document as a summary of the prophetic teaching, Colenso and Renan ascribe it to Jeremias, others place its origin in the reign of Ezechias or Manasses, Klostermann identifies the document with the book read before the people in the time of Josaphat, while Kleinert refers it back to the end of the time of the Judges. The Deuteronomist depends on the two preceding documents, J and E, both for his history land his legislation; the historical details not found in these may have been derived from other sources not known to us, and the laws not contained in the Sinaitic legislation and the decalogue are either pure fiction or a crystallization of the prophetic teaching.威爾浩和他的追隨者不想指派為D1更高的年齡超過621年, Cornill和Bertholet審議該文件的摘要預言教學,科倫索和雷南維賦予它赫雷米亞斯,其他地方起源於在位埃澤希亞甚或Manasses , Klostermann確定該文件與圖書閱讀的人面前時,約薩法特,而萊內特指它的結尾的時候,法官。該Deuteronomist取決於前兩個文件, J和英文,對他的他的歷史的土地立法的歷史資料中找不到這些可能是來自其他來源的不知道,我們的法律中不包含的Sinaitic立法和十誡不是純粹的小說或結晶先知教學。

Finally, the Priestly Code, P, is also a compilation: the first stratum of the book, both historical and legal in its character, is designated by P1 or P2; the second stratum is the law of holiness, H or Lev., xvii-xxvi, and is the work of a contemporary of Ezechiel, or perhaps of the Prophet himself (H, P2, Ph); besides, there are additional elements springing rather from a school than from any single writer, and designated by Kunen as P3, P4, P5, but by other critics as Ps and Px.最後,祭司碼,磷,也是一個彙編:第一層的書籍,無論在歷史上和法律上的性質,是指定的P1或P2的;第二層是法律的神聖, H或列夫。 ,十七第二十六,是工作的一種當代的Ezechiel ,或者自己的先知(高,二,博士) ;此外,還有其他因素雨後春筍般從一所學校,而不是從任何單一的作家,並指定由丘嫩的小三, P - 4級,小五,而是由其他的批評作為PS和酶。 Bertholet and Bantsch speak of two other collections of laws: the law of sacrifices, Lev., i-vii, designated as Po; and the law of purity, Lev., xi-xv, designated as Pr. Bertholet和Bantsch發言的另外兩個收藏的法律:法律的犧牲,列夫。 ,一至七,指定為寶;和法律的純潔性,列夫。 ,西十五,被指定為镨。 The first documentary hypothesis considered PN as the oldest part of the Pentateuch; Duston and Dillmann place it before the Deuteronomic code, but most recent critics regard it as more recent than the other documents of the Pentateuch, and even later than Ezech., xliv, 10-xlvi, 15 (573-2 BC); the followers of Wellhausen date the Priestly Code after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, while Wildeboer places it either after or towards the end of the captivity.第一個假說認為偽紀錄片作為最古老的部分摩西五; Duston和Dillmann置於前Deuteronomic代碼,但最近的批評者認為這是更近的比其他文件摩西五,甚至晚於Ezech 。 ,四十四, 10四十六, 15 ( 573-2公元前) ;的追隨者豪森日期祭司碼返回後從巴比倫圈養,而Wildeboer的地方,要么在或接近尾聲的囚禁。 The historical parts of the Priestly Code depend on the Yahwistic and the Elohistic documents, but Wellhausen's adherents believe that the material of these documents has been manipulated so as to fit it for the special purpose of the Priestly Code; Dillmann and Drive maintain that facts have not been invented or falsified by P, but that the latter had at hand other historical documents besides J and E. As to the legal part of P, Wellhausen considers it as an a priori programme for the Jewish priesthood after the return from the captivity, projected backwards into the past, and attributed to Moses; but other critics believe that P has systematized the pre-exilic customs of worship, developing then, and adapting them to the new circumstances.歷史部分祭司碼取決於Yahwistic和Elohistic文件,但豪森的信徒認為,這些文件材料已被操縱,以適應它的特殊用途的祭司碼; Dillmann和驅動保持這一事實沒有發明或偽造的P ,但後者在手其他歷史文件除了J和大腸桿菌作為法律的一部分磷,豪森認為這是一個先驗方案猶太祭司返回後從被關押,預計倒退到過去,由於摩西;但其他批評者認為磷已系統化前放逐海關的禮拜,然後發展,並使之適應新的情況。

What has been said clearly shows that the critics are at variance in many respects, but they are at one in maintaining the post- Mosaic origin of the Pentateuchal documents.所說的話清楚地表明,批評者有差異在許多方面,但他們是在一個在維護後馬賽克起源Pentateuchal文件。 What is the weight of the reasons on which they base their opinion?什麼是體重的原因的基礎上,他們自己的看法?

The conditions laid down by the critics as prerequisites to literature do not prove that the sources of the Pentateuch must be post-Mosaic.所定的條件,該批評的先決條件,以文學沒有證明的來源必須是摩西五後花葉。 The Hebrew people had lived for, at least, two hundred years in Egypt; besides, most of the forty years spent in the desert were passed in the neighbourhood of Cades, so that the Israelites were not longer a nomadic people.希伯來人的生活了,至少二百年在埃及;此外,大多數四十年花費在沙漠中通過了在附近的Cades ,使以色列人不再是游牧人。 Whatever may be said of their material prosperity, or of their proficiency in writing and reading, the above-mentioned researches of Flinders Petrie show that they kept records of their national traditions at the time of Moses.可以說,不管他們的物質繁榮,或者他們的能力,寫作及閱讀,上述研究的弗林德斯皮特里表明,他們完全可以保持記錄他們的民族傳統的時候,摩西。

If the Hebrew contemporaries of Moses kept written records, why should not the Pentateuchal sources be among these documents?如果希伯來語同時代摩西保持書面記錄,為什麼不應該的來源之一Pentateuchal這些文件? It is true that in our actual Pentateuch we find non-Mosaic and post- Mosaic indications; but, then, the non-Mosaic, impersonal style may be due to a literary device, or to the pen of secretaries; the post-Mosaic geographical and historical indications may have crept into the text by way of glosses, or errors of the transcribers, or even inspired additions.的確,在我們的實際摩西五我們發現非馬賽克和後花葉的跡象,但是,然後,非馬賽克,非個人的風格,可能是由於文學設備,或以筆的秘書;後花葉地理和歷史的跡象可能已經悄悄進入文字的方式掩飾,或錯誤的謄寫,甚至啟發補充。 The critics cannot reject these suggestions as mere subterfuges; for they should have to grant a continuous miracle in the preservation of the Pentateuchal text, if they were to deny the moral certainty of the presence of such textual changes.批評不能拒絕這些建議只是託辭;對他們應給予持續的奇蹟在維護Pentateuchal文字,如果他們否認道德確定性的存在,例如文字的變化。

But would not the Pentateuch have been known to the earlier Prophets, if it had been handed down from the time of Moses?但不會對摩西五已經知道先前的先知,如果它已經流傳下來的時間摩西? This critical exception is really an argument e silentio which is very apt to be fallacious, unless it be most carefully handled.這一重要的例外是真正的論點é silentio非常容易荒謬的,除非它是最認真的處理。 Besides, if we keep in mind the labour involved in multiplying copies of the Pentateuch, we cannot be wrong in assuming that they were very rare in the interval between Moses and the Prophets, so that few were able to read the actual text.此外,如果我們記住勞動力參與乘以副本五經,我們不能是錯誤的假設,它們是非常罕見的間隔摩西和先知,所以很少有人能讀的實際文本。 Again, it has been pointed out that at least one of the earlier Prophets appeals to a written mosaic law, and that all appeal to such a national conscience as presupposes the Pentateuchal history and law.同樣,已經指出,至少有一個早期先知呼籲書面鑲嵌法,所有呼籲這樣一個民族良知的前提是Pentateuchal歷史和法律依據。 Finally, some of the critics maintain the J views the history of man and of Israel according to the religious and the moral ideas of the Prophets; if there be such an agreement, why not say that the Prophets write according to the religious and moral ideas of the Pentateuch?最後,一些批評意見,保持了J人類歷史上和以色列根據宗教和道德觀念的預言,如果有這樣的協議,為什麼不說,根據先知寫的宗教和道德觀念在摩西五?

The critics urge the fact that the Pentateuchal laws concerning the sanctuary, the sacrifices, the feasts, and the priesthood agree with different stages of post-Mosaic historical development; that the second stage agrees with the reform of Josias, and the third with the enactments enforced after the time of the Babylonian Exile.批評者敦促這一事實,即Pentateuchal法律關於庇護,該犧牲的節日,並鐸同意不同階段後花葉歷史發展的第二階段同意改革Josias ,第三與法規強迫的時間之後的巴比倫流亡。 But it must be kept in mind that the Mosaic law was intended for Israel as the Christian law is intended for the whole world; if then 1900 years after Christ the greater part of the world is still un-Christian, it is not astonishing that the Mosaic law required centuries before it penetrated the whole nation.但必須記住,這是摩西律法的目的是為以色列的基督教法律的目的是對整個世界;如果然後一千九百年基督之後,更大的世界的一部分仍然是聯合國的基督徒,這是不令人驚訝的摩西律法規定百年前侵入整個國家。 Besides, there were, no doubt, many violations of the law, just as the Ten Commandments are violated today without detriment to their legal promulgation.此外,還有,毫無疑問,許多違反法律的,正如十誡受到侵犯今天不損害其法律施行。 Again there were times of religious reforms and disasters as there are periods of religious fervour and coldness in the history of the Christian Church; but such human frailties do not imply the non-existence of the law, either Mosaic or Christian.再有時間的宗教改革和有災害時期的宗教熱情和冷漠歷史上的基督教會,但這種人類弱點並不意味著不存在法律,無論是馬賽克或基督教。 As to the particular laws in question, it will be found more satisfactory to examine them more in detail.至於具體的法律問題,這將是找到更令人滿意的審查更詳細說明。

(ii) Pentateuchal Codes.-The critics endeavour to establish a triple Pentateuchal code: the Book of the Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Priestly Code. Instead of regarding this legislation as applying to different phases in the forty years' wandering in the desert, they consider it as agreeing with three historical stages in the national history. (二) Pentateuchal Codes. -評論家努力建立一個三Pentateuchal代碼:該書的盟約,申命記,和祭司碼。相反的就這一立法為適用於不同階段的四十年'遊蕩在沙漠中,他們認為這是同意三個歷史階段中的國家的歷史。 As stated above, the main objects of this triple legislation are the sanctuary, the feast, and the priesthood.正如上文所述,主要對象是本三重立法聖殿,節日,和祭司。

(a) The Sanctuary (一)保護區

At first, so the critics say, sacrifices were allowed to be offered in any place where the Lord had manifested his name (Exodus 20:24-6); then the sanctuary was limited to the one place chosen by God (Deuteronomy 12:5); thirdly, the Priestly Code supposes the unity of sanctuary, and prescribes the proper religious rites to be observed.起初,因此批評者認為,犧牲被允許可在任何地方,體現了上帝的名字(出20:24-6 ) ;然後聖殿僅限於一個地方選擇的上帝(申命記12點05分) ;第三,祭司碼假設的團結,庇護所,並規定適當的宗教儀式得到遵守。 Moreover, the critics point out historical incidents showing that before the enforcement of the Deuteronomic law sacrifices were offered in various places quite distinct from the resting place of the ark.此外,批評者指出,歷史事件表明,在執行該法的犧牲Deuteronomic提供了在不同地方截然不同的安息之地的方舟。 What do the defenders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch answer?什麼捍衛花葉著作權的摩西五答案嗎? First, as to the triple law, it points to three different stages in Israel's desert life: before the erection of the tabernacle at the foot of Mt.首先,作為法律的三倍,它分三個不同階段,以色列的沙漠生活:前豎立在會幕山山腳。 Sinai, the people were allowed to erect altars and to offer sacrifices everywhere provided the name of the Lord had been manifested; next, after the people had adored the golden calf, and the tabernacle had been erected, sacrifice could be offered only before the tabernacle, and even the cattle killed for consumption had to be slaughtered in the same place, in order to prevent a relapse into idolatry; finally, when the people were about to enter the promised land, the last law was abolished, being then quite impossible, but the unity of sanctuary was kept in the place which God would choose.西奈半島,人們被允許建造祭壇和祭祀各地提供的名稱上帝已經表現;明年,在人民愛戴的金牛犢,以及幕已經豎立,犧牲可只提供前幕,甚至死亡的牛消費不得不宰殺在同一地點,以防止重新陷入偶像崇拜;最後,當人即將進入樂土,過去的法律被廢除,被當時很不可能,但團結的避難所被保存在的地方,上帝會選擇。 Secondly, as to the historical facts urged by the critics, some of them are caused by direct Divine intervention, miracle or prophetic inspiration, and as such are fully legitimate; others are evidently violations of the law, and are not sanctioned by the inspired writers; a third class of facts may be explained in one of three ways:其次,作為歷史事實敦促批評,其中一些人所造成的直接神的介入,奇蹟或先知的啟示,因此是完全合法的;其他顯然違反法律,不認可的啟發作家;第三類事實可以解釋的三種方式之一:

Poels ("Le sanctuaire de Kirjath Jeraim", Louvain, 1894; "Examen critique de l'histoire du sanctuaire de l'arche", Louvain, 1897) endeavours to prove that Gabaon, Masphath, and Kiriath-Jarim denote the same place, so that the multiplicity of sanctuaries is only apparent, not real. Poels ( “樂sanctuaire日Kirjath Jeraim ” ,盧萬, 1894年; “考試法國批判史杜sanctuaire法國凱旋門” ,盧萬, 1897年)的努力,以證明Gabaon , Masphath ,並Kiriath - Jarim指同一個地方,這樣的多重保護區是唯一明顯的,而不是真實的。

Van Hoonacker ("Le Lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Hebreux" in "Musceeon", April-Oct., 1894, XIII, 195-204, 299- 320, 533-41; XIV, 17-38) distinguishes between private and public altars; the public and national worship is legally centralized in one sanctuary and around one altar, while private altars may be had for domestic worship.凡Hoonacker ( “樂寮杜culte立法中的香格里拉rituelle萬Hebreux ”中的“ Musceeon ” , 4至10月, 1894年,十三, 195-204 , 299 - 320 , 533-41 ;第十四17-38 )區分私營和公共祭壇;公眾和國家崇拜是集中在一個法律庇護和一個祭壇周圍,而私人神壇可能已為國內崇拜。

But more commonly it is admitted that before God had chosen the site of national sanctuary, it was not forbidden by law to sacrifice anywhere, even away from the place of the ark.但更常見的是承認,上帝面前選擇了網站的國家庇護,這不是法律所禁止的任何犧牲,甚至遠離地點方舟。 After the building of the temple the law was not considered so stringent as to bind under all circumstances.經過建設的寺法律不被視為非常嚴格的約束,在任何情況下。 Thus far then the argument of the critics is not conclusive.迄今為止然後論點的批評是沒有定論。

(b) The Sacrifices (二)的犧牲

According to the critics, the Book of the Covenant enjoined only the offering of the first-fruits and the first-born of animals, the redemption of the first-born of men, and a free-will offering on visiting the sanctuary (Ex., xxii, 28-9; xxiii, 15, [Heb., xxiii, 19]); Deuteronomy more clearly defines some of these laws (xv, 19-23; xxvi, 1-11), and imposes the law of tithes for the benefit of the poor, the widows, the orphans, and the Levites (xxvi, 12-5); the Priestly Code distinguishes different kinds of sacrifices, determines their rites, and introduces also incense offering.據批評,這本書的盟約責成只提供第一水果和第一出生的動物,贖回第一出生的男子,和自由將提供庇護的訪問(例如: , 22 , 28-9 , 23 , 15 , [河北。 , 23 , 19 ] ) ;申命記一些更清楚地界定這些法律(十五, 19日至23日; 26 , 1月11日) ,並強制法的什一稅的有利於窮人,寡婦,孤兒,和利( 26 , 12月5日) ;的祭司碼區分不同種類的犧牲,確定它們的儀式,並介紹了也香提供。 But history hardly bears out this view: as there existed a permanent priesthood in Silo, and later on in Jerusalem, we may safely infer that there existed a permanent sacrifice.但是,歷史很難證明了這一觀點:由於存在一個常設鐸在筒倉,以及後來在耶路撒冷,我們可以推斷,安全存在著一個永久的犧牲。 The earliest prophets are acquainted with an excess of care bestowed on the sacrificial rites (cf. Amos 4:4, 5; 5:21-22, 25; Hosea passim).最早的先知熟悉過多照顧賦予的祭祀(參見阿莫斯納曼4點04 , 5 ; 5:21-22 , 25 ;何西阿各處) 。 The expressions of Jeremias (vii, 21-3) may be explained in the same sense.表達的赫雷米亞斯(七, 21-3 )可以解釋在同樣的意義。 Sin offering was known long before the critics introduce their Priestly Code (Osee, iv, 8; Mich., vi, 7; Ps., xxxix [xl], 7; 1 Kings, iii, 14).黃大仙提供被稱為早在介紹他們的祭司批評典( Osee ,四, 8 ;密歇根州,六,七;聚苯乙烯。 ,三十九[儀] , 7 ;列王紀上,三, 14 ) 。 Trespass offering is formally distinguished from sin offering in 2 Kings 13:16 (cf. 1 Samuel 6:3-15; Isaiah 53:10).侵入提供正式區別於黃大仙提供的列王紀下13時16分(見撒母耳記上6:3-15 ;以賽亞書53:10 ) 。 Hence the distinction between the different kinds of sacrifice is due neither to Ezekiel 45:22-5, nor to the Priestly Code.因此,區分不同類型的犧牲是由於既不厄澤克爾45:22-5 ,也不向祭司碼。

(c) The Feasts (三)節日

The Book of the Covenant, so the critics tell us, knows only three feasts: the seven-days feast of the azymes in memory of the exodus form Egypt, the feast of the harvest, and that of the end of the harvest (Exodus 23:14-7); Deuteronomy ordains the keeping of the feasts at the central sanctuary adds to Pasch to the feast of the azymes, places the second feast seven weeks after the first, and calls the third, "feast of tabernacles", extending its duration to seven days (Deuteronomy 16:1-17); the Priestly Code prescribes the exact ritual for five feasts, adding the feast of trumpets and of atonement, all of which must be kept at the central sanctuary.圖書的盟約,所以批評告訴我們,只知道三個節日: 7天的節日中的azymes記憶的形式外流埃及,節日的收成,而年底的收成(出埃及記23 :14 - 7 ) ;申命記ordains保存的節日在中央聖殿增加Pasch的盛宴的azymes ,地方第二次盛宴七週之後的第一,並呼籲第三, “住棚節” ,擴大其期限為7天(申命記16:1-17 ) ;守則規定的祭司的確切儀式五個節日,增加節日的喇叭和贖罪,所有這一切都必須保持在中央聖殿。 Moreover, history appears to endorse the contention of the critics: Judges, xxi, 19 knows of only one annual feast in Silo; 1 Samuel 1:3, 7, 21 testifies that the parents of Samuel went every year to Silo to the sanctuary; Jeroboam I established in his kingdom one annual feast similar to that celebrated in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:32-3); the earliest Prophets do not mention the names of the religious feasts; the Pasch is celebrated for the first time after the discovery of Deuteronomy (2 Kings 23:21-3); Ezechiel knows only three feasts and a sin offering on the first day of the first and the seventh month.此外,歷史上似乎贊同論點的批評:法官, 21 , 19知道的只有一個年度盛宴在筒倉;撒母耳記上1:3 , 7,21證明,父母的塞繆爾了每年筒倉的庇護;耶羅波安我設立一個在他的英國年度盛宴類似慶祝活動在耶路撒冷(列王紀上12:32-3 ) ;最早預言沒有提及姓名的宗教節日;的Pasch慶祝後首次發現申命記(列王紀下23:21-3 ) ; Ezechiel知道只有3個傳統節日和一種罪過提供的第一天,第一屆和第7個月。 But here again, the critics use the argument e silentio which is not conclusive in this case.但是,在這裡再次批評使用的論點é silentio這是不是決定性的在這種情況下。 The feast of atonement, for instance, is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch; only Josephus refers to its celebration in the time of John Hyrcanus or Herod.節日贖罪,例如,沒有提到舊約以外的摩西五;只有約瑟夫指慶祝時代的約翰Hyrcanus或希律王。 Will the critics infer from this, that the feast was not kept throughout the Old Testament?將批評這一推斷,該節日是沒有跟上整個舊約? History does not record facts generally known.歷史不會記錄事實,一般人都知道。 As to the one annual feast mentioned in the early records, weighty commentators are of opinion that after the settlement of the people in the promised land, the custom was gradually introduced of going to the central sanctuary only once a year.作為一個年度盛宴中所提到的早期記錄,重大評論員的意見,在解決人民的樂土,自定義是逐步推行的去中央避難所只有每年一次。 This custom prevailed before the critics allow the existence of the Deuteronomic law (1 Kings 12:26-31), so that the latter cannot have introduced it.這種風俗前的批評允許存在的Deuteronomic法(列王紀上12:26-31 ) ,使後者不能引進。 Isaias (xxix, 1; xxx, 29) speaks of a cycle of feasts, but Osee, xii, 9 alludes already to the feast of tabernacles, so that its establishment cannot be due to the Priestly Code as the critics describe it. Ezechiel (xlv, 18-25) speaks only of the three feasts which had to be kept at the central sanctuary.伊薩亞(第29屆, 1 ;三十, 29歲)講一個週期的節日,但Osee ,第十二章,第9的意思已經向住棚節,因此,它的設立不能由於祭司碼作為批評家描述。 Ezechiel (第四十五, 18-25 )僅三個節日必須加以中央避難所。

(d) The Priesthood (四)鐸

The critics contend that the Book of the Covenant knows nothing of an Aaronitic priesthood (Exodus 24:5); that Deuteronomy mentions priests and Levites without any hierarchical distinction and without any high priest, determines their rights, and distinguishes only between the Levite living in the country and the Levite attached to the central sanctuary; finally, that the Priestly Code represents the priesthood as a social and hierarchical institution, with legally determined duties, rights, and revenues.評論家認為,此書的盟約一無所知的Aaronitic鐸(出埃及記24:5 ) ;申命記提到的祭司和利沒有任何等級的區分,沒有任何大祭司,確定他們的權利,以及之間的區別只生活在列國家和利未連接到中央聖殿;最後,祭司源代碼鐸作為一種社會和分級機構,依法確定的職責,權利和收入。 This theory is said to be borne out by the evidence of history.這一理論被認為是證實了歷史上的證據。 But the testimony of history points in the opposite direction.但是,歷史的證詞指出了相反的方向。 At the time of Josue and the early Judges, Eleazar and Phinees, the son and nephew of Aaron, were priests (Numbers 26:1; Deuteronomy 10:6; Joshua 14:1 sqq.; 22:13, 21; 24:33; Judges 20:28).當時若蘇埃和早期法官,埃萊亞薩和Phinees的兒子和侄子亞倫,是祭司(民數記26:1 ;申命記10時06分;約書亞14點零一sqq 。 ; 22點13分, 21 ; 24:33法官: 20:28 ) 。 From the end of the time of Judges to Solomon, the priesthood was in the hands of Heli and his descendants (1 Samuel 1:3 sqq.; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1) who sprang from Ithamar the younger son of Aaron (1 Chronicles 24:3; cf. 1 Samuel 22:29; 14:3; 2:7 sqq.).月底的時候法官所羅門鐸在手中的合力和他的後代(撒母耳記上1:3 sqq 。 ; 14點03分, 21時01 ; 22時01分)從Ithamar誰跳的小兒子艾倫(歷代誌上24:3 ;比照。撒母耳記上22:29 ; 14點03分; 2點07分sqq 。 ) 。 Solomon raised Sadoc, the son of Achitob, to the dignity of the high priesthood, and his descendants held the office down to the time of the Babylonian Captivity (2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24 sqq.; 20:25; 1 Kings 2:26, 27, 35; Ezekiel 44:15); that Sadoc too was of Aaronic descent is attested by I Par., vi, 8.所羅門提出Sadoc的兒子Achitob ,尊嚴高級牧師和他的後代廳舉行下跌的時間巴比倫圈養(撒母耳記下8時17 ; 15:24 sqq 。 ; 20:25 ;列王紀上2點26分, 27 , 35 ;厄澤克爾44:15 ) ;這Sadoc也是出身的Aaronic證明了我標準桿。 ,六, 8 。 Besides the Books of Josue and Paralipomenon acknowledge the distinction between priests and Levites; according to 1 Samuel 6:15, the Levites handled the ark, but the Bethsamites, the inhabitants of a priestly city (Joshua 21:13-6), offered sacrifice. A similar distinction is made in 2 Samuel 15:24; 1 Kings 8:3 sq.; Isaiah 66:21. Van Hoonacker ("Les pretres et les levites dans le livre d'Ezechiel" in "Revue biblique", 1899, VIII, 180-189, 192-194) shows that Ezechiel did not create the distinction between priests and Levites, but that supposing the traditional distinction in existence, he suggested a divisions in to these classes according to merit, and not according to birth (xliv, 15-xlv, 5).除了圖書承認若蘇埃和Paralipomenon之間的區別祭司和利;根據撒母耳記上6:15 ,該處理的方舟利,但Bethsamites ,居民的祭司市(約書亞21:13-6 ) ,提供了犧牲。類似的區別是在撒母耳記下15:24 ;列王紀上八時03平方米;以賽亞書66:21 。範Hoonacker ( “法國之利pretres等中的樂德Ezechiel書”中的“雜誌biblique ” , 1899年,八, 180-189 , 192-194 )表明, Ezechiel沒有創造的區別祭司和利,但假設的傳統區別的存在,他建議這些部門在班級根據成績,而不是根據出生(四十四, 15第四十五, 5 ) 。 Unless the critics simply set aside all this historical evidence, they must grant the existence of an Aaronitic priesthood in Israel, and its division into priests and Levites, long before the D and P codes were promulgated according to the critical theory. It is true that in a number of passages persons are said to offer sacrifice who are not of Aaronitic descent: Judges, vi, 25 sqq.; xiii, 9; 1 Samuel 7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17; 24:25; 1 Kings 8:5, 62; etc. But in the first place, the phrase "to offer sacrifice" means either to furnish the victim (Leviticus 1:2, 5) or to perform the sacrificial rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non-Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.除非批評只是擱置所有這一切的歷史證據,他們必須給予存在Aaronitic鐸在以色列,其劃分為祭司和利,早在D和P碼頒布了根據批判理論。誠然,在一些段落的人說,向犧牲誰不是Aaronitic後裔:法官,六, 25 sqq 。 ;第十三9 ;撒母耳記上7時09分; 10時08分; 13點09分;撒母耳記下6點17分; 24:25 ;列王紀上八時05 , 62 ;等等,但擺在首位,把“提供的犧牲”是指提供受害者(利未記1:2 , 5 )或履行其祭天;受害者可能是所提供的任何虔誠的門外漢;其次,就難以證明上帝的祭司辦事處致力於以這樣一種方式來亞倫和他的兒子不準備金,以自己的自由,授權在特殊情況下,非Aaronite執行在牧師的職能。

(iii) Pentateuchal Redaction.-The four documentary sources of the Pentateuch thus far descried were combined not by any one individual; critics require rather three different stages of combination: first, a Yahwistic redactor RXX or RX combined J and E with a view of harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. (三) Pentateuchal Redaction. ,這四個文件來源的摩西五迄今descried合併不是由任何一個個人;批評需要而三個不同階段的結合:第一, Yahwistic redactor RXX或RX結合J和E與檢視加以統一,並使其適應Deuteronomic觀念;這一事件發生之前或之後編輯4第二,在D在完成了公元前6世紀,一個redactor ,或者一所學校的編纂,充滿精神的D合併後的文件乙腦納入JED介紹但是必要的修改,以確保一致性。 Thirdly, a last redactor RX imbued with the letter and the spirit of P, combined this document with JED, introducing again the necessary changes. The table of nations in Gen., xiv was according to Kunen added by this last redactor.

At first sight, one is struck by the complex character of this theory; as a rule, truth is of a more simple texture.乍一看,是深刻的複雜性理論;作為一項規則,事實是一個更為簡單的紋理。 Secondly, one is impressed by the unique nature of the hypothesis; antiquity has nothing to equal it.其次,留下了深刻的印象之一是性質獨特的假說;古代無關等於它。 Thirdly, if one reads or studies the Pentateuch in the light of this theory, one is impressed by the whimsical character of the redactor; he often retained what should have been omitted, and omitted what should have been retained.第三,如果一個內容或研究了摩西五根據這個理論,一個是下了深刻的印象異想天開性質redactor ;他常常保留應該被省略,省略哪些應該被保留下來。 The critics themselves have to take refuge, time and time again, in the work of the redactor, in order save their own views of the Pentateuch.批評者本身必須採取避難,一次又一次,工作中的redactor ,為了挽救自己的看法的摩西五。 A recent writer does not hesitate to call the complex redactor ein genialer Esel.最近筆者就毫不猶豫地要求複雜redactor艾因genialer Esel 。 Fourthly, a truth-loving, straightforward reader is naturally shocked by the literary fictions and forgeries, the editorial changes and subterfuges implied in the critical theory of the Pentateuchal documents and redaction.第四,真理愛好,直截了當讀者自然感到震驚的是文學小說和偽造,編輯修改和託辭隱含在批判理論的Pentateuchal文件和編輯。 The more moderate critics endeavour to escape this inconvenience: some appeal to the difference between the ancient and the modern standard of literary property and editorial accuracy; others practically sanctify the means by the end.較溫和的批評努力擺脫這種不便:一些呼籲之間的差異古代和現代的文學財產的標準和編輯準確性;其他幾乎神聖的方式結束。 Oettli considers the dilemma "either the work of Moses or the work of a deceiver" as the expression of sheer imprudence; Kautzsch unctuously points to the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God whose ways we cannot fathom, but must admire.歐特列認為兩難“要么摩西的工作或工作的騙子”的言論純粹輕率; Kautzsch假惺惺點深度的智慧和知識的上帝的方式我們無法捉摸,但必須欽佩。 The left wing of criticism openly acknowledges that there is no use in hushing up matters; it actually is the result of scientific research that both form and contents of a great part of the Old Testament are based on conscious fiction and forgery.左翼的批評,公開承認,是沒有用的hushing的事項;它實際上是由於這兩個科研形式和內容的很大一部分舊約是基於意識小說和偽造。

IV.四。 STYLE OF THE PENTATEUCH風格摩西五

In some general introductions to the Pentateuch its messianic prophecies are specially considered, ie, the so-called proto-evangelium, Gen., iii, 15; the blessing of Sem, Gen., ix, 26-7; the patriarchal promises, Gen., xii, 2; xiii, 16; xv, 5; xvii, 4-6, 16; xviii, 10-15; xxii, 17; xxvi, 4; xxviii, 14; the blessing of the dying Jacob, Gen., xlix, 8-10; the Prophecy of Balaam, Num., xxiv, 15 sqq.; and the great Prophet announced by Moses, Deut., xviii, 15-19. But these prophecies belong rather to the province of exegesis than introduction.在一些普通的五經推出其彌賽亞的預言正在特別考慮,即所謂的原福音,將軍,三, 15 ;的祝福掃描電鏡,將軍,九,埃弗里;父權制的承諾,根。 ,十二, 2 ;第十三16 ;十五, 5 ;十七, 4月6日, 16日;十八, 10月15日; 22 , 17 ; 26 , 4 ;二十八, 14 ;的祝福臨終雅各布,將軍, xlix , 8月10日;預言的巴蘭,序號。 , 24 , 15 sqq 。 ,和偉大的先知摩西宣布, Deut 。 , 18 , 15-19 。但是,這些預言屬於而是省的註釋比言。 Again, the text of the Pentateuch has been considered in some general introductions to the work.同樣,文摩西五一直被認為在一些一般性的介紹工作。 We have seen already that besides the Massoretic Text we have to take into account the earlier text followed by the Septuagint translators, and the still earlier readings of the Samaritan Pentateuch; a detailed investigation of this subject belongs to the field of textual or lower criticism.我們已經看到了,除了Massoretic的文字,我們必須考慮到先前的文本其次是七十譯員,並仍然較早讀數撒瑪利亞五經;詳細調查這個問題屬於文字領域的或較低的批評。 But the style of the Pentateuch can hardly be referred to any other department of Pentateuchal study.但是,風格的摩西五很難提到任何其他部Pentateuchal研究。

As Moses employed no doubt pre-existent documents in the composition of his work, and as he must have made use too of the aid of secretaries, we expect antecedently a variety of style in the Pentateuch.正如摩西僱用毫無疑問預先存在的文件的組成他的工作,因為他必須有使用過的秘書的協助下,我們預計先行各種風格的摩西五。 It is no doubt due to the presence of this literary phenomenon that the critics have found so many points of support in their minute analysis.這無疑是由於存在這種現象,文學評論家發現這麼多點支持他們分鐘分析。 But in general, the style of the work is in keeping with its contents.但一般而言,工作作風,是符合其內容。 There are three kinds of material in the Pentateuch: first, there are statistics, genealogies, and legal formularies; secondly, there are narrative portions; thirdly, there are parenthetic sections.有三種物質在摩西五:第一,有統計資料,族譜,法律處方;第二,說明部分;第三,有弧形的部分。

No reader will find fault with the writer's dry and simple style in his genealogical and ethnographic lists, in his table of encampments in the desert, or his legal enactments.沒有讀者會發現故障與作家的乾旱和樸實的作風在他的家譜和人種名單,在他桌上的營地在沙漠中,或其法律法規。 Any other literary expression would be out of place in records of this kind.任何其他文學作品的表達將是不合時宜的,在這種記錄。 The narrative style of the Pentateuch is simple and natural, but also lively and picturesque.的敘事風格的摩西五是簡單和自然,而且活潑,風景如畫。 It abounds in simple character sketches, dialogues, and anecdotes.它有許多簡單的字符素描,對話,和軼事。 The accounts of Abraham's purchase of a burying-ground, of the history of Joseph, and of the Egyptian plagues are also dramatic.帳目的亞伯拉罕的購買掩埋地面,歷史的約瑟夫,埃及瘟疫也戲劇性。 Deuteronomy has its peculiar style on account of the exhortations it contains.申命記有其獨特的風格考慮到它包含的規勸。 Moses explains the laws he promulgates, but urges also, and mainly, their practice.摩西說,他頒布的法律,但還敦促,主要的做法。 As an orator, he shows a great deal of unction and persuasiveness, but is not destitute of the earnestness of the Prophets.作為一個演說家,他發現了大量的油膏和說服力,但不是赤貧的真誠的先知。 His long sentences remain at times incomplete, thus giving rise to so-called anacolutha (cf. Deuteronomy 6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4).他的長句,有時仍然不完整,從而引起所謂anacolutha (參見申命記6:10-12 ; 8:11-17 ; 9:9-11 ; 11:2-7 ; 24:1-4 ) 。 Being necessarily a popular preacher, he is not lacking in repetitions.正在流行的不一定是傳道,他並不缺乏重複。 But his earnestness, persuasiveness, and unction do not interfere with the clearness of his statements.但他的真誠,說服力和油膏不干預清晰,他的發言。 He is not merely a rigid legislator, but he shows his love for the people, and in turn wins their love and confidence.他不僅是一個僵化的立委,但他表明他的愛的人,反過來贏得他們的愛和信心。

Decisions of the Biblical Commission決定聖經委員會

Some decisions of the Biblical Commission in regards to the chief subject of this article, viz., Genesis, are as follows: The various exegetical systems which exclude the literal and historical sense of the first three chapters of the Book of Genesis are not based on solid foundation.一些決定的聖經委員會在對行政主體的規定,即。 ,成因如下:各訓詁系統排除的字面和歷史意義上的前三章的創世記並非基於堅實的基礎。 It should not be taught that these three chapters do not contain true narrations of facts, but only fables derived from the mythologies and cosmogonies of earlier peoples, purged of the polytheistic errors and accommodated to monotheism; or allegories and symbols, with no objective reality, set forth in the guise of history to inculcate religious and philosophical truths; or, finally, legends partly historical and partly fictitious put together for instruction and edification. In particular, doubt should not be cast on the literal and historical sense of passages which touch on the foundations of the Christian religion, as, for instance, the creation of the universe by God at the beginning of time; the special creation of man; the formation of the first woman from the first man; the unity of the human race; the original happiness, integrity, and immortality of our first parents in the state of justice; the precept given by God to man to try his obedience; the transgression of the Divine precept, at the suggestion of the Devil, under the form of a serpent; the fall of our first parents from their original state of justice; the promise of a future Redeemer.它不應該告訴我們,這三個章節不包含真正述的事實,但只有寓言源自神話和cosmogonies早先人民,清除錯誤的多神教和安置到一神教;或寓言和象徵,沒有任何客觀現實,中所列的幌子歷史灌輸宗教和哲學的真理;或最後,傳說是虛構的歷史和部分提出的指導和啟發。尤其是,毫無疑問不應投下的文字和歷史意義上的通道談談的基礎基督教派,例如,創造宇宙的上帝在開始的時間;特別設立人;成立的第一位女性的第一人;的團結人類的原來幸福,完整,我們的第一個不朽的父母在該國的司法所給予的戒律上帝男子試圖服從他的侵神聖戒律,在建議的魔鬼,根據形式的蛇;秋天我們的第一個父母從原來的國家司法;承諾未來救世主。

In explaining such passages in these chapters as the Fathers and Doctors interpreted differently, one may follow and defend the opinion which meets his approval.在解釋這種通道在這些章節的父親和醫生不同的解釋,你可以遵循和捍衛認為符合他的批准。 Not every word or phrase in these chapters is always necessarily to be taken in its literal sense so that it may never have another, as when it is manifestly used metaphorically or anthropomorphically.並非每一個詞或短語在這些章節是一定要採取在其字面意義,以便它可能永遠不會有其他的,當它顯然是用來比喻或anthropomorphically 。 The literal and historical meaning of some passages in these chapters presupposed, an allegorical and prophetical meaning may wisely and usefully be employed.字面和歷史意義的一些段落在這些章節的先決條件,一個寓言和預言的含義可能會明智和有益的工作。 As in writing the first chapter of Genesis the purpose of the sacred author was not to expound in a scientific manner the constitution of the universe or the complete order of creation, but rather to give to the people popular information in the ordinary language of the day, adapted to the intelligence of all, the strict propriety of scientific language is not always to be looked for in their terminology.作為書面的第一章成因的目的不是神聖的作者闡述了科學的方式在憲法的或完整的宇宙秩序的創造,而是給人民大眾的信息在普通語言的一天,以適應所有的情報,嚴格科學的語言合適的並不總是要尋找的術語。 The expression six days and their division may be taken in the ordinary sense of a natural day, or for a certain period of time, and exegetes may dispute about this question.六天的表達及其司可採取在普通意義的自然天,或對某一段時間內,和exegetes可能爭論這個問題。

Publication information Written by AJ Moss.出版信息作者歐塞爾莫斯。 Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett & Michael T. Barrett. Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.轉錄由托馬斯M巴雷特&邁克爾巴雷特。專門向窮人靈魂煉獄天主教百科全書,第十一。 Published 1911.發布時間1911年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat , 1911年2月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

Many works referring to the Pentateuch have been cited throughout the course of this article.許多工程指的是摩西五已經列舉的整個過程中這一條。 We shall here add a list of mainly exegetical works, both ancient and modern, without attempting to give a complete catalogue.我們將在這裡購買的清單,主要訓詁作品,無論古代和現代,而試圖讓一個完整的目錄。

PATRISTIC WRITERS."Eastern Church:--ORIGEN, Selecta in Gen., PG, XII, 91- 145; IDEM, Homil. in Gen., ibid., 145-62; IDEM, Selecta et homil, in Ex., Lev., Num., Deut., ibid., 263-818; IDEM, Fragmenta in PG, XVII, 11-36; ST. BASIL, Homil. in Hexaemer. in PG, XXIX, 3-208; ST. GREGORY OF NYSSA, In Hexaemer. in PG, XLIV, 61-124; IDEM, De homin. Opific., ibid., 124-297; IDEM, De vita Moysis, ibid., 297-430; ST. JOHN CHRYS., Homil. in Gen. in PG, LIII, LIV, 23- 580; IDEM, Serm. In Gen. in PG, LIV, 581-630; ST. EPHR., Comment in Pentat. in Oper. Syr., I, 1-115; ST. CYRIL OF ALEX., De adoratione in spiritu in PG, LXVIII, 133-1125; Glaphyra in PG, LXIX, 13-677; THEODORETUS, Quaest. in Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. in PG, LXXX, 76-456; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comment. in Octateuch. in PG, LXXXVII, 21-992; NICEPHORUS, Catena in Octateuch. et libros Reg. (Leipzig, 1772).教父作家。 “東方教會: -奧利, Selecta的將軍,前列腺素,第十二章, 91 - 145 ;同上, Homil 。將軍中,同上。 , 145-62 ;同上, Selecta等homil ,在惠。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。 ,同上。 , 263-818 ;同上, Fragmenta的指引, 17 , 11-36 ;秘。羅勒, Homil 。在Hexaemer 。在前列腺素,第29屆, 3-208 ;秘。貴格利的NYSSA ,在Hexaemer 。在指引,四十四, 61-124 ;同上,者homin 。 Opific 。 ,同上。 , 124-297 ;同上,者維Moysis ,同上。 , 297-430 ;秘。約翰CHRYS 。 , Homil 。在將軍的指引, LIII ,活動全省, 23 - 580 ;同上,血清。在將軍的指引,活動全省, 581-630 ;秘。 EPHR 。 ,評論中Pentat 。在歌劇院。錫爾河。 ,我1-115 ;意法半導體。利羅杜德偉。 ,者adoratione在spiritu的指引, LXVIII , 133-1125 ; Glaphyra的指引, LXIX , 13-677 ; THEODORETUS , Quaest 。將軍中,惠。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。在前列腺素, LXXX , 76-456 ;普羅科匹厄斯加沙,評論。在Octateuch 。在指引, LXXXVII , 21-992 ; NICEPHORUS ,卡泰納在Octateuch 。等libros註冊。 (萊比錫, 1772年) 。

Western Church: ST.西方教會:聖。 AMBROSE, In Hexaemer.劉漢銓,在Hexaemer 。 in PL, XIV, 123-274; IDEM, De Paradiso terrestri, ibid., 275-314; IDEM, De Cain et Abel, ibid., 315-60; IDEM, De Noe et arca, ibid., 361-416; IDEM, De Abraham, ibid., 419-500; IDEM, De Isaac et anima, ibid., 501-34; IDEM, De Joseph patriarcha, ibid., 641-72; IDEM, De benedictionibus patriarcharum, ibid., 673-94; ST.在光致發光,十四, 123-274 ;同上,者天堂terrestri ,同上。 , 275-314 ;同上,者該隱與亞伯,同上。 , 315-60 ;同上,者諾埃等方舟,同上。 , 361-416 ;同上,者亞伯拉罕,同上。 , 419-500 ;同上,者艾薩克等動物,同上。 , 501-34 ;同上,者約瑟夫patriarcha ,同上。 , 641-72 ;同上,者benedictionibus patriarcharum ,同上。 , 673 - 94 ;秘。 JEROME, Liber quaest. JEROME ,書quaest 。 hebraic. in Gen. in PL, XXIII, 935-1010; ST.希伯來語。在將軍的特等,二十三, 935-1010 ;秘。 AUGUSTINE, De Gen. c.奧古斯丁者將軍角 Manich. Manich 。 ll. 11 。 due in PL, XXXIV, 173-220; IDEM, De Ger.由於特等,三十四, 173-220 ;同上,德閣。 ad lit., ibid., 219-46; IDEM, De Ger.廣告點燃。 ,同上。 , 219-46 ;同上,德閣。 ad lit.廣告點燃。 ll. 11 。 duodecim, ibid., 245-486; IDEM, Quaest in Heptateuch., ibid., 547-776; RUFINUS, De benedictionibus patriarcharum in PL, XXI, 295-336; ST. duodecim ,同上。 , 245-486 ;同上, Quaest在Heptateuch 。 ,同上。 , 547-776 ; RUFINUS ,者benedictionibus patriarcharum的特等,二十一, 295-336 ;秘。 VEN.委內瑞拉。 BEDE, Hexaemeron in PL, XCI, 9-190; IDEM, In Pentateuch. BEDE , Hexaemeron在特等, XCI , 9-190 ;同上,在摩西五。 Commentarii, ibid., 189-394; IDEM, De tabernaculo et vasibus ejus, ibid., 393-498; RHABANUS MAURUS, Comm. Commentarii ,同上。 , 189-394 ;同上,者tabernaculo等vasibus ejus ,同上。 , 393-498 ; RHABANUS毛魯斯,商業。 in Gen. in PL, CVII, 443-670; IDEM, Comment.在將軍的特等, CVII , 443-670 ;同上,評論。 in Ez., Lev., Num., Deut. in PL, CVIII, 9-998; WALAFRID STRABO, Glossa ordinaria in PL, CXIII, 67-506.在雌二醇。 ,列夫。 ,序號。 , Deut 。在特等, CVIII , 9-998 ; WALAFRID斯特拉博, Glossa ordinaria在特等, CXIII , 67-506 。

MIDDLE AGES:-ST.中世紀時期: ST段。 BRUNO OF ASTI, Expositio in Pentateuch.布魯諾的ASTI , Expositio在摩西五。 in PL, RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De SS.在光致發光,魯珀特的道依茨公司,德黨衛軍。 Trinitate et operib. Trinitate等operib 。 Ejus in PL, CLXVII, 197-1000; HUGH OF ST. VICTOR, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pent. Ejus在特等, CLXVII , 197-1000 ;休聖。維克托, Adnotationes elucidatoriae的壓抑。 in PL, CLXXV, 29-86; HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Hexameron in PL, CLXXII, 253-66; IDEM, De decem plagis Aegypti, ibid., 265-70; ABELARD, Expositio in Hexaemeron in PL, CLXXVII, 731-84; HUGH OF ST. CHER, Postilla (Venice, 1588); NICOLAUS OF LYRA, Postilla (Rome, 1471); TOSTATUS, Opera, I-IV (Venice, 1728); DIONYSIUS THE CARTHUSIAN, Comment.在特等, CLXXV , 29-86 ;挪留的歐坦, Hexameron在特等, CLXXII , 253-66 ;同上, 12月plagis Aegypti者,同上。 , 265-70 ;亞伯拉德, Expositio在Hexaemeron在特等, CLXXVII , 731-84 ;休聖。雪兒, Postilla (威尼斯, 1588年) ; NICOLAUS的LYRA , Postilla (羅馬, 1471年) ; TOSTATUS ,歌劇,一至四(威尼斯, 1728年) ;狄奧尼修斯的卡爾特,評論。 in Pentateuch.在摩西五。 in Opera omnia, I, II (Montreuil, 1896-7).在Opera OMNIA公司,一,二(蒙特勒伊, 1896-7 ) 。

MORE RECENT WORKS.-Jewish Writers:-The Commentaries of RASHI (1040-1150), ABENASRA (1092-1167), and DAVID KIMCHI, (1160-1235) are contained in the Rabbinic Bibles; ABARBANEL, Comment.最近WORKS.猶太作家: -的評注的RASHI ( 1040至1150年) , ABENASRA ( 1092年至1167年) ,和大衛泡菜, ( 1160年至1235年)中載有拉比聖經; ABARBANEL ,評論。 (Venice, 5539 AM; 1579 BC); CAHEN, French tr. (威尼斯, 5539分; 1579年) ; CAHEN ,法國文。 of Pent.壓抑。 (Paris, 1831); KALISCH, Historical and Critical Comment on the Old Test. (巴黎, 1831年) ; KALISCH的,歷史的和批判性評論的舊試驗。 (London), Gen. (1885); Lev. (倫敦) ,將軍( 1885年) ;列夫。 (1867, 1872); Ez. ( 1867年, 1872年) ;雌二醇。 (1855); HIRSCH, Der Pent. ( 1855年) ; HIRSCH ,明鏡壓抑。 ubersetzt und erklart (2nd ed., Frankfurt, 1893, 1895); HOFFMANN, Das Buch Lev. ubersetzt與erklart (第二版。 ,法蘭克福, 1893年, 1895年) ;霍夫曼達斯圖書列夫。 ubersetz und erklart (Berlin, 1906). ubersetz與erklart (柏林, 1906年) 。

Protestant Writers:-The works of LUTHER, MELANCHTHON, CALVIN, GERHART, CALOVIUS, DRUSIUS, DE DIEU, CAPPEL, COCCEIUS, MICHAELIS, LE CLERC, ROSENMULLER, and even of TUCH and BAUMGARTEN, are of minor importance in our days; KNOBEL, Gen. (6th ed., by DILLMANN, 1892; tr., Edinburgh, 1897); RYSSEL, Ez.新教作家: -的作品路德梅蘭希頓,卡爾文格哈, CALOVIUS , DRUSIUS ,德迪厄, CAPPEL , COCCEIUS ,蔑克里斯,樂賈勒, ROSENMULLER ,甚至TUCH和鮑姆加滕,是未成年人的重要性在我們天;克諾貝爾,將軍(第6版。通過DILLMANN , 1892年;文。 ,愛丁堡, 1897年) ; RYSSEL赫拉。 and Lev.和列夫。 (3rd ed., 1897); DILLMANN, Numbers, deut., Jos. (2nd ed., 1886); LANGE, Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk (Bielefeld and Leipzig); IDEM, Gen. (2nd ed., 1877); IDEM, Ez., Lev., and Numbers (1874); STOSCH, Deut. (第3版。 , 1897年) ; DILLMANN ,數字deut 。 ,聖何塞(第二版。 , 1886年) ;蘭格Theologisch - homiletisches Bibelwerk (比勒費爾德和萊比錫) ;同上,將軍(第2版。 , 1877年) ; IDEM赫拉。 ,列夫。和數字( 1874年) ; STOSCH , Deut 。 (2nd ed., 1902); KEIL and FRANZ DELITZSCH, Biblischer Comment. (第2版。 , 1902年) ;的Keil和弗蘭茲德里, Biblischer評論。 uber das AT; KEIL, Gen. and Ex. (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1878); IDEM, Lev., Numbers, Deut.尤伯杯存在的; Keil公司,將軍和前。 (第3版。 ,萊比錫, 1878年) ;同上,列夫。 ,數字Deut 。 (2nd ed., 1870; tr., Edinburgh, 1881, 1885); STRACK and ZOCKLER, Kurzgefasster Komment. (第2版。 , 1870年;文。 ,愛丁堡, 1881年, 1885年) ;施特拉克和ZOCKLER , Kurzgefasster Komment 。 zu den h. Schriften A. und NT (Munich); STRACK, Gen. (2nd ed., 1905); IDEM, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1894); OETTLI, Deut.楚蘭旦閣下著作答:與新台幣(慕尼黑) ;施特拉克,將軍(第2版。 , 1905年) ;同上,雌二醇。 ,列夫。 ,數字( 1894年) ;歐特列, Deut 。 (1893); NOWACK, Handkomment. ( 1893年) ; NOWACK , Handkomment 。 zum AT (Gottingen); GUNKEL, Gen. (1901); BANTSCH, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1903); Deut. zum在(哥廷根大學) ;貢克爾,將軍( 1901 ) ; BANTSCH赫拉。 ,列夫。 ,數字( 1903年) ; Deut 。 by STEUERNAGEL (1900); MARTI, Kurtzer Handommentar z.由STEUERNAGEL ( 1900 ) ;馬蒂庫爾策Handommentar卓 AT (Freiburg): HOLZINGER, Gen. (1898), Ez.在(弗賴堡) : HOLZINGER ,將軍( 1898 ) ,雌二醇。 (1900), Numbers (1903); BERTHOLET, Lev. ( 1900年) ,數字( 1903年) ; BERTHOLET ,列夫。 (1901), Deut. ( 1901 ) , Deut 。 (1899); BOHMER, Das erste Buch Mose (Stuttgart, 1905); COOK, The Holy Bible according to the Authorized Version, I-II (London, 1877); SPENCE and EXELL, The Pulpit Commentary (London): WHITELAW, Gen.; RAWLINSON, Ex.; MEYRICK, Lev.; WINTERBOTHAM, Numbers; ALEXANDER, Deut.; The Expositor's Bible (London): DODS, Gen. (1887); CHADWICK, Exod. ( 1899年) ;博默,達斯erste圖書莫塞(斯圖加特, 1905年) ;庫克聖經根據授權版本,第一和第二(倫敦, 1877年) ; SPENCE和EXELL ,講壇評(倫敦) :懷特勞,根。 ;羅林森,惠。 ;蛾,列夫。 ;溫,數字;亞歷山大, Deut 。 ;的Expositor的聖經(倫敦) : DODS ,將軍( 1887年) ; CHADWICK , Exod 。 (1890); KELLOGG, Lev. ( 1890年) ; KELLOGG ,列夫。 (1891); WATSON, Numbers (1889); HARPER, Deut. (1895); The International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh): GRAY, Numbers (1903); DRIVER, Deut. ( 1891年) ;華生,數字( 1889年) ;哈珀, Deut 。 ( 1895年) ,國際評論文章(愛丁堡) :灰色,數字( 1903年) ;司機, Deut 。 (1895); SPURRELL, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Gen. (2nd ed., Oxford, 1896); GINSBURG, The Third Book of Moses (London, 1904); MACLAREN, The Books of Ex., Lev., and Numbers (London, 1906); IDEM, Deut. ( 1895年) ; SPURRELL ,債券在希伯來文將軍(第2版。 ,牛津, 1896年) ;金斯伯格的第三本書的摩西(倫敦, 1904年) ;麥克拉倫的書惠。 ,列夫。和數字(倫敦, 1906年) ;同上, Deut 。 (London, 1906); REUSS, L'histoire sainte et la loi (Paris, 1879); KUENEN, HOSYKAAS, and OORT, Het Oude Testament (Leyden, 1900-1). (倫敦, 1906年) ; REUSS ,歐萊雅等香格里拉史聖萊(巴黎, 1879年) ; KUENEN , HOSYKAAS ,和奧爾特報舊全書(萊頓, 1900-1 ) 。

Catholic Works:-The works of CAJETAN, OLEASTER, STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS, SANTE PAGINO, LIPPOMANNUS, HAMMER, B. POREIRA, ASORIUS MARTINENGUS, LORINUS, TIRINUS, A LAPIDE, CORN, JANSENIUS, BONFRERE, FRASSEN, CALMET, BRENTANO, DERESER, and SCHOLZ are either too well known or too unimportant to need further notice.天主教工程: -的作品CAJETAN , OLEASTER , STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS , SANTE PAGINO , LIPPOMANNUS ,錘子,灣POREIRA , ASORIUS MARTINENGUS , LORINUS , TIRINUS ,阿LAPIDE ,玉米, JANSENIUS ,邦弗雷雷, FRASSEN , CALMET , BRENTANO , DERESER ,和SCHOLZ都是眾所周知或太不重要需要另行通知。 La Sainte Bible (Paris); CHELIER, La Genese (1889); IDEM, l'Exode et la Levitique (1886); TROCHON, Les Nombres et le Deuteronome (1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (Paris); VON HUMMELAUER, Gen. (1895); Ex., Lev.聖聖經(巴黎) ; CHELIER ,香格里拉Genese ( 1889年) ;同上,歐萊雅Exode等香格里拉Levitique ( 1886年) ; TROCHON ,法國Nombres等樂Deuteronome ( 1887-8 ) ; Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (巴黎) ;馮HUMMELAUER ,將軍( 1895年) ;惠。 ,列夫。 (1897); Num. ( 1897年) ;序號。 (1899); Deut. ( 1899年) ; Deut 。 (1901); SCHRANK, Comment. ( 1901年) ;薊馬,評論。 literal.字面。 in Gen. (1835); LAMY, Comment in l. Gen.在將軍( 1835年) ;拉米評論中湖將軍 (Mechlin, 1883-4); TAPPEHORN, Erklarung der Gen. (Paderborn, 1888); HOBERG, Die Gen. nach dem Literalsinn erklart (Freiburg, 1899); FILLION, La Sainte Bible, I (Paris, 1888); NETELER, Das Buch Genesis der Vulgata und des hebraischen Textes ubersetzt und erklart (Munster, 1905); GIGOT, Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, I (New York, 1901). Biblical Commission: Acta Apostolicoe Sedis (15 July, 1908); Rome (17 July, 1909). ( Mechlin , 1883-4 ) ; TAPPEHORN , Erklarung德國將軍(帕德博恩, 1888年) ;霍貝格,模具nach將軍馬克Literalsinn erklart (弗賴堡, 1899年) ;菲利安,聖聖經,我(巴黎, 1888年) ; NETELER ,達斯書起源之Vulgata和沙漠hebraischen文本ubersetzt與erklart (明斯特, 1905年) ; GIGOT ,特別介紹研究舊約,我(紐約, 1901年) 。聖經委員會:獸類Apostolicoe位置未定( 1908年7月15號) ;羅馬( 1909年7月17號) 。


Deuteronomy申命記

Jewish Perspective Information 猶太透視信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章標題:

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

The Laws in Deuteronomy.申命記的法律。

-Critical View:臨界查看:

Relation to Other Codes.相對於其他代碼。

Aim and Scope of Deuteronomy.目的和範圍的申命記。

The Love of God.上帝的愛。

Love of Neighbors.愛鄰居。

Song and Blessing of Moses.宋和祝福摩西。

Age and Authorship of Deuteronomy.作者的年齡和申命記。

Influence on Subsequent Writers.在隨後的影響作家。

Its Composite Character.其綜合性質。

Style of Deuteronomy.申命記風格。

-Critical View:臨界查看:

Analysis of Sources.分析來源。

Variations of Analysis.變化的分析。

Supposed Sources of xxvii.-xxx.假定源xxvii. -三十。

Date and Tendency.日期和趨勢。

Different Dates Assigned.不同日期分配。

Sources and Redaction.來源和Redaction 。

The fifth book of the Pentateuch, called in Hebrew "Debarim" (Words), from the opening phrase "Eleh ha-debarim."; in Rabbinical Hebrew it is known also as "Mishneh Torah."第五本書的摩西五,所謂的希伯來文“ Debarim ” (字) ,從開頭“ Eleh河debarim 。 ” ;在猶太教希伯來語它也稱為“ Mishneh律法。 ” The English appellation is derived from the name which the book bears in the Septuagint (Δευτερουόμιου) and in the Vulgate (Deuteronomium); and this is based upon the erroneous Septuagint rendering of "mishnch ha-torah ha-zot" (xvii. 18), which grammatically can mean only "a repetition [that is, a copy] of this law," but which is rendered by the Septuagint τὸ Δευτερουόμιου τοῦτο, as though the expression meant "this repetition of the law."英文稱謂源自這本書的名字,熊的譯本( Δευτερουόμιου )和武加大( Deuteronomium ) ;這是根據錯誤的七十渲染的“ mishnch夏律法夏零壹” ( xvii. 18 ) ,這可能意味著不僅語法“重演[即複製]這一法律, ”但是這是所提供的七十τὸ Δευτερουόμιου τοῦτο ,好像表達意思是“這重複的法律。 ” While, however, the name is thus a mistranslation, it is not inappropriate; for the book does include, by the side of much new matter, a repetition or reformulation of a large part of the laws found in the non-priestly sections (known as "JE") of Exodus.雖然,然而,名稱是一個誤譯,這不是不恰當的,因為這本書並不包括由一側許多新問題,重複或改寫的很大一部分的法律中找到非祭司部分(稱為為“乙腦” )的出走。

-Biblical Data:聖經資料:

The book of Deuteronomy consists in the main of the discourses which Moses is represented as having delivered, immediately before his death (i. 3), on the other side of Jordan for the purpose of teaching the Israelites the laws which theywere to obey, and the spirit in which they were to obey them, when they should be settled in the Promised Land.這本書的申命記包括主要的話語而摩西是代表具有交付,立即在他死之前(一3 ) ,在另一側的約旦為教學以色列人的法律theywere服從和的精神,他們是服從他們,當他們應該解決的樂土。 Disregarding introductions and other subsidiary matter, the contents of the book may be summarized as follows:無視引進及其他附屬的問題,這本書的內容可概括如下:

Ch.總。 i.字母i. 6-iv. 6四。 40: Moses' first discourse, consisting (i.-iii.) of a review of the providential guidance of the Israelites through the wilderness to the border of the Promised Land, and concluding (iv.) with an eloquent appeal not to forget the great truths, especially the spirituality of their God, impressed upon them at Horeb. Ch. 40 :摩西'第一話語,包括(一至三。 )的審查天賜指導以色列人在荒野邊界的樂土,並總結( iv. )與雄辯地呼籲不要忘記偉大的真理,特別是精神的上帝,給他們留下深刻的印象在何烈。總。 v.-xxvi., xxviii.五, 26 。 ,二十八。 1-xxix. 1 ,第29屆。 1: Moses' second discourse, containing the exposition of the Deuteronomic law, and forming the central and most characteristic portion of the book. 1 :摩西第二話語,其中載有博覽會的Deuteronomic法,並形成了中央和最具特色的部分圖書。 It consists of two parts:它由兩部分組成:

(1) ch. ( 1 )總。 v.-xi., a hortatory introduction, developing the first commandment of the Decalogue, and inculcating the general theocratic principles by which Israel, as a nation, is to be governed; v.-xi. ,一個勸告引進,開發第一誡命的十誡,和灌輸的一般原則的神,以色列作為一個國家,要治理;

(2) ch. ( 2 )總。 xii.-xxvi., the code of special laws, followed (xxviii. 1-xxix. 1) by a solenm rehearsal of the blessings and curses attached respectively to the observance and neglect of the Deuteronomic law. [Ch. xii. - 26 。 ,代碼的特別法律,其次( xxviii. 1 -二十九。 1 )由solenm排練的祝福和詛咒重視,分別對遵守和忽視的Deuteronomic法。 [總。 xxvii.二十七。 consists of instructions (interrupting the discourse of Moses, and narrated in the third person) relative to a ceremony by which the nation, after entering Canaan, is to symbolize its ratification of the preceding code; see Josh.包括指示(打斷話語的摩西,並敘述了在第三人)相對的儀式,其中國家,進入迦南,是象徵批准上述代碼;見喬希。 viii, 30-35.] Ch.八, 30-35 。 ]總。 xxix.二十九。 2-xxx. 2三十。 20: Moses' third discourse, emphasizing afresh the fundamental duty of loyalty to Yhwh and the dangers of apostasy. Ch. 20 :摩西的第三次對話,重新強調的基本義務和忠誠Yhwh的危險叛教。總。 xxxi.-xxxiv.: Moses' last words of encouragement addressed to the people and to Joshua; his song (xxxii. 1-43) and blessing (xxxiii.); the account of his death (xxxiv.). xxxi. -三十四。 :摩西最後一句話的鼓勵給人民和約書亞;他的歌( xxxii. 1-43 )和祝福( xxxiii. ) ;帳戶逝世( xxxiv. ) 。

It is characteristic of the discourses of Deuteronomy that the writer's aim is throughout parenetic: both in the two historical retrospects (i.-iii., ix. 9-x. 11), and in passing allusions elsewhere (as xi. 2-6; xxiii. 4, 5; xxiv. 9), he appeals to history for the sake of the lessons deducible from it; and in his treatment of the laws, he does not merely collect or repeat a series of legal enactments, but he "expounds" them (i. 5); that is, he develops them with reference to the moral and religious purposes which they subserve, and to the motives from which the Israelite ought to obey them.它的特點是申命記的話語,作者的目的是在整個parenetic :無論是在兩個歷史回顧(一至三。 ,九。 9 - X低。 11 ) ,並在其他地方通過典故(如十一。 2-6 ;二十三。 4日, 5日;二十四。 9 ) ,他呼籲,為了歷史的教訓deducible從它;和在他的治療法,他不只是收集或重複了一系列法律法規,但他“闡述“他們(一5 ) ;那就是他的發展,參考他們的道德和宗教目的,他們有益,並從其中的動機的以色列人應該服從他們。 It is a further characteristic of the discourses that they are, in both the historical and the legal parts, dependent upon the narrative and laws, respectively, of JE in Exodus and Numbers; entire phrases from the earlier document being frequently embedded in them (compare Deut. i. 33, 35, 36 with Ex. xiii. 21, and Num. xiv. 23, 24 respectively; and Deut. xvi. 16, 19 with Ex. xxiii. 6, 8, 17).這是一個特點,進一步論述它們,在這兩個在歷史上和法律部分,取決於說明和法律,分別乙腦在流亡和號碼;整個詞組從早先的文件被嵌入在它們經常(比較Deut 。一, 33 , 35 , 36與前。十三。 21和序號。十四。 23日, 24日分別和Deut 。十六。 16日, 19日與前。二十三。 6 , 8 , 17 ) 。

The Laws in Deuteronomy.申命記的法律。

The following is an outline of the laws in Deuteronomy, the asterisk (*) denoting those laws which are peculiar to Deuteronomy, and the dagger († or ‡) those which differ more or less materially in their provisions from those in JE and P respectively.下面是一個大綱法律申命記,星號( * )表明這些法律有特殊申命記和匕首( †或‡ )那些或多或少不同物質在其規定的是,乙腦和P分別為。 For a more complete synoptical table see Driver's "Introduction to the Literature of the OT" 7th ed., pp.為更全面提要見驅動程序的“文學概論的催產素”第七版。頁。 73 et seq., or his Commentary on Deuteronomy, pp. 73起。 ,或其評申命記,頁。 iv.四。 et seq.起。

i. Religious Observances:一宗教儀式:

1. Law of single sanctuary, xii. 1 。法單一庇護,十二。 1-28‡ (burnt offerings, sacrifices [ie, peace-offerings, tithes, heave-offerings [first-fruits and other offerings from the produce of the soil], vows, free-will offerings, and firstlings, all to be offered at the central sanctuary). 1月28日‡ (燔祭,犧牲[即和平,產品,什一稅,鼓,產品[第一果實和其他產品從生產的土壤] ,誓言,自由意志的產品,並firstlings ,將提供所有在中央的避難所) 。

2. Laws against the worship of "other gods," xii. 2 。法律禁止崇拜“其他神明, ”十二。 29-31, xiii*. 29日至31日,第十三*.

3. Sanctity of the laity, xiv. 3 。神聖俗人,十四。 1-21 (person not to be disfigured in mourning, xiv. 1-2; law of clean and unclean animals, xiv. 3-20; flesh of animals dying a natural death not to be eaten, xiv. 21). 1月21日(人不被毀容的哀悼,十四。 1-2 ;法律的清潔和不清潔的動物,十四。 3月20日;肉動物死亡自然死亡不能吃,十四。 21 ) 。

4. Laws tending to ameliorate the condition of the poor, xiv. 4 。法規趨於改善的條件很差,十四。 22-xv. 22十五。 18 (disposition of the charitable tithe, xiv. 22-29‡; relief secured to debtors every seventh year, xv. 1-11†‡; law of slavery, xv. 12-18†‡). 18 (處置慈善十分之一,十四。 22-29 ‡ ;減免債務擔保,以每7年,十五。 1月11日† ‡ ;法律的奴役,十五。 12月18日† ‡ ) 。

5. Offerings and festivals (firstling males to be offered to Yhwh, xv. 19-23‡; regulations respecting the observance of the three annual pilgrimages, xvi. 1-17‡). 5 。產品和節日(初男性提供給Yhwh ,十五。 19-23 ‡ ;法規尊重遵守三個年度朝聖,十六。 1月17日‡ ) 。

ii. The Office-Bearers of the Theocracy:二。辦事處承擔的神:

1. Judges to be appointed in every city, xvi. 1 。法官任命的每一個城市,十六。 18*; and judgment to be impartial, xvi. 18 * ;和判決是公正的,十六。 19, 20. [Ch. 19日, 20日。 [總。 xvi.十六。 21-22, asherahs and "pillars" prohibited; xvii. 21日至22日, asherahs和“支柱”禁止;十七。 1, sacrifices to be without blemish; xvii. 1 ,犧牲,沒有污點;十七。 2-7, an Israelite convicted of idolatry to be stoned to death*.] 2月7日,一名以色列人被定罪的偶像是用石頭砸死*. ]

2. The supreme central tribunal, xvii. 2 。最高法院中央法庭,十七。 8-13*. 8月13日*.

3. The king, xvii. 3 。國王十七。 14-20 (theocratic conditions which the monarchy is to satisfy*). 14-20 (神條件君主制是滿足* ) 。

4. Rights and revenues of the priestly tribe, xviii. 4 。權利和收入的祭司部落,十八。 1-8*. 1-8 *.

5. The prophet, xviii. 5 。先知,十八。 9-22* (verses 10, 11 against different forms of magic and divination-expansion of Ex. xxii. 18). 9月22日* (詩句10日, 11日對不同形式的魔術和占卜,擴大惠。 22 。 18 ) 。

iii. Criminal Law:三。刑法:

1. Manslaughter and murder, xix. 1 。過失殺人罪和謀殺罪,十九。 1-13 (cities of refuge†). 1月13日(城市避難† ) 。

2. Against removal of boundary-stones, xix. 2 。反對取消邊界石頭,十九。 14*. 14 *.

3. Law of witness, xix. 3 。法證人,十九。 15-21 (compare xvii. 6). [Four laws designed to secure self-control and forbearance in the conduct of war, xx.* and xxi. 15-21 (比較十七。 6 ) 。 [ 4法律旨在確保自我控制,忍的戰爭行為,二十和二十一.* 。 10-14*; compare xxiv. 10月14日* ;比較二十四。 5*.] 5 *. ]

iv. Miscellaneous Laws Relating Chiefly to Civil and Domestic Life: Symbolical rite of expiation for an untraced murder, xxi.四。其他有關的法律,主要是公民權利和家庭生活:象徵儀式贖罪的untraced謀殺,二十一。 1-9*; primogeniture, xxi. 1-9 * ;長子,二十一。 15-17*; treatment of an undutiful son, xxi. 18-21*; treatment of the body of a malefactor, xxi. 15-17 * ;治療一個undutiful兒子,二十一。 18-21 * ;治療身體的罪人,二十一。 22-23*; lost cattle or other property to be restored to owner, xxii. 22-23 * ;失去牛或其他財產將歸還給業主,二十二。 1-4; sexes not to interchange garments, xxii. 1月4日;男女不交匯處服裝,二十二。 5*; motherbird not to be taken with nest, xxii 6, 7*; parapets on roofs, xxii. 5 * ; motherbird不應當採取的巢, 22 6 , 7 * ;護牆上屋頂,二十二。 8*; prohibition of non-natural mixtures and combinations, xxii. 8 * ;禁止非天然混合物和組合,二十二。 9-11; law of fringes, xxii. 9月11日;法律的邊緣,二十二。 12; slander against a newly married maiden, xxii. 12 ;誹謗對新婚夫婦婚前,二十二。 13-21*; adultery and seduction, xxii. 13-21 * ;通姦和誘惑,二十二。 22-29; prohibition of marriage with stepmother, xxii. 22-29 ;禁止結婚繼母,二十二。 30; conditions of admittance into the theocratic community, xxiii. 30 ;條件允許進入神界,二十三。 1-8*; cleanliness in the camp, xxiii. 1-8 * ;清潔營地,二十三。 9-14‡; humanity to escaped slave, xxiii. 9月14日‡ ;人類逃脫奴隸,二十三。 15-16*; religious prostitution forbidden, xxiii. 15-16 * ;宗教禁止賣淫,二十三。 17-18*; usury (interest), xxiii. 17-18 * ;高利貸(利息) ,二十三。 19-20; vows, xxiii. 19-20 ;誓言,二十三。 21-23; regard for neighbor's crops, xxiii. 21-23 ;顧及鄰居的農作物,二十三。 24-25*; divorce, xxiv. 24-25 * ;離婚,二十四。 1-4*; pledges, xxiv. 1-4 * ;認捐,二十四。 6, 10-13; man-stealing, xxiv. 6 , 10月13日;人為盜竊,二十四。 7; leprosy, xxiv. 7 ;麻風病, 24 。 8-9; wages of hired servant not to be detained, xxiv. 8月9日;工資僱傭的僱員不被拘留,二十四。 14-15; criminal's family not to be punished with him, xxiv. 14-15 ;犯罪的家人沒有受到懲罰他,二十四。 16*; justice toward "stranger" (ie, resident foreigner), widow, and orphan, xxiv. 16 * ;司法走向“陌生人” (即居民外國人) ,寡婦,和孤兒,二十四。 17-18; gleanings, xxiv. 17-18 ; gleanings ,二十四。 19-22; limit to stripes xxv. 19-22 ;限制條紋二十五。 1-3*; ox not to be muzzled while threshing, xxv. 1-3 * ;牛不被箝制,而脫粒,二十五。 4*; levirate marriage, xxv. 5-10*; modesty in women xxv. 4 * ;寡嫂結婚,二十五。 5月10日* ;謙虛婦女二十五。 11, 12* just weights and measures, xxv. 13-16; liturgical directions for the offering of first-fruits and of the triennial tithe, xxvi. 11日, 12日*公正度量衡,二十五。 13-16 ;禮儀方向提供第一水果和三年期十分之一,二十六。 1-15*. 1月15日*.

The moral and religious duties which form the subject of the imprecations in xxvii.道德和宗教義務形式的主題imprecations在二十七。 15-26 should likewise be noted, as also the injunctions occurring in other parts of the book, or introduced more or less incidentally in xii.-xxvi-as v. 6-21 (the Decalogue, repeated, with variations in the subordinate clauses, from Ex. xx. 2-17); vi. 15-26同樣應該指出,該禁令也發生在其他地區的圖書,或介紹或多或少附帶xii. - 26 - 6月21日作為訴(十誡,重複,與變化的從屬條款,由前。二十。 2月17日) ;六。 8 and xi. 8日和十一。 18 (the law of frontlets); vi. 18 (法frontlets ) ;六。 14 and xi. 14日和十一。 16 (against "other gods"); xii. 16 (對“其他神” ) ;十二。 16, 23-25, and xv. 16日, 23日至25日,和十五。 23 (blood not to be eaten); xix. 23 (血不能食用) ;十九。 21 ("the lex talionis)." 21 ( “法報復) 。 ”

-Critical View:臨界查看:

I. If the Deutcronomic laws are compared carefully with the three codes contained in Exodus and Numbers, it will be apparent that they stand in a different relation to each:一,如果Deutcronomic法進行了比較謹慎的三個守則載於流亡和數字,這將是明顯的,他們站在不同的相互關係:

(1) The laws in JE-namely, Ex. ( 1 )法律,乙腦,即前。 xx-xxiii.二十,二十三。 (repeated partially in Ex. xxxiv. 10-26), and the kindred section, Ex. (重複部分惠。三十四。 10月26日) ,以及類似的部分,當然。 xiii.十三。 3-16-form the foundation of the Deuteronomic legislation. 3 - 16 -形式的基礎Deuteronomic立法。 This is evident partly from the numerous verbal coincidences referred to above-whole clauses, and sometimes even an entire law, being repeated verbatim-and partly from the fact that frequently a law in Deuteronomy consists of an expansion, or application to particular cases, of a principle laid down more briefly in Exodus (compare, for instance, Deut. xiii., xvii. 2-7, withEx. xxii. 20; Deut. xvi. 1-17 with Ex. xxiii. 14-17; and Deut. xviii. 10, 11 with Ex. xxii. 18). The civil and social enactments which are new in Deuteronomy make provision chiefly for cases likely to arise in a more highly organized community than is contemplated in the legislation of Ex. xx.-xxiii.這是顯而易見的部分由無數巧合口頭上面提到的,整個條款,有時甚至整個法,逐字重複和部分的事實,法律經常在申命記包括擴大,或適用於特定情況下,原則規定了更簡短的出埃及記(比較,例如, Deut 。十三。 ,十七。 2-7 , withEx 。二十二。 20 ; Deut 。十六。 1月17日與前。二十三。 14-17 ;和Deut 。十八。 10日, 11日與前。二十二。 18 ) 。公民和社會頒布的新規定在申命記的案件主要是可能出現在一個有組織的社會更加高度比設想的立法中惠。 xx. - 23 。

(2) With the laws contained principally in Lev. ( 2 )所載的法律主要是在列夫。 xvii.-xxvi. xvii. - 26 。 (the law of holiness, known as "H"), there are parallels in Deuteronomy (chiefly moral injunctions); but though in such cases the substance is often similar, the expression is nearly always different (compare, for instance, Deut. xiv. 1 with Lev. xix. 28; Deut. xvi. 19, 20 with Lev. xix. 15; Deut. xxiv. 19-22 with Lev. xix. 9, 10); and it can not be said that the legislation of Deuteronomy is in any sense an expansion or development of that in Lev. (神聖的法律,被稱為的“ H ” ) ,有平行的申命記(主要是道德禁令) ;但儘管在這種情況下,往往是相似的物質,表達幾乎總是不同(比較,例如, Deut 。十四。 1列夫。 19 。 28 ; Deut 。十六。 19日, 20日與列夫。 19 。 15 ; Deut 。二十四。 19-22與列夫。十九。 9日, 10日) ;並不能說,立法申命記是在任何意義上的擴大或發展,在列夫。 xvii.-xxvi. xvii. - 26 。 The one exception is the description of clean and unclean animals in xiv.唯一的例外是描述清潔和不清潔的動物十四。 4a, 6-19a, which agrees in the main verbally with Lev. 4A條, 6 - 19A條,其中同意在主口頭與列夫。 xi. 2b-20.十一。 2b干擾素- 20 。

Relation to Other Codes.相對於其他代碼。

(3) With the ceremonial laws contained in the other parts of Leviticus, and in Numbers (P), Deuteronomy is only remotely related: there are no verbal parallels. ( 3 )隨著禮儀法律中所載的其他部分利未記,並在數量上(規劃) ,申命記只有遠程相關:沒有口頭相似之處。 Some of the institutions and observances codified in P are indeed mentioned, as, for instance burnt and peace-offerings, fire-sacrifices, heave-offerings, the distinction between clean and unclean, a Torah for leprosy (xxiv. 8); but they are destitute of the central significance which they hold in the system of P; while many of the fundamental institutions of P-as the distinction between the priests and the common Levites; the Levitical cities and the year of jubilee; the cereal-offering; the guilt and sin-offering; the great Day of Atonement-are not referred to in Deuteronomy at all; and in the laws which do touch common ground, great, and, indeed, in some cases, irreconcilable, discrepancies frequently display themselves.一些機構和紀念活動編纂在P確實提到,例如焚燒和和平的產品,防火犧牲,鼓,產品之間的區分,清潔和不清潔,一個律法的麻風病( xxiv. 8 ) ;但他們是一貧如洗中央意義他們擁有在系統中的P ;雖然許多基本機構的P -之間的區別的祭司和共同利;的Levitical城市和年份的銀禧;的穀物提供的內疚和罪惡,提供;偉大的贖罪日,中沒有提及申命記所有;和法律做觸摸共同點,偉大,事實上,在某些情況下,不可調和的,差異往往顯示自己。 Thus the Deuteronomic legislation may be termed an expansion of the body of laws contained in JE; it is, in several features, parallel to that contained in H; it contains allusions to laws similar to-it can not be said identical with-those codified in some parts of P; while its provisions sometimes differ widely from those found in other parts of P.因此, Deuteronomic立法可稱為擴大機構的法律載於乙腦,它是,在一些功能,平行載在H ;它包含暗示法類似,但不能說相同,這些編纂一些地區的磷;而其規定有時大相徑庭從這些發現其他地方的體育

Aim and Scope of Deuteronomy.目的和範圍的申命記。

The Deuteronomic discourses may be said to comprise three elements-a historical, a legislative, and a parenctic.該Deuteronomic話語可以說,包括三個部分,從歷史,法律,和parenctic 。 Of these the parenetic element is both the most characteristic and the most important; for it is devoted to the inculcation of certain fundamental religious and moral principles upon which the writer lays great stress.這些因素的parenetic是最具特色和最重要的,因為它是專門用來灌輸一些基本的宗教和道德原則的作家突出強調。 The historical element is subservient to the parenctic, the references to history, as has been already remarked, having nearly always a didactic aim.歷史因素是屈從於parenctic ,提到歷史,作為已經表示,有近總是教學目標。 The legislative element, though obviously, in many of its features, tending directly to secure the national well-being, and possessing consequently an independent value of its own, is by the writer of Deuteronomy viewed primarily as a vehicle for exemplifying the principles which it is the main object of his book to enforce.立法內容,但顯然,在它的許多特點,往往直接以確保國家的福祉,並擁有一個獨立的,因此其本身的價值,是申命記的作者認為主要是因為車輛的體現它的原則是主要的對象,他的書強制執行。 The author wrote, it is evident, under a keen sense of the perils of idolatry; and to guard Israel against this, by insisting earnestly on the debt of gratitude and obedience which it owes to its sovereign Lord, is the fundamental teaching of his book. Accordingly the truths on which he loves to dwell are the sole godhead of Yhwh, His spirituality (Deut. iv.), His choice of Israel, and the love and faithfulness which He has manifested toward it; from which are deduced the great practical duties of loyal and loving devotion to Him, an absolute and uncompromising repudiation of all false gods, a warm and spontaneous obedience to His will, and a large-hearted and generous attitude toward men.作者寫道,很顯然,根據敏銳的危險偶像崇拜;看守以色列針對這一點,堅持真誠的感激和服從它欠其主權主,是最根本的教學他的書。因此,真理在他喜歡談論的唯一神格的Yhwh ,他的靈性( Deut.四。 ) ,他選擇以色列,和愛和忠誠,他表現的是從其中導出的偉大實踐義務的忠誠和熱愛奉獻他說,絕對和不妥協的反對任何虛假的神靈,一個溫暖的和自發的服從他的意志,和一個大心和慷慨的態度男子。

The Love of God.上帝的愛。

The central and principal discourse (v.-xxvi., xxviii.) opens with the Decalogue; and the first commandment, "Thou shalt have no other gods before me," may be said to be the text which in the rest of ch. v.-xi.中央和主要話語(五- 26 。 ,二十八。 )打開與十誡;第一誡命, “你應該沒有其他的神在我面前, ”可以說是其中的案文的其餘部分總。 v.-xi. is eloquently and movingly expanded.是雄辯和感人擴大。 Yhwh is, moreover, a spiritual being: hence no sensible representation can be framed of Him.耶和華是,此外,精神是:沒有合理的代表性,因此可以制定他。 Still less should Israel's devotions be paid to any other material object (iv. 12, 15-19).更不應以色列的奉獻支付給任何其他材料對象( iv. 12 , 15-19 ) 。 Yhwh has chosen Israel; and, in fulfilment of the promises given to its forefathers, has wonderfully delivered it from its bondage in Egypt, and assigned it a home in a bounteous and fertile land, to take possession of which it is now on the point of crossing the Jordan (vi. 10, 11; viii. 7-10).耶和華選擇了以色列,以及履行承諾給予其祖先,它提供了極好從債役在埃及,並賦予它一個家在好又多和肥沃的土地,佔有它現在點穿越約旦( vi. 10日, 11日;八。 7月10日) 。 In return for all these benefits it is the Israelite's duty to fear and to love Yhwh-to fear Him as the great and mighty God, whose judgments strike terror into all beholders (iv. 32-36, xi. 2-7); and to love Him on account of the affection and constancy with which, even as a father, He has ever dealt with Israel.以換取所有這些好處是以色列人的職責恐懼和愛Yhwh ,擔心他的偉大和強大的神,他的判決打擊恐怖納入所有beholders ( iv. 32-36 ,十一。 2-7 ) ;和愛他就到了感情和恆定的,即使作為一名父親,他都涉及以色列。 The love of God, an all-absorbing sense of personal devotion to Him, is propounded in Deuteronomy as the primary spring of human duty (vi. 5); it is the duty which is the direct corollary of the character of God and of Israel's relation to Him; the Israelite is to love Him with undivided affection ("with all thine heart, and with all thy soul," vi. 5; xiii. 3; xxx. 6; and elsewhere-an expression characteristic of Deuteronomy), renouncing everything that is in any degree inconsistent with loyalty to Him.上帝的愛,全吸收的個人奉獻他,是在申命記提出的主要責任人的春天( vi. 5 ) ;這是它的職責是直接必然的性質上帝和以色列的有關他的以色列人是愛他的專一的感情( “與所有你的心,和所有你的靈魂, ”六。 5 ;十三。 3 ;三十。 6 ;和其他地方,表達特點申命記) ,放棄一切,是在任何程度不符合忠誠給他。

This brings with it, on the one hand, an earnest and entire repudiation of all false gods, and of every rite or practise connected with idolatry; and, on the other hand, a cheerful and ready acquiescence in the positive commandments which He has laid down.這帶來了,一方面,認真和整個拒絕一切虛假神,每一個儀式或執業與偶像崇拜,以及在另一方面,開朗和準備默許的積極誡命他奠定了基礎向下的。 Of nothing is the Israelite more repeatedly and emphatically warned in Deuteronomy than of the temptations to idolatry, and of the perils of yielding to them.什麼是以色列人更一再強調警告申命記比的誘惑偶像崇拜,以及危險高產他們。 The heathen populations of Canaan are to be exterminated; no intermarriage, or other intercourse with them, is to be permitted; and their places of worship and religious symbols are to be ruthlessly destroyed (vii. 2-5; xii. 2, 3).人口的異教徒迦南要被消滅;不通婚,或其他與他們交往,要允許和他們的禮拜場所和宗教符號是無情摧毀( vii. 2-5 ;十二。 2 , 3 ) 。 Israel must ever remember that it is "holy" to Yhwh (vii. 6; xiv. 2, 21; xxvi. 19; xxviii. 9).以色列必須永遠記住,這是“神聖”的Yhwh ( vii. 6 ;十四。 2 , 21 ; 26 。 19 ;二十八。 9 ) 。 Canaanitish forms of divination and magic are not to be tolerated; an authorized order of prophets is to supply in Israel, so far as Yhwh permits it, the information and counsel for which other nations resorted to augurs and soothsayers (xviii. 9-19). Canaanitish形式的占卜和魔術是不被容忍;授權的先知是為了提供在以色列,只要Yhwh允許,信息和律師為其他國家訴諸預兆和soothsayers ( xviii. 9月19日) 。 Local shrines and altars, even though ostensibly dedicated to the worship of the true God, were liable to contamination, on the part of the unspiritual Israelites, by the admixtureof heathen rites; accordingly, the three great annual feasts are to be observed, and all sacrifices and other religious dues are to be rendered, it is repeatedly and strongly insisted, at a single central sanctuary, "the place which Yhwh shall choose . . . to set his name there" (xii. 5-7, 11, 14, 18, 26, and elsewhere).當地的神社和祭壇,儘管表面上致力於崇拜的真神,有可能被污染的部分非精神的猶太人,異教徒的admixtureof儀式;因此,三個偉大的年度節日是得到遵守,以及所有犧牲和其他宗教的會費,應使其,它一再強烈要求,在一個單一的中央聖殿“的地方,應選擇Yhwh 。 。 。設置有他的名字” ( xii. 5月7日, 11日, 14日, 18日, 26日,和其他地方) 。 Obedience to these commands, if it come from the heart and be sincere, will bring with it the blessing of Yhwh: disobedience will end in national disaster and exile (vi. 14-15, vii. 12-16, viii. 19, and especially xxviii.).服從這些命令,如果它來自心臟和真誠,將帶來的祝福Yhwh :不服從將結束在國家災害和流亡( vi. 14-15 ,七。 12月16日,八。 19日,和特別是二十八。 ) 。

Love of Neighbors.愛鄰居。

The practical form which devotion to Yhwh is to take is not, however, to be confined to religious duties, strictly so called.實際的形式奉獻Yhwh是採取不是,但是,只限於宗教職責,嚴格所謂。 It is to embrace also the Israelite's social and domestic life, and it is to determine his attitude toward the moral and civil ordinances prescribed to him.這是擁抱的以色列人的社會和家庭生活,這是確定其態度道德和民間條例訂明給他。 The individual laws contained in ch.個人法律載於總。 xii.-xxvi. are designed for the moral and social well-being of the nation; and it is the Israelite's duty to obey them accordingly. xii. - 26 。設計的道德和社會福利的國家,它是以色列人有義務服從他們因此。 Love of God involves the love of one's neighbor, and the avoidance of any act which may be detrimental to a neighbors' welfare.上帝的愛是愛自己的鄰居,並避免採取任何可能危害到鄰居的福利。 The Israelite must comport himself accordingly.在以色列人必須本人因此水果。 Duties involving directly the application of a moral principle are especially insisted on, particularly justice, integrity, equity, philanthropy, and generosity; and the laws embodying such principles are manifestly of paramount importance in the writer's eyes.職責涉及直接適用的道德原則,特別強調,尤其是正義,誠信,公平,慈善事業,和慷慨;和法律體現了這些原則顯然是至關重要的作家的眼睛。 Judges are to be appointed in every city, who are to administer justice with the strictest impartiality (xvi. 18-20).法官應任命於每個城市,誰是執法的嚴格公正( xvi. 18日至20日) 。 Fathers are not to be condemned judicially for the crimes of their children; nor children for the crimes of their fathers (xxiv.16).父親不應該受到譴責的罪行司法其子女;和兒童的罪行,他們父輩( xxiv.16 ) 。 Just weights and measures are to be used in all commercial transactions (xxv. 13-16); grave moral offenses are punished severely; death is the penalty not only for murder, but also for incorrigible behavior in a son, for unchastity, for adultery, and for man-stealing (xxi. 18-21, xxii. 20-27, xxiv. 7).剛剛七七七一一將用於所有的商業交易( xxv. 13日至16日) ;嚴重的道德行為的嚴厲懲罰;死刑是刑罰不僅是謀殺,而且還為不可救藥的行為的一個兒子,為不貞潔,通姦和人為盜竊( xxi. 18日至21日,二十二。 20-27 , 24 。 7 ) 。

But the author's ruling motive is humanity, whereever considerations of religion or morality do not force him to repress it.但是,作者的動機是人類的執政黨,只要考慮到宗教或道德不強迫他壓制它。 Thus philanthropy, promptitude, and liberality are to be shown toward those in difficulty and want-as the indigent in need of a loan (xv. 7-11); a slave at the time of his manumission (xv. 13-15); a fugitive (xxiii. 15, 16); a hired servant (xxiv. 14, 15); the "stranger [ie, resident foreigner], the fatherless, and the widow" (xiv. 29, and frequently elsewhere).因此,慈善事業, promptitude ,並慷慨要表現出對那些在困難和希望,為貧困需要貸款( xv. 7月11日) ;一個奴隸的時候,他manumission ( xv. 13日至15日) ;逃犯( xxiii. 15日, 16日) ;僱請的僕人( xxiv. 14日, 15日) ;的“陌生人[即駐地外國人]的父親,和寡婦” ( xiv. 29日,並經常在其他地方) 。 Gratitude and a sense of sympathy, evoked by the recollection of Israel's own past, are frequently appealed to as the motives by which the Israelite should in such cases be actuated (x. 19, "For ye were strangers in the land of Egypt"; xv. 15; xvi. 12; xxiv. 18, 22, "and thou shalt remember that thou wast a bondman in the land of Egypt").感謝和感同情,引起了以色列的回憶自己的過去,經常呼籲的動機其中以色列人應該在這種情況下,將啟動(十19 , “對於你們是陌生人在埃及的土地上” ;十五。 15 ;十六。 12 ;二十四。 18日, 22日, “和你應該記住,你浪費一bondman在埃及的土地上” ) 。 A spirit of forbearance, equity, and regard for the feelings or welfare of others underlies also many of the other regulations of Deuteronomy. Nowhere else in the Old Testament does there breathe such an atmosphere of generous devotion to God and of large-hearted benevolence toward men; nowhere else are duties and motives set forth with deeper feeling or with more moving eloquence; and nowhere else is it shown so fully how high and noble principles may be made to elevate and refine the entire life of the community.精神寬容,平等和尊重的感情或其他福利的背後也有許多其他規章申命記。獨一無二舊約也有呼吸的氣氛中進行的這種慷慨的奉獻精神和對上帝的大慈悲心的男子無處的職責和動機提出了更深的感情或更多的移動口才;和在其他地方是它充分表現出多麼高的崇高原則,可向提升和完善整個社會生活。

Song and Blessing of Moses.宋和祝福摩西。

The Song of Moses, contained in chap.摩西之歌,載於第二章。 xxxii.三十二。 1-34, is a didactic poem, the aim of which (verses 4-6) is to exemplify the rectitude and faithfulness of Yhwh as manifested in His dealings with a corrupt and ungrateful nation. 1-34 ,是一個教學詩,其目的(詩句4-6 )是體現正直和忠誠的Yhwh體現在他作為交易的腐敗和忘恩負義的民族。 Looking back upon the past, the poet, after the exordium (verses 1-3), describes, first, the providence that had brought Israel safely through the wilderness, and planted it in a land blessed abundantly by the goodness of Yhwh (verses 7-14); secondly, Israel's ingratitude and lapse into idolatry (verses 15-18), which had obliged Yhwh to threaten it with national disaster, and to bring it almost to the verge of ruin (verses 19-30); and thirdly, Yhwh's determination not to allow an unworthy foe to triumph over His people, but by speaking to them through the extremity of their need to bring them to a better mind, and so to make it possible for Himself to interpose and save them (verses 31-43).回首過去時,詩人,在緒論(詩句1-3 ) ,說明:第一,普羅維登斯說,以色列安全帶來了在荒野,並種植了它幸運地豐富了善良的Yhwh (詩句7 -14 ) ;其次,以色列的忘恩負義,並陷入偶像崇拜(詩句15-18 ) ,這不得不Yhwh威脅到它同國家的災難,並使其幾乎瀕臨破產(詩句19日至30日)和第三,耶和華的決心不允許一個不配敵人戰勝他的人民,而是說他們通過肢體的需要,使它們更好地考慮到,因此,以使人們有可能為自己干預,並將它們保存(詩句31 - 43 ) 。 The thought underlying the poem is thus the rescue of the people, by an act of grace, at the moment when annihilation seems imminent.思想的基本詩因此救援的人,通過行為的寬限期,在毀滅的時刻似乎迫在眉睫。 The author develops this theme with a glow of impassioned earnestness, and also with great literary and artistic skill. Chap.作者開發這個主題,以認真輝光的激情,同時也以極大的文學和藝術技巧。章。 xxxiii.三十三。 contains the "Blessing of Moses," consisting of a series of benedictions, or eulogies, pronounced upon the different tribes (Simeon excepted), with an exordium (verses 2-5) and it conclusion (verses 26-29).包含了“祝福的摩西” ,組成了一系列benedictions ,或如潮,明顯的不同部落(西梅昂除外) ,並緒論(詩句2-5 ) ,它的結論(詩句26-29 ) 。 The method of the author is to signalize some distinctive feature in the character, or occupation, or geographical situation of each tribe, with allusion, by preference, to the theocratic function discharged by it, and at the same time to celebrate the felicity, material and spiritual, of the nation as a whole, secured to it originally by Yhwh's goodness in the wilderness (verses 2-5), and maintained afterward, through the continuance of his protecting care, in Canaan (verses 26-29).該方法的作者是一些顯著的特徵信號的性質,或佔領,或地理位置的情況下每一個部落,與典故優惠,以解除神功能,並在同一時間,慶祝幸福,材料和精神,國家作為一個整體,擔保它最初由Yhwh的善良在荒野(詩句2-5 ) ,並保持後,通過繼續照顧他的保護,在迦南(詩句26-29 ) 。 In general character it resembles the blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 1-27); but if the two be compared attentively, there will be seen to be some noticeable points of difference.它在一般性質相似的祝福雅各布(將軍xlix 。 1月27日) ;但是,如果這兩個比較認真,將被看作是一些明顯的差異點。 The most salient features in Deut.最突出的特點Deut 。 xxxiii.三十三。 are the isolation and depression of Judah (verse 7; contrast the warm eulogy in Gen. xlix. 8-12), the honor and respect with which Levi is viewed (verses 8-11; contrast the unfavorable terms of Gen. xlix. 5-7), the strength and splendor of the double tribe of Joseph (verses 13-17; compare Gen. xlix. 22-26, with which there are some verbal resemblances), and the burst of grateful enthusiasm with which the poet celebrates the fortune of his nation, settled and secure, with the aid of its God, in its promised home.是孤立和抑鬱症的猶太(詩7 ;相反的熱烈悼詞中將軍xlix 。 8月12日) ,榮譽和尊重與列維看待(詩8月11日;相反的不利條件將軍xlix 。 5 -7 ) ,實力和輝煌的雙重部落約瑟夫(詩句13-17 ;比較將軍xlix 。 22日至26日,與有一些口頭相似之處) ,突發的感謝熱情,詩人慶祝財富,他的國家,解決和安全,借助其神,在其承諾的家園。 The tone of the blessing is very different from that of the song (xxxii.): the one reflects national happiness; the other, national disaster.基調的祝福是非常不同的歌曲( xxxii. ) :一個反映國家的幸福,另一方面,全國性的災難。 The two, it is evident, must have been composed at times in which the circumstances of the nation were very different.這兩個,很明顯,必須組成時,其中的情況,國家有很大不同。

Age and Authorship of Deuteronomy.作者的年齡和申命記。

It is the unanimous opinion of modern critics that Deuteronomy is not the work of Moses, but that it was, in its main parts, written in the seventh century BC, either during the reign of Manasseh, or during that of Josiah (but before his eighteenth year, the Book of the Law found in that year in theTemple [see II Kings xxii.-xxiii.] clearly containing Deuteronomy, if indeed it included anything more).它的一致意見,批評者說,現代申命記不是摩西的工作,但它是在其主要部分,寫在公元前7世紀,無論時期的瑪,或在此的約書亞(但在此之前他18年,這本書的法律發現在這一年中theTemple [見二國王xxii. - 23 。 ]明確載申命記,如果確實有什麼更多的) 。 The reasons for this conclusion, stated here in the briefest outline, are as follows: (1) Even upon the assumption that JE in Exodus and Numbers is Mosaic, the historical discrepancies in Deut. i-iv.造成這種情況的原因的結論,在這裡指出了這一大綱如下: ( 1 )即使在假定這個乙腦在流亡和數字馬賽克,歷史差異Deut 。一至四。 and ix.-x., and the terms in which incidents belonging to the fortieth year of the Exodus are referred to, preclude the possibility of Deuteronomy being Mosaic likewise; while the use of the expression "beyond Jordan" in i.和ix.-x. ,並在其中的條款事件屬於四十週年外流提到,排除申命記正在花葉同樣;而使用“超越喬丹”的一 1, 5; iii. 1 , 5 ;三。 8; iv. 8 ;四。 41, 46, 47, 49, for eastern Palestine, implies that the author was a resident in western Palestine. 41 , 46 , 47 , 49 ,東巴勒斯坦,意味著作者是一個居住在西方的巴勒斯坦。 (2) The same conclusion follows, a fortiori, for those who allow that JE is a post-Mosaic document, from the fact, noticed above, that JE itself, both in the narrative parts and in the laws, is repeatedly quoted in Deuteronomy. ( 2 )相同的結論如下,更何況,對於那些誰允許這種乙腦是一個後花葉文件,從事實上,發現上述情況,該乙腦本身,無論是在敘事部分和法律,是反复引用申命記。 (3) In Deuteronomy it is strictly laid down that sacrifice is to be offered at a single central sanctuary (xii. 5, 11, 14, etc.); whereas in Joshua to I Kings vi. ( 3 )在申命記是嚴格規定,犧牲的是提供一個單一的中央聖殿( xii. 5 , 11 , 14等) ;而在約書亞以王六。 sacrifices are frequently described as offered in various parts of the land (in accordance with the law of Ex. xx. 24), without any indication on the part of either the actor or the narrator that a law such as that of Deuteronomy is being infringed. (4) The other differences between the legislation of Deuteronomy and that of Ex.犧牲常常形容為提供各地區的土地(依照法律規定的防爆。二十。 24 ) ,沒有任何跡象表明對任何一方的演員或敘述者的法律如申命記是被侵犯。 ( 4 )其他法律之間的差異的申命記和惠。 xxi.-xxiii. xxi. -二十三。 point with some cogency to the conclusion that the laws of Deuteronomy originated in a later and more highly developed stage of society than the laws of Exodus.點了一些中肯的結論是,法律的申命記起源於稍後和更高度發達的階段,社會的法律比外流。 (5) The law of the kingdom (xvii. 14-20) is colored by reminiscences of the monarchy of Solomon. ( 5 )法律王國( xvii. 14日至20日)是彩色的回憶君主制所羅門。 (6) The forms of idolatry referred to-especially the worship of the "host of heaven" (iv. 19, xvii. 7)-point to a date not earlier than the reign of Ahaz, and more probably to one in the seventh century BC ( 6 )形式的偶像崇拜提到,特別是崇拜“主機的天堂” ( iv. 19十七。 7 ) ,指向一個日期不早於在位Ahaz ,更可能是一個在第七世紀

Influence on Subsequent Writers.在隨後的影響作家。

(7) The influence of Deuteronomy upon subsequent writers is clear and indisputable. ( 7 )申命記的影響後,以後的作家是明確的,不容置疑的。 It is remarkable that Amos, Hosea, and the undisputed portions of Isaiah show no certain traces of this influence, while Jeremiah exhibits marks of it on nearly every page. If Deuteronomy had been composed between Isaiah and Jeremiah, these facts would be exactly accounted for.值得注意的是,阿摩司,何西阿,並無可爭議的部分以賽亞查看沒有某些痕跡,這種影響力,而耶利米展品標誌著它在幾乎所有的網頁。如果申命記組成了以賽亞和耶利米之間,這些事實將完全佔。 (8) Tile language and style of Deuteronomy-clear and flowing, free from archaisms, but purer than that of Jeremiah-would suit the same period. ( 8 )瓷磚的語言和風格申命記,明確和流動,不受archaisms ,但純度超過耶利米,是否適合在同一時期。 (9) The prophetic teachings of Deuteronomy-the leading theological ideas and the principles which the author seeks to inculcate-exhibit many points of contact with that of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and especially with the characteristic principles of the compiler of the Book of Kings (who must have lived in the same age). ( 9 )先知的教誨申命記,領先的神學思想和原則,作者試圖灌輸,展出許多接觸點與耶利米和以西結書,特別是與特徵原則編譯的書國王(誰必須生活在同一年齡) 。

Upon these grounds (which, when studied in detail, are seen to possess far greater cogency than can be conveyed by a mere summary) it is concluded by modern critics that Deuteronomy is in reality a work of the seventh century BC It is not difficult to realize the significance which the book must have had if it were written at this time.這些理由(其中,在詳細研究,被認為擁有更大的說服力比可轉達僅僅摘要)這是總結近代評論家認為申命記實際上是工作的公元前七世紀不難實現這本書的意義,必須有書面如果它在這個時候。 It was a great protest against the prevalent tendencies of the age.這是一場偉大的抗議流行趨勢的年齡。 It laid down the lines of a great religious reform.它奠定了線的偉大宗教的改革。 The century was one in which-as Jeremiah and the Books of Kings sufficiently testify-heathenism was making serious encroachments in Judah.本世紀是一個在其中,作為耶利米和圖書的國王充分證明,異教正在嚴重侵犯在猶太。 The Book of Deuteronomy was an endeavor by means of a dramatic use of the last words of Moses-based, not improbably, upon an actual tradition of a concluding address delivered by the great leader to his people-to reaffirm the fundamental principles of Israel's religion (namely, loyalty to Yhwh and the repudiation of all false gods) and to recall the people to a holier life and to a purer service of Yhwh.申命記書是努力通過戲劇性利用最後一句話摩西為基礎的,而不是improbably後,實際的傳統,總結講話的偉大領袖對他的人民,重申的基本原則,以色列的宗教(即忠誠Yhwh和反對任何虛假的神) ,並回顧了人民神聖的生命和一個純服務Yhwh 。 So far as its more distinctively legal parts are concerned, Deuteronomy may be described as the prophetic reformulation and adaptation to new needs of an older legislation (namely, the laws contained in JE).至於它的獨特的法律部分而言,申命記可稱為預言重新和適應新的需要,舊的法律(即法律載於乙腦) 。 It is essentially the work not of a jurist or statesman, but of a prophet; a system of wise laws (iv. 6-8), consistently obeyed, is indeed, as explained above, a condition of the welfare of the community; but the points of view from which these laws are presented, the principles which the author evidently has at heart, the oratorical treatment, and the warm parenetic tone, are all characteristic of the prophet, and are all the creation of the prophetic spirit.它基本上是沒有工作的法學家或政治家,而是一個先知;制度的明智法律( iv. 6-8 ) ,始終服從,確實是,正如上文所述,一個條件的福利社會,但觀點從這些法律,提出的原則的作者顯然在心臟,演說的待遇,和熱情parenetic語氣,都是特點先知,並都建立了先知的精神。

Its Composite Character.其綜合性質。

[For reasons which can not be here developed, the discourses of Deuteronomy do not appear to be all from the same hand. [原因而不能在這裡發展,論述了申命記似乎不都來自同一手。 The kernel of the book consists of ch.內核的書籍包括膽固醇。 v.-xxvi.五, 26 。 and xxviii., and this, no doubt, constituted the book found in the Temple by Hilkiah.和二十八。 ,這毫無疑問,構成了這本書在聖殿的Hilkiah 。 It was probably preceded by ch.這可能是之前總。 i.-iv. (with the exception of a few verses here and there which seem to be of later origin), though most modern critics are of opinion that these chapters were preflxed to it afterward. (除了少數的詩句在這裡和那裡似乎是後來出身) ,但最現代的批評者認為這些章節被preflxed它之後。 Some little time after the kernel of Deuteronomy was composed, it appears to have been enlarged by a second Deuteronomic writer (D2), who supplemented the work of his predecessor (D1) by adding ch.一些沒有時間後申命記的核心組成,它似乎已經擴大了第二Deuteronomic作家(氘) ,誰補充的工作,他的前任( 1點) ,增加總。 xxvii., xxix.二十七。 ,第29屆。 10-29, xxx. 10月29日,三十。 1-10, and some other short passages in xxix.-xxxiv., together with the song (xxxii. 1-43) and the historical notices belonging to it (xxxi. 16-22, xxxii. 44). Finally, at it still later date, the whole thus formed was brought formally into relation with the literary framework of the Hexateuch as an entirety by the addition of some brief extracts from P (i. 3, xxxiv. 1 and 5 [partly], 7-9). 1月10日,和其他一些短期段落xxix. -三十四。連同這首歌( xxxii. 1-43 )和歷史上的告示屬於它( xxxi. 16日至22日,三十二。 44 ) 。最後,在這仍然日後,整個從而形成被正式納入與文學框架Hexateuch作為一個整體,增加了一些簡短的摘錄從P (一3 ,三十四。 1和第5 [部分] , 7月9日) 。 At what stage in the history of the text the blessing (xxxiii.) was introduced is uncertain.在哪個階段歷史上的文字的祝福( xxxiii. )介紹了不確定性。 The song was probably written in the age of Jeremiah; the blessing is earlier, being assigned by most critics to the reign of Jeroboam II.]這首歌寫的可能是年齡的耶利米;的祝福早,被指派的大部分批評的統治耶羅波安二。 ]

Style of Deuteronomy.申命記風格。

The style of the Deuteronomic discourses is very marked.的風格Deuteronomic論述是非常明顯的。 Not only do particular words and expressions, embodying often the writer's characteristic thoughts, recur with remarkable frequency, giving a distinctive coloring to every part of his work, but the long and rolling periods in which the author expresses himself-which have the effect of carrying the reader with them and holding him enthralled by their oratorical power-are a new feature in Hebrew literature. The author has a wonderful command of Hebrew style.不僅特別詞語,體現往往是作家的思想特點,發生了顯著的頻率,提供了獨特的色彩,以他的每一個部分的工作,但長期和滾動期,其中的作者表示自己,而產生的影響進行讀者與他們舉行他的演講吸引了權力是一種新的功能,希伯萊文學。作者有一個美好的指揮希伯來風格。 His practical aims, and the parenctic treatment which as a rule his subject demands, oblige him naturally to expand and reiterate more than is usually the case with Hebrew writers; nevertheless, his discourse, while never (in the bad sense of the term) rhetorical, always maintains its freshness, and is never monotonous or prolix. The influence of Deuteronomy upon the later literature of the Old Testament is very perceptible.他的實際目的,並parenctic待遇作為一項規則的主題要求,迫使他自然擴大,並重申超過通常的情況希伯來語作家;儘管如此,他的話語,而從來沒有(在不良意義上的)修辭,始終保持新鮮,是永遠不會單調或冗長。申命記的影響後,後來文學舊約是非常明顯的。 Upon its promulgation it speedily became the book which both gave the religious ideals of the age andmolded the phraseology in which these ideals were expressed.它的頒布後,迅速成為本書都讓宗教理想的年齡andmolded的用語中,表示了這些理想。 The style of Deuteronomy, when once it had been found, lent itself readily to adoption; and thus a school of writers, imbued with its spirit, quickly arose, who have stamped their mark upon many parts of the Old Testament.申命記的風格時,一旦被發現,借給本身容易通過;並因此一所學校的作家,充滿了精神,迅速站起身來,誰都蓋上自己的商標後,許多地區的舊約。 As has been just, remarked, even the original Deuteronomy itself seems in places to have received expansion at the hands of a Deuteronomic editor (or editors).正如已經公正,指出,即使原來的申命記本身似乎在地方得到擴張的手中, Deuteronomic編輯器(或編輯) 。 In the historical books, especially Joshua, Judges, and Kings, passages-consisting usually of speeches, or additions to speeches, placed in the mouths of prominent historical characters, or of reflections upon the religious aspects of the history-constantly recur, distinguished from the general current of the narrative by their strongly marked Deuteronomic phraseology, and evidently either composed entirely, or expanded from a narrative originally brief, by a distinct writer; namely, the Deuteronomic compiler or editor.在歷史書籍,尤其是約書亞,法官和國王隊,通道,由通常的演講,或補充發言,放在突出的嘴歷史人物,或思考宗教問題的歷史不斷重演,區別於一般目前的敘述他們的強烈標誌著Deuteronomic用語,顯然不是完全,或擴大,從最初簡單的說明,通過一個獨特的作家;即Deuteronomic編譯或編輯。 Among the Prophets, Jeremiah, especially in his prose passages, shows most conspicuously the influence of Deuteronomy; but it is also perceptible in many later writings, as in parts of Chronicles, and in the prayers in Neh.在先知耶利米,尤其是在他的散文段落,表明最顯眼的影響申命記;但它也明顯在許多後來的著作,如部分地區的編年史,並在祈禱中Neh 。 i., ix., and Dan.一,九。 ,和Dan 。 ix.九。

Bibliography:參考書目:

Of recent commentaries reference may be made to those of Dillmann (1886), Driver (1895; 2d ed., 1896), Steuernagel (1898), and Bertholet (1899); and with reference to sources, the Oxford Hexateuch (1900), i.最近的評注可參照這些Dillmann ( 1886年) ,驅動程序( 1895年;二維版。 , 1896年) , Steuernagel ( 1898 ) ,和Bertholet ( 1899 ) ;並參照來源,牛津Hexateuch ( 1900 ) ,字母i. 70-97, 200 et seq., ii. 70-97 , 200起。 ,二。 246 et seq., may be mentioned.J. 246起。可mentioned.J 。 Jr. SRD小開關磁阻電動機

-Critical View:臨界查看:

II.二。 Scientific criticism denies both the unity and the authenticity of Deuteronomy, and brings forward definite theories regarding its composition, date of writing, and place in the development of law and religion.科學批判否認雙方的團結和申命記的真實性,並提出明確的理論,就其組成,日期的書面形式,並在發展的法律和宗教。 The critical problems presented by this book are especially difficult, and the way in which they are solved is decisive not only for the criticism of the whole of the Pentateuch, but for the total conception of the religion of the OT and its development.的關鍵問題提出的這本書更是特別困難,並以何種方式解決是決定性的不僅是批評,整個五經,但總的宗教觀念的催產素和其發展。 The book is divided on the whole as follows: the Deuteronomic law proper, xii.-xxvi.; the parenctic introduction, v.-xi., and peroration, xxvii.(xxviii)-xxx.; and the historical setting; that is, the introduction, i.-iv., and the peroration to the whole book, xxxi.這本書分為上整個如下: Deuteronomic法律正確, xii. - 26 。 ;的parenctic介紹, v.-xi. ,並peroration ,二十七。 ( XXVIII )號決議,三十。 ;和歷史背景,這是,引進, i.-iv. ,和peroration的整本書,三十一。 to end.結束。

Analysis of Sources.分析來源。

Nearly all critics agree that the introduction, i.-iv.幾乎所有的評論家一致認為,引進, i.-iv. 40 (43), can not be the work of the author of v.-xi., or v.-xxvi., as (1) it contains contradictions to that portion, namely, ii. 40 ( 43 ) ,不能工作的作者v.-xi. ,或訴- 26 。 ,因為( 1 )它包含矛盾的部分,即二。 14 (also i. 35-39) to v. 3 (also vii. 19-ix. 2-23, xi. 2), ii. 14 (也一35-39 ) ,以五3 (也七。 19九。 2月23日,十一。 2 ) ,二。 29 to xxiii. 29日至二十三。 5, and iv. 5 ,和第四。 41-43 to xix. 41-43至十九。 2; (2) iv. 2 ; ( 2 )四。 45-49, the superscription, is incompatible with that in i. 45-49 ,在superscription ,不符合,在一 5; (3) the introduction i.-iv. 5 ; ( 3 )採用i.-iv. is different in motive, being historic and not parenctic.是不同的動機,是歷史性的,而不是parenctic 。 This historical introduction was written by a Deuteronomist (D2); that is, an author writing in the style and spirit of Deuteronomy at a time when the Jahvist-Elohist narrative (JE) of the preceding books, Exodus-Numbers, was not yet united with Deuteronomy (Reuss, Hollenberg, Kuenen, Wellhausen, Cornill, Steuernagel, etc.).這一歷史簡介寫的Deuteronomist (氘) ,也就是說,作者寫作的風格和精神申命記在這個時候Jahvist - Elohist說明(乙腦)前書,出埃及記號碼,尚未聯合國與申命記( Reuss , Hollenberg , Kuenen ,豪森, Cornill , Steuernagel等) 。 But as, after the combination of JE with Deuteronomy the narrative portion in the latter was duplicated, the original narrative, which also included iv.但是,隨著之後,結合乙腦與申命記敘述部分,後者是重複的,原始的敘述,其中也包括四。 41-43 and ix. 41-43和第九。 25-x. 25 - X低。 11, was, according to Dillmann, changed by the Deuteronomic editor (Rd) into a speech by Moses, excepting the passages ii. 11 ,根據Dillmann ,改變了Deuteronomic編輯器(路)到摩西的講話,除通道二。 10-12, 20-23; iii. 10月12日, 20日至23日;三。 9, 11, 14; iv. 9 , 11 , 14 ;四。 41-43; x. 41-43 ;十 6, 7, which were not suited for the purpose. 6日, 7日,這是不適合的目的。 Therefore i.-iii. are by the author of Deuteronomy and iv.因此,一至三。是由作者的申命記和四。 1-40 was added by Rd in order to give a parenetic ending to his speech of Moses. 1-40添加的路,以便讓parenetic結束他的講話摩西。 Horst also separates i.-iii.克勒還分隔島,三。 from iv.從四。 1-40. 1-40 。 Portions from.部分從。 ch.總。 ix.九。 and x.和十 also belong to i.-iii., in the following sequence: ix.也屬於一至三。 ,在下列順序:九。 9b, 11, 12-14, 25-29, 15, 16, 21, 18-20; x. 9B條, 11日, 12月14日, 25日至29日, 15日, 16日, 21日, 18日至20日;十 1-5, 10, 11; then followed i. 1月5日, 10日, 11日;然後一 6-iii. 29, i. 6三。 29日,一 6-8 preceding i. 6月8號前一 9-18. 9月18日。 Ch.總。 ii.二。 10-12, 20-23; iii. 10月12日, 20日至23日;三。 9, 11b, 13b-14; x. 9 , 11B款, 13B條,第14條;十 6-9 are marginal notes by a learned reader. 6月9日是旁注的教訓讀者。 Ch.總。 iii.三。 29 is followed by xxxi. 29其次是三十一。 1-8, and ch. 1月8日,和CH 。 xxxiv.三十四。 constitutes the end.構成年底。 Horst, in other words, constructs from the historical notes in i.-xi.霍斯特,換句話說,建造的歷史說明, i.-xi. a chronological account of the events in the wilderness after the Law had been promulgated.時間順序的各項活動在野外後,頒布了。 Steuernagel, finally, considers all the passages with the address in the singular (i. 21, 31a; ii. 7, etc.) as later interpolations. Steuernagel ,最後,認為所有的通道中的地址與奇異(一21 , 31A條;二。 7等) ,後來插值。

All these source-analyses, and the separation of i.-iv.所有這些源代碼的分析,並分離i.-iv. from the rest of the book, to which only Hoonacker has hitherto objected, are inadmissible, for (1) the supposed contradictions do not exist; (2) i.其餘的書籍,其中只有Hoonacker迄今反對,是不可接受的,因為( 1 )假定的矛盾不存在; ( 2 )一 5 is no superscription, while i. 5沒有superscription ,而一 1 is an epilogue to Num. (Knobel, Herxheimer, Klostermann); and (3) all the critics have misunderstood the import of the introduction, ch. 1是一個尾聲,以序號。 (克諾貝爾,赫克斯海默, Klostermann ) ;和( 3 )所有的批評者們誤解進口引進,甲烷。 i.-iv., which is not a historical or chronological account, but in its general character and in its details a single and continuous reproof based upon Israel's guilt contrasted with God's manifold mercies, and therefore as clearly of a parenetic nature as are the other parts of the book. i.-iv. ,這不是歷史的或順序的帳戶,但在其一般性特徵和在其細節的單一和不斷責備根據以色列的內疚對比上帝的多方面的憐憫,因此,明確的parenetic的性質其他地方的圖書。

Variations of Analysis.變化的分析。

Ch.總。 v.-xi.: Wellhausen holds that this passage does not belong to the original Deuteronomy as it is too long for an introduction: "Moses is forever trying to get at his point, but never gets to it." Wellhausen is followed by Valeton, who designates v. 5, vii. v.-xi. :豪森認為這一段不屬於原始申命記,因為它太長的介紹: “摩西永遠是想在他的觀點,但從來沒有得到它。 ”豪森其次是莪,誰指定訴5 ,七。 17-26, ix. 17日至26日,九。 18-20, 22, 23, x. 18日至20日, 22日, 23日,十 1-10a, 18-20, xi. 1 - 10A條, 18日至20日,十一。 13-21 as interpolations, and by Cornill, who considers only x. 13-21為插值,並Cornill ,誰認為只有十 1-9 as such, and designates this parenetic introduction as Dp in contrast to the historical i.-iv., Dh.; D'Eichthal, on the other hand, distinguishes three documents: (1) a glorification of God and Israel-v. 1月9日等,並指定此parenetic言作為DP在對比的是歷史i.-iv. , 生署。 ;德Eichthal ,另一方面,區分三個文件: ( 1 )頌揚上帝和以色列五 1-3, 29 et seq.; vi. 1月3日, 29日起。 ;六。 1-25; vii. 1月25日;七。 7-24, 1-6, 25, 26; (2) exhortations to humility-viii. 7月24日, 1月6日, 25日, 26日; ( 2 )告誡謙卑八。 1-20; ix. 1-8, 22-24; (3) a further glorification of Israel-x. 1月20日;九。 1月8日, 22日至24日; ( 3 )進一步美化以色列- X低。 21 et seq.; xi. 1-28, 32. 21起。 ;十一。 1月28日, 32 。 According to Horst, the Law begins in ch.據霍斯特,法律開始在CH 。 v., into which parenetic insertions (vii. 6b-10, 17-24; viii.; ix. 1-9a, 10, 22-24; x. 12-xi. 12, 22-25 [26-32]) have been forced.五,將其parenetic插入( vii.型- 10 , 17-24 ;八。 ;九。 1 - 9A條, 10 , 22-24 ;十12十一。 12日, 22日至25日[ 26-32 ] )被強迫。 Steuernagel distinguishes in v.-xi. Steuernagel區別在v.-xi. two combined introductions to the Law-namely, one with the plural form of address: v. 1-4, 20-28; ix. 9, 11, 13-17, 21, 25-29; x.兩個聯合推出的法律,即,一個複數形式的地址:五, 1-4 , 20-28 ;九。 9日, 11日, 13日至17日, 21日, 25日至29日;十 1-5, 11, 16, 17; xi. 1月5日, 11日, 16日, 17日;十一。 2-5, 7, 16-17, 22-28; and another with the singular form of address: vi. 2月5日, 7日, 16-17 , 22-28 ;和另一個奇異形式的地址:六。 4-5, 10-13, 15; vii. 4月5日, 10月13日, 15 ;七。 1-4a, 6, 9, 12b-16a, 17-21, 23-24; viii. 1 - 4A型, 6 , 9 , 12B條,第16A , 17日至21日, 23日至24日;八。 2-5, 7-14, 17-18; ix. 1-4a, 5-7a; x. 1 - 4A型, 5 - 7A條;十 12, 14-15, 21 (22?); xi. 12 , 14-15 , 21 ( 22 ? ) ;十一。 10-12, 14-15. Kuenen, Oettli, König, and Strack ("Einleitung," 4th ed., p. 42) object to the separation of v.-xi., which is in fact entirely unnecessary, and makes of xii.-xxvi. 10月12日, 14日至15日。 Kuenen ,歐特列,柯尼格,和施特拉克( “導論” ,第4版。 ,第42頁)反對分離v.-xi. ,這實際上是完全不必要的,並提出了xii. - 26 。 a fragment, this splitting up into fragments resting on no other foundation than the fiction that a briefer original Deuteronomy had been in existence to accommodate an impatient reader limited in time.片段,這個分裂成碎塊休息的基礎上沒有任何其他的小說比,一個簡短的原始申命記已經存在,以適應一個不耐煩的讀者有限的時間。

Ch.總。 xii.-xxvi.: Since the assertion of Wellhausen ("Composition des Hexateuchs," p. 194), that themain division of the book has also been worked over, sources, interpolations, etc., have likewise been discovered within this part. xii. - 26 。 :自主張豪森( “作文之Hexateuchs ” ,第194頁) ,即themain司預訂工作也已結束,來源,插等,也同樣被發現在這一部分。 In ch.在CH 。 xii.十二。 Vater had already assumed two duplicates-verses 5-7 parallel to 11, 12, and 15-19 parallel to 20-28-this opinion being shared by Cornill and in part by Stade ("Gesch. Israels," i. 658).壺腹部已經承擔兩個重複,詩句5-7平行11 , 12 ,和第15-19平行20 - 28 -這一意見被共享的Cornill和部分體育場( “ Gesch 。以色列, ”一658 ) 。 Steinthal even distinguishes seven fragments in this chapter: (1) 1-7; (2) 8-12; (3) 13-16; (4) 17-19; (5) 20, 26-28; (6) 21-25; (7) 29-31 and xiii.施泰因塔爾區別7碎片甚至在本章中: ( 1 ) 1-7 ( 2 ) 8月12日; ( 3 ) 13-16 ; ( 4 ) 17-19 ; ( 5 ) 20日, 26日至28日; ( 6 ) 21 -25 ; ( 7 ) 29-31和第十三。 1. 1 。 Nearly the same is assumed by Stärk.幾乎相同的是承擔鮮明。 D'Eichthal divides xii.德Eichthal分為十二。 into two documents: (1) 1-3, 29-31; (2) 4-28.分為兩個文件: ( 1 ) 1月3日, 29日至31日; ( 2 ) 4月28日。 Horst thinks that 4-28 is a combination of four different texts.克勒認為, 4月28日是一個組合的4種不同的文本。 Steuernagel divides the chapter thus: (1) 1; (2) 2-12, subdivided into (3) 2; (4) 4-7; (5) 8-10; (6) 13-27, subdivided into (7) 15, 16; (8) 22-25; and (9) 28. Steuernagel章從而劃分為: ( 1 ) 1 ( 2 ) 2月12日,分為( 3 ) 2 , ( 4 ) 4-7 ( 5 ) 8月10日; ( 6 ) 13日至27日,分為( 7 ) 15日, 16日; ( 8 ) 22日至25日;和( 9 ) 28 。 Underlying all these efforts to split its chapters into fragments and parts of fragments is a misconception of the style of Deuteronomy.所有這些努力將其變成碎片的章節和部分碎片是一種誤解的風格申命記。

The following, among other criticisms, may be mentioned: Beginning with Wellhausen, almost all critics consider xv.下面,除其他的批評,可能會提到:從豪森,幾乎所有的評論家認為十五。 4, 5 as a gloss or correction to xv. 4日, 5日為光澤或更正十五。 7, 11, because they do not take into account the meaning and connection. 7 , 11 ,因為他們沒有考慮到的含義和連接。 The passage xvi.通過十六。 21-xvii. 21十七。 7 is in the wrong place, according to Wellhausen, Cornill, Stärk, and others, while Valeton and Kuenen admit this only of xvi. 7是在錯誤的地點,根據豪森, Cornill ,鮮明的,和其他人,而莪和Kuenen承認這不僅是本篤十六世。 21-xvii. 21十七。 1. 1 。 Wellhausen, Stade, Cornill, and others do not include the "king's law," xvii. 4-20, in Deuteronomy.豪森,體育場, Cornill ,和其他不包括“國王的法律, ”十七。 4月20日,在申命記。 In ch.在CH 。 xxiii.二十三。 verses 3-9 have been objected to by Geiger, Wellhausen, Stade, and Valeton, while Kuenen rejects their criticism.詩句3-9已反對由蓋格,豪森,體育場,和莪,而Kuenen拒絕他們的批評。 D'Eichthal finds contradictions between xxvi.德Eichthal發現矛盾二十六。 3, 4 and xxvi. 3 ,第4和26 。 11; Horst, between xxvi. 11 ;霍斯特之間二十六。 1-15 and xiv. 1月15日和十四。 22-29. 22-29 。 The latest critics, Stärk and Steuernagel, have gone furthest in rearranging and cutting up the text.最新的批評,斯塔克和Steuernagel ,已經走得最遠的重新安排和裁員的案文。 Starting with the twofold mode of address-singular and plural-both assume that two works were combined, each of which again, according to Steuernagel, was based on a number of different sources.首先是雙重模式的地址,單數和複數,這兩個假定兩個工程結合起來,每個再次,根據Steuernagel ,是基於一些不同的來源。 These and other critics (1) forget that the categories of the critic are not necessarily those of the author; (2) fail to explain how the present discrepancies were derived from a previous orderly arrangement, for in view of the continual change of address a separation of passages based on it can be effected only by resorting to violence; (3) should first have examined whether the noteworthy changes in the forms of address have no internal warrant.這些和其他一些批評者( 1 )忘記,類別的評論家不一定是作者; ( 2 )不能說明目前的差異主要來自以前的有序安排,在考慮到不斷變化的處理分離通道的基礎上,可以影響只有通過訴諸暴力; ( 3 )應首先審查是否值得注意的變化形式的處理沒有內部逮捕證。 While it is possible that xii.-xxvi.雖然有可能xii. - 26 。 has been subjected to many revisions, changes, and interpolations, as a legal code naturally would be, nothing to that effect can be proved.受到了許多修改,變更,插值,作為一項法律規定,自然會,沒有任何這方面可以證明。

Supposed Sources of xxvii.-xxx.假定源xxvii. -三十。

Ch.總。 xxvii-xxx.: Kuenen criticizes xxvii.二十七,三十。 : Kuenen批評二十七。 as follows: Not attributable to the Deuteronomist are: (1) 1-8, because they include an earlier account-5-7a; and (2) 11-13, because they refer back to xi.如下:不能歸屬於Deuteronomist是: ( 1 ) 1月8日,因為其中包括較早帳戶- 5 - 7A條;和( 2 ) 11月13日,因為他們重提十一。 29-30, although misunderstanding the passage. 29日至30日,儘管誤解通過。 Verses 14-26 constitute a later interpolation; hence only 9, 10 remain for D1. This opinion is shared by Ewald, Kleinert, Kayser, Dillmann. According to Wellhausen, xxviii. 14-26詩詞構成後來插值;因此只有9日, 10日繼續於D1 。這種意見是共同的埃瓦爾德,萊內特,耶塞Dillmann 。根據豪森,二十八。 does not agree with xxvii.; xxviii.-xxx.不同意二十七。 ; xxviii. -三十。 are parallel to xxvii., each being a different conclusion to two different editions of the chief part, xii.-xxvi. corresponding to the two prefaces i-iv.平行二十七。 ,每一個不同的結論,以兩個不同版本的主要組成部分, xii. - 26 。相當於兩個前言一至四。 and v.-xi.和v.-xi. Ch.總。 xxviii. itself lacks unity.二十八。本身缺乏團結。 Valeton ascribes only 1-6, 15-19 to the author of the hortatory v.-xi., considering all else as later expansions. Kleinert considers 28-37 and 49-57 as later interpolations.莪歸因只有1-6 , 15-19作者的勸告v.-xi. ,考慮所有其他的後來擴展。萊內特認為28-37和49-57以後插值。 Dillmann also assumes numerous interpolations by a later editor. Dillmann還承擔了許多插值以後編輯器。 In the two following chapters Kleinert considers xxix.在以下兩個章節萊內特認為二十九。 21-27 and xxx. 21-27和XXX 。 1-10 as interpolations. 1月10日作為插值。 Kuenen ascribes both chapters to another author. Ch. Kuenen歸因章另一個作者。總。 xxi-xxxiv.: Not only the critics but also the apologists refuse to consider these closing chapters, wholly or in part, as due to the author of Deuteronomy proper.二十一,三十四。 :不僅批評,而且還辯護士拒絕考慮這些閉幕章節,全部或部分,如因作者申命記適當。 (1) xxxi. ( 1 )三十一。 1-8, parallel to Num. 1月8日,平行的序號。 xxvii. 15-23, is a continuation of iii.二十七。 15-23 ,是一個繼續三。 28 et seq., by the same author; xxxi. 28起。 ,由同一作者;三十一。 9-13 forms the close of the law-book, xxx. 9月13日形成了密切的法律書籍,三十。 20; (2) xxxi. 20 ; ( 2 )三十一。 14-30 serves as introduction to the song of Moses, belonging with it to the passages incorporated later in Deuteronomy; ch. 14-30充當介紹這首歌的摩西,屬於它的段落納入後來在申命記;總。 xxxii.三十二。 44-47 is the ending to the song, and to xxxi. 44-47是結束的歌曲,並三十一。 15-29; 48-52 are taken from the Priestly Code (P); (3) xxxiii. 15-29 ; 48-52摘自祭司碼(規劃) ; ( 3 )三十三。 is an old document incorporated by the editor; (4) xxxiv., Moses' death, is combined from different accounts; the following verses are taken from P: 1a and 5 (revised), 7-9 (Dillmann); 1-7a, 8, 9 (Wellhausen); 1a, 8, 9, 1a, 7a, 8, 9 (Kuenen); 1a, 8, 9 (Cornill).是一個古老的文件中所用的編輯器; ( 4 )三十四。 ,摩西的死,是從不同的帳戶相結合;下面的詩句是採取從P : 1A和5 (修訂) , 7-9 ( Dillmann ) ; 1 - 7A條, 8 , 9 (豪森) ; 1A款,第8 ,第9 ,第1a , 7A條,第8 ,第9 ( Kuenen ) ; 1A款,第8 ,第9 ( Cornill ) 。 To J belong: 1b, 4(Dilimann); lb-7 (Cornill).至J屬於: 1B款,第4條( Dilimann ) ;磅- 7 ( Cornill ) 。 To JE belong: 10 (Dillmann); 2-7, 10-12 (Wellhausen; revised); 1b-3, 5-7b, 10 (Kuenen).以乙腦屬於: 10 ( Dillmann ) ; 2月7日, 10月12日(豪森;修訂) ;第1b - 3 , 5 - 7B條,第10條( Kuenen ) 。 To D belong: 1a β 6 (revised), 11, 12 (Dillmann); and lb β 2-3, an interpolation.至D屬於:第1a β 6 (修訂本) , 11 , 12 ( Dillmann ) ;和β 2-3磅,一個插值。 According to Wellhausen, 2-7, 10-12, Kuenen 4-6, 7a, 11-12, Cornill 10-12, are editorial interpolations.據威爾浩生, 2月7日, 10月12日, Kuenen四月六日,第7A , 11月12日, Cornill 10月12日,正在編輯插值。

Date and Tendency.日期和趨勢。

Ranke, Hävernick, Hengstenberg, Baumgarten, Fr.蘭克, Hävernick ,亨斯,鮑姆加滕神父。 W. Schultz, Keil, Kühel, Bissel, and other apologists ascribe the book to Moses.舒爾茨, Keil公司, Kühel , Bissel ,和其他辯護士賦予這本書摩西。 This view is criticized on the following grounds: (1) The account of the discourses of Moses, their writing and transmission (xxxi. 9, 24-26; xxviii. 58, 61; xxix. 19, 20, 26; xxx. 11; xvii. 18 et seq.), can not be by Moses.這種觀點是批評,理由如下: ( 1 )帳戶的論述摩西,其寫作和傳輸( xxxi. 9日, 24日至26日;二十八。 58 , 61 ;二十九。 19 , 20 , 26 ;三十。 11 ;十七。 18起。 ) ,不能由摩西。 (2) Moses can not possibly have written the story of his death, nor compared himself with later prophets (ch. xxxiv.). (3) A later time is indicated by ii. ( 2 )摩西不可能寫的故事,他的死亡,也沒有比較,自己後來先知(章三十四。 ) 。 ( 3 )以後所表明二。 12 ("as Israel did"), by iii. 9-11, 14 ("unto this day"; comp. Judges x. 4 and i. 44 with i. 17); and by xix. 12 ( “以色列沒有” ) ,由三。 9月11日,第14條( “你們這一天” ;補償。法官十4和一44一17 ) ;和十九。 14 ("of old time"). 14 ( “舊的時間” ) 。 (4) The writer speaks of the country east of the Jordan as "on this side" (i. 1, 5; iv. 41-49), though referring in the speeches to the western country (iii. 20, 25; xi. 30: in iii. 8 vice versa): therefore, he is in Palestine. ( 4 )作家談到該國東部的約旦為“此岸” (一, 1 , 5 ;四。 41-49 ) ,但指的演說中向西方國家( iii. 20日, 25日;喜。 30日:在三。 8反之亦然) :因此,他是在巴勒斯坦。 (5) Although Israel is represented as about to enter Canaan, the language necessitates the inference that Israel is already settled in that country, engaged in agricul ture or living in cities, under an organized government. ( 5 )雖然以色列代表作為即將進入迦南,語言需要推理,以色列已經在該國定居,從事農業結構或居住在城市,在一個有組織的政府。 (6) The book assumes a long period of development as regards politics and the state ("king's law": supreme court), religion (allusions to fundamental religious principles and the law of the Prophets; emphasis on the centralization of worship), and worship (position of the priests and Levites; gifts to the sanctuary). ( 6 )這本書假定一個長期的發展時期至於政治和國家( “國王的法律” :最高法院) ,宗教(宗教典故的基本原則和法律的先知;強調中央集權的崇拜) ,以及崇拜(立場的神職人員和利;禮物聖殿) 。 (7) The book uses sources that can be proved to be post-Mosaic. ( 7 )這本書使用的來源,可以證明是後花葉。 The precise dates given, however, vary.給予的確切日期,但是,各不相同。

Kleinert is of the opinion that the book was composed about the end of the period of the Judges, perhaps even by Samuel or by a contemporary of Samuel, and certainly in a truly Mosaic spirit. Thelegislation occupies a middle ground in relation to that of the earlier books.萊內特認為這本書是由有關期間結束的法官,甚至由塞繆爾或當代的塞繆爾,當然在一個真正的馬賽克精神。 Thelegislation佔據了中間立場有關,在早期的書籍。 As pre-Deuteronomic may be proved: Ex.正如前Deuteronomic可證明:前。 xx.-xxiii., xxxiv. xx. -二十三。 ,三十四。 11-26, xix. 11月26日,十九。 5 et seq., xiii. 5起。 ,十三。 1-13; Lev. 1月13日;列夫。 xvii.十七。 18 et seq.; Num. 18起。 ;序號。 xxxiii.三十三。 50 et seq., iii. 50起。 ,三。 12 et seq.; the principal enactments in Lev. 12起。 ;主要頒布在列夫。 xviii.-xx.; the content of Ex. xviii. - XX元。 ;前的內容。 xii.十二。 1-14, 21-23, 43-50; Lev. xiii. 1月14日, 21日至23日, 43-50 ;列夫。十三。 xiv.十四。 Post-Deuteronomic: Lev.後Deuteronomic :列夫。 xi., xv.十一。 ,十五。 16 et seq., xvii. 16起。 ,十七。 15 et seq., xxii. 15起。 ,二十二。 17 et seq., xxiii., xxv. 17起。 ,二十三。 ,二十五。 39 et-seq., xxvii. 39等序列。 ,二十七。 26-30 et seq.; Num. 26-30起。 ;序號。 xv.十五。 37 et seq.; xviii. 37起。 ;十八。 15, 21 et seq.; xxviii., xxix. Moses' blessing, xxxiii., dates from the early time of the Judges. Ch. 15日, 21日起。 ;二十八。 ,第29屆。摩西的祝福,三十三。 ,可追溯到早期的法官。總。 xxxi.三十一。 14-29, xxxii. 14-29 ,三十二。 1-43, 48-52, xxxiv. 1-43 , 48-52 ,三十四。 must be separated as non-Deuteronomic.必須分開非Deuteronomic 。

Different Dates Assigned.不同日期分配。

The book is assumed to have been composed during the earlier, but post-Solomonic, time of the Kings, by Delitzsch and Oettli; under Hezekiah, by Vaihinger and König; under Manasseh, by Ewald, Riehm, WR Smith, Wildeboer, Kautzsch, Kittel, Dernier, Valeton; under Josiah, by De Wette, Bleck, George, Vatke, Graf, Wellhausen, Kuenen, Dillmann, Cornill, Stade, Reuss, and nearly all critics since Graf-Wellhausen.這本書是假定已在早些時候組成,但後Solomonic ,當時的國王,由德里和歐特列; Hezekiah下,由Vaihinger和柯尼格;根據梅納西索,由埃瓦爾德, Riehm ,水利史密斯Wildeboer , Kautzsch ,基特爾,最後的,莪;根據約書亞,通過者Wette , Bleck ,喬治, Vatke ,格拉夫,豪森, Kuenen , Dillmann , Cornill ,體育場, Reuss ,幾乎所有的批評,因為格拉夫-豪森。 Gesenius and the more recent French critics, as D'Eichthal, Havet, Vernes, Horst, have assumed a date during, or later than, the Exile. Gesenius以及最近的法國批評,因為德Eichthal , Havet , Vernes ,霍斯特,承擔期間的日期,或至遲於,流亡。

The assumption that the book was composed under Hezekiah, Manasseh, or Josiah is based on the hypothesis that the law-book which was discovered in the Temple by the priest Hilkiah in the eighteenth year of the reign of King Josiah, 621 BC, as narrated in II Kings xxii.假設這本書是由根據Hezekiah ,瑪,或約書亞是基於一種假設,即法律的書,發現在廟的牧師Hilkiah在第十八一年的國王統治時期約書亞, 621年,作為敘述在二國王二十二。 et seq., was virtually the present Deuteronomy, the only difference of opinion being as to how long it had been composed. Most of the advocates of the Josianic period even say that the book was composed and hidden with the definite intention that it should be brought to light in that way.起。 ,幾乎是本申命記,唯一的不同意見被作為多久已經組成。多數主張Josianic期間甚至說,這本書的組成和隱藏的明確意圖,它應揭示了這種方式。 This hypothesis is difficult to maintain, for a number of improbabilities must be assumed in order to prove that the code found at the time of Josiah was Deuteronomy. All that can be claimed is that the narrator of the story of the finding and of the reforms attendant upon it adopts in part the language of Deut.這一假設是難以維持,對一些improbabilities必須假定,以證明該代碼發現的時候,約書亞是申命記。一切可以聲稱是敘述者的故事,尋找和改革隨之而來的各國採用部分的語言Deut 。 This view is exposed to the insuperable objection that the religion which brought truth into the world can not have been founded upon a deception.這一觀點受到了不可克服的反對,該宗教使真理融入世界已不能建立在欺騙。 That this fundamental book of religion, containing such a free and pure stream of truth, could be pseudepigraphic, and that the whole nation should have considered as of Mosaic origin and of divine authority, and have adopted at once, without objection or criticism, a book which was a forgery, of the existence of which no one knew anything before that time, and which demanded radical modifications of the religious life, and especially of worship, is inconceivable.這本書的基本宗教,載有這樣一個自由和純流真理,可pseudepigraphic和整個國家應該考慮為花葉原籍國和神聖的權力,並已通過一次,無異議或批評,一個本書是偽造的,存在著沒有人知道在此之前,任何時間,並要求徹底修改的宗教生活,特別是崇拜,是不可想像的。

Those critics who recognize these objections, but for critical reasons hesitate to take Moses as the author, assert, therefore, that the book is in its essentials a faithful reproduction of the teaching of Moses, filling in the outlines given by the latter; and that there are no objections to assuming that inspired men, working in the spirit of Moses, and sustaining to him the uninterrupted relation of spiritual succession, should feel justified in rendering his teaching and his law comprehensible for their own time, supplementing and developing them, and that the book thus composed is none the less Mosaic in spirit.那些批評誰認識這些反對意見,但重要的原因,毫不猶豫地採取摩西的作者,主張,因此,這本書是其要素的忠實再現教學摩西,填寫概述由後者;和沒有人反對假設啟發人,工作的精神,摩西,並保持不間斷地對他的精神繼承關係,應該感到有道理的渲染他的教學和他的法律理解為自己的時間,補充和發展,並這本書組成,因此,還沒有一個較花葉精神。 Modern criticism holds that the book was prepared for the purpose of realizing the ideals of the Prophets in the national life of Israel.現代批評認為,這本書編寫的目的是實現理想的先知在國家生活中的以色列。 It is the summary of the prophetic deliverances of the eighth and seventh centuries, though not altogether free from impairments of the prophetic ideals.這是總結了先知deliverances第八和第七世紀,雖然不是完全沒有障礙的先知理想。 Some critics (Cheyne, "Jeremiah," pp. 65 et seq.) consider it as a product of the priestly-prophetic circles, an assumption that is certainly correct (comp. xvii. 9 et seq., xxiv. 8).一些批評家(進益, “耶利米”頁。 65起。 )認為,作為一個產品的祭司,先知圈子,一個假設,當然是正確的( comp.十七。 9起。 ,二十四。 8 ) 。

Sources and Redaction.來源和Redaction 。

Although the place assigned traditionally to Deut.雖然地方傳統的Deut 。 as containing the end of the Mosaic legislation, and as presupposing the existence of Ex.-Num., is disputed by modern criticism, yet all critics agree that it is based on previous sources that have in part been preserved.含有的結束花葉立法,並為預先假定的存在,例如,數。 ,是有爭議的現代批評,但所有的批評者認為,這是根據以往的來源有一部分被保存。 This applies certainly to J and to E, both in the narrative and the legal portions.這適用於當然J和電子商務,無論是在敘事和法律的部分。 J in the narrative: i. J的敘述:一, 8, comp. Gen. 8 ,壓縮機。將軍 xv.十五。 18; i. 18 ;島 45, comp. 45 ,壓縮機。 Num.序號。 xiv.十四。 16; iii. 16 ;三。 15 et seq., comp. 15起。 ,壓縮機。 Num. xxxii.序號。三十二。 29; otherwise the story is recapitulated from E. In the Law the close relation and connection with the Book of the Covenant contained in E (Ex. xx. 24-xxiii. 19) is most noticeable, Steuernagel being the only one to dispute this, and the so-called Decalogue in J (Ex. xxxiv.). 29日,否則故事概括從e.在法的密切關係,並與圖書盟約載在E (例如二十。 24 23 。 19 )是最顯著, Steuernagel的唯一一本以爭端,和所謂的十誡在J (例如三十四。 ) 。 It is a matter of dispute whether the author of Deuteronomy knew J and E as separate works, or after they had been united into JE and incorporated into the Tetrateuch.這是一個爭議是否申命記的作者知道J和E作為單獨的作品,或在他們被美國納入乙腦納入Tetrateuch 。 The priority of the Decalogue of Ex.的優先事項十誡防爆。 xx.二十。 or that of Deut.或Deut 。 v. is also a much disputed question.五,也是一個非常有爭議的問題。 Deuteronomy takes a very independent stand toward its sources, the reproduction being a free modification or enlargement.申命記十分獨立的立場及其來源,複製一個免費修改或擴大。 Wellhausen and Stade have therefore assumed it to be an enlarged edition of the old Book of the Covenant, and Kuenen, followed especially by Cornill, has brought forward the hypothesis that Deut.豪森和體育場因此,假定這是一個擴大版的舊圖書的公約,並Kuenen ,其次是由Cornill ,已提出的假設Deut 。 supplanted the Book of the Covenant.取代圖書的盟約。

It is a very important question under discussion, whether the author of Deuteronomy was acquainted with P; whether, therefore, the latter was the earlier book, if not in its present codification, at least in content.這是一個非常重要的問題正在討論,是否申命記的作者是熟悉磷;是否因此,後者早先的書,如果不是在目前的編纂,至少在內容。 P is asserted to be older by Dillmann, Delitzsch, Oettli, and, of course, by the traditionalists. P是斷言是老年人的Dillmann ,德里,歐特列,當然,由傳統。 As regards history they quote iv.至於歷史,他們引用四。 3 = Num. 3 =序號。 xxv.二十五。 (leading astray of the Israelites); i. 37, iii. (導致誤入歧途的以色列人) ;一, 37歲,三。 26, iv. 26日,四。 21 (Aaron and Moses forbidden to enter Canaan) = Num. 21 (亞倫和摩西禁止進入迦南) =序號。 xx.二十。 12, 24, xxvii. 12 , 24 ,二十七。 14; i. 14 ;島 23 (number of the spies) = Num. 23 (一些間諜) =序號。 xiii. 1 et seq.; x.十三。 1起。 ;十 3 (the Ark of shittim-wood) = Ex. 3 (方舟的shittim木材) =前。 xxxvii.三十七。 1; x. 1 ;十 22 (the number "70") = Gen. xlvi. 22 (數字“ 70 ” ) =將軍四十六。 27; xxxi. 27 ;三十一。 2, xxxiv. 2 ,三十四。 7 (the age of Moses) = Ex. 7 (歲的摩西) =前。 vii.七。 7. 7 。 In the Law the many allusions to the law of holiness belonging to P (Lev. xvii.-xxvi.), the assumption of several "torot," and especially Deut.該法中的許多典故,以神聖的法律屬於為P ( Lev. xvii. - 26 。 )擔任幾個“ torot , ”尤其是Deut 。 xiv.十四。 in comparison with Lev. xi., confirm this view.比較列夫。十一。 ,證實了這一觀點。 According to other critics the historical references are derived from notes in JE, no longer extant, and as regards the Law they reverse the relation in every case.另據批評的歷史參考資料來自注意到在乙腦,不再現存的,並就依法扭轉關係在每一個案件。 P presupposes Deut.; so that, for instance, Lev. P前提Deut 。因此,舉例說,列夫。 xi.十一。 was modeled upon Deut.是模仿各國Deut 。 xiv.十四。

The redaction of Deut.編輯Deut 。 passed, according to Wellhausen, through three stages: (1) the original Deut.-xii.-xxvi.; (2) two enlarged editions independentof each other-i.-iv., xii.-xxvi., xvii., and v.-xi., xii.-xxvi., xxviii.-xxx.; (3) combination of the two editions and incorporation of the work so formed into the Hexateuchic code.通過,根據豪森,經過了三個階段: ( 1 )原始Deut. - xii. - 26 。 ; ( 2 )兩個擴大版independentof彼此,一至四。 , xii. - 26 。 ,十七。 ,和v.-xi. , xii. - 26 。 , xxviii. -三十。 ( 3 )相結合的兩個版本和組建工作,以便形成的Hexateuchic代碼。 Deuteronomy was in the first place combined only with JE; a later editor combined this work with P after the component parts of the latter had been put together.申命記是擺在首位合併只有乙腦;稍後編輯結合這項工作與P後的組成部分,後者已被整理。 Dillmann assumes the following three stages of redaction down to Ezra: (1) Pg + E + J; (2) PgEJ + D; (3) PgEJD + Ph (law of holiness). Dillmann承擔以下三個階段的編輯,以以斯拉: ( 1 )頁+ é +焦耳; ( 2 ) PgEJ + D節; ( 3 ) PgEJD + pH值(法成聖) 。 The views in regard to the redaction depend on what is considered as the original Deut.意見中關於編輯取決於被認為是原始Deut 。 and into what and how many parts it is divided. According to the Graf-Wellhausen theory of the relation of Deut.到什麼,有多少部分是劃分。根據格拉夫-豪森理論的關係Deut 。 to the Prophets, and its priority to P, the book marks a radical change in the Israelitic religion.對先知,並優先為P ,這本書標誌著一個徹底改變Israelitic宗教。 Through the centralization of worship the popular exercise of religion, closely connected with the daily life, the home, and the house, is uprooted and all the sacred poetry of life destroyed.通過集中崇拜流行行使宗教,密切相關的日常生活,家庭,房子,是連根拔起,所有的神聖詩歌的生命被摧毀。 Worship is separated from life, and the sharp contrast of holy and profane arises between the two.崇拜是脫離生活,並形成鮮明對比的神聖和世俗之間出現兩個。 The idea of the Church comes into existence; then a separate profession, that of the clergy, is created; and by transferring the priestly ideal to the whole people the way is prepared for the exclusive and particularistic character of later Judaism.這個想法的教會開始存在;然後一個單獨的行業,即神職人員,是建立和通過轉讓祭司理想的全體人民的方式是編寫專供特殊性質後猶太教。 As the prophetic ideas are formulated into concrete laws, religion is externalized and becomes a religion of law, an opus operatum.正如預言的想法轉化為具體的法律制定的,宗教是外在和成為一個宗教的法律,作品operatum 。 The people now know exactly what they have to do, for "it is written."現在的人確切地知道他們所要做的,因為“這是書面。 ” Deuteronomy marks the beginning of the canon; religion becomes a book religion, an object of study, a theology.申命記標誌著佳能;宗教變成了一本書宗教,研究對象,神學。 The people know what they may expect if they keep the Law.人們知道他們可能期望如果他們保持法。 Religion assumes the nature of a covenant, a contract, and the doctrine of retribution becomes paramount.承擔宗教性質的公約,合同,和理論的報復變得極為重要。 Further conclusions are then drawn by P as to post-exilic Judaism, Pharisaism, the Talmud, Rabbinism.進一步的結論,然後得出的P為後放逐猶太教, Pharisaism ,猶太法典, Rabbinism 。

This whole conception is based on literary and religio-historical assumptions that are either wrong or doubtful.這整個概念是基於文學和宗教歷史的假設都是錯誤的或令人生疑。 The doctrines and demands of Deut.理論和要求Deut 。 have always been fundamental in Israel's religion. The book condemns and abolishes paganism.一直基本在以色列的宗教。書中譴責和取消異教。 The alleged legitimacy of the decentralization and popularization of worship is based entirely upon a wrong interpretation of Ex.被指控的合法性,權力下放和推廣禮拜後,完全是基於一個錯誤的解釋前。 xx.二十。 24. 24 。 Centralization is the necessary consequence of monotheism and of the actual or ideal unity of the people.集權是必要的後果一神教和實際的或理想團結人民。 Law and prophecy are closely connected from the foundation of Judaism, beginning with Moses.法律和預言是密切相關的基礎猶太教,從摩西。 The regulation of life according to divine law, the contrast between holy and profane, the rise of a canon and a theology, are incidental to the development of every religion that has ever controlled and modified the life of a people.EGHBJ該條例的生活根據神聖的法律,對比神聖和褻瀆,崛起,佳能和神學,附帶的發展每一種宗教都認為控制和修改的生命people.EGHBJ

Morris Jastrow Jr., SR Driver, Emil G. Hirsch, Benno Jacob莫里斯賈斯特羅小簡驅動,埃米爾赫斯基灣,本諾雅各布

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。


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