Talmud塔木德

General Information 一般信息

The Talmud (Hebrew for "teaching" or "study"), a vast compendium of Jewish law and lore, is a unique literary document - a sequel to the Hebrew Bible - and the basis of Jewish religious life.猶太法典(希伯來文的“教學”或“研究” ) ,一個龐大的彙編猶太法律和知識,是一個獨特的文學文件-續集的希伯來聖經-並根據猶太宗教生活。 It consists of the Mishnah and lengthy, rambling commentary called Gemara (Aramaic for "learning" or "tradition").它由米示拿和冗長,雜亂評所謂革馬拉(阿拉姆的“學習”或“傳統” ) 。 There are two Gemaras - the Palestinian Gemara, a product of the 3d and 4th centuries AD, and the Babylonian Gemara, completed about 499, with some later additions.有兩個Gemaras -巴勒斯坦革馬拉,產品的三維和第四世紀的廣告中,巴比倫革馬拉,完成約499美元,後來增加了一些。 Hence, there are two Talmuds: the Talmud Yerushalmi and the Talmud Babli.因此,有兩個Talmuds :在塔爾穆德耶路莎米和塔爾穆德Babli 。 The latter, the Babylonian Talmud, remains for traditional Jews the final authority on the law.後者巴比倫猶太法典,仍是傳統的猶太人的最後批准權的法律。 The Mishnah is predominantly in Hebrew, the Gemaras largely in Aramaic.該米示拿主要是希伯來文,該Gemaras基本上阿拉姆。 In addition to exhaustive and subtle discussions of civil, criminal, domestic, and ritual law, the Talmuds contain materials called haggadah ("narration") - statements on faith and morals, explanations of Bible verses, parables, and historical and legendary narratives.除了詳盡的討論和微妙的民事,刑事,家庭,和禮儀法律, Talmuds包含材料要求哈加達( “敘事” ) -報表的信仰和道德,解釋聖經經文,寓言,歷史和傳奇般的敘述。

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Despite difficulties of language and content, the Talmud was for centuries the principal subject of Jewish study.儘管有困難,語言和內容,是數百年來塔爾穆德的主體猶太研究。 It was provided with innumerable commentaries and annotations, the most important of which was by the 11th century scholar Rashi.它提供了無數的評論和說明,其中最重要的是由11世紀的學者Rashi 。 It was also the object of violent attacks by persons who had no knowledge of its contents, from medieval fanatics - 24 cartloads of Talmud manuscripts were burned in Paris in 1242 - to Nazi propagandists in the 1930s.這也是暴力攻擊對象的人誰不知道其內容,從中世紀的狂熱分子- 24 cartloads的塔爾穆德手稿被燒毀在巴黎舉行的1242年-納粹宣傳在上世紀30年代。 Modern scholars have come increasingly to recognize its importance as a cultural monument.現代學者已經越來越認識到它的重要性是一個文化古蹟。 New Testament scholars in particular have used material from the Talmud and the related literature of Midrash for an understanding of Christian origins.新約學者,特別是利用材料塔爾穆德和相關文獻的米德拉士的了解基督教起源。

Bernard J Bamberger伯納德J班貝格

Bibliography: 參考書目:
I Epstein, ed., The Babylonian Talmud (1961); A Feinnsilver, ed., The Talmud Today (1980); M Mielziner, Introduction to the Talmud (1969); CG Montefiore and H Loeww, A Rabbinic Anthology (1938); J Neusner, The Talmud of the Land of Israel: An Introduction (1990); A Steinsaltz, The Essential Talmud (1977) and The Talmud: A Reference Guide (1989); HL Strack, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (1969); I Unterman, The Talmud: An Analytical Guide (1985).餘愛潑斯坦,教育署。 ,巴比倫塔木德( 1961年) ;阿Feinnsilver ,教育署。 ,該塔木德今天( 1980年) ; M Mielziner ,介紹塔爾穆德( 1969年) ;協商小組蒙特弗洛爾和H Loeww ,阿拉比文選( 1938年) ; J Neusner ,猶太法典的以色列土地的:介紹( 1990年) ;阿Steinsaltz ,基本塔木德( 1977年)和猶太法典:參考指南( 1989年) ; HL施特拉克,介紹塔爾穆德和米德拉士( 1969年) ;餘Unterman ,該塔爾穆德:解析指南( 1985年) 。


Talmud塔木德

General Information 一般信息

The Talmud is the body of Jewish civil and religious law, including commentaries on the Torah, or Pentateuch.猶太法典是身體的猶太民間和宗教的法律,包括評注的律法,或摩西五。 The Talmud consists of a codification of laws, called the Mishnah, and a commentary on the Mishnah, called the Gemara.猶太法典的編纂組成的法律,被稱為米示拿,以及評注米示拿,稱為革馬拉。 The material in the Talmud that concerns decisions by scholars on disputed legal questions is known as the Halakah; the legends, anecdotes, and sayings in the Talmud that are used to illustrate the traditional law are known as Haggada.中的材料的關注塔爾穆德決定學者對有爭議的法律問題,被稱為Halakah ;傳說,軼事,和諺語在塔爾穆德用來說明了傳統的法律被稱為Haggada 。

Two compilations of the Talmud exist: the Palestinian Talmud, sometimes called the Jerusalem Talmud, and the Babylonian Talmud. Both compilations contain the same Mishnah, but each has its own Gemara.兩個彙編的塔爾穆德存在:巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德,有時被稱為耶路撒冷猶太法典和巴比倫塔木德。雙方彙編包含相同米示拿,但每個都有自己的革馬拉。 The contents of the Palestinian Talmud were written by Palestinian scholars between the 3rd century AD and the beginning of the 5th century; those of the Babylonian Talmud, by scholars who wrote between the 3rd century and the beginning of the 6th century.的內容是巴勒斯坦塔木德學者撰寫的巴勒斯坦之間的公元3世紀初的5世紀;是巴比倫塔木德,誰寫的學者之間的第三世紀交替之際, 6世紀。 The Babylonian Talmud became authoritative because the rabbinic academies of Babylonia survived those in Palestine by many centuries.巴比倫塔木德成為權威,因為拉比院校東風存活的巴勒斯坦人在幾百年。

The Talmud itself, the works of talmudic scholarship, and the commentaries concerning it constitute the greatest contributions to rabbinical literature in the history of Judaism.猶太法典本身,作品的塔木德獎學金,和評注的關於它的最大貢獻,猶太教文學史上的猶太教。 One of the most important of the works of scholarship is the Mishneh Torah (Repetition of the Torah, c. 1180) by the Spanish rabbi, philosopher, and physician Maimonides; it is an abstract of all the rabbinical legal literature in existence at his time.其中最重要的工程獎學金是Mishneh律法(重複律法角1180年)由西班牙拉比,哲學家和醫生邁蒙尼德;它是一個抽象的所有猶太教法律文獻中存在的時間。 The most widely known commentaries are those on the Babylonian Talmud by the French rabbi Rashi and by certain scholars known as tosaphists, who lived in France and Germany between the 12th and 14th centuries and included some of Rashi's grandsons.最廣為人知的評論是對巴比倫塔木德由法國拉比Rashi和某些學者稱為tosaphists ,誰住在法國和德國之間的第12和14世紀,包括一些Rashi的孫子。

The Babylonian Talmud and the Palestinian Talmud were first printed in 1520-22 and in 1523 in Venice by the printer Daniel Bomberg. The entire Babylonian Talmud is available in an English translation (1935-52) edited by the British rabbi and scholar Isidore Epstein. Most of the Palestinian Talmud is available in a 19th-century French translation, but the rendering is defective and inaccurate. Twenty tractates of the Palestinian Talmud are found in a Latin translation, in the Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum (1744-69) of Blasio Ugolino, an 18th-century Italian historian and antiquarian.巴比倫塔木德和巴勒斯坦塔木德是在1520至1522年第一次印刷,並在1523年在威尼斯的打印機丹尼爾Bomberg 。整個巴比倫塔木德提供的英文翻譯( 1935年至1952年)編輯的英國學者伊西多拉比和愛潑斯坦。大多數巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德可在一個19世紀的法語翻譯,但有缺陷的渲染和不準確的。第二十五tractates巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德被發現在拉美翻譯,在詞庫Antiquitatum Sacrarum ( 1744年至1769年)的Blasio烏戈利諾,一個18世紀的意大利歷史學家和古玩。

Saul Lieberman掃羅利伯曼


Talmud塔木德

Jewish Viewpoint Information猶太觀信息

Name of two works which have been preserved to posterity as the product of the Palestinian and Babylonian schools during the amoraic period, which extended from the third to the fifth century CE One of these compilations is entitled "Talmud Yerushalmi" (Jerusalem Talmud) and the other "Talmud Babli" (Babylonian Talmud).兩件作品的名稱已被保存後代作為產品的巴勒斯坦和巴比倫學校在amoraic時期,延長第三至第五世紀的行政長官其中彙編的標題是“塔木德耶路莎米” (耶路撒冷猶太法典)和其他“塔木德Babli ” (巴比倫塔木德) 。 Used alone, the word "Talmud" generally denotes "Talmud Babli," but it frequently serves as a generic designation for an entire body of literature, since the Talmud marks the culmination of the writings of Jewish tradition, of which it is, from a historical point of view, the most important production.單獨使用,將“塔木德經”一般是指“塔木德Babli ” ,但經常作為通用指定為整個機構的文學,因為塔爾穆德馬克的高潮的著作猶太傳統,它是從歷史的角度看,最重要的生產。

The Name.的名字。

"Talmud" is an old scholastic term of the Tannaim, and is a noun formed from the verb "limmed" = "to teach." “塔木德”是一個古老的學術任期Tannaim ,是一個名詞,由動詞“ limmed ” = “教。 ” It therefore means primarily "teaching," although it denotes also "learning"; it is employed in this latter sense with special reference to the Torah, the terms "talmud" and "Torah" being usually combined to indicate the study of the Law both in its wider and in its more restricted sense, as in Pe'ah i.因此,它主要是指“教學” ,但它也表示“學習” ,它是採用後一種意義上,特別提到了律法中, “塔木德經”和“律法書”通常被合併,以顯示法律的研究都在其更廣泛和更受限制的感覺,因為在Pe'ah島 1, where the term "talmud Torah" is applied to study as a religious duty. 1 ,那裡的“塔木德律法”是用於研究的宗教義務。 On the other hand, the learning acquired by study is also called "talmud," so that Akiba's pupil Judah ben Ilai could say: "He from whom one derives the greater part of his knowledge ["talmudo"] must be regarded as the teacher" (Tosef., BM ii., end; Yer. BM 8d; BM 33a has "ḥokmah" instead of "talmud").另一方面,所獲得的學習研究,也被稱為“塔木德經” ,使秋葉的學生猶太本Ilai可以說: “他從其中一人的很大一部分來源於他的知識[ ” talmudo “ ]必須被視為教師“ ( Tosef. ,骨髓二。結束;層。骨髓8d ;骨髓33a已” ḥokmah “而不是”塔木德“ ) 。 To designate the study of religion, the word "talmud" is used in contrast with "ma'aseh," which connotes the practise of religion.指定研究的宗教中, “塔木德經”是用在與“ ma'aseh ” ,這意味著信奉宗教。 Akiba's view that on this account the "talmud" ranked above the "ma'aseh" was adopted as a resolution by a famous conference at Lydda during the Hadrianic persecution (see Sifre, Deut. 41; Ḳid. 40b; Yer. Pes. 30b; Cant. R. ii. 14).秋葉忠利認為,這個帳戶上的“塔木德經”排名高於“ ma'aseh ”通過了一項決議,由一個著名的會議Lydda在Hadrianic迫害(見Sifre , Deut 。 41 ;孩子。 40b ;層。瘟。 30B條;插件。河二。 14 ) 。 The two terms are contrasted differently, however, in the tannaitic saying (BB 130b), "The Halakah [the principles guiding decisions in religious law] may not be drawn from a teaching of the master ["talmud"] nor be based upon an act of his ["ma'aseh"], unless the master expressly declare that the teaching or act under consideration is the one which is applicable to the practise."這兩個詞進行了對比不同,但是,在tannaitic說( BB心跳130b )說: “ Halakah [指導原則決定在宗教法]不得從教學的主人[ ”塔木德經“ ] ,也不應依據他的行為[ “ ma'aseh ” ] ,除非主人明確宣布,教學或正在考慮採取行動是一個適用於實踐。 “

In the second place, the word "talmud"-generally in the phrase "talmud lomar"-is frequently used in tannaitic terminology in order to denote instruction by means of the text of the Bible and of the exegetic deductions therefrom.第二,改為“塔木德經” ,一般一語中的“塔木德lomar ”是經常使用的術語,以便tannaitic指教學方式的案文聖經和闡釋扣減情況。 In the third place, the noun "talmud" has the meaning which alone can be genetically connected with the name "Talmud"; in tannaitic phraseology the verb "limmed" denotes the exegetic deduction of a halakic principle from the Biblical text (for examples see RH ii. 9; Sifre, Num. 118); and in harmony with this meaning of the word "talmud" denotes that exposition of a halakic saying which receives an exegetic confirmation from the Biblical text.第三,名詞“塔木德經”的含義,因為只有可與基因命名為“塔木德經” ,在tannaitic短語動詞“ limmed ”是指扣除的闡釋原則的halakic從聖經的文字(例如見相對濕度二。 9 ; Sifre ,序號。 118 ) ;和在和諧與此一詞的含義“塔木德”是指該博覽會的halakic說得到了闡釋確認聖經經文。 Of the terms, therefore, denoting the three branches into which the study of the traditional exegesis of the Bible was from earliest times divided by the Tannaim (see Jew. Encyc. iii. 163, sv Bible Exegesis), "midrash" was the one identical in content with "talmud" in its original sense, except that the Midrash, which includes any kind of Biblical hermeneutics, but more especially the halakic, deals with the Bible text itself, while the Talmud is based on the Halakah.的條款,因此,指的三個部門將其研究傳統訓詁學聖經是從最早的時候除以Tannaim (見猶。 Encyc 。三。 163 ,希沃特聖經註釋) , “米德拉士”是一相同的內容與“塔木德經”在其原來的意義上說,除非米德拉士,其中包括任何種類的聖經詮釋學,但更多的是halakic ,涉及聖經文本本身,而塔爾穆德是根據Halakah 。 The Midrash is devoted to Biblical exposition, the result being the Halakah (comp. the phrase "mi-kan ameru" [= "beginning here the sages have said"], which occurs frequently in the tannaitic Midrash and which serves to introduce halakic deductions from the exegesis).該米德拉士致力於聖經博覽會,其結果是Halakah ( comp.改為“美館ameru ” [ = “開始在這裡的聖賢說: ” ] ,這經常發生在tannaitic米德拉士和提供服務,介紹halakic扣除從訓詁學) 。 In the Talmud, on the other hand, the halakic passage is the subject of an exegesis based on the Biblical text.在塔木德,另一方面,通過對halakic的主題是一個註釋基於聖經經文。

Relation to Midrash.有關米德拉士。

In consequence of the original identity of "Talmud" and "Midrash," noted above, the former term is sometimes used instead of the latter in tannaitic sentences which enumerate the three branches of traditional science, Midrash, Halakah, and Haggadah (see Ber. 22a [comp. M. Ḳ. 15a and Yer. Ber. 6c, 39]; Ḳid. 30a; Suk. 28a; BB 134a; Ab. RN xiv. [comp. Masseket Soferim, xvi. 8]; Yer. B. Ḳ. 4b, 31 [comp. Sifre, Deut. 33]; Tosef., Soṭah, vii. 20 [comp. Yer. Soṭah 44a]), while sometimes both "Talmud" and "Midrash" are used (M. Ḳ. 21a; Ta'an. 30a); it must be noted, however, that in the editions of the Babli, "Gemara" is usually substituted for "Talmud," even in the passages here cited.因此原來的身份, “塔木德經”和“米德拉士, ”如上所述,前中期,有時用來代替後者tannaitic判刑其中列舉三個部門的傳統科學,米德拉士, Halakah和哈加達(見小蘗鹼。 22A條[補償。先生K表。 15A條和也門里亞爾。小蘗鹼。 6C條, 39 ] ;孩子。 30A的;淑。 28A款; BB心跳134 ;抗體。護理人員十四。 [壓縮機。 Masseket Soferim ,十六。 8 ] ;層。灣K表。 4B條, 31 [壓縮機。 Sifre , Deut 。 33 ] ; Tosef 。 , Soṭah ,七。 20 [壓縮機。也門里亞爾。 Soṭah 44A條] ) ,而有時這兩個“塔木德經”和“米德拉士”被用來(先生K表。 21A條; Ta'an 。 30A的) ;但必須指出的是,在版本的Babli , “革馬拉”通常是取代“塔木德經” ,甚至在這裡提到的段落。 The word "Talmud" in all these places did not denote the study subsequently pursued by the Amoraim, but was used instead of the word "Midrash," although this did not preclude the later introduction of the term "Talmud" into tannaitic sayings, where it either entirely displaced "Midrash" or was used side by side with it.改為“塔木德經”在所有這些地方並不意味著後來的研究追求的Amoraim ,但使用一詞,而不是“米德拉士, ”儘管這並不排除以後實行的“塔木德經”到tannaitic諺語,在那裡它可以完全流離失所“米德拉士”或使用並排的。

After the term "Talmud" had come to denote the exegetic confirmation of the Halakah, it was applied also to the explanation and exposition of halakic passages in general.之後的“塔木德”已經到了指闡釋確認Halakah ,它也適用於解釋和闡述halakic通道一般。 As early as the end of the tannaitic period, when the halakot were finally redactedby the patriarch Judah I. and were designated as "Mishnah," a term originally applied to the entire system of traditional learning, the Talmud was developed as a new division of this same science; and it was destined to absorb all others.儘早結束tannaitic期間,當halakot終於redactedby東正教猶太一和被指定為“米示拿”一詞最初適用於整個系統的傳統的學習,在塔木德是發展成為一個新的司同樣的科學,它是注定要吸收其他所有。 In a baraita dating, according to the amora Johanan, from the days of Judah I. (BM 33a; comp. Yer. Shab. 15c, 22 et seq.), the Mishnah and the Talmud are defined as subjects of study side by side with the "Miḳra" (Bible), the study of the Talmud being mentioned first.在baraita約會,根據阿莫拉Johanan ,從天的猶太一(骨髓33a ;補償。層。沙巴。據悉, 22起。 )中,米示拿和塔爾穆德被界定為主體的研究並排與“ Miḳra ” (聖經) ,研究猶太法典第一次被提到。 To this baraita there is an addition, however, to the effect that more attention should be given to the Mishnah than to the Talmud.這一baraita有然而,除此之外,其大意是,應更加重視向米示拿比塔爾穆德。 Johanan explains this passage by the fact that the members of Judah's academy, in their eagerness to investigate the Talmud, neglected the Mishnah; hence the patriarch laid stress upon the duty of studying the Mishnah primarily. Johanan解釋這段話的是,成員的猶太的學院,在其急於調查塔爾穆德,忽視了米示拿,因此,主教強調各國有責任研究米示拿為主。 In these passages the word "Talmud" is used not in its more restricted sense of the establishment of halakot by Biblical exegesis, but in its wider signification, in which it designates study for the purpose of elucidating the Mishnah in general, as pursued after Judah's death in the academies of Palestine and Babylon.在這些通道中的“塔木德經”是不是在使用其更多的限制意義上的建立halakot的聖經註釋,但在更廣泛的意義,其中指定的研究,目的是闡明米示拿一般情況下,作為推行猶太後的死亡的院校對巴勒斯坦和巴比倫。 This baraita is, furthermore, an authentic document on the origin of the Talmud.這baraita是,此外,一個真正的文件的來源塔爾穆德。

Three classes of members of the academy are mentioned in an anecdote referring to Judah I. (BB 8a): (1) those who devoted themselves chiefly to the Bible ("ba'ale Miḳra"); (2) those whose principal study was the Mishnah ("ba'ale Mishnah"); and (3) those whose main interest lay in the Talmud ("ba'ale Talmud").三類成員學院中提到的一個故事提到猶太一( BB心跳8A條) : ( 1 )這些投入主要是誰的聖經( “ ba'ale Miḳra ” ) ; ( 2 )人,其主要研究是米示拿( “ ba'ale米示拿” ) ;和( 3 )那些主要興趣在於塔爾穆德( “ ba'ale塔木德” ) 。 This is the original reading of the passage, although the editions mention also the "ba'ale Halakah" and the "ba'ale Haggadah" (see below).這是原來的讀通過,但版本還提及了“ ba'ale Halakah ”和“ ba'ale哈加達” (見下文) 。 These three branches of knowledge are, therefore, the same as those enumerated in BM 33a.這三個部門的知識,因此,相同的骨髓中列舉33a 。 Tanḥum b. Tanḥum灣 Ḥanilai, a Palestinian amora of the third century, declared, with reference to this threefold investigation ('Ab. Zarah 19b): "Let the time given to study be divided into three parts: one-third for the Bible, one-third for the Mishnah, and one-third for the Talmud." Ḥanilai ,一名巴勒斯坦阿莫拉第三個世紀,宣布,關於這三個調查( '抗體。 Zarah 19B條) : “讓時間考慮研究分為三個部分:三分之一的聖經,有三分之一的是米示拿,其中三分之一的塔木德經“ 。 In Ḳid.在孩子。 33a this saying is quoted in the name of the tanna Joshua b. 33a這句話是引用的名稱tanna約書亞灣 Hananiah, although this is probably a corruption of the name of Jose b. Hananiah ,雖然這可能是一個腐敗的名字何灣 Ḥanina (amora).尼納(阿莫拉) 。 Yudan, a Palestinian amora of the fourth century, found in Eccl.丹,一名巴勒斯坦阿莫拉4世紀,在Eccl 。 xi.十一。 9 an allusion to the pleasure taken in the three branches of study, Miḳra, Mishnah, and Talmud. 9暗指高興採取三個部門的學習, Miḳra ,米示拿和他勒目。

The Three Subjects of Study.的主題的研究。

The old trichotomy of traditional literature was changed, however, by the acceptance of the Mishnah of Judah I., and by the new study of the Talmud designed to interpret it.舊的三分法的傳統文學是改變,然而,由於接受的猶太一米示拿,並通過新的研究塔爾穆德旨在解釋。 The division termed "Halakot" (singular, "Halakah") in the old classification was then called "Mishnah," although in Palestine the Mishnah continued to be designated as "Halakot."該司稱為“ Halakot ” (奇異, “ Halakah ” )在舊的分類,然後被稱為“米示拿” ,但在巴勒斯坦的米示拿繼續被指定為“ Halakot 。 ” The Midrash became a component part of the Talmud; and a considerable portion of the halakic Bible hermeneuties of the Tannaim, which had been preserved in various special works, was incorporated in the Babylonian Talmud.該米德拉士成為一個組成部分,塔爾穆德;和相當一部分halakic聖經hermeneuties的Tannaim ,這是保存在各種特殊工程,已納入巴比倫塔木德。 The Haggadah (plural, "Haggadot") lost its importance as an individual branch of study in the academies, although it naturally continued to be a subject of investigation, and a portion of it also was included in the Talmud. Occasionally the Haggadah is even designated as a special branch, being added as a fourth division to the three already mentioned. Ḥanina ben Pappa, an amora of the early part of the fourth century, in characterizing these four branches says: "The countenance should be serious and earnest in teaching the Scriptures, mild and calm for the Mishnah, bright and lively for the Talmud, and merry and smiling for the Haggadah" (Pesiḳ. 110a; Pes. R. 101b; Tan., Yitro, ed. Buber, p. 17; Massek. Soferim, xvi. 2).該哈加達(複數, “ Haggadot ” )失去了其重要性,因為個別部門的研究院校,儘管它自然仍是一個問題的調查,一部分也被列入塔爾穆德。有時甚至在哈加達被指定為特別支部,正在增加四分之一的三個司已經提到。尼納本Pappa ,一個阿莫拉早期的一部分,四世紀,在這四個部門定性說: “面容應當嚴肅認真的教學聖經,溫和,平靜的米示拿,明亮,活潑的猶太法典和歡樂和微笑的哈加達“ ( Pesiḳ. 110a ;瘟。河101b ;談。 , Yitro ,教育署。布伯,第17頁; Massek 。 Soferim ,十六。 2 ) 。 As early as the third century Joshua ben Levi interpreted Deut.早在三世紀約書亞本列維解釋Deut 。 ix.九。 10 to mean that the entire Law, including Miḳra, Mishnah, Talmud, and Haggadah, had been revealed to Moses on Sinai (Yer. Pes. 17a, line 59; Meg. 74d, 25), while in Gen. R. lxvi. 10日至意味著整個法,包括Miḳra ,米示拿,塔爾穆德和哈加達,已透露給摩西的西奈半島( Yer.瘟。 17A條,線路59條;梅格。 74d , 25 ) ,而在將軍河lxvi 。 3 the blessings invoked in Gen. xxvii. 3的祝福中援引將軍二十七。 28 are explained as "Miḳra, Mishnah, Talmud, and Haggadah."二八頃解釋為“ Miḳra ,米示拿,塔爾穆德和哈加達。 ” The Palestinian haggadist Isaac divided these four branches into two groups: (1) the Miḳra and the Haggadah, dealing with subjects of general interest; and (2) the Mishnah and the Talmud, "which can not hold the attention of those who hear them" (Pesiḳ. 101b; see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." ii. 211).巴勒斯坦haggadist艾薩克分為四個分支機構分為兩組: ( 1 ) Miḳra和哈加達,處理與會者普遍感興趣的題目;和( 2 )米示拿和塔木德經“ ,這不能持有人注意誰聽到他們的聲音“ ( Pesiḳ. 101b ;見巴切爾, ”銀。帕爾。奧馬爾。 “二。 211 ) 。

According to a note of Tanḥuma ben Abba (of the latter part of the 4th cent.) on Cant.據注意到Tanḥuma本阿巴埃(後者的一部分,第4次以上。 )對插件。 v. 14 (Cant. R. ad loc.), a student must be familiar with all four branches of knowledge, Miḳra, Mishnah, Halakah (the last-named term used here instead of "Tatmud"), and Haggadah; while Samuel b.五, 14 ( Cant.河廣告同上。 ) ,學生必須熟悉所有四個部門的知識, Miḳra ,米示拿, Halakah (過去稱為長期用在這裡不是“ Tatmud ” ) ,並哈加達;而塞繆爾灣 Judah b.猶太灣 Abun, a Palestinian amora of the same century, interpreted Prov.中型,一名巴勒斯坦阿莫拉同一世紀,解釋省。 xxviii.二十八。 11 as an allusion to the halakist ("man of the Talmud") and to the haggadist ("man of the Haggadah"; Yer. Hor. 48c; see also Pesiḳ. 176a; Lev. R. xxi., Talmud and Haggadah). 11指的是halakist ( “人的塔木德” )和haggadist ( “人的哈加達” ;層。賀。 48c ;又見Pesiḳ 。 176a ;列夫。河二十一。 ,塔爾穆德和哈加達) 。 Here may be mentioned also the concluding passage of the mishnaic treatise Abot (v., end): "At the age of five to the Bible; at the age of ten to the Mishnah; at the age of fifteen to the Talmud."在這裡還可以提到的結論通過mishnaic論文Abot (五,完) : “ 5歲時的聖經;在年齡在十來歲的米示拿;在15歲的塔木德經” 。 This is ascribed by many to the ancient tanna Samuel ha-Ḳaṭon (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." i. 378), although the sequence of study which it mentions is evidently that which was customary during the amoraic period (comp. also the saying of Abaye in Ket. 50a). The following passages from the Babylonian Talmud may likewise serve to illustrate the special usage which finally made the word "Talmud" current as the name of the work.這是歸功於許多古代tanna塞繆爾公頃,卡通(見巴切爾, “銀。談。 ”一378 ) ,但序列研究其中提到,顯然是認為這是習慣在amoraic期間( comp.還俗話說的Abaye在氯胺酮。 50A條) 。以下段落巴比倫塔木德同樣可能有助於說明它的特殊用途,終於改為“塔木德經”的名稱目前的工作。 Samuel, one of the earliest Babylonian amoraim, interpreted the words of Zech.塞繆爾,最早巴比倫amoraim ,解釋的話, Zech 。 viii.八。 10, "neither was there any peace to him that went out or came in," as applying to the restlessness of one who turns from the Talmud and confines himself to the study of the Mishnah (Ḥag. 10a). 10 , “不存在任何和平向他走了出去或進來, ”為適用於不安的一個誰輪流從塔爾穆德和局限自己的研究,米示拿( Ḥag. 10A條) 。 Johanan, the younger Palestinian contemporary of Samuel, extends the allusion to "him also who turns from one Talmud to study another," referring here to Babli and to Yerushalmi. Johanan ,年輕的巴勒斯坦當代的塞繆爾,擴展了針對“誰把他也從一個塔爾穆德研究的另一個” ,這裡指的Babli和耶路莎米。 It is very possible that he had noticed that in the case of his numerous Babylonian pupils the transition from the mishnaic exegesis which they had acquired at home to that of the Palestinian schools was not made without disturbing their peace of mind.這是非常可能的,他已經注意到,在許多情況下他巴比倫學生過渡到mishnaic訓詁學,他們獲得了在家裡,在巴勒斯坦的學校是不是在不干擾他們安心。 Allusions to the "Talmud of Babylon" by two prominent Babylonians who settled in Palestine (Ze'era and Jeremiah) have likewise been pre-served (BM 85c; Sanh. 24a); and they confirm Johanan's conception of the meaning of the term.典故的“巴比倫塔木德經”的兩個突出的巴比倫人誰解決巴勒斯坦( Ze'era和耶利米)也同樣被前送達(骨髓85 ; Sanh 。 24A條) ;和他們確認Johanan的概念的含義。

The Gemara.在革馬拉。

In Babylonia the Aramaic noun "gemar" (emphatic state, "gemara") was formed from the verb (which does not occur in Palestinian texts), having the meaning of "learn."在東風的阿拉姆語名詞“ gemar ” (強調狀態, “革馬拉” )成立由動詞(不發生在巴勒斯坦文本) ,有所指的“學習。 ” This substantive accordingly designates that which has been learned, and the learning transmitted to scholars by tradition, although it is used also in a more restricted sense to connote the traditional exposition of the Mishnah; and it therefore gained currency as a designation of the Talmud.這實質性因此指定已教訓,學習和傳播學者的傳統,雖然它也使用了更多的限制意義,意味著傳統的博覽會的米示拿;因此,它獲得的貨幣作為指定塔爾穆德。 In the modern editions of the Babylonian Talmud the term "Gemara" occurs very frequently in this sense; but in nearly every case it was substituted at a later time for the objectionable word "Talmud," which was interdicted by the censor.在現代版的巴比倫塔木德經“一詞革馬拉”經常出現在這個意義,但在幾乎所有情況下,它被替換在稍後的時間反感單詞“塔木德經” ,這是由檢查員截獲。 The only passage in which "Gemara" occurs with the meaning of "Talmud" in the strict sense of that term and from which it was not removed by the censor is 'Er.唯一的通道中, “革馬拉”的含義發生的“塔木德經”在嚴格意義上說,從中期和它不會刪除檢查員是'呃。 32b, where it is used by Naḥman bar Jacob, a Babylonian amora of the second half of the third century. 32B條,凡使用Naḥman酒吧雅各布,一個巴比倫阿莫拉下半年第三世紀。 For further details see Bacher, "Gemara," in "Hebrew Union College Annual," pp.詳情見巴切爾, “革馬拉” ,在“希伯來聯合學院年度”頁。 26-36, Cincinnati, 1904, where the word is shown to have been used for "Talmud" from the geonic period (see also idem, "Die Terminologie der Amoräer," pp. 31 et seq., Leipsic, 1905). 26-36 ,辛辛那提, 1904年,那裡的文字證明已用於“塔木德經”的geonic期間(另見同上, “模具Terminologie之Amoräer , ”頁。 31起。 , Leipsic , 1905年) 。 The later editions of the Talmud frequently substitute for the word "Gemara" the abbreviation (Aramaic, = "the six orders of the Mishnah"), which has come to be, with the pronunciation "Shas," a popular designation for the Babylonian Talmud.後來版本的塔爾穆德經常代替單詞“革馬拉”的縮寫(阿拉姆, = “六個命令米示拿” ) ,這已成為,發音“沙斯黨, ”流行指定的巴比倫塔木德。

Here may be mentioned the term "Shem'ata" (), which was used in Babylonia to designate the halakic portion of the Talmud, and which was thus contrasted with "Haggadah" (see Ḥag. 26a; Soṭah 20a; Sanh. 38b; comp. also M. Ḳ. 23a, where "Shemu'ah," the Hebrew form, occurs in a baraita).這裡不妨提到“一詞Shem'ata ” ( ) ,它是用在東風指定halakic部分塔爾穆德,並因此對比“哈加達” (見女巫。 26A條; Soṭah 20A條; Sanh 。 38b ;壓縮機。還先生K表。 23A條,其中“ Shemu'ah ” ,希伯來文的形式,出現在baraita ) 。 In the tenth century this word was used in Mohammedan circles to designate Jewish tradition as well as its chief source, the Talmud; so that Mas'udi refers to Saadia Gaon as an "ashma'ti" (ie, a believer in the tradition), using this term in contrast to "Karaite" (see Pinsker, "Liḳḳuṭe Ḳadmoniyyot," i. 5).在10世紀這個詞用在伊斯蘭教界指定猶太傳統,以及其主要來源,塔爾穆德;使Mas'udi指Saadia Gaon作為“ ashma'ti ” (即信徒的傳統)使用這個詞的對比“ Karaite ” (見Pinsker , “ Liḳḳuṭe Ḳadmoniyyot , ”一5 ) 。 A "Kitab al-Ashma'ah" (ie, "Talmud") is also mentioned ("ZDMG" lviii. 659).一個“基塔鋁Ashma'ah ” (即“塔木德經” )也提到( “ ZDMG ” lviii 。 659 ) 。

The theorem that the Talmud was the latest development of traditional science has been demonstrated by this discussion of the meaning and the use of the word itself.該定理的塔爾穆德的最新發展是對傳統科學已經證明了這種討論的意義和使用這個詞本身。 The Talmud accordingly dates from the time following the final redaction of the Mishnah; and it was taught in the academy of Judah I. as the commentary on the tannaitic Halakah.猶太法典追溯到相應的時間後,最後編輯的米示拿;並在該學院任教的猶太一評的tannaitic Halakah 。 The editorial activity which, from the mass of halakic material that had accumulated since Akiba's Mishnah, crystallized the Talmud in accordance with the systematic order introduced by that teacher, implied the interpretation and critical examination of the Halakah, and was, therefore, analogous to Talmudic methodology.社論活動,從群眾的halakic材料,積累了自秋葉的米示拿,體現了塔爾穆德依照順序介紹了系統的教師,隱含的解釋和嚴格審查的Halakah ,並因此,類似的塔木德方法。

There were, likewise, many elements of tannaitic tradition, especially the midrashic exegesis of the Bible, as well as numerous halakic interpretations, lexicographical and material, which were ready for incorporation into the Talmud in its more restricted meaning of the interpretation of the Mishnah of Judah I. When this Mishnah became the standard halakic work, both as a source for decisions of questions of religious law, and, even more especially, as a subject of study in the academies, the Talmud interpretation of the mishnaic text, both in theory and in practise, naturally became the most important branch of study, and included the other branches of traditional science, being derived from the Halakah and the Midrash (halakic exegesis), and also including haggadic material, though to a minor degree.還有,同樣的,許多內容tannaitic傳統,特別是midrashic註釋聖經,以及眾多halakic解釋,辭書和物力,這是準備納入塔爾穆德在其更受限制的含義的解釋米示拿的當這個猶太一米示拿成為標準halakic工作,既作為一個來源的問題決定的宗教法,以及更特別是,作為一個課題研究的院校,在塔木德解釋mishnaic文字,無論是在理論並在實踐,自然成為最重要的分支的研究,並包括其他部門的傳統科學,被來自Halakah和米德拉士( halakic註釋) ,而且還包括haggadic材料,儘管輕微程度。 The Talmud, however, was not an independent work; and it was this characteristic which constituted the chief difference between it and the earlier subjects of study of the tannaitic period.猶太法典,但是,並不是一個獨立的工作,它是這個特點構成行政之間的區別,並較早的主體研究tannaitic時期。 It had no form of its own, since it served as a running commentary on the mishnaic text; and this fact determined the character which the work ultimately assumed.它沒有自己的形式,因為它是一個運行的評注mishnaic文本;和這一事實的性質決定的工作最終承擔。

Relation to Mishnah.關於米示拿。

The Talmud is practically a mere amplification of the Mishnah by manifold comments and additions; so that even those portions of the Mishnah which have no Talmud are regarded as component parts of it and are accordingly included in the editions of Babli.猶太法典實際上僅僅擴增米示拿的多方面的意見和補充,因此,即使是那些部分米示拿沒有任何塔爾穆德被視為組成部分,並因此列入版本Babli 。 The history of the origin of the Talmud is the same as that of the Mishnah-a tradition, transmitted orally for centuries, was finally cast into definite literary form, although from the moment in which the Talmud became the chief subject of study in the academies it had a double existence, and was accordingly, in its final stage, redacted in two different forms.歷史的起源塔爾穆德是一樣的米示拿一個傳統,口頭轉達幾百年,終於被拋入一定的文學形式,雖然從目前該塔爾穆德成為行政主體研究院校它有一個雙重的存在,因此,在其最後階段,編輯在兩個不同的形式。 The Mishnah of Judah I. was adopted simultaneously in Babylon and Palestine as the halakic collection par excellence; and at the same time the development of the Talmud was begun both at Sepphoris, where the Mishnah was redacted, and at Nehardea and Sura, where Judah's pupils Samuel and Rab engaged in their epoch-making work.在一米示拿的猶太通過同時在巴比倫和巴勒斯坦作為halakic收集卓越;並在同一時間的發展塔爾穆德已開始在Sepphoris ,那裡的米示拿被抹黑,在Nehardea和蘇拉,而猶太的學生塞繆爾和饒從事其具有劃時代意義的工作。 The academies of Babylon and of Palestine alike regarded the study of the Mishnah and its interpretation as their chief task.院校巴比倫和巴勒斯坦都認為,研究米示拿及其解釋作為其首要任務。 The Amoraim, as the directors and members of these academies were called ( see Amora), became the originators of the Talmud; and its final redaction marked the end of the amoraic times in the same way that the period of the Tannaim was concluded by the compilation of the Mishnah of Judah I. Like the Mishnah, the Talmud was not the work of one author or of several authors, but was the result of the collective labors of many successive generations, whose toil finally resulted in a book unique in its mode of development.該Amoraim ,董事和成員,這些院校被稱為(見阿莫拉) ,成為原創的塔爾穆德;和其最後編輯標誌著結束amoraic次以同樣的方式,該時期的Tannaim結束的彙編一米示拿的猶太一樣米示拿的塔爾穆德沒有工作的一位作者或幾個作者,但由於集體勞動的許多後代,他們的辛勞終於導致了一本書獨特的模式的發展。

The Palestinian Talmud.巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德。

Before entering into any discussion of the origin and peculiar form of the Talmud, the two recensions of the work itself may be briefly described.在進入任何討論的來源和特殊形式的塔木德,兩個recensions工作本身可能簡要介紹。 The general designation of the Palestinian Talmud as "Talmud Yerushalmi," or simply as "Yerushalmi," is precisely analogous to that of the Palestinian Targum.一般指定巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德為“塔木德經耶路莎米” ,或乾脆為“耶路莎米, ”恰恰是類似於巴勒斯坦根。 The term originated in the geonic period, when, however, the work received also the more precise designations of "Talmud of Palestine," "Talmud of the Land of Israel," "Talmud of the West," and "Talmud of the Western Lands." Yerushalmi has not been preserved in its entirety; large portions of it were entirely lost at an early date,while other parts exist only in fragments.這個詞起源於geonic時期,然而,工作也得到更準確的名稱的“塔木德的巴勒斯坦” , “塔木德的以色列土地的” , “塔木德經西”和“塔木德西方地政。 “耶路莎米尚未保存的全部內容;很大一部分完全失去了它的早日,而其他地區只存在於碎片。 The editio princeps (ed. Bomberg, Venice, 1523 et seq.), on which all later editions are based, terminates with the following remark: "Thus far we have found what is contained in this Talmud; and we have endeavored in vain to obtain the missing portions."該editio princeps (編輯Bomberg ,威尼斯, 1523年及其後各條。 ) ,所有後來的版本為基礎,終止與下面的話: “迄今為止,我們發現什麼是載於本塔爾穆德;和我們致力於在徒勞地獲得丟失的部分。 “ Of the four manuscripts used for this first edition (comp. the note at the conclusion of Shab. xx. 17d and the passage just cited), only one is now in existence; it is preserved in the library of the University of Leyden (see below).四個手稿用於這一第一版( comp.說明結束時的Shab 。二十。 17d和通過剛才提到)中,只有一個是現在存在的,它是保存在圖書館的萊頓大學(見下文) 。 Of the six orders of the Mishnah, the fifth, Ḳodashim, is missing entirely from the Palestinian Talmud, while of the sixth, Ṭohorot, it contains only the first three chapters of the treatise Niddah (iv. 48d-51b).六命令米示拿,第五, Ḳodashim ,缺少完全由巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德,而第六, Ṭohorot ,它僅包含前三章的論文Niddah ( iv. 48d - 51B章) 。 The treatises of the orders of the Mishnah are arranged in the following sequence in this Talmud; the pagination also is given here, in parentheses, to indicate the length of the several treatises:該論文的命令米示拿都被排列在下面的順序在本塔爾穆德;的分頁還給出了在這裡,在括號內,以表明長度的一些論文:

I. Zera'im:一Zera '即時消息:

Berakot (2a-14d); Pe'ah (15a-21b); Demai (21c-26c); Ki'layim (26d-32d); Shebi'it (33a-39d); Terumot (40a-48b); Ma'aserot (48c-52a); Ma'aser Sheni (52b-58d); Ḥallah (57a-60b); 'Orlah (60c-63b); Bikkurim (63c-65d). Berakot第( 2A - 14d ) ; Pe'ah ( 15A條,第二十一期乙) ; Demai (氣溫為21C - 26C條) ; Ki'layim ( 26 D款,第32 ) ; Shebi'it ( 33a - 39d ) ; Terumot (第四十A - 48B條) ;馬' aserot ( 48c - 52a ) ; Ma'aser社( 52B電纜- 58d ) ; Ḥallah ( 57A章- 60B章) ; ' Orlah ( 60c - 63b ) ; Bikkurim ( 63c - 65d ) 。

II.二。 Mo'ed: Mo'ed :

Shabbat (2a-18a); 'Erubin (18a-26d); Pesaḥim (27a-37d); Yoma (38a-45c); Sheḳalim (45c-51b); Sukkah (51c-55d); Rosh ha-Shanah (56a-59d); Beẓah (59d-63b), Ta'anit (63c-69c); Megillah (69d-75d); Ḥagigah (75d-79d); Mo'ed Ḳaṭan (80a-83d). Shabbat第( 2A - 18A條) ; ' Erubin ( 18A條, 26 D款) ; Pesaḥim (第27A - 37d ) ;山脈( 38A條- 45c ) ; Sheḳalim ( 45c - 51B章) ; Sukkah ( 51C章- 55d ) ;羅斯艾河Shanah ( 56A條, 59d ) ; Beẓah ( 59d - 63b ) , Ta'anit ( 63c - 69c ) ; Megillah ( 69d - 75d ) ; Ḥagigah ( 75d - 79d ) ; Mo'ed珥( 80a - 83d ) 。

III.三。 Nashim: Nashim :

Yebamot (2a-15a); Soṭah (15a-24c); Ketubot (24c-36b); Nedarim (36c-42d); Giṭṭin (43a-50d); Nazir (51a-58a); Ḳiddushin (58a-66d). Yebamot第( 2A - 15A條) ; Soṭah (第15A - 24c條) ; Ketubot ( 24c條- 36B條) ; Nedarim (第三十六C - 42d ) ; Giṭṭin (四十三- 50d ) ;納齊爾卡( 51A章- 58a ) ; Ḳiddushin ( 58a - 66d ) 。

IV.四。 Neziḳin: Neziḳin :

Baba Ḳamma (2a-7c); Baba Meẓi'a (7c-12c); Baba Batra (12d-17d); Sanhedrin (17d-30c); Makkot (30d-32b); Shebu'ot (32c-38d); 'Abodah Zarah (39a-45b); Horayot (45c-48c).巴巴業第( 2A - 7C條) ;巴巴加納Meẓi'a ( 7C條- 12C條) ;巴巴加納巴特拉(民寧- 17d ) ;公會( 17d - 30攝氏度) ; Makkot ( 30d - 32B條) ; Shebu'ot ( 32c - 38d ) ; ' Abodah Zarah ( 39a - 45b ) ; Horayot ( 45c - 48c ) 。

VI.六。 Ṭohorot: Ṭohorot :

Niddah (48d-51b). Niddah ( 48d - 51B章) 。

In order ii.為了二。 the last four chapters of Shabbat are missing from the Palestinian Talmud, while the treatise Sheḳalim has been incorporated into the editions of the Babylonian Talmud from Yerushalmi, and is found also in a Munich manuscript of Babli.最後四章Shabbat缺少巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德,而論文Sheḳalim已納入版本的巴比倫塔木德從耶路莎米,而且還發現在慕尼黑手稿Babli 。 In order iv.為了四。 the treatises Abot and 'Eduyot are missing in both Talmudim, and the concluding chapter of Makkot is wanting in Yerushalmi.該論文Abot和' Eduyot遺失在Talmudim ,和最後一章的Makkot是想在耶路莎米。 In order vi.為了六。 the treatise Niddah ends abruptly after the first lines of ch.該論文Niddah結束後突然第一線的CH 。 iv.四。

Maimonides expressly states in the introduction to his commentary on the Mishnah that in his time Yerushalmi was extant for the entire first five orders (comp. Abraham ibn Daud, ed. Neubauer, "MJC" i. 57); therefore he must have seen the Yerushalmi of the order Ḳodashim, although he himself does not quote it in his commentary on this order (see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 45b).邁蒙尼德明確國家在介紹其評注米示拿,他的時間耶路莎米是現存的整個第一個五年訂單( comp.亞伯拉罕本達烏德,教育署。紐鮑爾, “ MJC ”一57 ) ;因此,他必須看到了耶路莎米Ḳodashim的命令,但他本人並不在他的回复的評注本命令(見弗蘭克爾, “濕潤燒傷膏, ”第45b ) 。 Except for the treatise Niddah, on the other hand, there was, according to Maimonides (lc), no Yerushalmi for the sixth order.除傷寒Niddah ,另一方面,有根據邁蒙尼德(立法會) ,沒有耶路莎米第六屆秩序。 A South-Arabian work of the fifteenth century, however, quotes the Gemara "on 'Uḳẓin in the Gemara of the people of Jerusalem," which is said to contain a passage on the zodiac (see Steinschneider, "Catalog der Hebräischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin," p. 65, Berlin, 1878).南方阿拉伯工作的15世紀,然而,引用革馬拉“關於' Uḳẓin中革馬拉人民的耶路撒冷” ,據說這是包含一個通道上的十二生肖(見Steinschneider , “目錄之Hebräischen Handschriften之Königlichen圖書館柏林“ ,第65頁,柏林, 1878年) 。 The author of this quotation, therefore, knew Yerushalmi for the last treatise of the sixth order, although it is possible that the passage quoted may have been in the lost portion of the treatise Niddah, and that the name "'Uḳẓin" may have been used instead of "Ṭohorot."作者的這一報價,因此,知道耶路莎米最後論文第六秩序,雖然有可能通過援引可能已經在失去了部分論文Niddah ,並命名為“ ' Uḳẓin ”可能已被代替“ Ṭohorot 。 ” For further details on the missing sections of Yerushalmi see Frankel, lc pp.如需進一步詳細說明失踪節耶路莎米見弗蘭克爾術頁。 45a et seq.; Weiss, "Dor," iii. 45A條及以下各條。 ;魏斯, “多爾, ”三。 232; Buber, in Berliner's "Magazin," v. 100-105; and Strack, "Einleitung in den Talmud," pp. 232 ;布伯,在柏林的“雜誌, ”五100-105 ;和施特拉克, “導論在旦塔爾穆德”頁。 63-65. 63-65 。 The mishnaic text on which the Palestinian Talmud is based has been preserved in its entirety in a manuscript belonging to the library of the University of Cambridge, and has been edited by WH Lowe ("The Mishnah on Which the Palestinian Talmud Rests," Cambridge, 1883).該mishnaic文字巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德是基於一直保存在一個整體在手稿屬於圖書館劍橋大學,並已編武漢羅威( “的米示拿就在於巴勒斯坦塔木德經” ,劍橋, 1883年) 。

The Palestinian Talmud is so arranged in the editions that each chapter is preceded by its entire mishnaic text with the paragraphs numbered, this being followed by the Talmud on the several paragraphs.巴勒斯坦塔木德是如此安排的版本,每一個章節之前,其整個mishnaic文字與段落編號,這是其次是塔爾穆德的幾個段落。 In the first seven chapters of Berakot the paragraphs are designated as "First Mishnah" (), "Second Mishnah," etc.; while in the remainingchapters and all the other treatises the paragraphs are termed "halakot" ().在第一章的Berakot 7段被指定為“第一批米示拿” ( ) , “第二次米示拿”等;而在remainingchapters和所有其他論文的段落被稱為“ halakot ” ( ) 。 In the early chapters the mishnaic text of each paragraph is repeated entire in the Talmud at the beginning of the paragraph; but later only the first words are prefaced to the Talmudic text.在早期的章節的mishnaic每一段文字重複整個在塔爾穆德在該段開頭,但後來只有第一個字開頭的塔木德文本。 Even in cases where there is no Talmud the designation of the paragraph and the beginning of the mishnaic text are given.即使沒有塔爾穆德指定段的開始mishnaic文給出。 The editio princeps seems to have borrowed this arrangement from the manuscripts, although the system is much more simple in the fragment of Yerushalmi edited by Paul von Kokowzoff in the "Mémoires de la Société Archéologique de St. Petersbourg" (xi. 195-205), which contains some paragraphs of the sixth and eighth chapters of Baba Ḳamma.該editio princeps似乎借用這一安排從手稿,儘管該系統更簡單的片段的耶路莎米編輯保羅馮Kokowzoff在“ Mémoires學會Archéologique德聖Petersbourg ” ( xi. 195-205 ) ,其中載有某些段落的第六和第八章的巴巴加納業。 This fragment begins with the concluding lines of the Talmudic text of ch.該片段始於結論線的塔木德文本的CH 。 v.; but between them and the beginning of ch.訴;但它們之間的開始總。 vi.六。 the Mishnah is lacking, so that the superscription, "Chapter vi.," is followed immediately by the Talmudic text.是米示拿缺乏,使superscription , “第六章。 ” ,是緊隨其後的塔木德文本。 There is no reference to the beginning of the paragraph, either in the first or in the succeeding paragraphs; nor is there any explanation of the fact that paragraphs 4 and 7 of ch. viii.然而,卻沒有提及該段開頭,無論是在第一或段;也沒有任何解釋的事實,第4和第7章。八。 have no Talmud.沒有塔爾穆德。 It is clear, therefore, that the manuscript to which this fragment belonged contained only the Talmudic text, thus presupposing the use of a special copy of the Mishnah.很明顯,因此,手稿此片段屬於只載塔木德文本,從而預設使用一種特殊的副本米示拿。 It is likewise noteworthy that in the first two chapters of Berakot the sections of the Talmudic text on some of the paragraphs are designated in the editions by the word "pisḳa" (section), a term found occasionally also in other portions of the text of Yerushalmi.同樣值得注意的是,在頭兩章的Berakot的部分猶太法典文本中的一些段落中指定的版本改為“ pisḳa ” (節) ,任期也偶爾發現在其他部分的案文耶路莎米。

The Style of the Yerushalmi.風格的耶路莎米。

The style of Yerushalmi may be indicated by a brief analysis of a few sections, such as Ber.耶路莎米的風格可能會顯示一個簡短的分析幾個部分,如小蘗鹼。 i.字母i. 1; RH i. 1 ;濕度島 1, 2; Giṭ. 1 , 2 ; Giṭ 。 ii.二。 1; and BB i. 1 ;和BB島 6. Ber. 6 。小蘗鹼。 i.字母i. 1: The text of this paragraph, which begins the Mishnah, is as follows: "During what time in the evening is the reading of the 'Shema'' begun? From the time when the priests go in to eat their leaven [see Lev. xxii. 7] until the end of the first watch of the night, such being the words of R. Eliezer. The sages, however, say until midnight, though R. Gamaliel says until the coming of the dawn." 1 :本款案文,開始了米示拿,如下: “在什麼時間是在晚上的讀'射麻''開始?從祭司的時候去吃飯他們酵[見列夫。二十二。 7 ]年底前第一次看的夜晚,在這種情況的話河埃利澤。聖賢,然而,至午夜十二時說,雖然河加馬利亞說,直到未來的曙光。 “

Examples.例子。

The Talmud on this paragraph (2a, line 34-3a, line 3) contains three sections, which correspond to the three opinions and the contents of which are as follows: (1)猶太法典對本款第( 2A ,線路34 - 3A型, 3號線)包含三個部分,對應於這三個意見,其內容如下: ( 1 )

A citation, from a baraita, of another tannaitic regulation defining the Mishnah that governs the reading of the "Shema'" in the evening; two sayings of Jose (a Palestinian amora of the 4th cent.), serving to elucidate the baraita (2a, 34-45).被引,從baraita ,另一tannaitic條例界定米示拿支配讀“射麻”在傍晚;兩個成語的聖荷西(巴勒斯坦阿莫拉第四屆以上。 )服務,以闡明baraita ( 2A型, 34-45 ) 。 Remarks on the position of one who is in doubt whether he has read the "Shema'," with analogous cases, according to Jeremiah, whose views were transmitted by Ze'era II.備註上的立場是一個誰懷疑他是否閱讀了“射麻' , ”有類似的情況下,根據耶利米的意見轉交Ze'era二。 (4th cent.), the first case being decided according to the baraita already mentioned (2a, 45-2b, 4). (第4次以上。 ) ,第一種情況下被決定按照baraita已經提到的第( 2A , 45 - 2b干擾素, 4 ) 。 Another passage from the baraita, designating the appearance of the stars as an indication of the time in question; explanation of this baraita by Abba bar Pappai (transmitter, Phinehas; both of the 4th cent.); other passages on the appearance of the stars as bearing on the ritual, together with a dialectic explanation by Jose b.另一個通道從baraita ,指定的外觀星,這表明了時間的問題;解釋這一baraita的阿巴埃酒吧Pappai (發射機, Phinehas ;雙方的第4次以上。 ) ;其他通道上的外觀星級作為有影響的宗教儀式,同時辯證的解釋,何灣 Abin (second half of the 4th cent.) and a saying by Judah b.谷月女(下半年第4次以上。 )和表示,猶太灣 Pazzi (2b, 5-31). Pazzi ( 2b干擾素, 5月31日) 。 A baraita on the division between day and night, and other passages bearing on the same subject (ib. lines 31-41).阿baraita之間的分工問題的白天與黑夜,和其他通道同時就同一主題( ib.線31-41 ) 。 The meaning of "ben ha-shemashot" (twilight), and an answer by Tanḥuma b.何為“本哈shemashot ” (黃昏) ,並回答了Tanḥuma灣 Abba (latter part of the 4th cent.), together with another solution given by a baraita (ib. lines 41-46).阿巴(後一部分第四左右。 )連同另一種解決辦法所給予的baraita ( ib.線41-46 ) 。 Discussion of this baraita by Aḥa and Jose (4th cent.); reference by Mani to a question dealing with this subject which he addressed to Hezekiah of Cæsarea (4th cent.) from Mishnah Zab.討論這一baraita的啊哈和Jose (第4次以上。 ) ;參考瑪尼的一個問題處理這一問題,他給Hezekiah的凱撒利亞(第4次以上。 )從米示拿扎卜。 i.字母i. 6, and the answer of the latter (2b, 46-2c, 9). 6 ,答案後者( 2b干擾素, 46 - 2C型, 9 ) 。 Amoraic sayings and a baraita on the beginning of the day (ib. lines 9-20). Amoraic諺語和baraita的開始日( ib.線9月20日) 。 A sentence of tannaitic origin in no way related to the preceding matters: "One who prays standing must hold his feet straight," and the controversy on this subject between Levi and Simon (3d cent.), the one adding, "like the angels," and the other, "like the priests"; comments on these two comparisons (2c, 20-31).判處tannaitic來源絕不有關前事項: “一個誰祈禱常設必須持有他的雙腳直”和關於這一問題的爭論與列維和Simon (三維以上。 ) ,一個補充道, “像天使, “和其他” ,如司鐸“ ;就這兩個比較( 2C型, 20-31 ) 。 Further discussion regarding the beginning of the day, introduced by a saying of Ḥanina's (3d cent.); haggadic statements concerning the dawn; a conversation between Ḥiyya the Elder and Simeon b.進一步的討論就開始一天,介紹了一種說法的尼納的(三維以上。 ) ; haggadic聲明的曙光;會話之間Ḥiyya老年人和Simeon灣 Ḥalafta (latter part of the tannaitic period); cosmological comments: dimensions of the firmament, and the cosmic distances expressed in units of 50 and 500 years, together with similar haggadic material, chiefly tannaitic in origin; Haggadic sayings on Gen. i. Ḥalafta (後一部分tannaitic期) ;宇宙評論:層面的蒼穹,和宇宙的距離單位表示50和500年,加上類似haggadic材料,主要tannaitic在原產地; Haggadic諺語的將軍一 6, introduced by a saying of Abin's (4th cent.), and including sayings by Rab, Judah b. Pazzi, and Ḥanina; Haggadic material on Isa. xl. 22, introduced by a controversy between Johanan and Simeon b. Laḳish (3d cent.), and on Gen. ii. 4 (2c, 31-2d, 11). On the second part of the first mishnaic sentence; the views of Judah I. and Nathan on the number of the night-watches, and an exegetic discussion of them, with an allusion to Ps. cxix. 62 ("at midnight"), as well as haggadic material concerning David and his harp, with especial reference to Ps. lvii. 9 (2d, 11-44).

Earliest Manuscript of the Babli.最早的手稿的Babli 。

In the editions the Babylonian Talmud is so arranged that each paragraph of the Mishnah is followed by the portion of the Talmud which forms the commentary on it; the portions are frequently divided into sections, rubricked by the successive sentences of the mishnaic paragraph on which they are based, although an entire paragraph occasionally serves as a single text.在版本的巴比倫塔木德是這樣安排的,每個段的米示拿其次是部分塔爾穆德形成它的評注;部分往往分成部分,由歷屆rubricked判決的mishnaic第其所是以,雖然整段偶爾作為單一的案文。 Thus Babli on Ket. ii.因此Babli的氯胺酮。二。 1 (16a-18b) is divided into six sections; but there is no division into sections for ii. 1 (第16A - 18B條)分為六節;但沒有劃分區段二。 2 (18b-20b), ii. 2 ( 18B條- 20B條) ,二。 3 (20b-22a), ii. 3 ( 20B條- 22A條) ,二。 5 (23b), and ii. 5 ( 23b )和二。 9 (27b-28a). 9 ( 27B款- 49 ) 。 There are three sections for ii.有三個部分二。 4 (23a); two for ii. 4 ( 23A條) ;兩個二。 6 (23b-26a), ii. 6 ( 23b - 26A條) ,二。 7 (26b-27a), and ii. 7 ( 26B條,第27A條) ,和二。 8 (27a, b); and eight for ii. 8 (第27A條, b )段;和8個為二。 10 (28a, b). 10 ( 28A款b )項。 In the Munich codex, which is based on a manuscript of the middle of the ninth century (see Lewy in "Breslauer Jahresbericht," 1905, p. 28), the text of the entire chapter of the Mishnah is written in large characters on the inner portion of the page, separated from the Talmudic text, which is in a different script.在德國慕尼黑法典,它是基於手稿中第九屆世紀(見路易在“ Breslauer Jahresbericht , ” 1905年,第28頁) ,其案文的整個一章的米示拿在很大程度上是書面上的字符內部分網頁,脫離塔木德文本,這是在一個不同的腳本。 In the fragments in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, written in 1123 and containing a portion of the treatise Keritot (see "JQR" ix. 145), each chapter is headed by the entire mishnaic text on which it is based.在片段中的伯德雷恩圖書館,牛津大學,在1123年和書面載有部分論文Keritot (見“ JQR ”九。 145 ) ,每個章節是由整個mishnaic文字它所依據。 Then follow the sections of the Talmud, each beginning with the word and the first part of the mishnaic paragraph in question, although some sections are marked by the superscription (= ).然後按照章節塔爾穆德,每個字開頭的第一部分mishnaic段的問題,雖然有些章節標記的superscription ( = ) 。 The superscription , which in the editions marks the beginning of the Talmud on each paragraph of the Mishnah, is found neither in the Munich codex nor in the Bodleian fragments. Most of the manuscripts containing one or more treatises of Babli, and described by RN Rabbinovicz in the introductions to vols.該superscription ,這標誌著該版本開始,對每一段塔爾穆德的米示拿,發現既不在慕尼黑法典,也沒有在伯德雷恩碎片。大部分手稿包含一個或多個論文的Babli ,和所描述的護士Rabbinovicz在介紹第一和第二卷。 i., iv., viii., ix., and xi.一,四。 ,八。 ,九。 ,和十一。 of his "Diḳduḳe Soferim," are so arranged that the entire mishnaic text is placed at the beginning of the chapter; and this is also occasionally the case in the editions, as in the first chapter of the treatise Sanhedrin.他的“ Diḳduḳe Soferim , ”如此安排,整個案文是置於mishnaic開始時的一章;這也是偶爾的情況版本,如在第一章的論文公會。 In a St. Petersburg manuscript said to date from 1112 the paragraphs are repeated in their proper places (ib. viii. 3).在聖彼得堡的手稿說從1112年至今的段落重複了適當的地方( ib.八。 3 ) 。 A number of codices in the Vatican Library are arranged partly in the one way and partly in the other (xi. 13, 15, 17, 18), while the system adopted in the printed texts occurs in manuscripts also (see ib. iv. 6, 8; xi. 20).一些codices在梵蒂岡圖書館安排部分的一種方式,部分其他( xi. 13 , 15 , 17 , 18 ) ,而採用的制度,在印刷文本發生在手稿也(見B節。四。 6日, 8日;十一。 20 ) 。 It may be mentioned as a curious circumstance that in one manuscript of the Vatican (ib. xi. 19), containing the treatise Pesaḥim, many passages are vocalized and accented, as is also the case in a Bodleian fragment of Yerushalmi on Berakot ("JQR" ix. 150).這可能是作為一個好奇的情況下,在一個時間梵蒂岡( ib.十一。 19 ) ,其中載有論文Pesaḥim ,許多段落都vocalized和重音,也是如此在一個伯德雷恩片段耶路莎米的Berakot ( “ JQR “九。 150 ) 。 A fragment of considerable length in the Cambridge Library, and possibly the earliest extant manuscript of Babli, also contains the treatise Pesaḥim; it has been edited by Lowe ("The Fragment of Talmud Babli of the Ninth or Tenth Century," Cambridge, 1879); and in its four folios it includes the text of fols.一個碎片相當長在劍橋大學圖書館,並可能最早的現存手稿Babli ,還載有論文Pesaḥim ;已編輯的羅威( “片段的塔爾穆德Babli九屆或10世紀, ”英國劍橋, 1879年) ;並在其四個黹它包括文字fols 。 7a, below -9a, middle, and 13a, below -16a, above, of the editions.第7A ,低於9A條,初中和13A條,低於- 16A條,上面的版本。 The pages are divided into two columns; and the entire mishnaic text precedes the chapter; the several sections, even those beginning with a new paragraph of the Mishnah, have an introduction only in the case of the first word of the mishnaic passage in question, with the word as superscription. The character of Babli and its divergencies from Yerushalmi may best be illustrated by a citation of its commentary on the same passages of the Mishnah as those contained in the sections of the Palestinian Talmud already analyzed.網頁分為兩欄;和整個mishnaic文本之前的一章;的若干章節,甚至是那些從一個新的段落的米示拿,有一個導言只有在案件的第一個字的mishnaic通行問題,與Word作為superscription 。 Babli的特點及其差異從耶路莎米最好的說明了其評注中引用的同代的米示拿中所包含的章節巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德已經分析。

(a) (一)

The initial question of the Mishnah and its basis; two divergent answers, together with an objection and its refutation (2a; all anonymous).最初的問題,米示拿及其基礎;兩種不同的答案,同時反對和駁斥第( 2A ;所有無名氏) 。 The initial statement of the Mishnah, and an interpretation of Lev.最初的聲明米示拿,並解釋列夫。 xxii.二十二。 7 based on a baraita on this verse and concluding with a note of Rabbah b. 7基礎上baraita在此詩句和總結,以注意到安曼灣 Shela (2b), and the method of teaching this interpretation in Palestine. Shela ( 2B )條,以及教學方法,這種解釋在巴勒斯坦。 The contradictions between the statement of the Mishnah and three baraitot which are successively stated and dialectically refuted (all anonymous).矛盾的聲明,米示拿和三個baraitot是先後指出,辯證駁斥(所有無名氏) 。 A discussion of the third baraita (3a).討論了第三baraita ( 3A )條。 The opinion of R. Eliezer ("until the end of the first watch of the night"), and the problem whether three or four night-watches were implied; a haggadic baraita with a saying of R. Eliezer on the three watches of the night, together with a discussion of it.認為河埃利澤( “結束之前的第一個觀賞的夜” ) ,這一問題是否三個或四個夜間手錶意味著一個haggadic baraita與埃利澤說,對河的三個手錶的晚上,一起討論它。 A haggadic excursus of some length, beginning with Rab's saying regarding the three watches of the night, and containing a baraita (a poem by Jose b. Ḥalafta) and a disquisition on it (3b).阿haggadic附錄一些長度,從饒的話說關於三個手錶的晚上,載有baraita (一首詩的聖何塞灣Ḥalafta )和一個陽離子它( 3B )款。 Further details of the night-watches, beginning with a controversy between Judah I. and Nathan (in a baraita); a haggadic saying of Joshua b.進一步詳情,夜間手錶,首先之間爭議猶太一及彌敦道(在baraita ) ; 1 haggadic說約書亞灣 Levi transmitted by Zeriḳa and Ammi, this section concluding with a saying of Ashi.列維轉交Zeriḳa和Ammi ,本節結束,以表示對阿。 Another saying of Joshua b.另一個說約書亞灣 Levi, transmitted in like manner, together with two versions of a comment by Abba b.列維轉交的同樣方式,連同兩個版本的評論阿巴埃灣 Kahana.卡哈納。 Discussion of the first saying of Joshua b.討論的第一話說約書亞灣 Levi, beginning with the rising of David "at midnight" (Ps. cxix. 62), and devoted in the main to the connotation of the word "neshef" (ib. cxix. 147), together with sayings of Babylonian amoraim.列維開始,大衛崛起的“午夜” ( Ps. cxix 。 62 ) ,並專門在主要的內涵單詞“ neshef ” ( ib. cxix 。 147 ) ,連同格言巴比倫amoraim 。 The way in which David knew when midnight had arrived, and concerning his harp, (4a).以何種方式大衛知道當午夜已抵達,並就他的豎琴, ( 4A )條。 Further details regarding David, Ps.進一步詳細說明大衛,聚苯乙烯。 lvii.第五十七。 9, and Ex. 9 ,和前。 xi.十一。 4, with an exegesis by Ashi, which concludes the entire discussion. 4 ,有註釋的阿,其中的結論,整個討論。 Additional haggadic material concerning David, and a controversy between the Palestinian haggadists Levi and Isaac on Ps.更多關於大衛haggadic材料和巴勒斯坦之間的爭議haggadists列維和Isaac在PS 。 lxxxvi. lxxxvi 。 2 with reference to Ps. cxix. 2 ,參考到PS 。 cxix 。 62, together with comments and citations of a kindred nature. 62 ,加上評論和引用了類似的性質。

Examples from the Babli.例子Babli 。

(b) (二)

Dialectic exposition of the relation of the view of the scholars to the opinions of R. Eliezer and R. Gamaliel, together with the citation of a baraita (4b).辯證地闡述了關係的看法,學者的意見和河河埃利澤加馬利亞,連同引文的baraita ( 4b )的。 A controversy between Johanan and Joshua b.爭議之間Johanan和Joshua灣 Levi on the sequence of the "Shema'" and prayer, based on a sentence in this baraita ("the 'Shema'' is read: prayer is offered"), together with a discussion devoted chiefly to exegetic inferences.列維的序列的“射麻”和祈禱的基礎上,在這一句baraita (以下簡稱“ '射麻''是如下:祈禱是提供” ) ,以及專門的討論,主要以闡釋推論。 An objection alleged by Mar b.異議所稱三月灣 Rabina and based on a passage in the Mishnah, and a haggadic saying of Eleazar b. Rabina和通道的基礎上在米示拿,和haggadic說的埃萊亞薩灣 Abina to the effect that he who recites Ps. Abina ,大意是他誰叨唸聚苯乙烯。 cxlv. cxlv 。 thrice daily is assuredly a son of the world to come, the citation being made in this place on account of an aphorism of similar content given by Johanan in the course of the same debate.每天三次,無疑是一個兒子的世界裡,正在作出的引文在這個地方就到格言的類似內容給予Johanan過程中,同樣的辯論。 A discussion of these matters, and a saying of Johanan on Ps.討論這些問題,並表示對Johanan在PS 。 cxlv., together with another haggadic aphorism by Eleazar b. cxlv 。 ,連同另一haggadic格言的埃萊亞薩灣 Abina on the angels Michael and Raphael, and its elucidation. Abina的天使邁克爾和拉斐爾,其澄清。 The view of Joshua b.認為約書亞灣 Levi on the evening "Shema'," which should be recited in bed (5a), and amoraic sayings on the same subject, together with a confirmation, by a citation of Ps.列維晚上“射麻' , ”這應該是背誦在床上( 5A )款,並amoraic諺語關於同一主題的,同時確認,由一個引文的PS 。 iv.四。 6, of the ruling of Joshua b. 6 ,執政的約書亞灣 Levi; a haggadic saying of Simeon b. Laḳish transmitted by Levi b.李維一說的西梅昂haggadic灣Laḳish轉交列維灣 Laḥma, as well as another aphorism of this scholar transmitted by the same authority. Laḥma ,以及另一對這位學者格言轉交同一當局。 A haggadic saying by Isaac on reading the "Shema'" in bed, and a comment by Ashi, followed by another haggadic aphorism by Isaac based on Job v. 7; interpretation of this verse as denoting afflictions sent by God ("yissurim"), against which the study of the Torah gives protection; haggadic sentences on the Law.阿haggadic話說艾薩克讀“射麻”在床上,和評論的阿,然後由另一haggadic警句艾薩根據工作訴7 ;解釋本詩象上帝派來的苦難( “ yissurim ” ) ,其中的研究律法使保護; haggadic判決法。 A long series of haggadic sayings by Palestinian and Babylonian amoraim, and especially by Johanan, regarding affliction (5b), with anecdotes from Palestine and Babylon.長長的一系列haggadic諺語巴勒斯坦和巴比倫amoraim ,特別是Johanan ,就痛苦( 5B號) ,與軼事巴勒斯坦和巴比倫。 A baraita with a saying of Abba Benjamin regarding prayer before retiring, and its elucidation, together with three other baraitot and haggadic sayings of Abba Benjamin regarding prayer (6a), regarding demons (with various sayings of Babylonian authors), and praying in the synagogue.阿baraita的話阿巴埃本傑明關於退休前祈禱,並澄清,與其他三baraitot和haggadic格言阿巴埃本傑明就祈禱( 6A )款,關於惡魔(各種格言巴比倫作者) ,和祈禱的猶太教堂。 A haggadic saying by Isaac on the last subject transmitted by Rabin b.阿haggadic話說艾薩克最後主題轉交拉賓灣 Adda, together with a saying of Ashi and additional elucidations, followed by another aphoriam transmitted by Rabin in the name of Isaac regarding the "phylacteries of God," and by a discussion of the subject by Babylonian amoraim, the view of Ashi standing last.阿達,連同阿說的和額外的闡發,其次是另一個aphoriam拉賓轉交的名義艾薩克關於“ phylacteries神” ,並討論了這一問題的巴比倫amoraim ,認為阿常設過去。 A third haggadic saying of Isaac, of similar transmission, concerning prayer in the synagogue (6b), and a series of aphorisms of a like nature, the first being by Johanan, and the second by Huna transmitted by Ḥelbo. These, interspersed with other sayings, are followed by five more aphorisms transmitted by Ḥelbo in the name of Huna and regarding departure from the synagogue, the Minḥah prayer, participation in marriage festivities, the fear of God, and the refusal to return a salutation.第三haggadic說以撒,類似的傳播,有關祈禱的猶太教堂(型) ,以及一系列的警句的類似性質,首先是由Johanan ,第二次由Huna轉交Ḥelbo 。這些,穿插與其他的話,其次是5警句轉交Ḥelbo的名義, Huna和關於偏離猶太教堂,在Minḥah祈禱,參加結婚慶典活動,由於擔心上帝,並拒絕歸還稱呼。 A series (7a) of five haggadic sayings transmitted by Johanan in the name of Jose ben Ḥalafta: the prayer offered by God, pacification of an angry neighbor, discipline of one's own conscience, three requests of Moses, and the teaching that a threat or promise by God is not recalled, even though given only conditionally, and that neither, therefore, is ever unfulfilled.一系列( 7A )款的5 haggadic諺語轉交Johanan的名義,何本Ḥalafta :所提供的祈禱上帝,安撫憤怒的鄰居,紀律,自己的良心,三項要求的摩西,與教學,一個威脅或承諾上帝是不記得,即使只給有條件的,這既不因此,任何時候都沒有兌現。

After a number of sayings, partly tannaitic and partly amoraic in origin, come six haggadic aphorisms (7b) transmitted by Johanan in the name of the tanna Simeon ben Yoḥai, the second treating of the same subject as the corrresponding one in the previous series.經過多次的話,部分tannaitic和部分amoraic的原產地,來到六haggadic警句( 7B條)轉交Johanan的名義, tanna西梅昂本Yoḥai ,第二次治療的同一主題的corrresponding一個在先前的數列。 To these sayings are appended various aphorisms and elucidations, followed by a conversation between Naḥman b.這些說法是附在各種警句和闡發,隨後進行了對話Naḥman灣 Jacob and Isaac, in which the latter cites a sixth saying, concerning prayer in the synagogue, transmitted by Johanan in the name of Simeon ben Yoḥai. Additional haggadic aphorisms (8a) on this subject as well as on the importance of the synagogue, followed by three sayings of 'Ulla transmitted by Ḥiyya b.雅各布和Isaac ,其中後者引用六分之一表示,有關祈禱的猶太教堂,轉交Johanan的名義,西梅昂本Yoḥai 。附加haggadic警句( 8A條)關於這個問題,以及重要的猶太教堂,其次由三句話的'烏拉轉交Ḥiyya灣 Ammi, and by various aphorisms on the reading of the Torah in the synagogue (8b) and other kindred matters. Ammi ,並通過各種警句的讀律法的猶太教堂( 8B條)和其他類似的問題。 This portion is concluded by the instructions which Joshua b.這部分是最後的指示約書亞灣 Levi gave to his sons, and by the analogous instructions which Raba gave to his children, as well as by elucidations of details of these teachings and by sayings of a similar import.列維給他的兒子,以及類似的指示,拉巴給他的子女,以及闡發的細節,這些教義和諺語類似進口。

(c) (三)

In the name of Samuel, Judah declares that the opinion of R. Gamaliel is authoritative.的名義,塞繆爾,猶太聲明,認為河加馬利亞具有權威性。 A baraita giving a similar view by Simeon ben Yoḥai, followed by an interpretation of it with a final decision by Joshua ben Levi, and by another version of the relation to it of the ruling of Joshua ben Levi.阿baraita給予了類似的觀點的西蒙本Yoḥai ,其次是它的解釋,以作出最後決定約書亞本列維和另一版本的與它有關的執政黨約書亞本列維。 The section (9a) terminates with an opinion on this baraita by a scholar who had come from Palestine to Babylon.本節( A款)終止與輿論對這一baraita誰的學者來自巴勒斯坦巴比倫。

Further Examples.進一步的例子。

RH i.相對濕度島 1 (§§ 1-2 in Yerushalmi; the Talmud on these sections is contained in 2a-15b): 1 ( § § 1月2日在耶路莎米;猶太法典對這些章節載於2A型- 15B條) :

(a) (一)

Ḥisda's answer to the question as to the practical importance of the "new year of the kings," with a citation of the mishnaic passage (Sheb. x. 5) regarding antedated and postdated promissory notes. Ḥisda回答的問題是,在實際意義的“新的一年裡的國王” ,與引文的mishnaic通道( Sheb.十5 )關於antedated和postdated期票。 A baraita on the reckoning of regnal years, and its elucidation (2b), together with hermeneutic deductions from the Bible regarding Nisan as the beginningof the regnal year, introduced by an inference of Johanan based on I Kings vi.阿baraita的推算的regnal年了,它說明( 2B )條,連同詮釋學扣減有關聖經的beginningof尼的regnal一年,介紹了一個推理的基礎上的Johanan王六。 1 as compared with Num. 1相數。 xxxiii.三十三。 38, Deut. 38 , Deut 。 i.字母i. 3, 4, Num. 3 , 4 ,序號。 xxi.二十一。 1 (3a), and similar passages, preference being finally given to Eleazar's deduction founded on II Chron. 1 ( 3A )條,以及類似的通道,優先被最後考慮到埃萊亞薩的基礎上扣除二專欄。 iii. 2.三。 2 。 A baraita giving the deduction of Johanan.阿baraita給予扣除Johanan 。 The assertion of Ḥisda that the regnal years of non-Israelitish kings were reckoned from Tishri, together with Biblical passages in confirmation of this view, beginning with Neh.主張Ḥisda的regnal年的非Israelitish國王認為從提市黎月,加上聖經段落證實這一觀點,從Neh 。 i.字母i. 1 and its hermeneutic exposition (3b), the conclusion being formed by a variety of haggadic material on the Persian kings mentioned in the Bible (4a). 1及其詮釋學博覽會( 3B )款,正在形成的結論的各種haggadic材料中提到的波斯國王的聖經( 4A )條。

(b) (二)

Ḥisda's answer to the query why Nisan 15, the first day of the Feast of Passover, was not made the "new year of the feasts," while a baraita shows that this view was promulgated by Simeon ben Yoḥai himself. Ḥisda的回答查詢為什麼尼15日,第一天的節日逾越節,沒有提出“新的一年裡的節日” ,而baraita表明,這種觀點是頒布的西蒙本Yoḥai自己。 Another baraita (4b) on the ritual order of the festivals, together with exegetic deductions from the views contained therein and additional discussions, concluding with an elucidation (5a) of other halakic and exegetic sayings on festivals and sacrifices. Baraita (5b) on Deut.另一個baraita ( 4b )的儀式上的秩序的節日,同時闡釋扣減所載的意見和進一步討論,得出的結論與鑑定( 5A )款的其他halakic和闡釋諺語的節日和犧牲。 Baraita ( 5B號)關於Deut 。 xxiii.二十三。 22 et seq., and a detailed discussion, followed by a similar section (6a, b) on Deut. 22起。 ,和詳細的討論,隨後進行了類似的條文(第6A條, b )在Deut 。 xxiii.二十三。 24. 24 。 Baraita (7a) on Nisan 1 and its four meanings, the first being deduced from Ex. Baraita ( 7A )款的尼桑1及其四個含義,首先是來自前推導。 xii.十二。 2 and Deut. 2和Deut 。 xvi.十六。 1, although an objection caused Lev. xxiii. 1 ,雖然反對造成列夫。二十三。 39 to be regarded by Ḥisda as the basic passage, while Zech. i. 39被認為是Ḥisda作為基本通行,而Zech 。島 7 was cited to refute an allegation made by Rabina, additional Biblical passages being quoted by the Babylonian amoraim 'Ulla, Kahana, and Ashi; the section is concluded by a deduction of the three other meanings of Nisan 1 (7b) mentioned in the baraita. 7被引駁斥指控作出Rabina ,額外的聖經段落被引用的巴比倫amoraim '烏拉,卡哈納,和阿;該科最後扣除其他三個含義尼1 ( 7B條)中所提到的baraita 。

(c) (三)

The signification of Elul 1 as the "new year for tithes of cattle," as taught by R. Meïr.的意義Elul 1為“新的一年裡為什一稅的牛, ”作為教河梅爾。 The various origins of the sentences collected in RH i.各種來源的判決中收集濕度島 1, together with a saying by Joseph, followed by a series of aphorisms of later Babylonian amoraim, and one by Ashi (8a). 1 ,連同約瑟夫說,隨後進行了一系列的警句後來巴比倫amoraim ,一個由阿( 8A條) 。 Johanan's deduction, from Ps. Johanan的扣除從聚苯乙烯。 lxv. lxv 。 14, of the double view concerning the new year for tithes of cattle, and its dialectic elucidation. Second half of the mishnaic paragraph: 14 ,雙認為關於新的一年裡,為什一稅的牛,它的辯證澄清。下半年mishnaic段:

(a) (一)

The question regarding the practical utility of the new year for the counting of the years, answered by Pappa in exactly the same way as Ḥisda had solved the question concerning the new year of the kings; solution of the discrepancy and further elucidations of the principle that Tishri 1 was the new year for the counting of the years.關於這個問題的實際效用在新的一年的計數多年來,回答Pappa絕對相同的方式為Ḥisda解決了的問題在新的一年的國王;解決方案的差異,並進一步闡發的原則,提市黎月1新的一年裡,為的年票。 Two baraitot on Ps.兩個baraitot在PS 。 lxxxi. lxxxi 。 4 et seq. 4起。 (8b). ( 8B條) 。

(b) (二)

An inference regarding the year of jubilee, based on Lev.推論關於大慶一年的基礎上,列夫。 xxv.二十五。 4; and the obviation of the difficulty presented by Lev. 4 ;和排除的困難提出列夫。 xxv.二十五。 9 (with reference to the Sabbatical year) by means of a baraita on the following verse, together with two other baraitot on the same subject (9a) and an elucidation of Tishri 10, concluded by a baraita on Lev. 9 (參照帶薪年)通過baraita對下列詩句,連同其他兩個baraitot就同一議題( A款)和闡明提市黎月10日,結束了baraita就列夫。 xxv.二十五。 11 and its interpretation (9b). 11日和其解釋( 9B條) 。

(c) (三)

Biblical deduction regarding the planting of trees and a baraita thereon, with an inference drawn from the Bible by Johanan (10a), and an elucidation of another baraita cited in explanation of the first, Johanan's deduction from Gen. viii.聖經扣除有關植樹和baraita就此與推理取自聖經的Johanan ( 10A條) ,並闡明中提到的另一個baraita解釋,第一, Johanan的扣除將軍八。 13 regarding the opposing views of R. Meïr and R. Eleazar (10b) as to whether a day may be reckoned like a year, thus introducing a baraita containing the controversy between R. Eliezer and R. Joshua on the month of Creation, the former arguing for Tishri and the latter for Nisan; exegetic haggadot of considerable length (11a-12a) on this section. 13關於反對意見的河梅爾和河埃萊亞薩( 10B款) ,是否可以每天像一個不可忽視的一年,從而引入baraita載之間爭議河埃利澤和河上約書亞月份創建前者主張提市黎月,而後者為尼;闡釋haggadot相當長度(第11A - 12A條)對本節規定。

(d) (四)

A baraita stating that "tithes" and "vows" as well as "vegetables" belong to Tishri 1, together with interpretations by hermeneutics and other methods (12b), and with discussions of the subject by the Palestinian and Babylonian schools, and halakic exegeses (13a-14a).阿baraita指出, “什一稅”和“誓言”和“蔬菜”屬於提市黎月1連同解釋詮釋學與其他方法( 12B條) ,並討論這一問題的巴勒斯坦和巴比倫學校, halakic exegeses (第13A - 14A條) 。

(e) (五)

An argument by Hoshaiah transmitted by Eleazar (14a), and a baraita recording the practise of R. Akiba (14b-15b), as well as elucidations of it.爭論的Hoshaiah轉交埃萊亞薩( 14A條) ,以及baraita記錄執業的河秋葉(第14B - 15B條) ,以及闡發的。 Another baraita on Shebaṭ 15, with a controversy between Johanan and Simeon ben Laḳish, and a discussion of it. Giṭ.另一個baraita對Shebaṭ 15 ,以之間爭議Johanan和Simeon本Laḳish ,並討論了它。 Giṭ 。 ii.二。 1 (the Talmud on this section is contained in 15a-17a): 1 (塔爾穆德對本節的情況載於第15A - 17A條) :

(a) (一)

The purpose of the entire paragraph, although its content is immediately apparent from the opening sentence of the mishnaic treatise.的目的,整個段落,但其內容是十分明顯的開放一句mishnaic論文。

(b) (二)

The problem of the connotation of "the half of the bill of divorce, and Ashi's answer.這個問題的內涵“的一半法案離婚,和阿的回答。

(c) (三)

The law regarding a case in which only "the half" of a bill of divorce is signed by witness in the presence of the bearer; the more rigorous interpretation of it by Ḥisda and subsequent modifications by Raba and (15b) Ashi, as well as a dialectic discussion of these three sayings.有關的法律案件中,只有“一半”的法案的簽署離婚證人在場的情況下承載的更嚴格的解釋,它的Ḥisda和隨後的修改,拉巴和( 15B條)阿,以及辯證討論這三句話。 Analogous cases from other branches of the Halakah and casuistic questions bearing on them (16a), concluding with one by Pappa which remains unanswered.類似的情況下從其他部門Halakah和詭辯的問題影響到他們( 16A條) ,最後一個Pappa仍然答案。

(d) (四)

Case in which one of the bearers of a bill of divorce witnesses the engrossing of the document and the other the signature; exact definition given by Johanan and transmitted by Samuel b.案件中,一個承擔一項法案,離婚證人的引人入勝的文件和其他的簽字;確切定義,並給予Johanan轉交塞繆爾灣 Judah (16b); the answer of the latter to the objection of Abaye, although another version of the entire affair makes Ashi the author of the objection; controversy on the subject between Hoshaiah and 'Ulla. Anecdote of a visit made by Judah b.猶太( 16B款) ;的答案,後者反對Abaye ,但另一種版本的整個事件使阿的作者反對;關於這一問題的爭論之間Hoshaiah和'烏拉。軼事訪問所作的猶太灣 Ezekiel to Rabbah bar bar Ḥana during an illness of the latter, and their conversation on a problem connected with Giṭ.厄澤克爾到安曼酒吧酒吧花在生病後,和他們交談的一個問題與Giṭ 。 i.字母i. 1. 1 。

(e) (五)

The case in which the engrossing of a bill of divorce is witnessed by one and the signature by two persons (17a), and the exact definition of such an event, given by Johanan and transmitted by Ammi, the section being concluded by a discussion between Ammi and Assi.該案件中,引人入勝的一項法案,離婚是一個見證了簽署了兩個人( 17A條) ,以及確切的定義,這種情況下,所給予Johanan和轉交Ammi ,本節即將結束的討論Ammi和阿西。

Legal Example.法律的例子。

BB i. BB心跳島 6 (the Talmud on this section is contained in 7b-11a): 6 (猶太法典對本節的情況載於7B條,第11A ) :

(a) "One who is part owner of a courtyard is obliged to contribute to the cost of the gateway as well as of the door itself"; -the citation of a legend concerning Elijah to prove that a gateway is not necessarily a subject for praise, concluded by a casuistic definition of the case presupposed by the Mishnah. (一) “一個誰是主人的院子有義務作出貢獻的費用網關以及門本身” ; ,引用的一個傳說,關於伊萊賈證明網關不一定是主題好評,結束了詭辯定義的先決條件的情況下由米示拿。

(b) According to R. Simeon b. ( b )根據河西梅翁灣 Gamaliel, "Every courtyard is not adapted to a gateway"; a baraita containing the complete version of this saying.加馬利亞, “每一個庭院是不適應的門戶” ,一個baraita含有完整版的這句話。

(c) According to R. Simeon b. (三)根據河西梅翁灣 Gamaliel, "One who dwells in a city is obliged to contribute toward the building of the walls and the doors," etc.; a baraita containing the complete version ofthis saying.加馬利亞, “一個誰居住在一個城市不得不作出貢獻的建設,牆壁和門”等,一個baraita載有完整版本ofthis說。 Johanan's answer to the query advanced by Eleazar concerning the method of levying contributions, followed by a second version of the same account. Johanan的回答查詢先進的方法埃萊亞薩關於徵收會費,其次是第二個版本的同一帳戶。 The patriarch Judah II.東正教猶太二。 and the scholars contributed toward building the wall, although the legality of this action was questioned by Simeon b.和貢獻的學者對修建隔離牆,但這一行動的合法性提出質疑西梅昂灣 Laḳish on the basis of a haggadic deduction from Ps. Laḳish的基礎上haggadic扣除聚苯乙烯。 cxxxix. CXXXIX號。 18, while Johanan proposed another verse, Cant. 18 ,而另一Johanan提議詩州。 viii, 10, to aid in the solution of the problem (8a); Rabbah's interpretation of this passage of Canticles.八, 10日,以協助解決問題( 8A條) ;安曼的解釋這段Canticles 。 An instance of contributions on the part of the scholars of Babylonia, and the proof of their illegality furnished by the exegesis of three Biblical passages, taken respectively from the Pentateuch, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa.一個實例貢獻的部分學者的東風,並證明其非法由其聖經註釋三個段落,分別採取從五經,先知和Hagiographa 。 Pappa's proof that a certain tax was imposed on orphans, and a discussion of it, followed by a tannaitic account (half Aramaic) by Judah I. of the support of scholars during a time of famine. Pappa的證據表明,某些稅收的目的是對孤兒,並討論了它,隨後tannaitic帳戶(一半阿拉姆)由猶太島學者的支持下,在時間的飢荒。

(d) "How long must one dwell in a city to have equal rights with its citizens? Twelve months"; a conflicting baraita which speaks of thirty days; Rabbah's solution of this contradiction, while Johanan reconciles the discrepancy between the period of twelve months and that given in another baraita. ( d ) “有多久必須一個住在一個城市享有平等權利的公民? 12個月” ;衝突的baraita其中提到三十天;安曼的解決這一矛盾,同時Johanan兼顧之間的差異為期12個月並說,鑑於在另一baraita 。 The saying of Johanan as to the liability of scholars to taxation, and various statements regarding the practise of the Babylonian sages.的說法Johanan為賠償責任的學者,稅收,以及各種報表的實踐巴比倫先賢。 The way in which Joseph (4th cent.) expended a sum of money sent him by the mother of King Sapor, together (8b) with an interpretation of Jer.以何種方式約瑟夫(第4次以上。 )花費了一筆錢給他的母親王味,連同( 8B條)的解釋哲。 xv.十五。 2. 2 。 Baraita on the mode of levying taxes for the poor, and the right of assessment of municipal taxes. Baraita模式的徵稅為窮人服務,並有權評估市政稅。 The rule of the Mishnah (Sheḳ. v. 2) that the smallest number of persons who may be entrusted with raising taxes is two, and its Biblical basis according to Naḥman b.規則的米示拿( Sheḳ.訴2 )最小數目的人誰可以委託加稅是兩個,其聖經基礎上根據Naḥman灣 Jacob, together with sayings and examples bearing on this matter.雅各布,連同諺語和實例的影響這一問題。 An interpretation of Dan.解釋丹。 xii.十二。 3 as referring to the collectors and trustees of the tax for the poor, followed by two baraitot on these collectors and Abaye's statements regarding the practise of Rabbah b. 3 ,它是指收集和受託人的稅收為窮人,其次是兩個baraitot這些收藏家和Abaye的陳述,涉及到實踐安曼灣 Naḥmani, as well as (9a) by a note of Ashi and an opinion of Rabbah. Naḥmani ,以及( A款)由注意到阿和意見安曼。 Baraita on the auditing of the accounts of the trustees of the tax for the poor, and elucidations of it. Baraita關於審計的帳目,受託人的稅收為窮人服務,並闡發的。 Notes and anecdotes illustrating Mishnah Pe'ah viii. Notes和軼事說明米示拿Pe'ah八。 7 (on the amount to be given to the poor), followed by haggadic passages on the importance of almsgiving, among these aphorisms being one cited by Rabbah as transmitted to Eleazar by a certain 'Ulla with a curious surname, which forms the basis of an anecdote. 7 (數額給予窮人) ,其次是haggadic通道的重要性,救濟,在這些警句是一種引用安曼轉交給埃萊亞薩某'烏拉以好奇的姓氏,形成的基礎一個趣聞。 Further haggadic passages on the charity of Eleazar, Isaac, and others.進一步haggadic通道的慈善機構的埃萊亞薩,以撒,和其他人。 A baraita giving R. Meïr's answer (10a) to the question why God Himself does not nurture the poor, followed by an account of the conversation on this subject between R. Akiba and Tineius Rufus.阿baraita給予河梅爾的答案( 10A條)的問題,為什麼上帝不培養窮人,其次是一個帳戶的會話之間就這個問題和Tineius河秋葉魯夫斯。 Sermon by Judah b.布道的猶太灣 Shalom (Palestinian amora of the 4th cent.) on Jer.沙洛姆(巴勒斯坦阿莫拉第四屆以上。 )對張哲。 lvii.第五十七。 17, and anecdotes from the lives of Johanan b. 17 ,和軼事從生活Johanan灣 Zakkai and Pappa. Zakkai和Pappa 。 Haggadic sayings by tannaim and amoraim on alms. Haggadic諺語的tannaim和amoraim的施捨。 The vision of Joseph b.的遠景約瑟夫灣 Joshua b.約書亞灣 Levi (10b) of the future life, together with baraitot on the interpretation of Prov.列維( 10B款)在今後的生活,加上baraitot的解釋省。 xiv.十四。 34 by Johanan b. 34所Johanan灣 Zakkai and his scholars as well as by Gamaliel II. Zakkai和他的學者以及加馬利亞二。 and the other sages of Jabneh. The charity of the mother of Sapor, and two baraitot: one (11a) the story of the beneficence of Benjamin ha-Ẓaddiḳ; the other an account of the generosity of King Monobaz.和其他賢人Jabneh 。慈善的母親,味,以及兩個baraitot : 1 (第11A )的故事行善本傑明河Ẓaddiḳ ;其他帳戶的慷慨國王Monobaz 。

(e) "If one obtains a dwelling-place in the city, he immediately receives equal rights with the citizens"; an opposing view by Simeon b. (五) “如果獲得一所住宅,在城市,他立即得到平等權利的公民” ;反對意見的西梅昂灣 Gamaliel transmitted in two versions. Framework of Commentary. This analysis of four different passages of the Babylonian Talmud shows, in the first place, that the framework, as in the Palestinian Talmud, is formed by a running interpretation of the Mishnah, despite the heterogeneity of the material which is interwoven with it.加馬利亞轉交的兩個版本。框架的評論。這一分析的四個不同的段落的巴比倫塔木德表明,首先,這個框架,在巴勒斯坦塔木德,是在運行中所形成的解釋,米示拿,儘管非均質性的材料,它是交織在一起。 The Talmud, however, is not a mere commentary on the Mishnah, since, in addition to its haggadic portions, it contains a varied mass of halakic material, connected only loosely, if at all, with the contents of the mishnaic paragraphs in question; and while the Talmud sometimes adheres closely to the text of such a paragraph, its commentary on a single section of the Mishnah is often expanded into the compass of a small book.猶太法典,但是,不僅僅是一個評注米示拿,因為,除了其haggadic部分,它包含了各種不同質量的halakic材料,只有鬆散的聯繫,如果在所有的內容, mishnaic段落中的問題;雖然有時堅持密切塔爾穆德的案文這樣的一段,其評注單節米示拿往往是擴大到指南針小書。 In this respect Babli is much more free than Yerushalmi, which is more concise in other regards as well; the wider interests of the former and its greater variety and length are due at least in large part to the fact that the Babylonian academies enjoyed a longer existence and hence its redaction extended over a more protracted period.在這方面Babli更不是耶路莎米自由,這是更簡潔的問候,以及其他的更廣泛的利益和它的前更加多樣化和篇幅的原因,至少在很大程度上是一個事實,即巴比倫院校享有較長存在,因此其編輯延續了更長期的時期。

Haggadah of the Babli.哈加達的Babli 。

The fact that the Haggadah is much more prominent in Babli, of which it forms, according to Weiss ("Dor," iii. 19), more than one-third, while it constitutes only one-sixth of Yerushalmi, was due, in a sense, to the course of the development of Hebrew literature.事實上,哈加達更加突出Babli ,它的形式,根據魏斯( “多爾, ”三。 19 ) ,超過三分之一,而它只有六分之一的耶路莎米,是因為,在從某種意義上說,對發展過程中希伯萊文學。 No independent mass of haggadot developed in Babylon, as was the case in Palestine; and the haggadic writings were accordingly collected in the Talmud.沒有獨立的質量haggadot開發的巴比倫,如在巴勒斯坦和haggadic著作據此收集在塔爾穆德。 The most curious example of this is a midrash on the Book of Esther, found at the end of the first chapter of the treatise Megillah (pp. 10b-17a).最奇怪的例子,這是一個米德拉士的以斯帖記發現,結束時的第一章的論文Megillah (第10B條,第17A條) 。 Except for the fact that the text of this section naturally alludes to the Book of Esther, the midrash has no connecting-link with the preceding portion of the Talmud.除了這樣一個事實,即文字本條自然提到的以斯帖記的米德拉士沒有連接鏈路,與先前部分塔爾穆德。 It is a true midrashic compilation in the style of the Palestinian midrashim, introduced by sixteen proems (mostly by Palestinian authors), and followed by exegeses and comments on individual verses of Esther in the order of the text, each preceded by a catch word (for further details on this midrash see Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 119).這是一個真正的midrashic彙編的風格巴勒斯坦米大示,介紹了16 proems (主要由巴勒斯坦作者) ,其次為exegeses和意見,對個別詩句以斯帖的順序排列的文字,每之前趕上字(進一步的細節在此米德拉士見巴切爾, “銀。巴布。奧馬爾。 ”第119頁) 。 A fragment of a similar compilation on Lamentations, treating of a few verses of the first two chapters, is found in the last chapter of Sanhedrin (104, 4 et seq.), this fragment being inserted there on account of the preceding casual allusion to the Babylonian exile (ib. p. 120).一個碎片一個類似彙編耶利米哀歌,治療一些詩句的頭兩章,是在最後一章公會( 104 , 4起。 ) ,該片段插入有考慮到前面的休閒暗指巴比倫流亡( ib.第120頁) 。 The treatise Giṭṭin (55a-58a) contains a haggadic compilation on the destruction of Jerusalem, its elements being found partly in the Palestinian literature, partly in Ekah Rabbati, and partly in the treatise Ta'anit of the Jerusalem Talmud.該論文Giṭṭin (第55A - 58a )載有haggadic彙編關於銷毀耶路撒冷,其內容被發現部分巴勒斯坦文學,部分Ekah Rabbati ,部分在論文Ta'anit耶路撒冷猶太法典。 This haggadah, which begins with a saying by Johanan, is appended to the brief halakic elucidation of the first sentence of the mishnaic paragraph on the law of the Sicarii (Giṭ. v. 6), mentioning those who fell in the war against the Romans.這哈加達,其中一開始就表示, Johanan ,附加到簡短halakic闡明第一句mishnaic款的法律Sicarii ( Giṭ.五6 ) ,提到這些誰落在羅馬戰爭。 In Babli such haggadic interpolations, often of considerable length, are extremely frequent, while the very content of the mishnaic paragraphs often affords a basis for lengthy haggadic excursuses.在這種haggadic插值Babli ,往往相當長,非常頻繁,而非常內容mishnaic段往往提供了一個基礎冗長haggadic excursuses 。 Thus the last (in Yerushalmi, next to the last) chapter of Sanhedrin is made the foundation for a mass of haggadic comments, most of them only loosely connected by an association of ideas with the text of the passages of the Mishnah to which they are assigned.因此,去年(在耶路莎米,下次到最後)章公會是建立一個大規模的haggadic意見,其中大多數是只有鬆散的協會意見的文本段落的米示拿它們是分配。 In this exceptionally long chapter of Babli (pp. 90a-113b) only that portion (111b-112b) which refers to the Law in Deut.在這種超常的篇章Babli (第90A型- 113b ) ,只有這部分( 111b - 112b ) ,其中提到該法在Deut 。 xiii. 12 et seq.十三。 12起。 is halakic in nature.是halakic性質。 The haggadic conclusion of the first chapter of Soṭah furnishes the basis for further Talmudic comments in the style of the Haggadah (8b, 14a); so that, for example, the interpretation of Ex.該haggadic締結的第一章Soṭah提供了基礎,進一步猶太法典的意見的樣式哈加達( 8B條, 14A條) ;如此,例如,前解釋。 ii.二。 4, cited in the Mishnah (11a), is followed (11a-13b) by an independent section which forms a running midrash on Ex. 4 ,中所列舉米示拿( 11A款) ,其次是(第11A - 13B條)由一個獨立的部分構成一個運行米德拉士關於前。 i.字母i. 8-ii. 8二。 4. 4 。 Additional examples may be found in nearly every treatise of the Babylonian Talmud.更多的例子中可以找到幾乎所有的論文的巴比倫塔木德。 The haggadic sections of this Talmud, which form an important part of the entire work, have been collected in the very popular "'En Ya'aḳob" of Jacob ibn Ḥabib (1st ed. 1516), as well as in the rarer "Haggadot ha-Talmud" (Constantinople, 1511; comp. Rabbinovicz, "Diḳduḳe Soferim," viii. 131); and they have been translated into German by A.該haggadic節本塔爾穆德,其中的一個重要組成部分的全部工作,已收集了非常受歡迎的“恩Ya'aḳob ”的雅各布本哈比(第1版。 1516年) ,以及罕見的“ Haggadot夏塔爾穆德“ (君士坦丁堡, 1511年;補償。 Rabbinovicz , ” Diḳduḳe Soferim , “八。 131 ) ; ,他們已被翻譯成德文的A. Wünsche ("Der Babylonische Talmud in Seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen," 3 vols., Leipsic, 1886-89). Wünsche ( “明鏡Babylonische塔爾穆德在Seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen , ” 3卷。 , Leipsic , 1886年至1889年) 。

An important factor in the composition of the Talmud, and consequently one it is necessary to consider in a discussion of its literary form, is the frequent juxtaposition of several sayings ascribed to one and the same author.中的一個重要因素組成的塔爾穆德,因此一有必要考慮在討論其文學形式,是經常並列幾個諺語歸因於同一個作者。 These sayings, which are frequently linked together by the name of their common transmitter as well as by that of their author, were evidently taught in this connected form in the academies, thus finding their way into the appropriate passages of the Talmudic text.這些話,這常常是聯繫在一起的名字叫它們的共同發射機以及對他們的作者,顯然在這個連接講授形式,院校,從而找到自己的方式在適當的段落的塔木德文本。 Such groups of aphorisms are extremely frequent in Babli; and several of them are found in the passage from Ber.這些團體的警句是極其頻繁的Babli ;和幾個人是在通過從小蘗鹼。 2a-9a which has been analyzed above (regarding Yerushalmi see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 39a). 2A型- 9A條已分析以上(關於耶路莎米見弗蘭克爾, “濕潤燒傷膏, ”第39a ) 。 Other circumstances which must be considered in discussing the composition of the text of the Talmud are set forth in the account of its origin and redaction given below.其他情況下,必須考慮在討論組成的案文塔爾穆德中規定到其原籍國和編輯如下。

Style and Language.風格和語言。

The remarks already made concerning the relation of the Hebrew and the Aramaic elements in the vocabulary of Yerushalmi apply with little modification to Babli, although the Aramaic of the latter is more nearly akin to the Syriac (the eastern Aramaic dialect then current in Babylonia) and is even more closely related to Mandæan (see Nöldeke, "Mandäische Grammatik," p. xxvi., Halle, 1875; on the Persian elements in the vocabulary of Babli see Jew. Encyc. vii. 313b, sv Judæo-Persian).這些話已經提出的關係的希伯來文和阿拉姆要素的詞彙很少耶路莎米適用修改Babli ,儘管阿拉姆後者更近類似敘利亞文(東部方言然後阿拉姆目前在巴比倫)和更是密切相關的曼達(見Nöldeke , “ Mandäische語法” ,第26 。 ,哈雷, 1875年;關於波斯元素的詞彙Babli見猶。 Encyc 。七。 313B章,西沃特Judæo -波斯) 。 In regard to Greek and Latin terms Levy makes the incomprehensible statement ("Neuhebr. Wörterb." iv. 274a) that "no Greek or Latin words are found in the Babylonian Talmud." This is, however, incorrect; for a large number of words from the Latin and Greek (see Krauss, "Lehnwörter," ip xxiii.) are employed in the Talmud, both in the tannaitic passages found in Babli, and in the sayings of Palestinian as well as of Babylonian amoraim, such as Rab (see Bacher, lcp 32).關於希臘和拉丁條款利維使難以理解的聲明( “ Neuhebr 。 Wörterb 。 ”四。 274a )說: “沒有希臘或拉丁字是在巴比倫塔木德經” 。然而,這是不正確的;為一大批話從拉丁文和希臘(見克勞斯, “ Lehnwörter , ”知識產權二十三。 )受僱於塔爾穆德,無論是在tannaitic中發現Babli通道,並在巴勒斯坦人的說法,以及巴比倫amoraim ,如饒(見巴切爾,液晶32 ) 。 On the exegetic terminology as applied in Biblical and traditional hermeneutics, see Bacher, "Terminologie der Amoräer," Leipsic, 1905.論闡釋術語適用於聖經和傳統詮釋學,見巴切爾, “ Terminologie之Amoräer , ” Leipsic , 1905年。 An interesting linguistic peculiarity of Babli is the fact that tannaitic traditions, especially stories, are occasionally given entirely in Aramaic, or an anecdote, begun in Hebrew, is continued in Aramaic (such as the story, designated by as a baraita, concerning Joshua b. Peraḥyah and his pupil Jesus [Sanh. 107b]).一個有趣的語言特點Babli的事實是, tannaitic傳統,特別是故事,偶爾給予完全的阿拉姆語,或一個故事,開始在希伯來文,是繼續在阿拉姆(如故事,指定作為baraita關於約書亞b 。 Peraḥyah和他的學生耶穌[ Sanh 。 107B章] ) 。

The Halakah in Babli.該Halakah在Babli 。

The contents of the Talmud-this term being restricted to Babli, although much which applies to it holds true of Yerushalmi as well-fall into the two main divisions of Halakah and Haggadah. Although, as stated above, the Mishnah itself frequently furnishes the ground for the inclusion of haggadic elements in the Talmud, and although the subjects discussed in the Halakah frequently lead of themselves to haggadic treatment, the Haggadah occupies only a secondary position in the Talmud, since this is, both in origin and in purpose, a halakic work, and was intended to serve as a commentary on the chief authoritative work of the tannaitic Halakah, the Mishnah of Judah I. Those portions, therefore, which treat of the interpretation of the Mishnah are the substance of the Talmud. This interpretation, however, was not merely theoretical, but was primarily devoted to a determination of the rules applying to the practise of the ceremonial law; on the other hand, the development of the Halakah had not ceased in the academies of the Amoraim, despite the acceptance of the Mishnah, so that the opinions and the decisions of the Amoraim themselves, even when they were not based merely on an interpretation of the Mishnah and other tannaitic halakot, became the subject of tradition and comment.的內容塔爾穆德,這個詞只限於Babli ,儘管還有許多適用於它所擁有的真正的耶路莎米以及落入兩個主要部門Halakah和哈加達。雖然,正如上文所述,米示拿自己經常提供地面列入haggadic元素塔爾穆德,雖然討論的主題在Halakah經常帶領自己haggadic治療,哈加達只佔次要位置在塔木德,因為這是,無論是在原產地和目的, halakic工作,並打算作為評首席權威的工作tannaitic Halakah ,在一米示拿的猶太部分,因此,該處理的解釋,米示拿的實質塔爾穆德。這種解釋,但是,這不僅是理論上的,但主要是用於確定適用的規則實行的禮儀法;另一方面,發展的Halakah沒有停止在學校的Amoraim ,儘管接受米示拿,這樣的意見和作出的決定Amoraim自己,即使他們不是僅僅在解釋米示拿和其他tannaitic halakot ,成為傳統的主題和評論。 In addition to the Mishnah, furthermore, the Midrash (the halakic exegesis of the Bible) and the Halakah in the more restricted sense became the subject of tradition and of study, and were preserved in different collections as being the other results of the tannaitic period.此外,米示拿,此外,米德拉士(在halakic註釋聖經)和Halakah在更多意義上成為受限制的問題傳統和學習,並保存在不同的集合被認為是其他結果tannaitic期。 In this way the Talmud, in its strict connotation of the interpretation of the Mishnah, was increased by an inexhaustible mass of material, which afforded the amoraic academies a basis both for the interpretation and for the criticism of the Mishnah; for since the Talmud deals with the criticism of the Mishnah, not only in text and meaning, but also in its relation to the baraitot, these baraitot themselves were frequently interpreted in the same way as were mishnaic passages (eg, RH 10a, 12b, 29a), and were supplied with their Talmud.這樣,塔木德,在其嚴格的內涵解釋米示拿,增加了一個取之不盡的材料質量,這提供了一個基礎amoraic院校雙方的解釋和批評,米示拿;以來塔爾穆德交易與批評米示拿,不僅在文字和含義,而且在其有關baraitot ,這些baraitot自己經常解釋的同樣方式被mishnaic通道(例如,生殖健康10A條, 12B條, 29A條) ,並提供其塔木德。 Moreover, the Talmud was further augmented by the inclusion within it of the views which the scholars expressed in the course of their public, judicial, and other activities, as well as by the data regarding their private lives and their religious practises which were discussed and memorized in the academies.此外,塔爾穆德進一步擴大,列入它的意見的學者表示,在其公眾,司法和其他活動,以及有關數據的私人生活和他們的宗教習俗進行了討論,並記憶中的院校。 If this brief sketch of the Talmud as regards its halakic contentsbe supplemented by the statement that the sayings of the several amoraim as well as the opposing views of their contemporaries and the members of the academies, whether teachers or pupils, are frequently recorded in connection with the report of the discussions of the academies, a more complete view of the nature of the Talmud and a better conception of its form may be gained.如果這個簡短的示意圖塔爾穆德至於其halakic contentsbe補充聲明說,諺語的幾個amoraim以及反對的意見和他們同時代的成員院校,不論老師或學生,往往是與記錄該報告的討論情況院校,更全面的看法的性質塔爾穆德和一個更好的概念,其形式可能會上漲。

The Framework Anonymous.框架無名氏。

The real framework of the Talmud, however, on which the entire structure was built, was, as noted above, provided by the questions, comments, and discussions which are based on individual paragraphs of the Mishnah, and which are anonymous, or not ascribed to any author.真正的框架內塔爾穆德,然而,在整個結構建造,是,如上所述,所提供的問題,意見,和討論的基礎上個別段落米示拿的,而且是匿名的,或不為其任何作者。 Appended to these passages and interspersed among them are sayings whose authors are named; and this class frequently preponderates greatly.附加到這些通道和穿插其中有諺語其作者的名字,以及本級經常preponderates很大。 The anonymous framework of the Talmud may be regarded as the warp resulting from the united activity of the members of the academy, and upon which the woof of the Talmud was interwoven and developed during three centuries, until its final redaction gave it definitive form.匿名框架塔爾穆德可視為經因聯合國活動的成員學院,並在此基礎上的塔木德緯交織和發達國家在三個世紀,直到最後編輯賦予它明確的形式。 The Talmud is really the work of the body of scholars in the academies, who devoted themselves to it generation after generation, and kept its traditions alive.猶太法典是真正的工作機構,院校的學者,誰投入這一代又一代人,並保持其傳統活著。 Although many members of the academie-sthe great as well as the small, teachers as well as pupils-are mentioned as the authors of various sayings and decisions, and as taking part in the discussions and controversies, some of them being deemed scholars worthy of record on account of a single remark, the background of the Talmud, or rather the background for those elements regarding whose authorship statements are made, was formed by the united efforts of those who labored to produce that work.儘管許多成員科學院- sthe偉大以及小,教師以及學生的,是作者提到的各種說法和決定,並參與討論和爭議,其中一些被視為學者值得記錄到一個單一的話,的背景下塔爾穆德,或者不如的背景有關這些內容的作者的代表作,是由聯合國作出的努力是誰生產的工人的工作。 The manifold objections and refutations introduced by the word "metibi" (= "they object"), and the questions (generally casuistic in nature) preceded by the formula "ibba'ya lehu" (= "they have asked") refer to this body of scholars, regardless of the date at which they lived.多方面的反對和駁斥介紹的單詞“ metibi ” ( = “ ,他們反對” )和問題(一般詭辯性質的)之前的公式“ ibba'ya lehu ” ( = “他們要求” )是指本機構的學者,無論何時他們生活。

Redaction.編輯。

This allusion to the anonymous framework of the Talmud suggests the problem of its redaction, which is partially answered by the allusion itself; for the work began with the inception of the collection, and the first amoraim laid the foundation for the task, which was carried on by succeeding generations, the final result being the Talmud in its present form.這指的是無名氏框架塔爾穆德顯示的問題,它的編輯,這是部分地回答了典故本身的工作開始時成立的收集,並首次amoraim奠定了基礎的任務,這是進行由後代,最終的結果是塔爾穆德目前的形式。 The system of mishnaic hermeneutics, which was in a sense official, and was at all events sanctioned by the lectures delivered in the academy, was determined as early as the first generation, and remained valid thenceforth.該系統的mishnaic詮釋學,這在某種意義上是正式,並在所有活動認可的講座在學院,是最早確定的第一代,和此後仍然有效。 It is interesting to notice that the only certain occurrence of the word "Gemara" in the sense of "Talmud" ('Er. 32b) is found in connection with an account which throws a flood of light upon the first stages of the redaction of the Talmud.有趣的是,請注意,只有特定的字詞“革馬拉”意義上的“塔木德經” ( '呃。 32B條) ,發現與其中一個帳戶拋出了大量的輕後的第一階段的編輯在塔木德。 This account begins with the interpretation of 'Er.此帳戶開始的解釋'呃。 iii.三。 4, and is as follows: "R. Ḥiyya b. Abba, R. Assi [Palestinian amoraim in Babylon], and Rabba b. Nathan sat; and beside them sat also Rab Naḥman. They sat and said [here follows a dialectic discussion on the nature of the place of the tree mentioned in the paragraph of the Mishnah]. Then R. Naḥman said: 'It is correct; and Samuel also has approved of this explanation.' 4 ,如下: “河Ḥiyya灣阿巴埃,河阿西[巴勒斯坦amoraim在巴比倫] ,並Rabba灣彌敦道星期六;和坐在旁邊還饒Naḥman 。他們坐在和說[這裡後,辯證的討論的性質,地點樹在本段中提及的米示拿] 。然後河Naḥman說: '這是正確的;和Samuel也已批准了這項解釋。 Then the first three asked: 'Hast thou established this explanation in the Gemara?'然後前三問: '你你就確立了這一解釋中的革馬拉? ' [ie, "Hast thou included it as a fixed element in the Talmud? [即“你你把它作為一個固定的組成部分塔爾穆德? Naḥman answers in the affirmative, whereupon a confirmatory amoraic tradition is added; and, in the name of Samuel, Rab Naḥman interprets the mishnaic passage under consideration in the light of that exegesis]." The term "ḳaba'" ("establish") was used in a later age by Sherira Gaon to designate the incorporation of portions that were used to make up the Talmud into its text (see Lewy, "Interpretation des Ersten Abschnitts des Palästinischen Talmud-Traktates Nesikin," p. 4; Bacher, in "Hebrew Union College Annual," 1904, p. 34), while in the Talmud itself the word was applied to the redaction of tannaitic traditions (see RH 32a, above; Ḳid. 25a; Sanh. 21b; Zeb. 114b). This account, which dates from the beginning of the amoraic period in the Academy of Nehardea, is, curiously enough, an isolated instance; for among the many dates and accounts which the Talmud contains in reference to the academy and its members, there is no direct statement concerning the redaction of the text, either in its earlier stages or at its conclusion, although certain statements on divergent traditions of amoraic sayings and discussions afford an idea of the way in which the Talmudic text emerged from the various versions given by the scholars and schools that transmitted it. These statements, which have been collected by Lewy (lc pp. 4-14), use the verb "tanni" ("pa'el" from ) in referring to lectures on the Talmudic text as well as amoraic sayings or discussions on them (Bacher, "Terminologie der Amoräer," p. 239). Thus it is stated (Shab. 48b; BB 86a) that at Sura a certain interpretation was given in the name of Ḥisda and at Pumbedita in that of Kahana. There are a number of other similar statements concerning traditions, in regard to differences, as between Sura and Pumbedita, and between Sura and Nehardea, in the wording of the amoraic sayings and in their ascribed authorship (Giṭ. 35a). Especially frequent is the mention of amoraim of the fourth and fifth centuries as transmitters of these divergent statements, either two amoraim being named as authorities for two different versions, or an amora being cited as opposing another version to an anonymous tradition. As examples of the former may be mentioned Rabba and Joseph (Zeb. 25b), Pappa and Zebid (Shab. 66b), Kahana and Tabyomi (Ned. 16b), Ashi and Mar Zuṭra (Shab. 119a), and Rabina and Aḥa (Ket. 31b); while many other instances are cited by Lewy (lc). Naḥman答案是肯定的,於是一驗證amoraic傳統補充; ,並在名稱塞繆爾,饒Naḥman解釋mishnaic通過審議根據這一註釋] 。 “術語”卡巴“ ( ”確定“ )被用來在以後的年齡Sherira Gaon指定納入的部分被用來彌補塔爾穆德納入其案文(見路易“釋義之Ersten Abschnitts萬Palästinischen塔爾穆德- Traktates Nesikin ”第4頁;巴切爾,在“希伯來聯合學院年度” , 1904年,第34頁) ,而在塔爾穆德一詞本身是用於編輯tannaitic傳統(見濕度32A條,以上;孩子。 25A條; Sanh 。第二十一期乙;瑞伯。 114b ) 。這帳戶,該帳戶的日期從一開始的amoraic時期科學院Nehardea ,是有趣的,一個孤立的例子,因為在眾多的日期和賬戶的塔爾穆德包含在提及學院和其成員,不存在直接的聲明編輯的文本,無論是在其早期階段或結束時,雖然某些陳述不同傳統amoraic的諺語和討論提供了一個想法,以何種方式出現在塔木德文本的不同版本所提供的學者和學校轉交。這些財務報表,已收集到的路易(信用證頁。 4月14日) ,使用動詞“ tanni ” ( “ pa'el ”從)在提到講座塔木德文本以及amoraic諺語或討論他們(巴切爾, “ Terminologie之Amoräer ” ,第239頁) 。因此,指出( Shab. 48B條; BB心跳86a ) ,在蘇拉一定解釋中給出的名稱Ḥisda和Pumbedita在此的卡哈納。還有一些其他類似的聲明的傳統,這方面的分歧,因為蘇拉和Pumbedita之間之間,蘇拉和Nehardea ,在措詞上的amoraic說法,並在其歸咎於著作權( Giṭ. 35A條) 。尤其是頻繁提及amoraim的第四和第五世紀的發射機,這些不同的聲明,兩個被命名為amoraim當局為兩個不同的版本,或阿莫拉被列為反對另一個版本,以匿名的傳統。由於前者的例子可提到Rabba和約瑟夫( Zeb. 25B條) , Pappa和Zebid ( Shab. 66b ) ,卡哈納和Tabyomi ( Ned. 16B款) ,阿和3月Zuṭra ( Shab. 119A條) ,並Rabina和阿哈( Ket. 31b ) ;雖然許多其他情況下是引用路易(立法會) 。

Technical Terms for Tradition.技術術語的傳統。

Particularly interesting are the cases in which a divergent account is presented before Ashi, and thus before the one who projected the definitive redaction of the Talmud, Ashi appearing in all these cases as representing the version first given.特別令人感興趣的是在何種情況下有不同的帳戶提交阿,從而在一個誰預計最終編輯的塔木德,阿中出現的所有這些案件代表首先考慮的版本。 Thus the amora Mordecai said to Ashi: "Thou teachest thus; but we teach differently" (Men. 42b; Ber. 5a).因此,阿莫拉莫迪凱說,阿: “你teachest從而;但我們教不同” ( Men. 42b ;小蘗鹼。 5A型) 。 In addition to such statements, which are ascribed to members of the Babylonian academies, and which indicate divergencies in amoraic tradition, the extant text of the Talmud contains also a number of othervariants, which are included without such statements.除了這樣的聲明,這是為其成員巴比倫院校,並表明分歧amoraic傳統,現存文字的塔爾穆德也包含了一些othervariants ,其中包括沒有這樣的報表。 These are introduced by such formulas as "And if you will say (), referring to other authorities, or "There are those who say," or "There are those who teach," and similar phrases. The expression "another version" () frequently appears in the text as a superscription to a divergent account (Naz. 9b; B. Ḳ. 59a; Ḥul. 119b; Tem. 5a, 6a, 9b; 11b, 30b [comp. Frankel in "Monatsschrift," 1861, x. 262]; Niddah 29a, 38a). All these instances afford an idea, even though but an imperfect one, of the gradual development of the Talmudic text. To comprehend why only practically a single Talmud was produced, despite the various academies, the great number of authoritative transmitters of the mass of material, and the number of generations that collaborated on the work, it must be borne in mind that there was a continual interchange of ideas between the academies, and that the numerous pupils of the successive generations who memorized the Talmud, and perhaps committed at least a part of it to writing, drew from a single source, namely, the lectures of their masters and the discussions in the academies; further, that, since the work on the Talmud was continued without interruption along the lines laid down by the first generation of amoraim, all succeeding generations may be regarded as one body of scholars who produced a work which was, to all intents and purposes, uniform. This unity finds its expression in the phraseology adopted in the anonymous framework of the Talmud, which terms the authors "we," exactly as a writer speaks of himself as "I" in an individual work. Examples of this phraseology occur in the following formulas: ("We then raised the question"; see Shab. 6b, 71a, 99b; Yoma 74a, 79b; Suk. 33a; Meg. 22a; Yeb. 29b; Ḳid. 49a; Giṭ. 60b; Shebu. 22b; 'Ab. Zarah 35a, 52b; Niddah 6b); ("We have opposed [another teaching to the one which has been quoted]"); ("We have learned," or, in other words, "have received by tradition"), the conventional formula which introduces mishnaic passages; and, finally, ("Whence have we it?"), the regular preface to an inquiry regarding the Biblical basis of a saying. In all these formulas the "we" denotes the authors of the Talmud regarded as a collective unity, and as the totality of the members of the academies whose labors, covering three centuries of collaboration, resulted in the Talmud. It was in the Babylonian Academy of Sura, moreover, that the final redaction of the Talmud took place, the very academy that took the lead in the first century of the amoraic period; and the uniformity of the Talmud was thus assured, even to the place of its origin.這些都是採用這種方式為“如果你會說( ) ,指的是其他機構,或”有那些誰說, “或”有些人誰教“和類似詞語。表達”另一個版本“ ( )經常出現在文本作為superscription到不同的帳戶( Naz. 9B條;灣K表。 59A條;豪。 119b ;溫度。 5A型, 6A條,第9b ; 11B款, 30B條[補償。弗蘭克爾在“月刊” , 1861年,十, 262 ] ; Niddah 29A條, 38A條) 。所有這些情況提供了一個想法,儘管不完善,但一個逐步發展的塔木德文本。理解,為什麼只有一個單一的塔爾穆德實際上是生產,儘管各院校,大量權威發射機質量的材料,以及一些後代合作的工作,必須牢記的是,有一個不斷交換意見的院校之間,而且許多學生的後代誰背塔爾穆德,也許承諾至少它的一部分,以書面形式提請來自同一個來源,即演講的美國名人賽和討論中,院校;進一步認為,由於工作的繼續進行,沒有塔爾穆德中斷寫法所規定的第一代amoraim ,所有後代可被視為一個機構的學者誰製作了一個工作是,對所有意圖和目的,統一的。這種團結認為其表達的措辭中通過無名氏框架塔爾穆德,這些條款的作者說: “我們” ,正是作為一個作家談到了自己為“我”在一個人的工作。這方面的例子措辭發生在下列公式: ( “然後,我們提出了一個問題” ,見沙巴。 6B型, 71a , 99B章;山脈74a , 79b ;淑。 33a ;梅格。 22A條; Yeb 。 29B款;孩子。 49A條; Giṭ 。 60B章; Shebu 。 22B款; '抗體。 Zarah 35A條, 52B電纜; Niddah型) ; ( “我們反對[另一個教學一個已引用] ” ) ; ( “我們已經知道” ,或者,換句話說, “已收到的傳統” ) ,傳統的配方,介紹mishnaic通道; ,並最終( “何處有我們呢? ” ) ,經常進行調查前言關於聖經的基礎上說。在所有這些公式的“我們”是指作者的塔爾穆德視為一個集體的團結,並作為整個成員院校的勞動者,其中包括三個世紀的合作,導致塔爾穆德。正是在巴比倫科學院蘇拉,此外,最後編輯的塔爾穆德發生,這是非常科學院率先在第一世紀amoraic期;和統一性塔爾穆德因此保證,甚至代替其原產地。

Date of Redaction.日期Redaction 。

The statements already made concerning the continuous redaction of the Babylonian Talmud apply with equal force to the Yerushalmi, this fact being expressed by Lewy (lc pp. 14-15) in the following words: "In Palestine, as in Babylon, there may have been different Talmudim in the various schools at different periods. . . . Similarly in the Palestinian Talmud different versions of amoraic sayings are quoted in the names of different authors, from which it may be inferred that these authors learned and taught different Talmudim."該聲明已經提出的連續編輯巴比倫塔木德同樣適用於在耶路莎米,這一事實所表示路易(信用證頁。 14-15日)在下面的話: “在巴勒斯坦,在巴比倫,可能有不同Talmudim在各個學校在不同時期。 。 。 。同樣,在巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德不同版本的說法是amoraic中引用的名稱不同的作者,從中可以推斷,這些作者的經驗教訓和學習不同Talmudim 。 “ Lewy speaks also (lcp 20) of several redactions which preceded the final casting of the Palestinian Talmud into its present form.路易說話也(液晶20 )的若干刪節之前最後鑄造巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德納入其目前的形式。 The actual condition of affairs can scarcely be formulated in these terms, however, since the divergencies consist, for the most part, of mere variants in certain sentences, or in the fact that there were different authors and transmitters of them; and although many of these deviations are cited by R. Jonah and R. Jose, who lived and taught contemporaneously at Tiberias, this fact scarcely justifies the assumption that there were two different Talmudim, one taught by Jonah and the other by Jose; it will nevertheless be evident, from the statements cited above, that the Talmud existed in some definite form throughout the amoraic period, and that, furthermore, its final redaction was preceded by other revisions.的實際情況事務簡直是制定這些條款,但是,由於分歧包括,在大多數情況下,僅僅是在某些句子的變種,或在一個事實,即有不同的作者和發射機的,雖然許多這些偏差引用河約拿和河聖何塞,誰生活和學習contemporaneously在太巴列,這一事實幾乎沒有理由假設有兩種不同Talmudim ,一個教約拿和其他由Jose ;它也將是顯而易見的,從上面提到的聲明,即塔爾穆德中存在的一些明確的形式在整個amoraic時期,而且,此外,其最後的編輯之前,其他修改意見。 It may likewise be assumed that the contemporaneous schools of Tiberias, Sepphoris, and Cæsarea in Palestine taught the Talmud in different redactions in the fourth century.它可能同樣假定同期學校的太巴列, Sepphoris ,和愷撒在巴勒斯坦教塔爾穆德不同刪節在四世紀。 Lewy assumes, probably with correctness, that in the case of Yerushalmi the treatise Neziḳin (the three treatises Baba Ḳamma, Baba Meẓi'a, and Baba Batra) was taken from a redaction differing from that of the other treatises.路易假設,很可能與正確性,但如屬耶路莎米的論文Neziḳin (三論文巴巴加納業,巴巴Meẓi'a和巴巴巴特拉)採取了不同的編輯從其他論文。 (Allusion has already been made to a difference of content between the first two and the last two orders of the Yerushalmi.) With regard to Babli. (典故已經取得了不同的內容之間的頭兩年,並在過去兩年命令的耶路莎米。 )關於Babli 。 Frankel has shown ("Monatsschrift," x. 194) that the treatise Tamid, in which only three chapters out of seven are accompanied by a Talmud, belongs to a different redaction from that of the other treatises; and he endeavors to show, in like manner (ib. p. 259), both "that the redactor of the treatise Ḳiddushin is not identical with that of Baba Batra and Nedarim," and "that the redactor of the treatise Giṭṭin is not the same as that of Keritot and Baba Batra."弗蘭克爾已經顯示( “月刊, ”十194 ) ,該論文Tamid ,其中只有3個章節的7頃伴隨著塔爾穆德,屬於不同的編輯,與其他論文,他竭力表明,在喜歡的方式( ib.第259頁) ,這兩個“的redactor的論文是不完全相同Ḳiddushin與巴巴巴特拉和Nedarim ”和“的redactor的論文Giṭṭin是不一樣的是Keritot和巴巴巴特拉。 “ However, as these remarks refer to the final redaction of the Talmud, they do not touch upon the abstract unity of the work as emphasized above. It is sufficient to assume, therefore, that the final redaction of the several treatises was based on the versions used in the different academies.然而,這些言論是指最後編輯的塔爾穆德,他們沒有談及摘要團結工作強調以上。足以承擔,因此,最後編輯的一些論文是基於版本使用不同的院校。 It may be postulated, on the whole, that the Palestinian Talmud received its present form at Tiberias, and the Babylonian Talmud at Sura (comp. the passages in Yerushalmi in which [= "here"] refers to Tiberias, and those in Babli in which the same word denotes Sura [Lewy, lcp 4]).可以假定,總體上說,巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德收到以其目前的形式在太巴列和巴比倫塔木德在蘇拉( comp.通道在耶路莎米其中[ = “瀏覽” ]指的太巴列,而那些在Babli在這同一個詞是指蘇拉[路易,液晶4 ] ) 。

The chief data regarding the academies of Palestine and Babylon, whose activity resulted in the Talmud, have been set forth elsewhere (see Jew. Encyc. i. 145-148, sv Academies), so that here stress need be laid only on those events in the history of the two schools and of their teachers which are especially noteworthy in connection with the origin and the final redaction of the two Talmudim.首席數據有關院校對巴勒斯坦和巴比倫,其活動的結果是塔木德,已規定在其他地方(見猶。 Encyc 。島145-148 ,希沃特院校) ,因此需要在這裡強調奠定只對那些事件歷史上的兩所學校和他們的老師是特別值得注意的與原產地和最後編輯兩個Talmudim 。 It may be said, by way of preface, that the academies of Palestine and Babylon were in constant intercommunication, notwithstanding their geographical position.可以說,通過前言,該院校的巴勒斯坦和巴比倫是在不斷的相互交流,儘管他們所處的地理位置。 Many prominent Babylonian scholars settled permanently in Palestine, and many eminent Palestinians sojourned in Babylon for some time, or even for a considerable portion of their lives.許多著名學者巴比倫永久定居在巴勒斯坦,以色列和許多傑出的旅居在巴比倫了一段時間,甚至有相當一部分自己的生活。 In the second half of the third century Babylonian students sought the Palestinian schools with especial frequency, while many pupils of Johanan went during the same period to Babylon; and in the troublous days of the fourth century many Palestinian scholars sought refuge in the more quiet regions along the Euphrates.在下半年第三世紀巴比倫尋求巴勒斯坦學生的學校特殊的頻率,而許多學生Johanan了在同一時期,以巴比倫和焦急天4世紀許多巴勒斯坦學者避難更安靜的區域沿幼發拉底河一線。 This uninterrupted association of scholars resulted in an active interchange of ideas between the schools, especially as the activity of both was devoted in the main to the study of the Mishnah.這不間斷協會學者導致積極交換意見的學校之間,尤其是因為這兩個活動是專門在主要的研究米示拿。 The Jerusalem Talmud accordingly contains a large number of sayings by Babylonian authorities, and Babli quotes a still larger number of sayings by Palestinian scholars in addition to the proceedings of the Palestinian academies, while it likewise devotes a very considerable space to the halakic and haggadic teachings of such Palestinian masters as Johanan, Simeon b.耶路撒冷塔爾穆德因此包含了大量的諺語的巴比倫當局和Babli報價仍然較多的說法是巴勒斯坦學者除了程序上的巴勒斯坦院校,而同樣投入相當的空間和haggadic教義halakic這些巴勒斯坦當家作主作為Johanan ,西梅翁灣 Laḳish, and Abbahu. Laḳish ,並Abbahu 。 Anonymous Palestinian sentences are quoted in Babli with the statement, "They say in the West"; and similar maxims of Babylonian origin are quoted in Yerushalmi in the name of "the scholars there."無名氏巴勒斯坦判決中引用Babli的發言, “他們說,在西部大開發” ;和類似格言的巴比倫原產地引述了耶路莎米的名義, “有學者。 ” Both the Talmudim thus acquired more traits in common than they had formerly possessed despite their common foundation, while owing to the mass of material which Babli received from the schools of the Holy Land it was destined in a measure to supplant the Palestinian Talmud even in Palestine.同時Talmudim從而獲得更多的特性,他們的共同點比原先儘管他們擁有共同的基礎,同時由於大量的材料Babli收到學校的聖地這是注定的一項措施,取代巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德即使在巴勒斯坦。

Activity of Jonah and Jose.活動約拿和Jose 。

The history of the origin of Yerushalmi covers a period of two centuries.歷史上的原產地耶路莎米為期兩個世紀。 Its projector was Johanan, the great teacher of Tiberias, who, together with his pupils and contemporaries, some of them of considerable prominence, laid the foundations for the work which was continued by succeeding generations.其投影機是Johanan ,偉大的教師的太巴列,誰與他的學生和同時代人,其中一些相當突出,奠定了基礎的工作是繼續後世。 The extreme importance of Johanan in the genesis of the Palestinian Talmud seems to have been the basis of the belief, which first found expression in the twelfth century, although it is certainly older in origin, that he was the author of Yerushalmi (see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 47b).的極端重要性Johanan的成因巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德似乎已經根據的信念,這首先表現在12世紀,但它肯定是老年人的出身,他的作者耶路莎米(見弗蘭克爾, “濕潤燒傷膏, ”頁第47B ) 。 As a matter of fact, however, almost a century and a half elapsed after the death of Johanan (279) before this Talmud received its present form, but it was approximated to this form, toward the end of the fourth century, by Jonah and Jose, the two directors of the Academy of Tiberias.事實上,然而,近一個半世紀過去了去世後Johanan ( 279 )在本塔爾穆德收到以其目前的形式,但它接近這種形式年底,四世紀,由喬納和聖何塞,兩個董事科學院太巴列。 Their joint halakic sentences, controversies, and divergent opinions on the utterances of their predecessors are scattered throughout Yerushalmi; but the conclusion that Jose redacted it twice, which has been drawn from certain statements in this Talmud, is incorrect (Frankel, lcp 101a; Weiss, "Dor," iii. 113 et seq., 211; see Lewy, lc pp. 10, 17; Halevy, "Dorot ha-Rishonim," ii. 322).他們的聯合halakic判決,爭論和不同意見的言論他們的前輩遍布耶路莎米;但這樣的結論:何編輯兩次,這是來自中的某些陳述這一塔爾穆德,是不正確的(弗蘭克爾,液晶101A章;魏斯, “多爾, ”三。 113起。 , 211 ;見路易術頁。 10日, 17日;哈萊維, “ Dorot河Rishonim , ”二。 322 ) 。 Jonah's son Mani, one of the scholars most frequently named in Yerushalmi, seems, after studying at Cæsarea, where noteworthy scholars were living in the fourth century, to have raised the school of Sepphoris to its highest plane; and a large number of the sayings of the "scholars of Cæsarea" was included in Yerushalmi (see "Monatsschrift," 1901, pp. 298-3l0).約拿的兒子瑪尼,其中最常見的學者命名的耶路莎米,似乎後,就讀於凱撒利亞,其中值得注意的學者,生活在四世紀,以提高學校的Sepphoris來最高平面;和大量的成語對“學者的愷撒”中包括耶路莎米(見“月刊” , 1901年,頁。 298 - 3l0 ) 。 The only other halakist of importance among the Palestinian amoraim is Jose b.唯一的其他halakist重要的巴勒斯坦amoraim是何灣 Abin (or Abun).谷月女(或阿) 。 According to Frankel (lcp 102a), he occupied about the same position in regard to the redaction of Yerushalmi as was held by Ashi in regard to that of Babli (see also Weiss, lc iii. 117).按Frankel (液晶102a ) ,他對被佔領土同樣的立場方面,編輯耶路莎米如在阿舉行的關於對Babli (又見魏斯,立法會三。 117 ) 。 The final redaction of the Talmud was reserved for the succeeding generation, probably because the activity of the Academy of Tiberias ceased with the discontinuance of the patriarchate (c. 425).最後編輯的塔爾穆德是留給後代一代,可能是因為活性學院巴停止與終止宗主(角425 ) 。 This was the time during which Tanḥuma b.這是時間在這期間Tanḥuma灣 Abba (see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." iii. 502) made his collection and definite literary arrangement of the haggadic exegesis of the amoraic period. The beginnings of the Babylonian Talmud are associated both with Nehardea, where the study of the tradition had flourished even before the close of the tannaitic period, and with Sura, where Rab founded a new academy which soon surpassed Nehardea in importance. Rab and Samuel, who respectively presided with equal distinction over the two schools, laid the foundation of the Babylonian Talmud through their comments on the Mishnah and their other teachings. Their views are frequently contrasted in the form of controversies; but on the other hand they are often mentioned as the common authors of sentences which were probably transmitted by certain pupils who had heard them from both masters.阿巴(見巴切爾, “銀。帕爾。奧馬爾。 ”三。 502 ) ,他收集和明確的文學安排haggadic訓詁學的amoraic時期。之初所巴比倫塔木德經相關既Nehardea ,那裡的研究傳統的繁榮甚至在收盤前的tannaitic期間,和蘇拉,而饒成立一個新的學院很快超過Nehardea重要。拉布和Samuel ,誰主持,分別以同樣的區別的兩所學校,奠定了基礎巴比倫通過他們的意見塔爾穆德的米示拿及其他教義。他們的意見往往形成鮮明對照的形式,爭論;但另一方面,他們經常提到的共同作者的判決可能有某些學生轉交誰聽說過他們這兩個美國名人賽。 One of these pupils, Judah b. Ezekiel, when asked to explain some of the more obscure portions of the Mishnah, subsequently alluded plaintively to the "hawayyot" of Rab and Samuel, meaning thereby the questions and comments of the two masters on the entire Mishnah (Ber. 20a and parallels).其中的一個學生,猶太灣厄澤克爾,當被要求解釋一些比較模糊的部分,米示拿,隨後plaintively提到的“ hawayyot ”的饒和Samuel ,從而含義的問題和意見的兩個主人對整個米示拿( Ber. 20A條和Parallels ) 。 In like manner, scholars of the fourth century spoke of the hawayot of Abaye and Raba, which formed, as it were, the quintessence of the Talmud, and which, according to an anachronistic addition to an old baraita, were even said to have been included in the branches of knowledge familiar to Johanan b.同樣,學者4世紀談到hawayot的Abaye和拉巴,形成,猶如的精髓塔爾穆德,並根據不合時宜除了舊baraita ,甚至說已經列入部門的知識熟悉Johanan灣 Zakkai (Suk. 28a; BB 134a). Zakkai ( Suk. 28A款; BB心跳134 ) 。

Activity of Raba.活動拉巴。

The pupils of Rab and Samuel, the leading amoraim of the second half of the third century-Huna, Ḥisda, Naḥman b.學生的饒和Samuel ,領先amoraim下半年第三世紀Huna , Ḥisda , Naḥman灣 Jacob, Sheshet, and the Judah mentioned above, who is especially prominent as a transmitter of the sayings of his two teachers-added a mass of material to the Talmud; and the last-named founded the Academy of Pumbedita, where, as at Sura, the development of the Talmud was continued.雅各布, Sheshet和猶太如上所述,誰是特別突出的發射機的說法,他的兩名教師,增加了大量的材料塔爾穆德;和去年命名成立學院Pumbedita ,在那裡,截至蘇拉,發展塔爾穆德繼續。 Pumbedita was likewise the birth-place of that casuistic and hair-splitting method of interpreting and criticizing halakic passages which forms the special characteristic of the Babylonian Talmud, although the scholars of this academy devoted themselves also to the study of the collections of tannaitic traditions; and at the beginning of the fourth century the representatives of the two movements, "Sinai" Joseph and Rabbah, the "uprooter of mountains," succeeded their master Judah and became the directors of the school. Pumbedita同樣的出生地點是詭辯和頭髮分裂法的解釋和批評halakic通道形成特色的巴比倫塔木德,雖然學者這個學院還專門自己的研究收藏tannaitic傳統;和開始的時候,四世紀的代表,這兩個運動, “西奈”約瑟夫和安曼中, “ uprooter山區, ”他們的主人猶太成功,並成為董事的學校。 Their sayings and controversies, together with the still more important dicta and debates of their pupils Abaye and Raba, form a considerable part of the material of the Talmud, which was greatly increased at the same time by the halakic and haggadic sentences brought from Palestine to Babylon.他們的說法和爭議,同時更重要的論述和辯論的學生Abaye和拉巴,形成一個相當大的一部分的材料,塔爾穆德,這大大增加,同時由halakic和haggadic判決帶來的巴勒斯坦巴比倫。 All the six orders of the Mishnah were then studied, as is statedby Raba (not Rabba; see Rabbinovicz, "Diḳduḳe Soferim," on Ta'anit, p. 144), although in Judah's time the lectures had been confined to the fourth order, or, according to the view of Weiss ("Dor," iii. 187), which is probably correct, to the first four orders (comp. Meg. 28b; Ta'an. 24a, b; Sanh. 106b; Raba's pupil Pappa expresses a similar view in Ber. 20a).所有的6米示拿訂單,然後研究,這是statedby拉巴(不Rabba ;見Rabbinovicz , “ Diḳduḳe Soferim , ”關於Ta'anit ,第144頁) ,雖然在猶太的時間講座已僅限於四階,或根據的觀點,魏斯( “多爾, ”三。 187 ) ,這可能是正確的,第一個四年的訂單( comp.梅格。 28B款; Ta'an 。甲,乙; Sanh 。 106B章;拉巴的瞳孔Pappa表示了類似的觀點在小蘗鹼。 20A條) 。

Rab's activity marks the culmination of the work on the Talmud.饒的活動標誌著高潮的工作塔爾穆德。 The time had now come when the preservation and arrangement of the material already collected were more important than further accretions.現在的時機已經到來,維護和安排的材料已經收集了更重要的進一步accretions 。 Naḥman b. Naḥman灣 Isaac, pupil and successor of Raba (d. 352), whom he survived but four years, expressed the task of the epigoni in the following words (Pes. 105b): "I am neither a sage nor a seer, nor even a scholar as contrasted with the majority. I am a transmitter ["gamrana"] and an arranger ["sadrana"]."艾薩克,學生和繼承拉巴( 4 352 ) ,他倖免於難,但四年來,表示的任務epigoni在以下文字( Pes. 105b ) : “我既不是聖人,也不是先知,甚至也不學者作為對照的是多數。我是一個發射機[ “ gamrana ” ]和安排[ “ sadrana ” ] 。 “ The combination of the former term with the latter, which occurs only here, very concisely summarizes the activity of the redactor.相結合,前者是後者,而只發生在這裡,非常簡潔地概括了活動的redactor 。 It is clear that Naḥman b.很顯然, Naḥman灣 Isaac actually engaged in this task from the fact that he is mentioned as the Babylonian amora who introduced Mnemonics ("simanim"), designed to facilitate the memorizing and grouping of Talmudic passages and the names of their authors.艾薩克實際從事這項任務的事實是,他所提到的巴比倫阿莫拉誰介紹記憶法( “ simanim ” ) ,旨在促進和分組背誦經文和塔木德的名字,他們的作者。 The mnemonics ascribed to him in the Talmud (see J. Brüll, "Die Mnemonotechnik des Talmuds," p. 21; Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 134), however, constitute only a very small part of the simanim included in the text of that work.該助記符歸咎於他在塔木德(見J. Brüll , “模具Mnemonotechnik萬Talmuds ” ,第21頁;巴切爾, “銀。巴布。奧馬爾。 ”第134頁) ,但是,只是一個非常小的一部分simanim列入案文的工作。 These again form but a remnant of the entire mass of what N. Brüll ("Jahrb." ii. 60) terms the "mnemotechnic apparatus," of which only a portion was included in the printed text of the Talmud, although many others may be traced both in the manuscripts of the Talmud and in ancient citations (see N. Brüll, lc pp. 62 et seq., 118 et seq.).這些再次形成,但殘餘的整個質量什麼北路Brüll ( “ Jahrb 。 ”二。 60 )條款的“ mnemotechnic儀器, ”其中只有一部分被列入印刷文本的塔爾穆德,儘管許多其他可能追溯到在手稿的塔爾穆德和古代引用(見注Brüll術頁。 62起。 , 118起。 ) 。 The material, to which the epigoni of the second half of the fourth century had added little, was now ready for its final redaction; and it was definitively edited by Ashi (d. 427), who during his long period of activity infused fresh life into the Academy of Sura.材料,該epigoni下半年4世紀增加了一點,現在已經準備的最後編輯;並最終編輯阿( 4 427 ) ,誰在他長期的活動注入新的生命到學院蘇拉。 In view of his recognized authority, little was left for the two succeeding generations, except to round out the work, since another redaction was no longer possible.鑑於他的公認權威,幾乎沒有留給後世的兩個,除了全面的工作,因為另一個編輯已不再可能。 The work begun by Ashi was completed by Rabina (Abina), whose death in 499 marks, according to an ancient tradition, the end of the amoraic period and the completion of the redaction of the Talmud.已經開始的工作是完成阿Rabina ( Abina ) ,其死亡四百九十九馬克,根據一個古老的傳統,結束amoraic期間完成編輯的塔爾穆德。

Committed to Writing.致力於寫作。

The date at which the Talmud was committed to writing is purely conjectural.日期的塔爾穆德致力於寫作是純粹的推測。 The work itself contains neither statements nor allusions to show that any complete or partial copy of the work redacted and completed by Ashi and Rabina had been made in their days; and the same lack of information characterizes both Yerushalmi and the Mishnah (the basis of both the Talmudim), as well as the other works of the tannaitic period.這項工作本身也包含既不聲明暗示表明,任何全部或部分複製工作完成編輯和阿和Rabina已經取得了自己的天;和相同的特點,缺乏信息都耶路莎米和米示拿(根據雙方在Talmudim ) ,以及其他工程tannaitic時期。 There are, however, allusions, although they are only sporadic, which show that the Halakah and the Haggadah were committed to writing; for copies were described as being in the possession of individual scholars, who were occasionally criticized for owning them.但是,也有暗示,儘管他們只是零星的,這表明, Halakah和哈加達致力於寫作;副本被形容為所擁有的個別學者,誰是偶爾批評擁有它們。 This censure was based on an interdiction issued in the third century, which forbade any one to commit the teachings of tradition to writing or to use a manuscript of such a character in lecturing (see Giṭ. 60a; Tem. 14b).這種指責是根據阻截發出第三世紀,禁止任何人以承諾的教義傳統,以書面或使用手稿這樣的性格在演講(見Giṭ 。第60A條;溫度。 14B條) 。 Replying to the scholars of Kairwan, Sherira Gaon in his letter (ed. Neubauer, "MJC" i. 26) alludes to this prohibition as follows: "In answer to your question asking when the Mishnah and the Talmud were respectively committed to writing, it should be said that neither of them was thus transmitted, but both were arranged [redacted] orally; and the scholars believe it to be their duty to recite them from memory, and not from written copies."回答學者Kairwan , Sherira Gaon在他的信(編輯紐鮑爾, “ MJC ”一26 )提到這一禁令內容如下: “在回答你的提問時,米示拿和他勒目分別致力於寫作,應該說,都沒有因此傳染,但是都被安排[編輯]口頭和學者認為這是他們的職責背誦他們從內存,而不是由書面文件副本。 “ From the second part of this statement it is evident that even in Sherira's time the "scholars," a term here restricted to the members of the Babylonian academies, refrained from using written copies of the Talmud in their lectures, although they were sufficiently familiar with it to be able to recite it from memory.從第二部分的這一發言很顯然,即便是在Sherira的時候了“學者” ,在這裡任期限制的成員巴比倫院校,避免使用書面副本塔爾穆德的講座,雖然他們有足夠的熟悉它能夠背誦它從內存中。 The statement that the exilarch Naṭronai (8th cent.), who emigrated to Spain, wrote a copy of the Talmud from memory (see Brüll, "Jahrb." ii. 51), would show that the scholars of the geonic period actually knew the work by heart.聲明說, exilarch Naṭronai (第8次左右。 ) ,誰移民到西班牙,寫一份塔爾穆德從內存(見Brüll , “ Jahrb 。 ”二。 51 ) ,將顯示,學者的geonic期間實際知道工作的核心。 Although this statement is not altogether free from suspicion, it at least proves that it was believed to be within the powers of this exilarch to make a copy of the Talmud without having an original at hand.雖然這種說法是不是完全沒有懷疑,但至少證明,它被認為是內部的權力,這exilarch作出一份塔爾穆德而不原來在手。 This passage also throws light upon the period of the development and redac tion of the Talmud, during which the ability to memorize the mass of material taught in the schools was developed to an extent which now transcends conception.這也是全光通道的時期,發展和redac化的塔木德,在此期間,能夠背誦大量的材料,在學校任教的開發在一定程度現已超越概念。

On the other hand, Sherira's statement shows that his denial of the existence of the Talmud and the Mishnah in written form was limited to an officially recognized redaction; for manuscripts of the kind mentioned by him were then current, as they had been in the geonic period, despite the interdiction; for they were used at least as aids to study, and without them the Talmud could not possibly have been memorized.另一方面, Sherira的發言表明,他否認存在的塔爾穆德和米示拿以書面形式僅限於官方認可編輯;的手稿提到的那種,然後由他目前,他們已在geonic期間,儘管阻截;為他們至少使用了艾滋病研究,並在他們的塔爾穆德不可能一直背誦。 In like manner, this prohibition, in the light of Sherira's words, does not preclude the existence of private copies of portions of the traditional literature, even in earlier times. The concealed rolls ("megillot setarim") with halakic comments which Rab found in the house of his uncle Ḥiyya (Shab. 6b; BM 92a), as well as the note-books (πίνακες) mentioned at the beginning of the amoraic period and in which such scholars as Levi b.同樣,這一禁令,鑑於Sherira的話,不排除存在私人複製部分的傳統文學,即使是在早期。隱蔽卷( “ megillot setarim ” )與halakic意見饒發現眾議院他的叔叔Ḥiyya ( Shab.型;骨髓92a ) ,以及需要注意的書籍( πίνακες )開始所說的amoraic期間和這些學者列維灣 Sisi, Joshua b. Levi, Ze'iri, and Ḥilfai or Ilfa (Shab. 156a; Yer. Ma'as. 49d, 60b; Men. 70a), entered sentences, some of them halakic in character, indicate that such personal copies were frequently used, while the written Haggadah is repeatedly mentioned.西溪,約書亞灣列維Ze'iri ,並Ḥilfai或Ilfa ( Shab. 156a ;層。 Ma'as 。 49d , 60B章男子。 70A條) ,輸入的句子,其中一些halakic性質表明,這種個人的副本被頻繁使用,而書面哈加達是一再提及。 It may therefore be assumed that the Mishnah and other tannaitic traditional works were committed to writing as early as the time of the Amoraim.因此,可以假定,米示拿和其他tannaitic傳統作品都致力於儘早以書面形式的時候, Amoraim 。 In like manner, there may have been copies of the amoraic comments on the Mishnah, as aids to the memory and to private study.同樣,有可能已被複製amoraic評論米示拿,因為艾滋病的內存和私人研究。 In the early part of the fourth century Ze'era disputed the accuracy of the halakic tradition taught by the Babylonian amora Sheshet, and as he based his suspicions on Sheshet's blindness,he evidently believed that it was impossible for the Babylonian scholar to confirm and verify his knowledge by the use of written notes (see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." iii. 4).在年初的四世紀Ze'era有爭議的準確性halakic傳統教巴比倫阿莫拉Sheshet ,當他根據他的懷疑Sheshet的失明,他顯然認為這是不可能的巴比倫學者確認和驗證他的知識的使用書面說明(見巴切爾, “銀。帕爾。奧馬爾。 ”三。 4 ) 。 When Ashi undertook the final redaction of the Talmud he evidently had at his disposal notes of this kind, although Brüll (lcp 18) is probably correct in ascribing to Rabina the first complete written copy of the Talmud; Rabina had as collaborators many of the Saboraim, to whom an ancient and incontrovertible tradition assigns numerous additions to the Talmudic text.當阿進行了最後編輯的塔爾穆德他顯然已注意到他掌握的這種,雖然Brüll (液晶18 )可能是正確的,以Rabina賦予的第一個完整的書面副本塔爾穆德; Rabina已作為合作者許多Saboraim ,他們一個古老的和無可爭議的傳統賦予了許多增加的猶太法典的案文。

No Formal Ratification.沒有正式批准。

When Rabina died a written text of the Talmud was already in existence, the material contributed by the Saboraim being merely additions; although in thus extending the text they simply continued what had been done since the first redaction of the Talmud by Ashi. The Saboraim, however, confined themselves to additions of a certain form which made no change whatsoever in the text as determined by them under the direction of Rabina (on these saboraic additions as well as on other accretions in Babli, see the statements by Brüll, lc pp. 69-86).當Rabina死亡稿塔爾穆德已經存在的物質貢獻的Saboraim僅僅是補充;雖然從而延長他們的文字只是繼續已經完成的工作,因為第一次編輯的塔爾穆德的阿。該Saboraim ,然而,限於自己增添某種形式沒有任何變化提出的案文中所確定的他們的指導下Rabina (關於這些saboraic增加以及其他accretions的Babli ,看到的聲明Brüll術頁。 69-86 ) 。 Yet there is no allusion whatever to a formal sanction of the written text of the Talmud; for neither did such a ratification take place nor was a formal one at all necessary.然而,沒有提及任何正式制裁的書面文本塔爾穆德;的也沒有這樣的批准,也沒有舉行正式的一個在所有必要的。 The Babylonian academies, which produced the text in the course of 300 years, remained its guardians when it was reduced to writing; and it became authoritative in virtue of its acceptance by the successors of the Amoraim, as the Mishnah had been sanctioned by the latter and was made the chief subject of study, thus becoming a basis for halakic decisions.巴比倫院校,生產中的文字的過程中300多年,仍是其監護人時,以書面記錄,並成為具有權威性的憑藉其接受的繼承人Amoraim ,因為米示拿已批准由後者並作出了行政主體的研究,從而成為一個基礎halakic決定。 The traditions, however, underwent no further development; for the "horayot," or the independent exegesis of the Mishnah and the halakic decisions based on this exegesis, ceased with Ashi and Rabina, and thus with the completion of the Talmud, as is stated in the canon incorporated in the Talmud itself (BM 86a).的傳統,然而,經歷了沒有進一步發展;為“ horayot ”或獨立訓詁學的米示拿和halakic決定在此基礎上註釋,停止與阿和Rabina ,因此在完成塔爾穆德,作為說明在佳能納入塔爾穆德本身(骨髓86a ) 。 The Mishnah, the basal work of halakic tradition, thenceforth shared its authority with the Talmud.該米示拿,基礎工作halakic的傳統,此後共享其權威與塔爾穆德。

Among the Jews who came under the influence of western Arabic culture the belief that the Talmud (and the Mishnah) had been redacted orally was superseded by the view that the initial redaction itself had been in writing.在誰是猶太人的影響下,西方的阿拉伯文化的信念,即塔爾穆德(和米示拿)已編輯口頭所取代認為,最初的編輯本身已經以書面方式提出。 This theory was first expressed by R. Nissim of Kairwan ("Mafteaḥ," p. 3b), although even before his time the question addressed, as already noted, to Sherira Gaon by the Jews of Kairwan had shown that they favored this view, and the gaon's response had received an interpolation postulating the written redaction of the Talmud.這個理論第一次表示了河Nissim的Kairwan ( “ Mafteaḥ , ”第3B )款,但即使在他的時間解決問題,如上所述,以Sherira Gaon的猶太人Kairwan表明,他們贊成這種觀點,和gaon的答复收到了插值假定的書面編輯的塔爾穆德。

The definitive redaction of the Babylonian Talmud marks a new epoch in the history of the Jewish people, in which the Talmud itself becomes the most important factor, both as the pivotal point of the development and the manifestation of the spirit of Judaism, and as a work of literature deeply influenced by the fortunes of those who cherished it as their palladium.最終編輯巴比倫塔木德標誌著一個新時代的歷史,猶太人民,其中塔爾穆德本身成為最重要的因素,它既是關鍵點的發展和表現的精神,猶太教,和作為工作文學的影響很深的人的命運誰珍惜它作為自己的鈀。 On the internal history of Judaism the Talmud exerted a decisive influence as the recognized source for a knowledge of tradition and as the authoritative collection of the traditional religious doctrines which supplemented the Bible; indeed, this influence and the efforts which were made to escape from it, or to restrict it within certain limits, constitute the substance of the inner history of Judaism.對歷史的猶太教內部的塔爾穆德施加決定性影響的認識來源的知識傳統和作為權威收集傳統的宗教理論,補充了聖經;事實上,這種影響和努力,提出了擺脫它,或限制其在一定限度,構成了實質的內在歷史的猶太教。 The Babylonian academies, which had gradually become the central authority for the entire Jewish Diaspora, found their chief task in teaching the Talmud, on which they based the answers to the questions addressed to them. Thus was evolved a new science, the interpretation of the Talmud, which produced a literature of wide ramifications, and whose beginnings were the work of the Geonim themselves.巴比倫的院校,已逐漸成為中央權力機構為整個猶太移民,發現他們的主要任務在教學中的塔爾穆德,其所依據的答案給他們。因此,是發展一個新的科學,解釋塔木德,這產生了廣泛影響的文學,並開始了其工作的Geonim自己。

Influence of the Talmud.影響塔爾穆德。

The Talmud and its study spread from Babylon to Egypt, northern Africa, Italy, Spain, France, and Germany, regions destined to become the abodes of the Jewish spirit; and in all these countries intellectual interest centered in the Talmud.猶太法典及其研究傳播巴比倫埃及,北非,意大利,西班牙,法國,德國,地區注定要成為abodes猶太人的精神;並在所有這些國家的興趣集中在塔木德。 The first great reaction against its supremacy was Karaism, which arose in the very strong-hold of the Geonim within two centuries after the completion of the Talmud.第一個偉大的反應是對至高無上Karaism ,這是非常強的Geonim舉行兩個世紀內完成後塔爾穆德。 The movement thus initiated and the influence of Arabic culture were the two chief factors which aroused the dormant forces of Judaism and gave inspiration to the scientific pursuits to which the Jewish spirit owed many centuries of marvelous and fruitful activity.因此,發起運動的影響,阿拉伯文化的兩個主要因素引起的休眠部隊猶太教和給予靈感的科學追求的猶太精神欠許多世紀的神奇和富有成果的活動。 This activity, however, did not infringe in the least on the authority of the Talmud; for although it combined other ideals and intellectual aims with Talmudic study, which it enriched and perfected, the importance of that study was in no wise decried by those who devoted themselves to other fields of learning.這項活動,但是,沒有侵犯至少在權威的塔爾穆德;為雖然合併其他的理想和智慧的目的是研究與猶太法典,它豐富和完善的重要性,這項研究是在沒有明智的譴責那些誰致力於其他領域的學習。 Nor did the speculative treatment of the fundamental teachings of Judaism lower the position of the Talmud; for Maimonides, the greatest philosopher of religion of his time, was likewise the greatest student of the Talmud, on which work he endeavored to base his philosophic views.也沒有投機治療的基本教義猶太教較低的立場塔爾穆德;為麥摩尼德,最大的宗教哲學家,他的時間,也同樣最大的學生塔爾穆德,因為他努力工作的哲學基礎的看法。 A dangerous internal enemy of the Talmud, however, arose in the Cabala during the thirteenth century; but it also had to share with the Talmud the supremacy to which it aspired. During the decline of intellectual life among the Jews which began in the sixteenth century, the Talmud was regarded almost as the supreme authority by the majority of them; and in the same century eastern Europe, especially Poland, became the seat of its study.一個危險的內部敵人塔爾穆德,然而,發生在Cabala在13世紀,但它也有交流與塔爾穆德至高無上它渴望。期間下降的智力生活的猶太人開始於16世紀,在塔木德被視為幾乎一樣的最高權力機構的大多數人,以及在同一世紀東歐,尤其是波蘭,成為所在地的研究。 Even the Bible was relegated to a secondary place, and the Jewish schools devoted themselves almost exclusively to the Talmud; so that "study" became synonymous with "study of the Talmud."即使聖經是降級到次要地位,而猶太學校幾乎完全投身到塔爾穆德;使“研究”成了與“塔木德的研究。 ” A reaction against the supremacy of the Talmud came with the appearance of Moses Mendelssohn and the intellectual regeneration of Judaism through its contact with the Gentile culture of the eighteenth century, the results of this struggle being a closer assimilation to European culture, the creation of a new science of Judaism, and the movements for religious reform.反應對至高無上的塔爾穆德附帶的外觀摩西門德爾松和智力再生猶太教通過其與詹蒂萊文化的十八世紀的結果,這場鬥爭正在密切同化歐洲文化,創造一個新的科學的猶太教,和宗教的改革運動。 Despite the Karaite inclinations which frequently appeared in these movements, the great majority of the followers of Judaism clung to the principle, authoritatively maintained by the Talmud, that tradition supplements the Bible; and the Talmud itself retained tained its authority as the work embodying the traditions of the earliest post-Biblical period, when Judaism was molded.儘管Karaite傾向往往出現在這些運動,絕大多數的追隨者猶太教堅持的原則,保持權威性的塔爾穆德,這一傳統補充聖經和猶太法典本身保留涉及其權威的工作體現了傳統最早後聖經時期,猶太教是成型。 Modern culture, however, has gradually alienated from the study of the Talmud a number of Jews in the countries of progressive civilization, and it is now regarded by the most of them merely as one of the branches of Jewish theology, to which only a limited amount of time can be devoted, although it occupies a prominent place in the curricula of the rabbinical seminaries.現代文化,然而,已逐漸疏遠的研究塔爾穆德一些猶太人的國家的文明進步,而且現在看來,這是由大多數人只是作為一個部門的猶太神學,而只有有限所需的時間可用於,儘管它佔據了突出的地方課程中的猶太神學院。 On the whole Jewish learning has done full justice to the Talmud, many scholars of the nineteenth century having made noteworthy contributions to its history and textual criticism, and having constituted it the basis of historical and archeological researches. The study of the Talmud has even attracted the attention of non-Jewish scholars; and it has been included in the curricula of universities.對整個猶太人學習做了充分的司法塔爾穆德,許多學者在19世紀取得了顯著的貢獻有其歷史和考證,並構成它的基礎的歷史和考古研究。這項研究的塔爾穆德甚至吸引了注意非猶太學者,它已被列入大學課程中。

Edict of Justinian.赦令查士丁尼。

The external history of the Talmud reflects in part the history of Judaism persisting in a world of hostility and persecution.外部歷史塔爾穆德部分反映歷史的猶太教堅持一個世界的敵視和迫害。 Almost at the very time that the Babylonian saboraim put the finishing touches to the redaction of the Talmud, the emperor Justinian issued his edict against the abolition of the Greek translation of the Bible in the service of the Synagogue, and also forbade the use of the δευτέρωσις, or traditional exposition of Scripture.幾乎在非常時間,巴比倫saboraim把收尾的編輯的塔爾穆德,皇帝查士丁尼發表法令反對廢除希臘翻譯聖經的服務中的猶太教堂,並禁止使用的δευτέρωσις ,或傳統博覽會的聖經。 This edict, dictated by Christian zeal and anti-Jewish feeling, was the prelude to attacks on the Talmud, conceived in the same spirit, and beginning in the thirteenth century in France, where Talmudic study was then flourishing. The charge against the Talmud brought by the convert Nicholas Donin led to the first public disputation between Jews and Christians and to the first burning of copies of the work (Paris, 1244).該控罪塔爾穆德轉換所帶來的尼古拉Donin導致的第一次公開爭論猶太人和基督徒之間的第一次和焚燒該作品的複製品(巴黎, 1244年) 。 The Talmud was likewise the subject of a disputation at Barcelona in 1263 between Moses ben Naḥman and Pablo Christiani. In this controversy Naḥmanides asserted that the haggadic portions of the Talmud were merely "sermones," and therefore devoid of binding force; so that proofs deduced from them in support of Christian dogmas were invalid, even in case they were correct.猶太法典是同樣的主題,爭論在1263年在巴塞羅那之間摩西本Naḥman和Pablo克里斯蒂亞尼。在這一爭議Naḥmanides斷言, haggadic部分塔爾穆德僅僅是“ sermones ” ,因此缺乏約束力;以便證明推導他們在支持基督教教條是無效的,即使在情況下,他們是正確的。

Attacks on the Talmud.攻擊塔爾穆德。

This same Pablo Christiani made an attack on the Talmud which resulted in a papal bull against it and in the first censorship, which was undertaken at Barcelona by a commission of Dominicans, who ordered the cancelation of passages reprehensible from a Christian point of view (1264).這同樣帕伯羅克里斯蒂亞尼作了攻擊塔爾穆德導致教皇牛市反對,在第一個檢查,這是在巴塞羅那進行的一個委員會的多米尼加人,誰下令取消段落應受譴責從基督教的觀點來看( 1264年) 。 At the disputation of Tortosa in 1413, Geronimo de Santa Fé brought forward a number of accusations, including the fateful assertion that the condemnations of pagans and apostates found in the Talmud referred in reality to Christians.在爭論的托爾托薩在1413年,聖菲杰羅尼莫日提出了一系列的指控,其中包括致命的斷言,即譴責異教徒和叛教者發現在塔木德中提到現實基督徒。 Two years later, Pope Martin V., who had convened this disputation, issued a bull (which was destined, however, to remain inoperative) forbidding the Jews to read the Talmud, and ordering the destruction of all copies of it.兩年後,教皇馬丁五,誰曾召開這次爭論,發表了牛市(這是注定,但是,仍然無法使用)禁止猶太人閱讀塔爾穆德,並下令銷毀所有複製本。 Far more important were the charges made in the early part of the sixteenth century by the convert Johann Pfefferkorn, the agent of the Dominicans.更為重要的是收費在初期的16世紀的轉換約翰Pfefferkorn ,代理人的多米尼加人。 The result of these accusations was a struggle in which the emperor and the pope acted as judges, the advocate of the Jews being Johann Reuchlin, who was opposed by the obscurantists and the humanists; and this controversy, which was carried on for the most part by means of pamphlets, became the precursor of the Reformation.由於這些指控是鬥爭中,皇帝和教皇擔任法官,律師的猶太人被德國Reuchlin ,誰是反對的蒙昧主義和人道主義者;和爭議,這是進行了大部分通過小冊子,成為前體的改造。 An unexpected result of this affair was the complete printed edition of the Babylonian Talmud issued in 1520 by Daniel Bomberg at Venice, under the protection of a papal privilege.一個意想不到的結果,這件事是完成印刷版的巴比倫塔木德發表於1520年由丹尼爾Bomberg在威尼斯的保護下,教皇的特權。 Three years later, in 1523, Bomberg published the first edition of the Palestinian Talmud.三年後,在1523年, Bomberg出版了第一版巴勒斯坦塔木德。 After thirty years the Vatican, which had first permitted the Talmud to appear in print, undertook a campaign of destruction against it.三十年後,梵蒂岡,其中首次允許塔爾穆德出現在印刷品,進行了大規模的破壞它。 On New-Year's Day (Sept. 9), 1553, the copies of the Talmud which had been confiscated in compliance with a decree of the Inquisition were burned at Rome; and similar burnings took place in other Italian cities, as at Cremona in 1559.關於新一年的紀念日( 9月9日) , 1553年,該份塔爾穆德已沒收遵守法令被燒毀探討在羅馬;和類似燒發生在其他意大利城市,截至1559克雷莫納。 The Censorship of the Talmud and other Hebrew works was introduced by a papal bull issued in 1554; five years later the Talmud was included in the first Index Expurgatorius; and Pope Pius IV.在檢查的塔爾穆德和其他希伯來語作品介紹了教皇發表於1554年的牛市; 5年後的塔木德被列入了第一批指數Expurgatorius ;和教宗碧岳四。 commanded, in 1565, that the Talmud be deprived of its very name.指揮,在1565年,該塔木德被剝奪其名稱。 The first edition of the expurgated Talmud, on which most subsequent editions were based, appeared at Basel (1578-1581) with the omission of the entire treatise of 'Abodah Zarah and of passages considered inimical to Christianity, together with modifications of certain phrases.第一版expurgated塔爾穆德,其中大多數是基於後續版本,出現在巴塞爾( 1578年至1581年)與遺漏整個論文的' Abodah Zarah和通道認為有損於基督教,連同修改某些詞組。 A fresh attack on the Talmud was decreed by Pope Gregory XIII.以新的攻擊塔爾穆德是教皇格里高利頒布十三。 (1575-85), and in 1593 Clement VIII. ( 1575年至1585年) ,並在1593年克萊門特八。 renewed the old interdiction against reading or owning it.新的舊的阻截對閱讀或擁有它。 The increasing study of the Talmud in Poland led to the issue of a complete edition (Cracow, 1602-5), with a restoration of the original text; an edition containing, so far as known, only two treatises had previously been published at Lublin (1559-76).越來越多研究塔爾穆德在波蘭領導的問題,一個完整版(克拉科夫, 1602-5 ) ,以恢復原來的案文;版本載,迄今所知,只有兩個論文曾發表在盧布林( 1559年至1576年) 。 In 1707 some copies of the Talmud were confiscated in the province of Brandenburg, but were restored to their owners by command of Frederick, the first king of Prussia.在1707年一些副本塔爾穆德被沒收省的勃蘭登堡,但恢復了其主人的命令弗雷德里克,第一普魯士國王。 The last attack on the Talmud took place in Poland in 1757, when Bishop Dembowski, at the instance of the Frankists, convened a public disputation at Kamenetz-Podolsk, and ordered all copies of the work found in his bishopric to be confiscated and burned by the hangman.最後攻擊塔爾穆德發生在波蘭的1757年,當主教Dembowski ,在實例Frankists ,召開了一次公開爭論在Kamenetz ,波多利斯克,並下令所有作品的複製品在他身上主教被沒收和燒毀絞刑。

.The external history of the Talmud includes also the literary attacks made upon it by Christian theologians after the Reformation, since these onslaughts on Judaism were directed primarily against that work, even though it was made a subject of study by the Christian theologians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 。外部歷史塔爾穆德也包括文學攻擊時提出它的基督教神學的改革後,因為這些攻擊對猶太教的主要針對這項工作,即使它是一個問題的研究基督教神學第十七和18世紀。 In 1830, during a debate in the French Chamber of Peers regarding state recognition of the Jewish faith, Admiral Verhuell declared himself unable to forgive the Jews whom he had met during his travels throughout the world either for their refusal to recognize Jesus as the Messiah or for their possession of the Talmud.在1830年,在辯論中,法國商會同行就國家承認的猶太信仰,海軍Verhuell宣布自己無法原諒他的猶太人期間舉行了他的旅行世界各地無論是他們拒絕承認耶穌是彌賽亞或他們擁有的塔爾穆德。 In the same year the Abbé Chiarini published at Paris a voluminous work entitled "Théorie du Judaïsme," in which he announced a translation of the Talmud, advocating for the first time a version which should make the work generally accessible, and thus serve for attacks on Judaism.同年神甫Chiarini在巴黎發表的一份長篇工作題為“ Théorie杜Judaïsme ”中,他宣布了一項翻譯塔爾穆德,倡導第一次版本這應使一般查詢的工作,從而服務攻擊關於猶太教。 In a like spirit modern anti-Semitic agitators have urged that a translation be made; and this demand has even been brought before legislative bodies, as in Vienna.在一個像現代精神的反猶太主義煽動者的要求作出的翻譯,以及這種需求甚至被提交立法機構,作為在維也納舉行。 The Talmud and the "Talmud Jew" thus became objects of anti-Semitic attacks, although, on the other hand, they were defended by many Christian students of the Talmud.猶太法典和“塔木德猶太人” ,從而成為物體反猶太攻擊,但另一方面,他們所捍衛許多基督教學生塔爾穆德。

In consequence of the checkered fortunes of the Talmud, manuscripts of it are extremely rare; and the Babylonian Talmud is found entire only in a Munich codex (Hebrew MS. No. 95), completed in 1369, while a Florentine manuscript containing several treatises of the fourth and fifth orders dates from the year 1176.在後果格仔命運的塔爾穆德,手稿它是極其罕見的;和巴比倫塔木德經發現整個只有在慕尼黑法典(希伯來文質譜。第95號) ,在1369年完成,而佛羅倫薩手稿的一些論文第四次和第五次訂單日期從1176年的一年。 A number of Talmudic codices containing one or more tractates are extant in Rome, Oxford, Paris, Hamburg, and New York, while the treatise Sanhedrin, from Reuchlin's library, is in the grand-ducal library at Carlsruhe.一些猶太法典codices包含一個或多個tractates是現存在羅馬,牛津,巴黎,漢堡,紐約,而論文公會,來自Reuchlin的圖書館,是在大公國圖書館Carlsruhe 。 In the introduction to vols.在介紹第一和第二卷。 i., iv., viii., ix., and xi.一,四。 ,八。 ,九。 ,和十一。 of his "Diḳduḳe Soferim, Variæ Lectiones in Mischnam et in Talmud Babylonicum," which contains a mass of critical material bearing on the text of Babli, N. Rabbinovicz has described all the manuscripts of this Talmud known to him, and has collated the Munich manuscript with the printed editions, besides giving in his running notes a great number of readings collected with much skill and learning from other manuscripts and various ancient sources.他的“ Diḳduḳe Soferim , Variæ Lectiones在Mischnam ET的塔爾穆德Babylonicum ” ,其中載有大量的關鍵材料軸承的案文Babli ,北Rabbinovicz描述了所有的手稿本塔爾穆德了解他,並已整理慕尼黑手稿與印刷版,除了給他的運行注意到大量的數據收集與許多技巧和學習其他各種古代手稿和來源。 Of this work, which is indispensable for the study of the Talmud, Rabbinovicz himself published fifteen volumes (Munich, 1868-86), containing the treatises of the first, second, and fourth orders, as well as two treatises (Zebaḥim and Menaḥot) of the fifth order.這項工作,這是不可缺少的研究塔爾穆德, Rabbinovicz自己出版15卷(慕尼黑, 1868年至1886年) ,載有論文的第一,第二和第四的訂單,以及兩名論文( Zebaḥim和Menaḥot )第五秩序。 The sixteenth volume (Ḥullin) was published posthumously (completed by Ehrentreu, Przemysl, 1897).第十六卷( Ḥullin )出版追授(完成Ehrentreu , Przemysl , 1897年) 。 Of the Palestinian Talmud only one codex, now at Leyden, has been preserved, this being one of the manuscripts used for the editio princeps.巴勒斯坦塔木德只有一個法典,現在在萊頓,一直保留,這是一個手稿用於editio princeps 。 Excepting this codex, only fragments and single treatises are extant.除本法典中,只有碎片和單一論文是現存。 Recently (1904) Luncz discovered a portion of Yerushalmi in the Vatican Library, and Ratner has made valuable contributions to the history of the text in his scholia on Yerushalmi ("Sefer Ahabat Ẓiyyon we-Yerushalayim"), of which three volumes have thus far appeared, comprising Berakot, Shabbat, Terumot, and Ḥallah (Wilna, 1901, 1902, 1904).最近( 1904年) Luncz發現部分耶路莎米在梵蒂岡圖書館,拉特納作出了寶貴貢獻的歷史中的文字他scholia關於耶路莎米( “ Sefer Ahabat錫安我們,耶路撒冷” ) ,其中3卷迄今看來,包括Berakot , Shabbat , Terumot ,並Ḥallah ( Wilna , 1901年, 1902年, 1904年) 。

Early Editions.早期版本。

The first edition of Babli (1520) was preceded by a series of editions, some of them no longer extant, of single treatises published at Soncino and Pesaro by the Soncinos.第一版Babli ( 1520年)之前舉行了一系列的版本,其中一些已不再現存,單論文發表在松奇諾和佩扎羅的Soncinos 。 The first to appear was Berakot (1488); this was followed by the twenty-three other tractates which, according to Gershon Soncino, were regularly studied in the yeshibot.第一次出現是Berakot ( 1488 ) ;其次是2003年其他tractates ,根據傑爾森松奇諾,定期研究在yeshibot 。 The first edition by Bomberg was followed by two more (1531, 1548), while another was published at Venice by Giustiniani (1546-51), who added to Bomberg's supplements (such as Rashi and the Tosafot, which later were invariably appended to the text) other useful marginal glosses, including references to Biblical quotations and to parallel passages of the Talmud as well as to the ritual codices.第一版的Bomberg其次是兩個以上( 1531年, 1548年) ,而另一個是發表在威尼斯的Giustiniani ( 1546年至1551年) ,誰加入Bomberg的補充(如Rashi和Tosafot ,後來總是附加到文字)其他有用的邊際粉飾,包括提到聖經報價和平行通道的塔爾穆德以及儀式codices 。 At Sabbionetta in 1553, Joshua Boaz (d. 1557), the author of these marginalia, which subsequently were added to all editions of the Talmud, undertook a new and magnificent edition of the Talmud.在Sabbionetta在1553年,約書亞波阿斯( 4 1557年) ,作者的這些評點,隨後又增加了所有版本的塔爾穆德,進行了新的宏偉版塔爾穆德。 Only a few treatises were completed, however; for the papal bull issued against the Talmud in the same year interrupted the work.只有少數論文已經完成,但是,牛市的教皇發表對塔爾穆德在同一年的工作中斷。 As a result of the burning of thousands of copies of the Talmud in Italy, Joseph Jabez published a large number of treatises at Salonica (1563 et seq.) and Constantinople (1583 et seq.).由於焚燒數以千計的副本塔爾穆德在意大利,約瑟夫老闆出版了大量的論文在薩洛尼卡( 1563年及其後各條。 )和君士坦丁堡( 1583年及其後各條。 ) 。 The mutilated Basel edition (1578-81) and the two editions which first appeared in Poland have been mentioned above.被肢解的巴塞爾版( 1578年至1581年)和兩個版本的首次出現在波蘭已如上所述。 The first Cracow edition (1602-5) was followed by a second (1616-20); while the first Lublin edition (1559 et seq.), which was incomplete, was followed by one giving the entire text (1617-39); this was adopted for the Amsterdam edition (1644-48), the partial basis of the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Oder (1697-99).第一克拉科夫版( 1602-5 )之後,第二次( 1616年至1620年) ;雖然第一盧布林版( 1559年及其後各條。 ) ,這是不完整的,其次是一個讓整個案文( 1617年至1639年) ;這是通過對阿姆斯特丹版( 1644年至1648年) ,部分基礎版法蘭克福式的奧得( 1697年至1699年) 。 Many useful addenda were made to the second Amsterdam edition (1714-19), which was the subject of an interesting lawsuit, and which was completed by the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Main (1720-22).許多有用的增編進行了第二屆阿姆斯特丹版( 1714年至1719年) ,這是一個有趣的問題的訴訟,並完成了法蘭克福版上的,主要( 1720至1722年) 。 This latter text has served as the basis of almost all the subsequent editions.後者一直擔任文本的基礎上幾乎所有的後續版本。 Of these the most important are: Prague, 1728-39; Berlin and Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1734-39 (earlier ed. 1715-22); Amsterdam, 1752-65; Sulzbach, 1755-63, 1766-70; Vienna, 1791-1797, 1806-11, 1830-33, 1840-49, 1860-73; Dyhernfurth, 1800-4, 1816-21; Slawita, Russia, 1801-6, 1808-13, 1817-22; Prague, 1830-35, 1839-46; Wilna and Grodno, 1835-54; Czernowitz, 1840-49; Jitomir, 1858-64; Warsaw, 1859-64, 1863-67 et seq.; Wilna, 1859-66; Lemberg, 1860-65 et seq.; Berlin, 1862-68; Stettin, 1862 et seq.這些最重要的是:布拉格, 1728年至1739年,柏林和法蘭克福式的奧得河, 1734年至1739年(早期教育署。 1715年至1722年) ;阿姆斯特丹, 1752年至1765年;蘇爾茨巴赫, 1755年至1763年, 1766年至1770年;維也納, 1791年至1797年, 1806年至1811年, 1830年至1833年, 1840年至1849年, 1860年至1873年; Dyhernfurth , 1800-4 , 1816年至1821年; Slawita ,俄羅斯, 1801-6 , 1808年至1813年, 1817年至1822年;布拉格, 1830至1835年, 1839年至1846年; Wilna和格羅德諾, 1835年至1854年; Czernowitz , 1840年至1849年; Jitomir , 1858年至1864年;華沙, 1859年至1864年, 1863年至1867年及其後各條。 ; Wilna , 1859年至1866年;倫貝爾, 1860年至1865年及其後各條。 ;柏林, 1862年至1868年;斯德丁, 1862起。 (incomplete). (不完整) 。 The edition of the Widow and Brothers Romm at Wilna (1886) is the largest as regards old and new commentaries, glosses, other addenda, and aids to study.版本的寡婦和兄弟羅姆在Wilna ( 1886年)是最大的是關於舊的和新的評注,粉飾,其他增編,以及艾滋病研究。

Two other editions of Yerushalmi have appeared in addition to the editio princeps (Venice, 1523 et seq.), which they closely follow in columniation-those of Cracow, 1609, and Krotoschin, 1866.另外兩個版本的耶路莎米出現除了editio princeps (威尼斯, 1523年及其後各條。 ) ,他們密切注視在柱的克拉科夫, 1609年,和Krotoschin , 1866年。 A complete edition with commentary appeared at Jitomir in 1860-67.一個完整版的評論出現在Jitomir在1860至1867年。 The latest edition is that of Piotrkow (1898-1900).最新版是Piotrkow ( 1898至1900年) 。 There are also editions of single orders or treatises and their commentaries, especially noteworthy being Z. Frankel's edition of Berakot, Pe'ah, and Demai (Breslau, 1874-75).也有版本的單一命令或論文和評論,特別值得注意的是卓弗蘭克爾版的Berakot , Pe'ah和Demai (布雷斯勞, 1874年至1875年) 。

"Variæ Lectiones" and Translations. “ Variæ Lectiones ”和翻譯。

A critical edition of Babli has been proposed repeatedly, and a number of valuable contributions have been made, especially in the huge collections of variants by Rabbinovicz; but so far this work has not even been begun, although mention should be made of the interesting attempt by M. Friedmann, "Kritische Edition des Traktates Makkoth," in the "Verhandlungen des Siebenten Internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses, Semitische Section," pp. 1-78 (Vienna, 1888).一個關鍵版Babli提出了多次,一些寶貴的貢獻已經作出,尤其是在巨大的集合變量的Rabbinovicz ;但迄今為止,這項工作還沒有開始,但應該提到的有趣的嘗試由M.弗里德曼, “批判之Traktates Makkoth版” ,在“ Verhandlungen萬Siebenten Internationalen Orientalisten ,人大, Semitische科, ”頁。 1-78 (維也納, 1888 ) 。 Here the structure of the text is indicated by such external means as different type, sections, and punctuation. The edition of Yerushalmi announced by Luncz at Jerusalem promises a text of critical purity.這裡的結構,所顯示的文字是這樣的外部手段,不同類型,章節,和標點符號。版本的耶路莎米宣布在耶路撒冷Luncz承諾文字的關鍵純潔性。

The earliest allusion to a translation of the Talmud is made by Abraham ibn Daud in his historical "Sefer ha-Ḳabbalah" (see Neubauer, "MJC" i. 69), who, referring to Joseph ibn Abitur (second half of 10th cent.), says: "He is the one who translated the entire Talmud into Arabic for the calif Al-Ḥakim."最早針對翻譯的塔爾穆德是由亞伯拉罕本達烏德在他的歷史“ Sefer河卡巴拉” (見紐鮑爾, “ MJC ”一69 ) ,誰提到約瑟夫本入學考試(下半年10美分。 )說: “他是一個誰整個塔爾穆德翻譯成阿拉伯文的加州哈基姆。 ” The tradition was therefore current among the Jews of Spain in the twelfth century that Ibn Abitur had translated the Talmud for this ruler of Cordova, who was especially noted for his large library, this tradition being analogous to the one current in Alexandria in antiquity with regard to the first Greek translation of the Bible.因此,傳統的猶太人之間目前,西班牙在12世紀的翻譯本入學考試的塔爾穆德這個統治者科爾多瓦,誰是他特別指出大型圖書館,這一傳統正在類似於目前在亞歷山德里亞一個在古代就第一希臘翻譯聖經。 No trace, however, remains of Joseph Abitur's translation; and in all probability he translated merely detached portions for the calif, this work giving rise to the legend of his complete version.任何痕跡,但是,仍然是約瑟夫入學考試的翻譯;以及在所有的可能性,他只是單獨的部分轉化為加州,這項工作引起了他的傳奇完整版本。 The need of a translation to render the contents of the Talmud more generally accessible, began to be felt by Christian theologians after the sixteenth century, and by Jewish circles in the nineteenth century. This gave rise to the translations of the Mishnah which have been noted elsewhere (see Jew. Encyc. viii. 618, sv, Mishnah).需要一個翻譯,使內容塔爾穆德更普遍使用,在人們開始感到基督教神學的16世紀後,和猶太界在19世紀。這引起了翻譯的米示拿已注意到其他地方(見猶。 Encyc 。八。 618 ,希沃特,米示拿) 。 In addition to the complete translations mentioned there, single treatises of the Mishnah have been rendered into Latin and into modern languages, a survey being given by Bischoff in his "Kritische Geschichte der Thalmud-Uebersetzungen," pp.除了完整的翻譯提到那裡,單一的米示拿論文已變得到拉丁美洲和融入現代語文的一項調查顯示,正在考慮的比肖夫在他的“批判史Thalmud - Uebersetzungen , ”頁。 28-56

(Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1899). (法蘭克福式的主, 1899年) 。 Twenty treatises of Yerushalmi were translated into Latin by Blasio Ugolino in his "Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum," xvii.第二十四論文的耶路莎米被翻譯成拉丁文的Blasio烏戈利諾在他的“詞庫Antiquitatum Sacrarum ”十七。 (1755), xxx. ( 1755年) ,三十。 (1765); and the entire text of this Talmud was rendered into French by Moïse Schwab ("Le Talmud de Jérusalem," 11 vols., Paris, 1871-1889). ( 1765年) ;和整個案文作出了這一塔爾穆德成法文的莫伊茲施瓦布( “樂塔爾穆德日耶路撒冷, ” 11卷。 ,巴黎, 1871年至1889年) 。 The translation by Wünsche of the haggadic portions of Yerushalmi has already been mentioned; and an account of the translations of single portions is given by Bischoff (lc pp. 59 et seq.).翻譯的Wünsche的耶路莎米haggadic部分已經提到;和帳戶的翻譯單一部分是由比斯霍夫(信用證頁。 59起。 ) 。 In 1896 L. Goldschmidt began the translation of a German version of Babli, together with the text of Bomberg's first edition; and a number of volumes have already appeared (Berlin, 1898 et seq.).施密特於1896年開始研究的翻譯德語版的Babli ,連同文字Bomberg的第一版;和若干卷已經出現了(柏林, 1898年及其後各條。 ) 。 The insufficiency of this work apparently corresponds to the rapidity with which it is issued. In the same year ML Rodkinson undertook an abridged translation of the Babylonian Talmud into English, of which seven volumes appeared before the translator's death (1904); Rodkinson's point of view was quite unscholarly.不足這項工作顯然相當於迅速它發出的。同年民盟Rodkinson進行了簡略翻譯的巴比倫塔木德成英文,其中7卷出庭翻譯的死亡( 1904年) ; Rodkinson的觀點相當unscholarly 。 Of translations of single treatises the following may be mentioned (see Bischoff, lc pp. 68-76): Earlier Latin translations: Ugolino, Zeḅaḥim, Menaḥot (in "Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum," xix.), Sanhedrin (ib. xxv.); GE Edzard, Berakot (Hamburg, 1713); FB Dachs, Sukkah (Utrecht, 1726). Noteworthy among the Jewish translators of the Talmud are M. Rawicz (Megillah, 1863; Rosh ha-Shanah, 1886; Sanhedrin, 1892; Ketubot, 1897); EM Pinner (Berakot, 1842, designed as the first volume of a translation of the entire Talmud); DO Straschun (Ta'anit, 1883); and Sammter (Baba Meẓi'a, 1876).翻譯單論文以下可能提到(見比斯霍夫術頁。 68-76 ) :據拉美翻譯:烏戈利諾, Zeḅaḥim , Menaḥot (在“詞庫Antiquitatum Sacrarum , ”十九。 )公會( ib.二十五。 ) ;葛埃查德, Berakot (漢堡, 1713年) ;全Dachs , Sukkah (烏得勒支, 1726年) 。值得注意的猶太譯員的塔爾穆德的先生Rawicz ( Megillah , 1863年;羅斯艾河Shanah , 1886年;公會, 1892年; Ketubot , 1897 ) ;電磁皮納( Berakot , 1842年,旨在作為第一貨量翻譯整個塔爾穆德) ;溶解氧Straschun ( Ta'anit , 1883年) ;和Sammter (巴巴Meẓi'a , 1876年) 。 Their translations are entirely in German.他們的翻譯完全是在德國。 Translations published by Christian scholars in the nineteenth century: FC Ewald (a baptized Jew), 'Abodah Zarah (Nuremberg, 1856); in 1831 the Abbé Chiarini, mentioned above, published a French translation of Berakot; and in 1891 AW Streane prepared an English translation of Ḥagigah.翻譯出版的基督教學者在19世紀: Fc產品埃瓦爾德(一洗猶太人) , ' Abodah Zarah (紐倫堡, 1856年) ; 1831年神甫Chiarini ,如上所述,出版了法文翻譯Berakot ;並於1891年編寫了抗磨Streane英文翻譯Ḥagigah 。 A French version of several treatises is included in JM Rabbinovicz's works 'Législation Civile du Talmud" (5 vols., Paris, 1873-79) and "Législation Criminelle du Talmud" (ib. 1876), while Wünsche's translation of the haggadic portions of Babli (1886-89) has been mentioned above.的法文版若干論文已被列入JM Rabbinovicz作品的立法杜塔爾穆德民法典“ ( 5卷。 ,巴黎, 1873年至1879年)和”立法Criminelle杜塔爾穆德“ ( ib. 1876年) ,而Wünsche的翻譯haggadic部分Babli ( 1886年至1889年)已如上所述。

Function in Judaism.功能的猶太教。

To gain a comprehensive view of the Talmud it must be considered as a historical factor in Judaism as well as a literary production.要獲得一個全面的看法,塔爾穆德它必須被看作是一個歷史因素,猶太教,以及文學創作。 In the latter aspect it is unique among the great masterpieces of the literatures of the world.在後一方面它是獨一無二的偉大的文學作品的世界。 In form a commentary, it became an encyclopedia of Jewish faith and scholarship, comprising whatsoever the greatest representatives of Judaism in Palestine and in Babylon had regarded as objects of study and investigation and of teaching and learning, during the three centuries which elapsed from the conclusion of the Mishnah to the completion of the Talmud itself. When the Mishnah, with the many ancient traditions to which it had given rise since the latter centuries of the Second Temple, was incorporated into the Talmud as its text-book, the Talmud became a record of the entire epoch which was represented by the Jewish schools of Palestine and Babylon, and which served as a stage of transition from the Biblical period to the later aspect of Judaism. Although the Talmud is an academic product and may be characterized in the main as a report (frequently with the accuracy of minutes) of the discussions of the schools, it also sheds a flood of light on the culture of the people outside the academies.評注的形式,它成為一個百科全書猶太信仰和獎學金,其中包括最大的何代表猶太教在巴勒斯坦和巴比倫已被視為對象的調查研究和教學,在這三個世紀過去了的結論的米示拿的完成塔爾穆德本身。當米示拿,許多古老的傳統,它產生了,因為後者世紀的第二聖殿,被納入塔爾穆德作為其文字的圖書,成為了塔爾穆德記錄這是整個時代所代表的巴勒斯坦猶太學校和巴比倫,並擔任過渡階段從聖經時期後來方面的猶太教。雖然塔爾穆德是學術的產品和可能的主要特點作為報告(經常與準確性分鐘)的討論情況的學校,它也揭示了大量的輕文化的人以外的院校。 The interrelation between the schools and daily life, and the fact that neither teachers nor pupils stood aloof from that life, but took part in it as judges, instructors, and expounders of the Law, caused the Talmud to represent even non-scholastic affairs with an abundance of minute details, and made it an important source for the history of civilization.之間的相互關係的學校和生活,事實是,無論教師還是學生站在遠離生活,但參加了它作為法官,教師和expounders法,造成了塔爾穆德代表甚至非學術事務豐富的細節,並使其成為一個重要來源的文明史。 Since, moreover, the religious law of the Jews dealt with all the circumstances of life, the Talmud discusses the most varied branches of human knowledge-astronomy and medicine, mathematics and law, anatomy and botany-thus furnishing valuable data for the history of science also.因為,此外,宗教法猶太人涉及的所有情況下生活,塔爾穆德討論了最多樣分行人類知識,天文學和醫學,數學和法律,解剖學和植物學,從而提供寶貴的數據,科學史也。

The Talmud, furthermore, is unique from the point of view of literary history as being a product of literature based on oral tradition and yet summarizing the literature of an entire epoch.猶太法典,而且,是獨特的角度對文學史是一個產品的基礎上口頭文學傳統,但總結了文學整個時代。 Aside from it, those to whose united efforts it may be ascribed have left no trace of intellectual activity.除了它,這些努力為他們的美國可能會為其留下任何痕跡的智力活動。 Though anonymous itself, the Talmud, like other products of tannaitic and amoraic literature, cites the names of many authors of sayings because it was a universal practise to memorize the name of the author together with the saying.雖然無名氏本身,塔爾穆德一樣,其他產品的tannaitic和amoraic文學,瀕危物種公約的名字,許多作者的說法,因為這是一個普遍的實踐記住的作者名稱一起說。 Many of these scholars are credited with only a few sentences or with even but one, while to others are ascribed many hundreds of aphorisms, teachings, questions, and answers; and the representatives of Jewish tradition of those centuries, the Tannaim and the Amoraim, received an abundant compensation for their renunciation of the fame of authorship when tradition preserved their names together with their various expositions, and thus rescued even the least of them from oblivion. The peculiar form of the Talmud is due to the fact that it is composed almost entirely of individual sayings and discussions on them, this circumstance being a result of its origin: the fact that it sought especially to preserve the oral tradition and the transactions of the academies allowed the introduction only of the single sentences which represented the contributions of the teachers and scholars to the discussions.其中的許多學者都記入只有幾句或即使只有一個,而對另一些原因很多數以百計的警句,教導,問題和答案,以及代表的猶太傳統的世紀, Tannaim和Amoraim ,收到了大量的補償其放棄名利時,傳統的著作權保護他們的名字連同他們的各種論述,因此,即使是最不救他們從被人忘卻。獨特形式塔爾穆德的原因是,它是由近完全是個人的諺語和討論他們,這種情況是由於其原產地:一個事實,即它要求特別是維護口述傳統和交易的院校只允許採用單句的代表所作的貢獻的教師和學者的討論。 The preservation of the names of the authors of these apothegms, and of those who took part in the discussions, transactions, and disputations renders the Talmud the most important, and in many respects the only, source for the period of which it is the product.保存的名稱,作者對這些apothegms ,和那些誰參加了討論,交易,和disputations使塔爾穆德最重要的,而且在許多方面唯一的來源期間的它的產品。 The sequence of generations which constitute the framework of the history of the Tannaim and Amoraim may be determined from the allusions contained in the Talmud, from the anecdotes and stories of the academies, and from other valuable literary material, which exhibit the historical conditions, events, and personages of the time, not excepting cases in which the facts have been clothed in the garb of legend or myth.幾代人的順序構成的框架內,歷史上的Tannaim和Amoraim可能確定從典故載於塔爾穆德,從軼事和故事的院校,以及其他有價值的文學材料,展出的歷史條件下,事件和人士的時間,而不是例外情況下,事實已經穿著的外衣或神話傳說。 Although it was undertaken with no distinctly literary purpose, it contains, especially in its haggadic portions, many passages which are noteworthy as literature, and which for many centuries were the sole repositories of Jewish poetry.雖然沒有明顯的進行文學的目的,它包含,尤其是在其haggadic部分,許多段落是值得注意的是文學,並為許多世紀是唯一庫猶太詩歌。

Its Authority.它的權威。

After the completion of the Talmud as a work of literature, it exercised a twofold influence as a historical factor in the history of Judaism and its followers, not only in regard to the guidance and formulation of religious life and thought, but also with respect to the awakening and development of intellectual activity.完成後塔爾穆德作為工作的文學,它行使雙重影響作為一個歷史的因素和歷史的猶太教信徒,不僅在方面的指導和制定的宗教生活和思想,而且對的覺醒和發展的智力活動。 As a document of religion the Talmud acquired that authority which was due to it as the written embodiment of the ancient tradition, and it fulfilled the task which the men of the Great Assembly set for the representatives of the tradition when they said, "Make a hedge for the Torah" (Ab. i. 2).作為一份文件,對宗教的塔爾穆德後天的機構,這是由於它的書面體現了古老的傳統,它完成了任務,在男子大大會為代表的傳統時,他們說: “為對沖的律法“ ( Ab.一2 ) 。 Those who professed Judaism felt no doubt that the Talmud was equal to the Bible as a source of instruction and decision in problems of religion, and every effort to set forth religious teachings and duties was based on it; so that even the great systematic treatise of Maimonides, which was intended to supersede the Talmud, only led to a more thorough study of it.這些誰宣稱猶太教認為毫無疑問,塔爾穆德等於聖經的一個來源的指示和決定的問題,宗教,並盡一切努力闡明宗教教義和義務是基於它;這樣,即使是偉大的系統論述邁蒙尼德,其目的是取代塔爾穆德,只導致了更為徹底的研究。 In like manner, the Shulḥan 'Aruk of Joseph Caro, which achieved greater practical results than the Mishneh Torah, of Maimonides, owed its authority to the fact that it was recognized as the most convenient codification of the teachings of the Talmud; while the treatises on the philosophy of religion which strove as early as the time of Saadia to harmonize the truths of Judaism with the results of independent thinking referred in all possible cases to the authority of the Talmud, upon which they could easily draw for a confirmation of their theses and arguments.同樣, Shulḥan ' Aruk約瑟夫卡羅,取得更大的實際結果比Mishneh律法,對邁蒙尼德,欠其權威的事實,這是公認的最便捷的編纂的教誨塔爾穆德;而論文哲學宗教力求儘早的時間Saadia協調真理猶太教的結果獨立思考中提到一切可能的情況下,權力的塔爾穆德後,他們可以很容易地得出確認他們的論文和論據。 The wealth of moral instruction contained in the Talmud exercised a profound influence upon the ethics and ideals of Judaism.財富的道義上的指示所載塔爾穆德行使了深刻影響的道德和理想的猶太教。 Despite all this, however, the authority enjoyed by it did not lessen the authority of the Bible, which continued to exercise its influence as the primal source of religious and ethical instruction and edification even while the Talmud ruled supreme over religious practise, preserving and fostering in the Diaspora, for many centuries and under most unfavorable external conditions, the spirit of deep religion and strict morality.儘管所有這一切,但是,所享有的權力沒有減少的權威聖經,並繼續發揮其影響的原始來源,宗教和道德教育和熏陶即使塔爾穆德排除最高法院對宗教信奉,維護和促進在海外,許多世紀,並在最不利的外部條件下,深刻的宗教精神和嚴格的道德準則。

The history of Jewish literature since the completion of the Talmud has been a witness to its importance in awakening and stimulating intellectual activity among the Jews.猶太人的歷史文獻,因為完成了塔爾穆德已證人的重要性覺醒和刺激智力活動的猶太人。 The Talmud has been made the subject or the starting-point of a large portion of this widely ramified literature, which has been the product of the intellectual activity induced by its study, and to which both scholars in the technical sense of the word and also a large number of the studious Jewish laity have contributed.猶太法典已取得的主題或出發點有很大一部分這一廣泛分支文學,這一直是產品的智力活動誘導其研究,並在這兩個學者的技術意義上的,也大批猶太人俗人勤奮好學了貢獻。 The same faculties which had been exercised in the composition of the Talmud were requisite also for the study of it; the Talmud therefore had an exceedingly stimulating influence upon the intellectual powers of the Jewish people, which were then directed toward other departments of knowledge.同系已行使的組成塔爾穆德也有必要研究它;因此在塔爾穆德了一次非常刺激的影響的知識權力的猶太人民,然後針對其他部門的知識。 It is a noteworthy fact that the study of the Talmud gradually became a religious duty, and thus developed into an intellectual activity having no ulterior object in view.這是一個值得注意的事實是,研究塔爾穆德逐漸成為一項宗教責任,從而發展成為一個智力活動沒有任何不可告人的目的的看法。 Consequently it formed a model of study for the sake of study.因此,形成了一個模型的研究是為了研究。

The Talmud has not yet entirely lost its twofold importance as a historical factor within Judaism, despite the changes which have taken place during the last century.猶太法典還沒有完全失去了它的雙重重要性作為一個歷史因素的猶太教,儘管變化是發生在上個世紀。 For the majority of Jews it is still the supreme authority in religion; and, as noted above, although it is rarely an object of study on the part of those who have assimilated modern culture, it is still a subject of investigation for Jewish learning, as a product of Judaism which yet exerts an influence second in importance only to the Bible. The following works of traditional literature not belonging to the Talmud have been included in the editions of Babli: Abot de-Rabbi Natan; Derek Ereẓ Rabbah; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa; Kallah; Semaḥot; Soferim.對於大多數猶太人仍然是最高權力機構的宗教;和,如上所述,儘管這是很少的一個對象的研究的一部分,這些誰也吸收現代文化,但它仍然是一個問題的調查為猶太學習,作為該產品的猶太教尚未施加影響的重要性第二只聖經。下列作品的傳統文學不屬於塔爾穆德已列入版本Babli : Abot去拉比納坦夏;德里克艾雷茲安曼;德里克埃雷茲Zuṭa ; Kallah ; Semaḥot ; Soferim 。

Wilhelm Bacher威廉巴切爾
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
The manuscripts, editions, and translations have been discussed in the article.手稿,版本,並已被翻譯的文章中討論。 For an introduction to the Talmud the following works may be mentioned in addition to the general ones on Jewish history: Weiss, Dor, iii.; Halevy, Dorot ha-Rishonim, ii., Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1901; HL Strack, Einleitung in den Talmud, 2d ed., Leipsic, 1894 (covers the Mishnah also and contains an extensive bibliography of the Talmud);為介紹塔爾穆德下列作品中提到的可能是除了一般的關於猶太人的歷史:維斯,多爾,三。 ;哈萊維, Dorot河Rishonim ,二。 ,法蘭克福式的主, 1901年; HL施特拉克導論在2007塔爾穆德,二維版。 , Leipsic , 1894年(包括米示拿也並包含了廣泛的書目的塔爾穆德) ;

M. Mielziner, Introduction to the Talmud, Cincinnati (also gives good bibliography of the Talmud; the second part of this work contains a clear discussion of the hermeneutics and the methodology of the Talmud).先生Mielziner ,介紹塔爾穆德,辛辛那提(也使良好書目的塔爾穆德;的第二部分,這項工作包含一個明確的討論,詮釋學和方法論的塔爾穆德) 。 On the Palestinian Talmud: Z. Frankel, Mebo, Breslau, 1870; J.在巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德:卓弗蘭克爾,濕潤燒傷膏,布雷斯勞, 1870年的J. Wiener, Gib'at Yerushalayim, Vienna, 1872 (reprinted from Ha-Shaḥar); A.維納, Gib'at耶路撒冷,維也納, 1872年(轉載自夏沙哈爾) ;答: Geiger, Die Jerusalemische Gemara, in his Jüd.蓋格,模具Jerusalemische革馬拉,在他的珠德。 Zeit.特。 1870, pp. 278-306 (comp. Monatsschrift, 1871, pp. 120-137); I. 1870年,頁。 278-306 ( comp.月刊, 1871年,頁。 120-137 ) ;一 Lewy, Interpretation des Ersten Abschnitts des Palästinischen Talmud-Traktates Nesikin, in Breslauer Jahresbericht, 1895, pp. 1-19.路易,釋義之Ersten Abschnitts萬Palästinischen塔爾穆德- Traktates Nesikin ,在Breslauer Jahresbericht , 1895年,頁。 1月19日。 On the Babylonian Talmud: Z. Frankel, Beiträge zur Einleitung in den Talmud, in Monatsschrift, 1861, pp.關於巴比倫塔木德:卓弗蘭克爾, Beiträge論導論在旦塔爾穆德,在月刊, 1861年,頁。 168-194, 205-212, 258-272; 168-194 , 205-212 , 258-272 ;

N. Brüll, Die Entstehungsgeschichte des Babylonischen Talmuds als Schriftwerkes, in his Jahrb.北Brüll ,模具Entstehungsgeschichte萬Babylonischen Talmuds作為Schriftwerkes ,在他的Jahrb 。 1876, ii. 1876年,二。 1-123. 1-123 。 On the earlier works introductory to the Talmud: JH Weiss, in Bet Talmud, i., ii., Vienna, 1881, 1882; Samuel b.早期的作品介紹給塔爾穆德:紅魏斯,在博彩塔爾穆德,一,二。 ,維也納, 1881年, 1882年;塞繆爾灣 Hophni, Madkhal ila 'al-Talmud (= "Introduction to the Talmud"; this is the earliest work bearing the title and is known only through a quotation in the lexicon of Ibn Janaḥ, sv ); Samuel ha-Nagid, Mebo ha-Talmud (forming an appendix to the first volume of modern editions of the Talmud); Joseph ibn 'Aḳnin, an introduction to the Talmud (Hebr. transl. from the Arabic), edited in the Jubelschrift des Breslauer Seminars zum Siebzigen Geburtstage Frankels, 1871. Hophni , Madkhal國際法協會'基地塔爾穆德( = “介紹塔爾穆德” ,這是最早的工作軸承的標題和已知只有通過報價的詞彙本Janaḥ ,希沃特) ;塞繆爾哈Nagid ,濕潤燒傷膏河塔木德(形成的附錄第一冊現代版塔爾穆德) ;約瑟夫本' Aḳnin ,介紹了塔木德( Hebr.譯。從阿拉伯文) ,編輯在Jubelschrift之Breslauer研討會zum Siebzigen Geburtstage Frankels , 1871年。

For other works on the subject see Talmud Hermeneutics;其他作品的主題見塔爾穆德詮釋學;

a list is given in Jellinek, Ḳonṭres ha-Kelalim, Vienna, 1878. General articles on the Talmud in reviews and encyclopedias: Emil Deutsch, in Quarterly Review, 1867, frequently reprinted and translated; J.清單是在耶林涅克, Ḳonṭres河Kelalim ,維也納, 1878年。一般條款塔爾穆德的評語和百科全書:埃米爾德語,在季刊, 1867年,經常轉載和翻譯;學者 Derenbourg, in Lichtenberg's Encyclopédie des Sciences Religieuses, 1882, xii. Derenbourg ,於利希的Encyclopédie科學Religieuses , 1882年,十二。 1007-1036; Arsène Darmesteter, in REJ xviii. 1007年至1036年;阿森納Darmesteter ,在REJ十八。 (Actes et Conferences, pp. ccclxxxi.-dcxlii.); S. (行為等會議,頁。 ccclxxxi. - dcxlii 。 ) ;南 Schechter, in Hastings, Dict. Schechter已在黑斯廷斯,快譯通。 Bible, extra vol., 1904, pp.聖經額外卷。 , 1904年,頁。 57-66; 57-66 ;

E. Bischoff, Talmud-Katechismus, Leipsic, 1904.體育比斯霍夫,塔爾穆德- Katechismus , Leipsic , 1904年。

On the literature of the Talmud commentaries see Talmud Commentaries.關於文學評論的塔爾穆德見塔爾穆德評論。 On grammatical and lexicographical aids to the study of the Talmud see Jew.語法和辭書對艾滋病的研究塔爾穆德見猶。 Encyc. Encyc 。 vi.80, sv Grammar, Hebrew, and ib. iv. vi.80 ,希沃特語法,希伯來語,和國際文憑。四。 580-585, sv Dictionaries, Hebrew. On the terminology of the Talmud see, in addition to the works on Talmudic methodology: A. Stein, Talmudische Terminologie, Alphabetisch Geordnet, Prague, 1869; W. 580-585 ,希沃特詞典,希伯來語。論術語塔爾穆德看到,除了工程塔木德方法:答:斯坦, Talmudische Terminologie , Alphabetisch Geordnet ,布拉格, 1869年;總統 Bacher, Die Exegetische Terminologie der Jüdischen Traditionslitteratur: part i., Die Bibelexegetische Terminologie der Tannaiten, Leipsic, 1899 (original title, Die Aelteste Terminologie der Jüdischen Schriftauslegung); part ii., Die Bibel- und Traditionsexegetische Terminologie der Amoräer, ib.巴切爾,模具Exegetische Terminologie之Jüdischen Traditionslitteratur :第一部分,模具Bibelexegetische Terminologie之Tannaiten , Leipsic , 1899年(原標題,模具Aelteste Terminologie之Jüdischen Schriftauslegung ) ;第二部分。 ,模具聖經,與Traditionsexegetische Terminologie之Amoräer ,國際文憑。 1905.WB


Talmud Commentaries塔爾穆德評

Jewish Viewpoint Information猶太觀信息

Earliest Attempts.最早的嘗試。

The commentaries on the Talmud constitute only a small part of halakic literature in comparison with the responsa literature and the commentaries on the codices.評注的塔爾穆德構成只有一小部分halakic文學的比較文學與responsa和評注codices 。 At the time when the Talmud was concluded the traditional literature was still so fresh in the memory of scholars that there was no need of writing Talmudic commentaries, nor were such works undertaken in the first period of the gaonate.時結束的塔爾穆德傳統文學仍然如此記憶猶新學者認為,沒有必要的猶太法典書面評論,也沒有進行此類作品中的第一期工程gaonate 。 Palṭoi Gaon (c. 840) was the first who in his responsa offered verbal and textual comments on the Talmud. Palṭoi Gaon (角840 )是誰在他的第一responsa提供口頭和文字評論塔爾穆德。 Ẓemaḥ b. Ẓemaḥ灣 Palṭoi (c. 872) paraphrased and explained the passages which he quoted; and he composed, as an aid to the study of the Talmud, a lexicon which Abraham Zacuto consulted in the fifteenth century. Palṭoi (角872 )轉述和解釋道,他引述;和他組成,作為一種輔助手段的研究塔爾穆德,詞彙的亞伯拉罕Zacuto協商在十五世紀。 Saadia Gaon is said to have composed commentaries on the Talmud, aside from his Arabic commentaries on the Mishnah (Benjacob, "Oẓar ha-Sefarim," p. 181, No. 430). Saadia Gaon據說已組成評塔爾穆德,除了他的阿拉伯語評米示拿( Benjacob , “裝配河Sefarim ” ,第181頁,第430號) 。 According to the Karaite Solomon b.根據索羅門灣Karaite Jeroham, a commentary on Yerushalmi by Ephraim b. Jeroham ,評注的耶路莎米的埃弗拉伊姆灣 Jacob existed as early as the time of Saadia, although this is highly improbable (Pinsker, "Liḳḳuṭe Ḳadmoniyyot," Supplement, p. 4; Poznanski, in "Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," p. 182).雅各布儘早存在時Saadia ,雖然這是極不可能( Pinsker , “ Liḳḳuṭe Ḳadmoniyyot , ”補編,第4頁;波茲南斯基,在“考夫曼Gedenkbuch ” ,第182頁) 。

Rashi. Rashi 。

The last three great geonim, Sherira, Hai, and Samuel b.過去的三個偉大geonim , Sherira ,海,和Samuel灣 Ḥofni, did much in this field. Ḥofni ,但很多在這一領域。 Most of Sherira's comments were explanations of difficult terms.大多數Sherira的評論解釋困難條件。 Many of these are quoted by Abu al-Walid (Bacher, "Leben und Werke des Abulwalid Merwân ibn Gānāḥ," etc., p. 85).許多這些被引用的阿布沃利德(巴切爾, “生平與著作之Abulwalid Merwân本Gānāḥ ”等,第85頁) 。 It appears from the quotations in the "'Aruk" that Hai Gaon wrote commentaries on at least eleven treatises (Kohut, "Aruch Completum," xiii. et seq.).從引文中的“ ' Aruk ”海Gaon寫評注至少11論文(胡特“ , Aruch Completum , ”十三。起。 ) 。 Abu al-Walid quotes Hai's commentary on Shabbat (Bacher, lcp 87).阿布沃利德引號海評Shabbat (巴切爾,液晶87 ) 。 In the eleventh century commentaries on the Talmud were composed not only in Babylon but also in Africa, Spain, and Germany.於11世紀評塔爾穆德組成不僅在巴比倫,而且在非洲,西班牙和德國。 In the first half of that century Nissim b.在今年上半年世紀Nissim灣 Jacob, of Kairwan in northern Africa, composed his "Kitab Miftaḥ Maghaliḳ al-Talmud" (Hebr. title, "Sefer Mafteaḥ Man'ule ha-Talmud" = "Key to the Locks of the Talmud"), a commentary in which he explains difficult passages by references to parallel ones and occasionally to Yerushalmi also.雅各布的Kairwan在北部非洲,組成他的“書Miftaḥ Maghaliḳ基地塔木德經” ( Hebr.標題, “ Sefer Mafteaḥ Man'ule河塔爾穆德” = “鍵鎖的塔木德” ) ,評注,其中他難以解釋的參考通道平行的,偶爾還向耶路莎米。 The work of Hananeel b.工作Hananeel灣 Ḥushiel corresponds more to a commentary in the exact sense of the term. Ḥushiel對應更多的評論中的確切意義上的。 He sums up the Talmudic discussions, perhaps in order to facilitate the halakic decision, devoting his attention principally to determining the correct text of the Talmud.他總結了塔木德的討論,也許是為了促進halakic決定,投入了他的注意主要是為了確定正確的文本塔爾穆德。 The first teachers in Spain, Enoch ben Moses, Joseph ibn Abitur, Isaac ibn Ghayyat, and Isaac Albargeloni, are also known to have composed commentaries on the Talmud (Weiss, "Dor," iv. 276 et seq.).的第一位老師在西班牙,伊諾克本摩西,約瑟夫本入學考試,伊薩克本Ghayyat ,和Isaac Albargeloni ,也是已知組成評塔爾穆德(魏斯, “多爾, ”四。 276起。 ) 。 Naḥmani quotes Talmudic comments from a work by Samuel ha Nagid (Benjacob, lc No. 481).塔木德Naḥmani報價評論工作的塞繆爾公頃Nagid ( Benjacob ,立法會第481段) 。 According to a not entirely authenticated statement (ib. No. 247), the famous exegete Abraham ibn Ezra composed a commentary on the treatise Ḳiddushin.據不完全驗證的聲明( ib.第247號) ,著名的伊本埃茲拉exegete亞伯拉罕組成的評注的論文Ḳiddushin 。 In Germany, Gershom b.在德國,格爾肖姆灣 Judah engaged in similar labors, though his commentaries have come to light only in the last century: they appear to have been the chief sources used by Rashi (1040-1105), the greatest commentator of the Talmud.猶太從事類似勞動者,儘管他的評注來輕僅在過去的20世紀:他們似乎已經使用的主要來源的Rashi ( 1040至1105年) ,最大的評論員的塔爾穆德。 Although Rashi drew upon all his predecessors, yet his originality in using the material offered by them has always been admired.雖然Rashi提請所有他的前任,但他的創意在使用他們所提供的材料一直欽佩。 His commentaries, in turn, became the basis of the work of his pupils and successors, who composed a large number of supplementary works that were partly in emendation and partly in explanation of Rashi's, and are known under the title "tosafot."他的評注,反過來成為工作的基礎上他的學生和接班人,誰組成了大量的補充,部分作品在校正和部分解釋Rashi的,而且是眾所周知的標題是“ tosafot 。 ” These works were printed together with Rashi's commentaries in the first editions of single Talmud treatises, and then in the collective editions.這些作品連同印刷Rashi的評注中的第一個版本的單塔爾穆德論文,然後在集體版本。 The tosafot included in the present editions are taken from various collections.該tosafot列入本版本是從不同的集合。 There are tosafot of Sens, tosafot of Evreux, tosafot of Touques, etc. (Winter and Wünsche, "Die Jüdische Litteratur," ii. 465).有tosafot的靈敏度, tosafot的埃夫勒, tosafot的Touques等(冬季和Wünsche , “模具Jüdische Litteratur , ”二。 465 ) 。 Instead of the simple, strictly logical method of exegesis a dialectic method showing great acumen is frequently employed in the tosafot.而不是簡單的,嚴格的邏輯方法註釋辯證的方法表現出極大的智慧往往是受僱於tosafot 。 Originating in the German and French schools, and thence adopted by the Spanish and Arabic, it found in the following centuries (13th to 15th) brilliant representatives in Moses b.原產於德國和法國學校,並從那裡通過的西班牙文和阿拉伯文,它發現在以下幾個世紀( 13日至15日)輝煌的代表在摩西灣 Naḥman, Solomon ben Adret, and others in Spain, as well as in various scholars in Turkey, although the Oriental Jews generally followed the simple method of Talmud study. The commentators are called "rishonim" (elders) down to the sixteenth century, and subsequently "aḥaronim" (juniors). Naḥman ,所羅門群島本Adret ,以及其他在西班牙,以及在各種學者在土耳其,但東方猶太人普遍遵循的簡單方法塔爾穆德研究。評論員稱為“ rishonim ” (老人)下降到16世紀,和隨後“ aḥaronim ” (青年) 。

Method of Ḥilluḳim.方法Ḥilluḳim 。

In the sixteenth century the hair-splitting dialectic study of the Talmud known as the Pilpul came to the fore.在16世紀的頭髮分裂辯證法研究塔爾穆德稱為Pilpul來到前列。 The method called "ḥilluḥ," originating in Augsburg and Nuremberg, claimed chief attention, especially through the influence of Jacob Pollak of Poland, that country becoming in the course of the century the principal center of the study of the Talmud.這種方法稱為“ ḥilluḥ , ”原產於奧格斯堡和紐倫堡,聲稱首席注意,尤其是通過影響雅各布爾波拉克波蘭,該國成為在本世紀的主要中心的研究塔爾穆德。 Special rules were formulated for composing the ḥilluḳim (Jellinek, in Keller's "Bikkurim," i. 3).特別規則的制訂組成ḥilluḳim (耶利內克,在凱勒的“ Bikkurim , ”一, 3 ) 。 It is frequently intimated in subsequent pilpulistic works that the author himself regards his expositions as artificial, though he believes them to contain a grain of truth. This method still dominates to some extent the study of the Talmud in the eastern countries of Europe.這是經常暗示在隨後pilpulistic作品,作者本人認為他的論述為人工,但他認為它們包含有道理。這種方法仍然佔主導地位在一定程度上的研究塔爾穆德東部歐洲國家。 But Jewish science demands a scientific treatment of the Talmud-an examination of its sources and parallel passages from a historical, archeological, and philological point of view, a methodical analysis of its text, and a comparative study of it by the side of other monuments of antiquity.但是,猶太科學要求科學處理塔爾穆德,審查其來源和平行通道從歷史,考古和語言學的角度來看,有條不紊分析文本,比較研究它的一側其他紀念碑古代。

Palestinian Talmud.巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德。

The Palestinian Talmud was studied much less than the Babylonian, although occasional comments on Yerushalmi are found in Alfasi and other earlier authorities, especially in the commentary of Samson of Sens on the mishnaic order Zera'im.巴勒斯坦塔木德經研究遠遠少於巴比倫,雖然偶爾的意見耶路莎米發現Alfasi和其他較早當局,特別是在評注中的大力士的靈敏度的mishnaic為了Zera'im 。 The first connected commentary on many treatises of Yerushalmi was composed in the seventeenth century by R. Joshua Benveniste, who had at hand R. Solomon Sirillo's commentary on certain treatises.評注的第一個連接上許多論文的耶路莎米組成在十七世紀由河喬舒亞本維尼斯特,誰掌握了所羅門Sirillo河的評論對某些論文。 ElijahFulda commentated in 1710 the order Zera'im and part of the order Neziḳin. ElijahFulda commentated在1710年的順序和部分Zera'im秩序Neziḳin 。 The greater part of Yerushalmi was edited about the middle of the eighteenth century by Mendelssohn's teacher David Fränkel; and a complete commentary was written by Moses Margolioth.大部份的耶路莎米編輯關於中東的十八世紀的門德爾松的老師大衛Fränkel ;和一個完整的評注的作者是摩西Margolioth 。 Noteworthy as commentators in the nineteenth century are Nahum Trebitsch and Zacharias Frankel.值得注意,因為評論家在十九世紀的內厄姆Trebitsch和撒迦利亞弗蘭克爾。

The commentaries on Babli may be divided into: (1) "perushim," running commentaries accompanying the text; (2) "tosafot" (additions), glosses on Rashi's commentary; (3) "ḥiddushim" (novellæ), explicit comments on certain passages of the Talmud text; and (4) "haggahot," or marginal glosses.評注Babli可分為: ( 1 ) “ perushim , ”暗戰評論陪同文字; ( 2 ) “ tosafot ” (增補) ,粉飾的Rashi的評論; ( 3 ) “ ḥiddushim ” ( novellæ ) ,明確的意見某些段落的塔爾穆德文本;和( 4 ) “ haggahot ”或邊緣掩蓋。 As appears from the following chronological list, the treatises Seder Mo'ed, Nashim, and Ḥullin, which deal particularly with the religious life and which were therefore made special subjects of study and instruction, were most frequently commentated, while the Seder Ḳodashim is less often made the subject of comment.由於從下列順序名單,論文Seder Mo'ed , Nashim ,並Ḥullin ,處理尤其是與宗教生活,並因此取得了專題研究和教學,最經常commentated ,而較少Seder Ḳodashim往往使問題發表評論。 In the subjoined list only the edited commentaries are enumerated, no note being taken of treatises on which there are no commentaries.在subjoined只列出編輯評論列舉,沒有注意到正在採取的論文就沒有任何評論。 The letter "W" indicates the Wilna (Widow & Brothers Romm) Talmud edition of 1886.在字母“ W ”表示Wilna (遺孀及兄弟羅姆)塔爾穆德版的1886年。

Chronological List of Commentators on Both Talmudim.順序名單評論員都Talmudim 。

Eleventh Century. 11世紀。

Nissim b. Nissim灣 Jacob (d. 1040), Sefer Mafteaḥ (see above; Ber., Shab., 'Er.), ed.雅各布( 4 1040年) , Sefer Mafteaḥ (見上文;小蘗鹼。 ,沙巴。 , '呃。 ) ,教育署。 I. Goldenthal, Vienna, 1847; in W. Gershom b.一,高登索,維也納, 1847年;在美國格爾肖姆灣 Judah (d. 1040), perush (Ber., Ta'an., BB, entire Seder Ḳodashim excepting Zeb.); in W. Hananeel b.猶太( 4 1040年) , perush ( Ber. , Ta'an 。 ,預算局,整個Seder Ḳodashim除外瑞伯。 ) ;在美國Hananeel灣 Ḥushiel (d. 1050), perush (Seder Mo'ed, Seder Neziḳin excepting BB); in W. Solomon b. Ḥushiel ( 4 1050 ) , perush ( Seder Mo'ed , Seder Neziḳin除外B節) ;在美國所羅門灣 Isaac (Rashi), commentary on thirty treatises; in all editions.艾薩克( Rashi ) ,評注30論文;在所有版本。

Twelfth to Fifteenth Century.第十二至十五世紀。

Samuel b.塞繆爾灣 Meïr, commentary on Baba Batra from the third section and on the last section of Pesaḥim; in all editions. Isaac b.梅爾評巴巴加納巴特拉從第三節和最後一節Pesaḥim ;在所有版本。艾薩克灣 Nathan, commentary on Makkot; in all editions, beginning with 19b. Eliezer b.彌敦道,評Makkot ;在所有版本,從19B條。埃利澤灣 Nathan, commentary on Nazir; in W. Jacob Tam (d. 1171), , on thirty-one treatises, Vienna, 1811. Isaac b.彌敦道,評納齊爾卡;在總統雅各譚( 4 1171年) ,於31論文,維也納, 1811年。艾薩克灣 Samuel of Dampierre, tosafot to Ḳiddushin; in W. Joseph ibn Migash, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Salonica, 1759; BB, Amsterdam, 1702). Moses b.塞繆爾的當皮埃爾, tosafot以Ḳiddushin ;在總統約瑟夫本Migash , ḥiddushim ( Sheb. ,薩洛尼卡, 1759年; BB心跳,阿姆斯特丹, 1702年) 。摩西灣 Maimon, perush (RH), Paris, 1865. Judah Sir Leon (d. 1224), tosafot (Ber., in ), Warsaw, 1863. Samson of Sens, tosafot (Shab., 'Er., Men., in all editions; Soṭah in W.). Perez, tosafot (Beẓah, Ned., Naz., Sanh., Mek., Me'i., in all editions; B. Ḳ., Leghorn, 1819). Moses of Evreux, tosafot (Ber.); in all editions. Samuel of Evreux, tosafot to Soṭah, ib. Samuel of Falaise, tosafot to 'Abodah Zarab, ib. Baruch, tosafot to Zebaḥim, ib. Meïr Abulafia (d. 1244), (BB, Salonica, 1803; Sanh., ib. 1798). Judah b.麥蒙, perush (相對濕度) ,巴黎, 1865年。猶太布里坦( 4 1224 ) , tosafot ( Ber. ,中) ,華沙, 1863年。大力士的靈敏度, tosafot ( Shab. , '呃。 ,男。 ,在所有版本; Soṭah在美國) 。佩雷斯, tosafot ( Beẓah ,內德。 ,納茲。 , Sanh 。激酶。 , Me'i 。在所有版本;灣K表。 ,裡窩那, 1819年) 。摩西的埃夫勒, tosafot ( Ber. ) ;在所有版本。塞繆爾的埃夫勒, tosafot以Soṭah ,國際文憑。塞繆爾的佛雷斯, tosafot以' Abodah Zarab ,國際文憑。巴魯克, tosafot以Zebaḥim ,國際文憑。梅爾Abulafia ( 4 1244年) , ( BB心跳,薩洛尼卡, 1803年; Sanh 。 ,國際文憑。 1798年) 。猶太灣 Benjamin ha-Rofe, perush (Sheḳ.); in W. Peraḥyah b.本傑明河Rofe , perush ( Sheḳ. ) ;在美國Peraḥyah灣 Nissim (c. 1250) ,ḥiddushim, in , Venice, 1752. Isaiah di Trani (c. 1250), tosafot (i., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, 'Ab. Zarah, Niddah, Shab., Ḥag.; ii., 'Er., RH, Yoma, Suk., Meg., M. Ḳ., Pes., Beẓah, Ned., Naz., Lemberg, 1862; Ket., Giṭ., in W.). Jonah Gerondi (d. 1263), ḥiddushim (Sanh., in ), Leghorn, 1801. Moses b. Nissim (約1250 ) , ḥiddushim ,在威尼斯, 1752年。以賽亞娣特拉尼(約1250 ) , tosafot (一灣K表。 ,骨髓,預算局, '抗體。 Zarah , Niddah ,沙巴。 ,女巫。 ;二。 , '呃。 ,銠,山脈,錫。 ,梅格。先生K表。 ,瘟。 , Beẓah ,內德。 ,納茲。 ,倫貝爾, 1862 ;酮。 , Giṭ 。 ,在美國) 。約拿Gerondi ( 4 1263年) , ḥiddushim ( Sanh. ,中) ,裡窩那, 1801年。摩西灣 Naḥman (dc 1270), ḥiddushim (Ber., 'Er., Pes., M. ḳ., Ḥag., RH, Suk., Ta'an., Meg., in , Salonica, 1791; Shab., in , Presburg, 1837; Yeb., Homburg, 1700; Ket., Metz, 1765; Giṭ., Niddah, in , Sulzbach, 1762; BB, Venice, 1723). Todros ha-Levi (d. 1283), (on the haggadot), Novidvor, 1808; hiddushim (Meg., Yoma, in ), Leghorn, 1801. Aaron ha-Levi (d. 1293), ḥiddushim (Ket., Prague, 1742; Beẓah, in , Leghorn, 1810). Meïr of Rothenburg (d. 1293), tosafot to Yoma; in all editions. Solomon b. Naḥman (哥倫比亞特區1270年) , ḥiddushim ( Ber. , '呃。 ,瘟。先生K表。 ,女巫。 ,銠,錫。 , Ta'an 。 ,梅格。 ,中,薩洛尼卡, 1791年;的Shab 。 ,中, Presburg , 1837年; Yeb 。 ,洪堡, 1700 ;酮。 ,梅斯, 1765 ; Giṭ 。 , Niddah ,中,蘇爾茨巴赫, 1762年; BB心跳,威尼斯, 1723年) 。 Todros哈列維( 4 1283年) , (對haggadot ) , Novidvor , 1808年; hiddushim ( Meg. ,山脈,中) ,裡窩那, 1801年。阿倫河列維( 4 1293年) , ḥiddushim ( Ket. ,布拉格, 1742年; Beẓah ,中,裡窩那, 1810年) 。梅爾的羅( 4 1293年) , tosafot以山脈;在所有版本。所羅門群島灣 Adret (d. 1310), ḥiddushim (Shab., RH, Meg., Yeb., Ned., B. Ḳ., Ḥul., Constantinople, 1720; Sheb., Salonica, 1729; Niddah, Altona, 1737; Men., Warsaw, 1861; 'Er., ib. 1895). Yom-Ṭob b. Adret ( 4 1310年) , ḥiddushim ( Shab. ,銠,梅格。 , Yeb 。 ,內德。灣K表。 ,豪。 ,君士坦丁堡, 1720年;帥。 ,薩洛尼卡, 1729年; Niddah ,阿爾托納, 1737年男子。 ,華沙, 1861年; '呃。 ,國際文憑。 1895年) 。贖罪- Ṭob灣 Abraham, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Salonica, 1805; 'Er., Ta'an., M. Ḳ., Ket., BM, Amsterdam, 1729; RH, Königsberg, 1858; Yoma, Constantinople, 1754; Meg., Warsaw, 1880; Yeb., Leghorn, 1787; Ḳid., Sabbionetta, 1553; Giṭ., Salonica, 1758; 'Ab. Zarah, in , ib. 1759; Sanh., in , Leghorn, 1781; Sheb., in , ib. 1780; Mak., Sulzbach, 1762; Ḥul., Prague, 1735; Niddah, Vienna, 1868). Menahem Me'iri (c. 1300), (Shab., Leghorn, 1794; Yoma, ib. 1760; Meg., Ḥag., Ta'an., Prague, 1810; Ned., Naz., Soṭah, Beẓah, Berlin, 1859; Yeb., Salonica, 1794). Asher b.亞伯拉罕, ḥiddushim ( Sheb. ,薩洛尼卡, 1805 ; '呃。 , Ta'an 。先生K表。 ,氯胺酮。 ,骨髓,阿姆斯特丹, 1729年;相對濕度, Königsberg , 1858 ;山脈,君士坦丁堡, 1754年;梅格。 ,華沙, 1880 ; Yeb 。 ,裡窩那, 1787年;孩子。 , Sabbionetta , 1553年; Giṭ 。 ,薩洛尼卡, 1758年; '抗體。 Zarah ,中,國際文憑。 1759年; Sanh 。 ,中,裡窩那, 1781年;帥。 ,中,國際文憑。 1780年;麥。 ,蘇爾茨巴赫, 1762年;豪。 ,布拉格, 1735年; Niddah ,維也納, 1868年) 。梅納海姆Me'iri (約1300 ) , ( Shab. ,裡窩那, 1794年;山脈,國際文憑。 1760年;梅格。 ,女巫。 , Ta'an 。 ,布拉格, 1810年;內。 ,納茲。 , Soṭah , Beẓah ,柏林, 1859年; Yeb 。 ,薩洛尼卡, 1794年) 。阿舍爾灣 Jehiel (d. 1327), perush (Ned., Naz.), in W.; tosafot (Ber., in , Warsaw, 1862; Suk., Jerusalem, 1903; RH, ib. 1871; Meg., ib. 1884; 'Ab. Zarah, ib. 1888; Giṭ., Constantinople, 1711; BM, Dyhernfurth, 1823; Sanh., Ḥul., in , Sulzbach, 1762; Sheb., Venice, 1608; Niddah, under the title , Venice, 1741); Aaron ha-Levi, , Ḳid., Husiatyn, 1902; (Pes.), Jerusalem, 1873. Isaac Aboab (d. 1493), ḥiddushim (in the responsa of Moses Galante), Venice, 1608. Jehiel ( 4 1327年) , perush ( Ned. ,納茲。 ) ,載於W. ; tosafot ( Ber. ,中,華沙, 1862年;淑。 ,耶路撒冷, 1903年;濕度,國際文憑。 1871年;梅格。 ,國際文憑。 1884年; '抗體。 Zarah ,國際文憑。 1888年; Giṭ 。 ,君士坦丁堡, 1711年;骨髓, Dyhernfurth , 1823年; Sanh 。 ,豪。 ,中,蘇爾茨巴赫, 1762年;帥。 ,威尼斯, 1608年; Niddah的標題下,威尼斯, 1741年) ;阿倫河列維,小孩。 , Husiatyn , 1902年; ( Pes. ) ,耶路撒冷, 1873年。艾薩克Aboab ( 4 1493年) , ḥiddushim (在responsa摩西加朗特) ,威尼斯, 1608年。

Sixteenth Century.十六世紀。

Jacob be-Rab (d. 1546), ḥiddushim (Ket., Ḳid.), in his responsa, Venice, 1663. 1549. Joshua Boaz Baruch, the indexes , , Venice. 1552. Mattathias Delacrut, ḥiddushim ('Er.), Lublin. 1561. Joseph ibn Leb, ḥiddushim (Ket., B. Ḳ., Sheb., Constantinople, 1561; Giṭ., ib. 1573). Solomon Luria (d. 1573), (Beẓah, Lublin, 1638; Yeb., Altona, 1740; Ḳid., Berlin, 1766; Ket., Lemberg, 1862; Giṭ., Berlin, 1761; Ḥul., Cracow, 1615); on nineteen treatises, Cracow, 1581. 1573. Judah b.雅各布是饒( 4 1546年) , ḥiddushim ( Ket. ,小孩。 ) ,在他的responsa ,威尼斯, 1663年。 1549年。約書亞波阿斯巴魯克,各項指標, ,威尼斯。 1552年。 Mattathias Delacrut , ḥiddushim ( '呃。 ) ,盧布林。 1561年。約瑟夫本Leb , ḥiddushim ( Ket.灣K表。 ,帥。 ,君士坦丁堡, 1561年; Giṭ 。 ,國際文憑。 1573年) 。所羅門群島盧瑞亞( 4 1573年) , ( Beẓah ,盧布林, 1638年; Yeb 。 ,阿爾托納, 1740年;孩子。 ,柏林, 1766年;酮。 ,倫貝爾, 1862 ; Giṭ 。 ,柏林, 1761年;豪。 ,克拉科夫, 1615年) ;在19論文,克拉科夫, 1581年。 1573年。猶太灣 Moses, , Constantinople. 1577. Jacob (Beẓah), Jerusalem, 1865. 1587. Samuel Jaffe Ashkenazi, on the haggadot of Yerushalmi, Venice, 1590. Abraham Burjil, (Yeb., Ket., B. Ḳ., Bik.), ib.摩西,君士坦丁堡。一五七七年。雅各布( Beẓah ) ,耶路撒冷, 1865年。 1587年。塞繆爾謝斐肯納茲,對haggadot的耶路莎米,威尼斯, 1590年。亞伯拉罕Burjil , ( Yeb. ,氯胺酮。灣K表。 ,碧。 ) , B節。 1605. 1591. Joseph ibn Ezra, (Ḳid.), Salonica. Bezaleel Ashkenazi, (Ber., Warsaw, 1863; Beẓah, Constantinople, 1731; Ket., ib. 1738; Naz., Leghorn, 1774; Soṭah, ib. 1800; B. Ḳ., Venice, 1762; BM, Amsterdam, 1726; BB, Lemberg, 1809; Seder Ḳodashim, excepting Ḥul., in W.). 1605年。 1591年。約瑟夫本以斯拉, ( Ḳid. ) ,薩洛尼卡。 Bezaleel艾希肯納茲( Ber. ,華沙, 1863年; Beẓah ,君士坦丁堡, 1731年;酮。 ,國際文憑。 1738年;納茲。 ,裡窩那, 1774年; Soṭah ,國際文憑。 1800 ;灣K表。 ,威尼斯, 1762年;骨髓,阿姆斯特丹, 1726年; BB心跳,倫貝爾, 1809年; Seder Ḳodashim ,除豪。 ,在美國) 。

Seventeenth Century. 17世紀。

1602. Samuel b. 1602年。塞繆爾灣 Eleazer, ḥiddushim (Ket., Giṭ.), Prossnitz. 1603. Jedidiah Galante, ḥiddushim (Beẓah, Yeb., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., 'Ab. Zarah), Venice. 1608. Abraham Ḥayyim Shor, ('Er., Pes., B. Ḳ., BM, BB Sanh., Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Lublin; (Seder Ḳodashim), Wandsbeck, 1729. Mordecai Jaffe (d. 1611), (glosses); in W. Moses b. Eleazer , ḥiddushim ( Ket. , Giṭ 。 ) Prossnitz 。 1603 。 Jedidiah加朗特, ḥiddushim ( Beẓah , Yeb 。 , Giṭ 。灣K表。 , '抗體。 Zarah ) ,威尼斯。 1608 。亞伯拉罕Ḥayyim紹爾, ( '呃。 ,瘟。灣K表。 ,骨髓, BB心跳Sanh 。 ,帥。 , '抗體。 Zarah ,豪。 )盧布林; ( Seder Ḳodashim ) , Wandsbeck , 1729年。莫迪凱謝斐( 4 1611年) , (掩蓋) ;在美國摩西灣 Isaiah, ḥiddushim (Zeb.), Berlin, 1701. 1612. Samuel Edels, ḥiddushim ( on all treatises), Lublin. 1614. Issachar Bär, (Hor., Ker., Soṭah, Ḥul.), Venice. 1619. Meïr Lublin, (on most of the treatises), ib. Isaac ha-Levi, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Beẓab, Yeb., Ḳid., Ket., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Neuwied, 1736. Abraham di Boton (d. 1625), ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., in ), Venice, 1599. Joseph di Trani (d. 1639), ḥiddushim (Ḳid.), ib.以賽亞, ḥiddushim ( Zeb. ) ,柏林, 1701年。 1612年。塞繆爾Edels , ḥiddushim (所有論文) ,盧布林。 1614 。薩迦酒吧, ( Hor. ,柯建銘。 , Soṭah ,豪。 ) ,威尼斯。 1619年。梅爾盧布林(在大多數的論文) ,國際文憑。艾薩克哈列維, ḥiddushim ( Sheb. , Beẓab , Yeb 。婚禮。 ,氯胺酮。 , '抗體。 Zarah ,豪。 ) Neuwied , 1736年。亞伯拉罕娣波頓(四。 1625年) , ḥiddushim (灣K表。 ,中) ,威尼斯, 1599年。迪蒙布洛特拉尼( 4 1639年) , ḥiddushim ( Ḳid. ) ,國際文憑。 1645. Joel Sirkes (d. 1640), haggahot; in W. Joshua b. 1645年。喬爾Sirkes ( 4 1640年) , haggahot ;在美國約書亞灣 Solomon (d. 1648), (Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., B. Ḳ., Ḥul.), Amsterdam, 1715. Lipmann Heller (d. 1654), (notes); in W. 1652. Ḥiyya Rofe, (on nineteen treatises), Venice. 1660. Mordecai Kremsier, (on the haggadot of Ber.), Amsterdam. 1662. Joshua Benveniste, (Yer. Zera'im, Constantinople, 1662; Mo'ed, Nashim Neziḳin, ib. 1754). Meïr Schiff b.所羅門群島( 1648年4 ) , ( Shab. ,瘟。 , Beẓah , Yeb 。 ,氯胺酮。婚禮。灣K表。 ,豪。 ) ,阿姆斯特丹, 1715年。李普曼海勒( 4 1654年) , (注) ;在美國1652年。 Ḥiyya Rofe , (關於19論文) ,威尼斯。 1660年。莫迪凱Kremsier , (關於haggadot的BER 。 ) ,阿姆斯特丹。 1662年。約書亞本維尼斯特, ( Yer. Zera'im ,君士坦丁堡, 1662年;莫'教育署, Nashim Neziḳin ,國際文憑。 1754年) 。梅爾希夫灣 Jacob, ḥiddushe halakot (i., ii., Sheb., Beẓah, Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Sanh., Zeb., Ḥul.), Zolkiev, 1826, and in the editions. Joshua Höschel (d. 1663), ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., BM, BB), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1725. 1664. Solomon Algazi, ('Ab. Zarah, Ber., Ḥul., Venice, 1664; , Salonica, 1655; and , Constantinople, 1683; on haggadot). 1669. Aaron Samuel Kaidanover, (Zeb., Men., 'Er., Ker., Tem., Me'i.), Amsterdam, 1669; (Pes., Beẓah, Yeb., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1696. 1670. Jonah Teomim (d. 1699), (on thirteen treatises), Amsterdam. 1671. Moses Benveniste of Segovia, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Smyrna. Ḥayyim ben Israel Benveniste (d. 1673), (Sanh.), Leghorn, 1802. 1682. Samuel Eliezer b.雅各布, ḥiddushe halakot (一,二。 ,帥。 , Beẓah ,氯胺酮。 , Giṭ 。灣K表。 ,骨髓,預算局, Sanh 。 ,瑞伯。 ,豪。 ) Zolkiev , 1826年,在版本。約書亞Höschel ( 4 1663年) , ḥiddushim (灣K表。 ,骨髓, B節) ,法蘭克福式的主, 1725年。 1664年。所羅門群島Algazi , ( '抗體。 Zarah ,小蘗鹼。 ,豪。 ,威尼斯, 1664年; ,薩洛尼卡, 1655年;和,君士坦丁堡, 1683年;關於haggadot ) 。 1669年。艾倫塞繆爾Kaidanover , ( Zeb. ,男。 , '呃。 ,柯建銘。 ,透射電鏡。 , Me'i 。 ) ,阿姆斯特丹, 1669年; (聚醚砜。 , Beẓah , Yeb 。 ,氯胺酮。 , Giṭ 。灣K表。 ,骨髓,豪。 ) ,法蘭克福式的主, 1696年。 1670年。約拿Teomim ( 4 1699年) , (對13論文) ,阿姆斯特丹。 1671年。摩西本維尼斯特的塞哥維亞( Ber. , Seder Mo'ed ) ,士每拿。 Ḥayyim本以色列本維尼斯特( 4 1673年) , ( Sanh. ) ,裡窩那, 1802年。 1682年。塞繆爾埃利澤灣 Judah, ḥiddushe aggadot, Frankfort. 1686. Isaac Benjamin Wolf, ḥiddushim (BM), ib. Moses ibn Ḥabib (d. 1696), (RH, Yoma, Suk.), Constantinople, 1727. 1693. Moses b.猶太, ḥiddushe aggadot ,法蘭克福。 1686年。艾薩克本傑明沃爾夫ḥiddushim (骨髓) ,國際文憑。摩西本哈比( 4 1696年) , (相對濕度,山脈,錫。 ) ,君士坦丁堡, 1727年。 1693年。摩西灣 Simeon, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Prague. 1698. Judah b.西蒙( Ber. , Seder Mo'ed ) ,布拉格。 1698 。猶太灣 Nissan, (Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Ḥul.), with ḥiddushim of David Oppenheim, Dessau. 1698. Naphtali Cohen, (Ber.), Frankfort. 1699. Samuel Ẓarfati, (Ber., 'Er., Beẓah, RH, B. Ḳ., Hor.), Amsterdam. Meïr Schiff b.日產, ( Yeb. ,氯胺酮。婚禮。 , Giṭ 。灣K表。 ,骨髓,預算局,豪。 )與ḥiddushim的大衛奧本海姆,德紹。 1698年。拿弗科恩( Ber. ) ,法蘭克福。 1699年。塞繆爾Ẓarfati , ( Ber. , '呃。 , Beẓah ,銠,灣K表。 ,賀。 ) ,阿姆斯特丹。梅爾希夫灣 Soloman, (Ber., Sheb., Beẓah, Pes., Men.), Fürth, 1798. Baruch Angel, ḥiddushim (Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Salonica, 1717. Nehemiah b.所羅門, ( Ber. ,帥。 , Beẓah ,瘟。 ,男性。 ) ,弗思, 1798年。巴魯克天使, ḥiddushim ( Ket. , Giṭ 。灣K表。 ,骨髓,帥。 , '抗體。 Zarah ,豪。 ) ,薩洛尼卡, 1717年。尼希米記灣 Abraham Feiwel Duschnitz, (on twelve treatises), Amsterdam, 1694. Judah Liva b.亞伯拉罕Feiwel Duschnitz , (關於12論文) ,阿姆斯特丹, 1694年。猶太Liva灣 Bezaleel (Shab., 'Er., Pes.), Lemberg, 1861. Bezaleel ( Shab. , '呃。 ,瘟。 )倫貝爾, 1861年。

Eighteenth Century.十八世紀。

1700. Joseph b. 1700 。約瑟夫灣 Jacob, (on the haggadah), Amsterdam. Elijah Spira (d. 1712), (Ḳid., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Fürth, 1768. Abraham Broda (d. 1717), (Pes., Giṭ., BM, BB), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1747; (Ḳid., Ket.), Fürth, 1769; ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., BM, Sanh. in ), Offenbach, 1723. 1710. Elijah b.雅各布(關於哈加達) ,阿姆斯特丹。伊萊賈皮拉( 4 1712 ) , ( Ḳid. ,氯胺酮。 , Giṭ 。灣K表。 ,骨髓,豪。 ) ,弗思, 1768年。亞伯拉罕布羅達( 4 1717 ) ( Pes. , Giṭ 。 ,骨髓, B節) ,法蘭克福式的主, 1747年; ( Ḳid. ,氯胺酮。 ) ,弗思, 1769年; ḥiddushim (灣K表。 ,骨髓, Sanh 。中) ,奧芬巴赫, 1723年。 1710年。利亞灣 Judah, perush on Yer.猶太, perush對層。 Zera'im and Sheḳ., Amsterdam, 1710; B. Zera'im及石。 ,阿姆斯特丹, 1710年;灣 Ḳ., BM, BB, Frankfort, 1742. 1710. Abraham Naphtali Spitz, (on most of the treatises), Frankfort-on-the-Main. 1711. Samuel Shotten, (Seder Neziḳin, excepting Hor.), ib. 1714. Akiba b. K表。 ,骨髓,預算局,法蘭克福, 1742年。 1710年。亞伯拉罕拿弗施皮茨, (對大多數的論文) ,法蘭克福式的主。 1711年。塞繆爾Shotten , ( Seder Neziḳin ,除賀。 ) ,國際文憑。 1714年。秋葉灣 Judah Löb, (Ket.), ib. 1715. Meïr Eisenstadt (d. 1744), (part i., Zeb., Shab., Ḥul., Amsterdam, 1715; part ii., Giṭ., Sulzbach, 1733; part iii., Ḳid., Beẓah, ib. 1738; also B. Ḳ., Sudilkov, 1832). Joseph ha-Kohen Tanuji (d. 1720), (B. Ḳ., BM, 'Ab. Zarah), Leghorn, 1793. 1720. Solomon Kohen, ḥiddushim (on eleven treatises), Wilmersdorf. 1725. Samuel di Avila, (Naz.), Amsterdam.猶太前廳, ( Ket. ) ,國際文憑。 1715年。梅爾艾森斯塔德( 4 1744年) , (第一部分,瑞伯。 ,沙巴。 ,豪。 ,阿姆斯特丹, 1715年,第二部分。 , Giṭ 。 ,蘇爾茨巴赫, 1733 ;部分三。婚禮。 , Beẓah ,國際文憑。 1738年;還灣K表。 , Sudilkov , 1832年) 。約瑟夫哈Kohen Tanuji ( 4 1720 ) , (灣K表。 ,骨髓, '抗體。 Zarah ) ,裡窩那, 1793年。 1720年。所羅門群島Kohen , ḥiddushim (關於11論文) ,威默爾斯多夫。 1725年。塞繆爾娣阿維拉( Naz. ) ,阿姆斯特丹。 Menahem Nahum b.梅納海姆內厄姆灣 Jacob, (on fourteen treatises), Dyhernfurth, 1726. 1728. Johanan Kremnitzer, (Naz.), Berlin. 1728. Elijah b.雅各布(關於14論文) , Dyhernfurth , 1726年。 1728年。 Johanan Kremnitzer , ( Naz. ) ,柏林。 1728年。利亞灣 Jacob, (Pes., Ḳid., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ.), Wandsbeck. Elijah ha-Kohen (d. 1729), (Yer. Zera'im), Smyrna, 1755. 1729. Judah of Gross-Glogau, (on most of the treatises), Amsterdam. 1729. Jacob b.雅各布( Pes. ,小孩。 ,氯胺酮。 , Giṭ 。灣K表。 ) Wandsbeck 。利亞河Kohen ( 4 1729年) , ( Yer. Zera'im ) ,士每拿, 1755年。 1729年。猶太總值-格洛高, (對大多數論文) ,阿姆斯特丹。 1729年。雅各布灣 Joseph Reischer, (on haggadot), Wilmersdorf. 1730. Menahem Manuele, (on most of the treatises), Wandsbeck. 1731. Isaac b.約瑟夫Reischer , (關於haggadot ) ,威默爾斯多夫。 1730年。梅納海姆馬努埃萊, (對大多數的論文) , Wandsbeck 。一七三一年。艾薩克灣 David, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Amsterdam. Jacob b.大衛( Ber. , Seder Mo'ed ) ,阿姆斯特丹。雅各布灣 Joseph Kremer, (RH, Amsterdam, 1731; Meg., Altona, 1735). Aryeh Löb b.約瑟夫克雷默(相對濕度,阿姆斯特丹, 1731年;梅格。 ,阿爾托納, 1735年) 。 Aryeh前廳灣 Asher, (Ta'an.), Wilna, 1862; (RH, Ḥag., Meg.), Metz, 1781. 1733. Selig b.阿舍爾( Ta'an 。 ) Wilna , 1862年; (相對濕度,女巫。 ,梅格。 ) ,梅斯隊, 1781年。 1733年。塞利格灣 Phoebus, (on haggadot), Offenbach. 1733. Ephraim b.菲伯斯, (關於haggadot ) ,奧芬巴赫。 1733年。埃弗拉伊姆灣 Samuel, (on most of the treatises), Altona. 1737. Ẓebi Hirsch b.塞繆爾, (對大多數的論文) ,阿爾托納。 1737年。 Ẓebi赫希灣 Joshua, (Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Prague. 1739. Jacob Joshua Falk (d. 1756), (Ket., Giṭ., Ḳid., Amsterdam, 1739; Ber., Shab., Pes., RH, Suk., Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1752; B. Ḳ., BM, ib. 1756; Ḥul., Mak., Sheb., Fürth, 1780). 1740. Shabbethai b.約書亞, ( Yeb. ,氯胺酮。婚禮。灣K表。 ,骨髓,豪。 ) ,布拉格。 1739年。雅各布約書亞福爾克( 4 1756年) , ( Ket. , Giṭ 。婚禮。 ,阿姆斯特丹, 1739年;誤碼率。 ,沙巴。 ,瘟。 ,銠,錫。 ,法蘭克福式的主, 1752年;灣K表。 ,骨髓,國際文憑。 1756年;豪。麥。 ,帥。 ,弗思, 1780年) 。 1740年。 Shabbethai灣 Moses, (on most of the treatises), Fürth. 1741. Israel b.摩西, (對大多數的論文) ,弗思。 1741年。以色列灣 Moses, (on the mathematical passages), Frankfort-on-the-Oder. 1743. David Fränkel, and (Yer. Seder Mo'ed, Dessau, 1743; Seder Nashim, ib. 1757). 1750. Moses Margolioth, (Yer. Nashim, Amsterdam, 1750; Neziḳin, Leghorn, 1770). 1751. Jacob Samosc, (Ber., Suk., Beẓah, Ḳid., B. Ḳ., BM, Sheb.), Rödelheim. 1755. Aaron b.摩西(數學通道) ,法蘭克福式的奧德。 1743年。大衛Fränkel ,和( Yer. Seder Mo'ed ,德紹, 1743年; Seder Nashim ,國際文憑。 1757年) 。 1750年。摩西Margolioth , (層。 Nashim ,阿姆斯特丹, 1750年; Neziḳin ,裡窩那, 1770年) 。 1751年。雅各布Samosc , ( Ber. ,錫。 , Beẓah ,小孩。灣K表。 ,骨髓,帥。 ) Rödelheim 。 1755年。亞倫灣 Nathan, (on most of the treatises), Zolkiev. 1756. Ḥayyim Joseph David Azulai, (Hor.), Leghorn. Akiba Eger (d. 1758), (Ber., Shab., 'Er., Pes., Beẓah, Suk., Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., Seder Neziḳin, Seder Ḳodashim, Niddah), Fürth, 1781. 1757. Joseph b.彌敦道, (對大多數的論文) , Zolkiev 。 1756年。 Ḥayyim約瑟夫大衛Azulai , ( Hor. ) ,裡窩那。秋葉埃格爾( 4 1758年) , ( Ber. ,沙巴。 , '呃。 ,瘟。 , Beẓah ,碩。 , Yeb 。 ,氯胺酮。婚禮。 , Giṭ 。 , Seder Neziḳin , Seder Ḳodashim , Niddah ) ,弗思, 1781年。 1757年。約瑟夫灣 Meïr Teomim (d. 1793), (Yeb., Ket.).梅爾Teomim ( 4 1793年) , ( Yeb. ,氯胺酮。 ) 。 Zolkiev, 1757; (Ḥul., Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1794; Sheb., Meg., Lemberg, 1863). 1760. Isaiah Berlin, and (notes on all the treatises: ḥiddushim on Naz.), np; haggahot in W. 1763. Joseph Darmstadt, (Ber., Beẓah, Meg.), Carlsruhe. Jonathan Eybeschütz (d. 1764), (on most of the treatises), Piotrkow, 1897. 1766. Isaac Ashkenazi, (Giṭ., Ket., B. Ḳ.), Salonica. 1766. Isaac Nuñez-Vaez, (Yoma, Leghorn, 1766; Ḥag., ib. 1794). Jacob Emden (d. 1776), glosses; in W. 1776. Elijah Sidlov, (Zeb., Men., Tem.), Fürth, 1776. 1776. Eleazar Kallir (d. 1801), (Pes., Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1776; Ḳid., Vienna, 1799). Judah Lissa, (Zeb.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1776; (Men.), Prague, 1788. 1777. Itzig b. Zolkiev , 1757年; ( Ḥul. ,法蘭克福式的奧得河, 1794年;帥。 ,梅格。 ,倫貝爾, 1863年) 。 1760年。以賽亞柏林,和(附註的所有論文: ḥiddushim的納茲。 ) , NP方案; haggahot在美國1763年。約瑟夫達姆施塔特( Ber. , Beẓah ,梅格。 ) Carlsruhe 。喬納森Eybeschütz ( 4 1764年) , (對大多數的論文) , Piotrkow , 1897年。 1766年。艾薩克艾希肯納茲( Giṭ. ,市場。灣K表。 )薩洛尼卡。 1766年。艾薩克奧努涅斯- Vaez , (山脈,裡窩那, 1766年;女巫。 ,國際文憑。 1794年) 。雅各布埃姆登( 4 1776年) ,粉飾;在美國1776年。伊萊賈Sidlov ( Zeb. ,男。 ,透射電鏡。 ) ,弗思, 1776年。 1776年。埃萊亞薩Kallir ( 4 1801年) , ( Pes. ,法蘭克福式的奧得河, 1776年;孩子。 ,維也納, 1799年) 。猶太利薩( Zeb. ) ,法蘭克福式的主, 1776年; ( Men. ) ,布拉格, 1788年。 1777年。 Itzig灣 Samson, (Yoma, Beẓah, Sheb., Ḥul., 'Ar., Tem., Me'i., Ker.), Sulzbach. 1778. Saul b.大力士, (山脈, Beẓah ,帥。 ,豪。 ,氬。 ,透射電鏡。 , Me'i 。 ,柯建銘。 )蘇爾茨巴赫。 1778年。掃羅灣 Aryeh (d. 1790), (on fourteen treatises), Amsterdam. 1778. Raphael Peiser, (Pes., Shab., Beẓah, Ket., RH, Ḥul.), Dyhernfurth, 1778; (Ḳid., Giṭ.), ib. Aryeh ( 4 1790年) , (對14論文) ,阿姆斯特丹。 1778年。拉斐爾Peiser , ( Pes. ,沙巴。 , Beẓah ,氯胺酮。 ,銠,豪。 ) Dyhernfurth , 1778年; ( Ḳid. , Giṭ 。 )國際文憑。 1805. 1781. Eliezer de Avila, (i., BM, Hor.; ii., Ket., Ḳid., Leghorn, 1781-85). 1784. Nathan Maas, (Sanh., Offenbach, 1784; 'Ab. Zarah, ib. 1796). 1784. Ezekiel Landau (Pes., Prague, 1784; Ber., ib. 1791; Beẓah, ib. 1799; Sheb., 'Er., Warsaw, 1879; RH, Yoma, Suk., Ta'an., Hag., Meg., ib. 1890; Ḥul., Zeb., Men., ib. 1891); glosses; in W. Elijah Wilna (d. 1797), glosses and elucidations of both Talmudim in various editions. 1785. Moses Katz, (Sheḳ.), Fürth. 1786. Phinehas Horwitz, (part i., Ket., Offenbach, 1786; part ii., Ḳid., ib. 1801; part iii., Ber., Munkacs, 1895). 1786. Meïr Barby, ḥiddushe halakot (i., Beẓah, Pes., Ḳid., Ket., Dyhernfurth, 1786; ii., Yoma, Suk., Giṭ., Ḥul., Sheb., Prague, 1793). Uziel Meisels, (Sheb.), Lemberg, 1886. 1788. Wolf Lasch, (i., ii., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., Brẓnn, 1788; Vienna, 1829). 1789. Joseph David Sinzheim, (Ber., entire Seder Mo'ed), Offenbach. David Schiff (d. 1792), (on most of the treatises), ib. 1805年。 1781年。埃利澤戈德阿維拉, (一,骨髓,賀。 ;二。 ,氯胺酮。婚禮。 ,裡窩那, 1781年至1785年) 。 1784年。彌敦道馬斯( Sanh. ,奧芬巴赫, 1784年; '抗體。 Zarah ,國際文憑。 1796年) 。 1784年。厄澤克爾蘭( Pes. ,布拉格, 1784年;小蘗鹼。 ,國際文憑。 1791年; Beẓah ,國際文憑。 1799年;帥。 , '呃。 ,華沙, 1879年;濕度,山脈,錫。打鼓'一個。 ,哈格。 ,梅格。 ,國際文憑。 1890年;豪。 ,瑞伯。男性。 ,國際文憑。 1891年) ;粉飾;在美國伊萊賈Wilna ( 4 1797年) ,粉飾和闡發雙方在各個版本Talmudim 。 1785年。摩西卡茨( Sheḳ. ) ,弗思。 1786 。 Phinehas霍維茨, (第一部分,氯胺酮。 ,奧芬巴赫, 1786年;第二部分。婚禮。 ,國際文憑。 1801年;第三部分。 ,小蘗鹼。 , Munkacs , 1895年) 。 1786年。梅爾Barby , ḥiddushe halakot (一, Beẓah ,瘟。婚禮。 ,氯胺酮。 , Dyhernfurth , 1786年;二。 ,山脈,錫。 , Giṭ 。 ,豪。 ,帥。 ,布拉格, 1793年) 。於齊耶爾Meisels , ( Sheb. ) ,倫貝爾, 1886年。 1788年。沃爾夫拉斯奇, (一,二。 ,氯胺酮。婚禮。 , Giṭ 。 , Brẓnn , 1788年,維也納, 1829年) 。 1789年。約瑟夫大衛Sinzheim , (誤碼率。 ,整個Seder Mo'ed ) ,奧芬巴赫。大衛希夫( 4 1792年) , (對大多數的論文) ,國際文憑。 1822. 1791. Levi Pollak, (B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah), Prague. 1792. Isaac b. 1822年。 1791年。列維爾波拉克, (灣K表。 ,骨髓,預算局,帥。 , '抗體。 Zarah ) ,布拉格。 1792年。艾薩克灣 Ẓebi, (Zeb.), Lemberg. 1792. Meïr Spitz, (RH, Yoma, Suk., Meg., Ta'an.), Vienna. 1794. Judah Najar, (Sheb.), Leghorn, 1794; (Ker.), Pisa, 1816. 1796. Baruch b. Ẓebi , ( Zeb. ) ,倫貝爾。 1792年。梅爾施皮茨, (相對濕度,山脈,錫。 ,梅格。 , Ta'an 。 ) ,維也納。 1794年。猶太納加爾( Sheb. ) ,裡窩那, 1794年; ( Ker. ) ,比薩, 1816年。 1796年。巴魯克灣 Samuel Zanwil, (Ket.), Vienna, 1796. 1796. Joseph b.塞繆爾Zanwil , ( Ket. ) ,維也納, 1796年。 1796年。約瑟夫灣 Moses, (B. Ḳ.), Lemberg. 1799. Elijah Ventura, (on twenty-one treatises), Salonica. Aryeh Judah Löb Teomim, (Ber., Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Ḥul., Ḳid., Sheb.), Zolkiev, 1802. Ḥayyim Shabbethai Lago, (Ber., Pes., Ḳid., Sanh., Ḥul.), Salonica, 1801. Abraham b.摩西(灣K表。 )倫貝爾。 1799年。伊萊賈範杜拉, (關於2001年論文) ,薩洛尼卡。 Aryeh猶太前廳Teomim , ( Ber. ,沙巴。 ,瘟。 , Beẓah ,豪。婚禮。 ,帥。 ) Zolkiev , 1802年。 Ḥayyim Shabbethai湖, ( Ber. ,瘟。婚禮。 , Sanh 。 ,豪。 )薩洛尼卡, 1801年。亞伯拉罕灣 Jacob Mutal, (Naz.), np, 1821. Ḥayyim Abraham.雅各布摩托, ( Naz. ) ,國民黨, 1821年。 Ḥayyim亞伯拉罕。 b. Samuel, ḥiddushim (Shab., RH, Suk., Ḥul.), Salonica, 1804.塞繆爾, ḥiddushim ( Shab. ,銠,錫。 ,豪。 ) ,薩洛尼卡, 1804年。

Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. 19世紀和20世紀。

1801. Ẓebi Hirsch Horwitz, (14 treatises), Offenbach. 1801. Eleazar Karpeles, (Hor.), Prague; (Ḥul., 'Ar.), ib. 1801年。 Ẓebi赫希霍維茨, ( 14論文) ,奧芬巴赫。 1801年。埃萊亞薩Karpeles , ( Hor. ) ,布拉格( Ḥul. ,氬氣。 ) ,國際文憑。 1815. 1802. Bezaleel Ronsburg, (Hor.), Prague; , notes, in W. 1802. Eleazar Löw, (Ber., Pes., Beẓah), Prague. 1804. Abraham Aryeh Kahana, (on most of the treatises), Ostrog. 1810. Meïr Schlesinger, (Shab., RH, Giṭ., BM), Prague. 1811. Jacob Simeon Shabbethai, (Meg., Ta'an.), Pisa, 1821; (Ker.), ib. 1811. 1814. Jacob Günzburg, (Ber., Shab.), Prague. 1815. Benedetto Frizzi, (on haggadot), Leghorn. 1821. Nahum Trebitsch, (Yer. Seder Mo'ed), Vienna. 1822. David Deutsch, (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1822, 1825; Presburg, 1836; Ungvar, 1867. Moses Sofer, (Beẓah, Piotrkow, 1898; BB, ib. 1896; Shab., Vienna, 1889; Ḥul., Giṭ., ib. 1893; Pes., Jerusalem, 1894); haggahot in W. 1822. Gabriel Cohen, (BB, Sheb.), Vienna. 1823. Jacob Lissa, (Ket.), Hrubisov. 1824. Marcus Hirsch, (Seder Mo'ed excepting Shab., 'Er., Ḥag.), Prague. Shalom Ullmann (d. 1825), (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1826. Akiba Eger (d. 1837), (Ber., Seder Mo'ed, Yeb., Ket.), Warsaw, 1892; (BM, Giṭ.), Berlin, 1858; notes in W. 1826. Ẓebi Hirsch Leipnik, (Ber., Shab., 'Er., Pes., Beẓah, Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., BM, Ker., Zeb.), Ofen. Isaac Ardit, ('Ar.), Salonica, 1828. 1829. Jacob Weiler, ('Er.), Zolkiev. Aaron Kuttner (d. 1829), (Nid.), Paks, 1901. Cosman Wodianer (d. 1831), (2 parts, on most of the treatises), ed. Bacher, Vienna, 1890. Ẓebi Hirsch Heller, (Giṭ.), Zolkiev, 1844. 1834. Solomon Kluger, (Niddah), Zolkiev 1834; (Beẓah), Lemberg, 1891. Ezekiel Binet (d. 1836), (Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Kid., Giṭ., Mek., Ḥul.), Paks, 1899. Wolf Bär Schiff (d. 1842), ('Er.), Cracow, 1894. Koppel Reich, , Presburg, 1837. Benjamin Rapoport, (Mak.), Vienna, 1839. 1840. Hirsch Chajes, haggahot; in W. Aryeh Judah b. 1815年。 1802年。 Bezaleel Ronsburg , ( Hor. ) ,布拉格; ,注意到,在美國1802年。埃萊亞薩低, ( Ber. ,瘟。 , Beẓah ) ,布拉格。 1804年。亞伯拉罕Aryeh卡哈納, (對大多數論文) , Ostrog 。 1810年。梅爾施萊辛格( Shab. ,銠, Giṭ 。 ,骨髓) ,布拉格。 1811年。雅各布西梅昂Shabbethai , ( Meg. , Ta'an 。 ) ,比薩, 1821年; ( Ker. ) ,國際文憑。 1811年。 1814年。雅各布Günzburg , ( Ber. ,沙巴。 ) ,布拉格。 1815年。貝納德托Frizzi , (關於haggadot ) ,裡窩那。 1821 。內厄姆Trebitsch , ( Yer. Seder Mo'ed ) ,維也納。 1822年。大衛德語, (對大多數的論文) ,維也納, 1822年, 1825年; Presburg , 1836 ; Ungvar , 1867年。摩西Sofer , ( Beẓah , Piotrkow , 1898 ; BB心跳,國際文憑。 1896年;的Shab 。 ,維也納, 1889年;豪。 , Giṭ 。 ,國際文憑。 1893年;瘟。 ,耶路撒冷, 1894年) ; haggahot在美國1822年。加布里埃爾科恩( BB心跳,帥。 ) ,維也納。 1823 。雅各布利薩( Ket. ) , Hrubisov 。一八二四年。馬庫斯赫希, ( Seder莫'版除外的Shab 。 , '呃。 ,女巫。 ) ,布拉格。沙洛姆烏爾曼( 4 1825 ) , (對大多數的論文) ,維也納, 1826年。秋葉埃格爾( 4 1837年) , ( Ber. , Seder沫' ED鏡頭, Yeb 。 ,氯胺酮。 ) ,華沙, 1892年; (骨髓, Giṭ 。 ) ,柏林, 1858年;指出,在美國1826年。 Ẓebi赫希Leipnik , ( Ber. ,沙巴。 , '呃。 ,瘟。 , Beẓah ,氯胺酮。婚禮。 , Giṭ 。 ,骨髓,柯建銘。 ,瑞伯。 ) ,奧芬。艾薩克Ardit , ( '氬。 ) ,薩洛尼卡, 1828年。 1829年。雅各布韋勒, ( '呃。 ) Zolkiev 。亞倫庫特納( 4 1829年) , ( Nid. ) , Paks , 1901年。 Cosman Wodianer ( 4 1831年) , ( 2部分,對大部分的論文) ,教育署。巴切爾,維也納, 1890年。 Ẓebi赫希海, ( Giṭ. ) , Zolkiev , 1844年。 1834年。所羅門群島克魯格( Niddah ) , Zolkiev 1834年; ( Beẓah ) ,倫貝爾, 1891年。厄澤克爾比奈( 1836年4 ) , ( Shab. ,瘟。 , Beẓah ,小孩。 , Giṭ 。激酶。 ,豪。 ) Paks , 1899 。狼酒吧希夫( 4 1842 ) , ( '呃。 ) ,克拉科夫, 1894年。科佩爾帝國, Presburg , 1837年。本傑明•拉普伯特, ( Mak. ) ,維也納, 1839年。 1840年。赫希Chajes , haggahot ;在美國Aryeh猶太灣 Akiba, (Ḥul.), Lemberg, 1861. 1850. Samuel Freund, (Seder Mo'ed), Prague. 1850. Jacob Ettlinger (d. 1869), (Ker., Altona, 1850; Yeb., ib. 1854; RH, Sanh., Warsaw, 1873); (Suk.), Altona, 1858. 1851. David b.秋葉忠利, ( Ḥul. ) ,倫貝爾, 1861年。 1850年。塞繆爾弗氏, ( Seder Mo'ed ) ,布拉格。 1850年。雅各布Ettlinger ( 4 1869年) , ( Ker. ,阿爾托納, 1850年; Yeb 。 ,國際文憑。 1854年;相對濕度, Sanh 。 ,華沙, 1873年) ; ( Suk. ) ,阿爾托納, 1858 。 1851 。戴維B Samuel, (Seder Ḳodashim), Leghorn, 1851; (Naz.), Algiers, 1853. 1851. Isaac Kamarun, (Sheḳ.), Lemberg. 1854. Nathan Coronel, (Ber.), Vienna. 1857. Issachar Bär ben Sinai, (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1857. 1859. Wiesner, scholia on Babli (part i., Ber., Prague, 1859; part ii., Shab., ib. 1862; part iii., 'Er., Pes., ib. 1867). 1860. Zeeb Ettinger and Joseph Nathansohn, , (glosses, etc., on Yer.), Jitomir. 1861. Ezekiel b.塞繆爾( Seder Ḳodashim ) ,裡窩那, 1851年; ( Naz. ) ,阿爾及爾, 1853年。 1851年。艾薩克Kamarun , ( Sheḳ. ) ,倫貝爾。 1854年。彌敦道科羅內爾, ( Ber. ) ,維也納。 1857年。薩迦酒吧本西奈(在大多數的論文) ,維也納, 1857年。 1859年。威斯納, scholia的Babli (第一部分,小蘗鹼。 ,布拉格, 1859年,第二部分。 ,沙巴。 ,國際文憑。 1862年,第三部分。 , '呃。 ,瘟。 ,國際文憑。 1867年) 。 1860年。 Zeeb埃汀格和約瑟夫Nathansohn , , (粉飾等,對層。 ) Jitomir 。 1861年。厄澤克爾灣 Moses, (Ket., Ned.), Warsaw. Mordecai Müller, (Shab.), Vienna. 1862. Weissman Chajes, Solomon Brann, Judel Slabatki, notes on Yer., Krotoschin. 1864. Mordecai Herzka, (Ber.), Vienna.摩西( Ket. ,內德。 ) ,華沙。莫迪凱穆勒, ( Shab. ) ,維也納。 1862年。傑瑞魏斯曼Chajes ,所羅門群島Brann , Judel Slabatki ,說明你們。 , Krotoschin 。 1864年。莫迪凱Herzka , ( Ber. ) ,維也納。 Issachar Präger, (Giṭ.), Lemberg. 1867. A.薩迦普拉格, ( Giṭ. ) ,倫貝爾。 1867年。答: Krochmal, (notes on Yer.), Lemberg. 1867-97. Rabbinovicz, , i.-xvi. Krochmal , (附註層。 )倫貝爾。 1867年至1897年。 Rabbinovicz ,島-十六。 (variant readings on the entire Talmud), Munich and Przemysl. 1869. Aryeh Löb Zunz, (Giṭ.), Warsaw. (變讀對整個塔爾穆德) ,慕尼黑和Przemysl 。 1869年。 Aryeh前廳Zunz , ( Giṭ. ) ,華沙。 Joshua Eizik, (Yer. Seder Neziḳin), Wilna. 1874. Zacharias Frankel, (i., Yer. Ber., Beẓah; ii., Dem.), Breslau, 1874-75. 1876. Asher Cohen, (Naz.), Warsaw. 1877. Raphael Schlesinger, (Sanh., Sheb.), Berlin. 1878. Naphtali Ẓebi ha-Levi, (Giṭ.), Przemysl. 1880. I.約書亞Eizik , ( Yer. Seder Neziḳin ) , Wilna 。 1874年。撒迦利亞弗蘭克爾, (一,也門里亞爾。小蘗鹼。 , Beẓah ;二。 ,老撾。 ) ,巴林, 1874年至1875年。 1876年。阿舍爾科恩( Naz. ) ,華沙。 1877年。拉斐爾施萊辛格( Sanh. ,帥。 ) ,柏林。 1878年。拿弗Ẓebi哈列維( Giṭ. ) , Przemysl 。 1880年。一 Ḥayyim Deiches, (Yer. B. Ḳ.), Wilna. 1883. Benjamin Ḥeshin, (Seder Neziḳin, Ḳodashim), Warsaw. 1888. Meïr Friedmann, notes on his edition of Mak., Vienna. 1888. A. Ḥayyim Deiches , ( Yer.灣K表。 ) Wilna 。 1883年。本傑明Ḥeshin , ( Seder Neziḳin , Ḳodashim ) ,華沙。 1888年。梅爾弗里德曼指出,他的版本的麥。 ,維也納。 1888年。答: Schmidl, (Ḳid.), in "Oẓar ha-Sifrut," ii.-iii. 1888. Simon Sidon, (Beẓah), Vienna. 1895. I. Schmidl , ( Ḳid. ) ,在“裝配河Sifrut , ”白介素-三。 1888年。西門西頓, ( Beẓah ) ,維也納。 1895 。一 Lewy, interpretation of the first three sections of Yer.路易,解釋前三個章節層。 Neziḳin, Breslau, 1895-1902. 1897. SL Brill, "Aus den Talmudischen Randnoten des . . . von Ludwig Blau," in "Monatsschrift," 1897. 1899. Isaac Chajes, (Mak.), Podgorze. 1897-1903. Joseph Dünner, haggahot (i., 'Er., Beẓah, Suk.; ii., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ.; iii., Sanh., Mak., Sheb., Hor.), Frankfort. 1901. Dob Baer Ratner, (on Yer. Ber., Shab., Ter., Ḥal.), Wilna, 1901-4. 1905. Sal. Neziḳin ,布雷斯勞, 1895年至02年。 1897年。 Sl的布里爾, “澳大利亞2007萬Talmudischen Randnoten 。 。 。馮路德維希布勞” ,在“月刊” , 1897年。 1899年。艾薩克Chajes , ( Mak. ) , Podgorze 。 1897年至03年。約瑟夫Dünner , haggahot (一,二。 , Beẓah ,錫。 ;二。 ,氯胺酮。婚禮。 , Giṭ 。 ;三。 , Sanh 。麥。 ,帥。 ,賀。 )法蘭克福。 1901年。 Dob拜爾拉特納, (關於層。小蘗鹼。 ,沙巴。 ,之三。 ,哈爾。 ) Wilna , 1901-4 。 1905年。薩爾。 Friedländer, and (on Yer. Yeb.), Szinervareya.弗雷蘭德,並(在也門里亞爾。 Yeb 。 ) Szinervareya 。

Wilhelm Bacher, M. Richtmann威廉巴切爾先生Richtmann
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
Weiss, Dor, iv., v., Vienna, 1887, 1891; Zunz, ZG pp.魏斯,多爾,四。河谷,維也納, 1887年, 1891年; Zunz , ZG頁。 29-59, Berlin, 1845; Jellinek, Ḳorot Seder ha-Limmud, in Keller's Bikkurim (Vienna), i. 1-26, ii. 29-59 ,柏林, 1845年;耶林涅克, Ḳorot Seder河Limmud ,在凱勒的Bikkurim (維也納) ,一, 1月26日,二。 1-19; idem, Ḳonṭres ha-Mefaresh, Vienna, 1877; Frankel, Introductio in Talmud Hierosolymitanum, pp. 1月19日;同上, Ḳonṭres河Mefaresh ,維也納, 1877年;弗蘭克爾,引塔爾穆德Hierosolymitanum頁。 138-141, Breslau, 1870; Steinschneider, Cat. 138-141 ,布雷斯勞, 1870年; Steinschneider ,貓。 Bodl. Bodl 。 passim; Zedner, Cat.各處; Zedner ,貓。 Hebr. Hebr 。 Books Brit.圖書英。 Mus.小家鼠。 passim; Fürst, Bibl.各處;弗斯特, Bibl 。 Jud.珠德。 passim.WBM Ri. passim.WBM裡。


Talmud塔木德

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

1. 1 。 DEFINITION定義

Talmud was a post-Biblical substantive formation of Pi'el ("to teach"), and originally signified "doctrine" or "study".塔木德是一個後聖經實質性形成Pi'el ( “教” ) ,和原來標誌著“理論”或“研究” 。 In a special sense, however, it meant the justification and explanation of religious and legal norms or Halakhoth ("conduct", signifying "the law in accordance with which the conduct of life is to be regulated").在一個特殊的意義,但是,它意味著的理由和解釋了宗教和法律規範或Halakhoth ( “行為” ,標誌著“法律根據的行為生活加以管制” ) 。 When in the third century the Halakhoth collection of Jehuda I or the recorded Mishna became the chief object of study, the expression "Talmud" was applied chiefly to the discussions and explanations of the Mishna.當第三世紀Halakhoth收集那戶大我或記錄米示拿成為首席研究對象中, “塔木德經”的主要應用的討論和解釋米示拿。 Finally, it became the general designation for the Mishna itself and the collection of discussions concerned with it.最後,它成為大會指定的米示拿自己和收集有關它的討論。 For the latter the designation Gemara, interpreted as "completion" from the Hebrew and Aramaic words meaning "to complete", subsequently became the accepted term.對於後者指定革馬拉,解釋為“圓滿”的希伯來文和阿拉姆語的話,意思是“完成” ,後來成為公認的任期。 The word first found entrance into the Talmud editions through Christian censorship; manuscripts and the old printed editions use the expression Talmud.首次發現這個詞進入塔爾穆德版本通過基督教檢查;手稿和舊的印刷版使用表達塔爾穆德。 We therefore understand by Talmud a compilation consisting of the Mishna, ie the codification of Jewish religious and legal norms, and of the Gemara, or the collection of discussions and explanations concerning the Mishna.因此,我們理解塔爾穆德彙編組成的米示拿,即編纂的猶太宗教和法律規範,和革馬拉,或收集的討論和解釋有關米示拿。

II.二。 ORIGIN OF THE TALMUD成因猶太法典

Since Esdras the foundation of the Jewish religious community was the law. Everything was regulated in accordance with fixed norms; nothing could be added or changed in the law laid down in the Pentateuch.自埃斯德拉斯的基礎猶太宗教社會的法律。一切都按照規定的固定標準;沒有可以添加或更改的法律中規定了摩西五。 Yet the ever-varying conditions of life called for new ordinances, and these were decreed in accordance with the needs of the time and the special cases to be determined. There were thus formed a traditional law and custom orally transmitted.然而,不斷變化的生活條件要求的新的條例,這些被下令按照需要的時間和特殊情況待定。有從而形成了一個傳統的法律和習俗口頭傳播。 Every decree of this kind (halakha), if it had existed from time immemorial and nothing further could be said in regard to its origin, was called a law given to Moses on Mount Sinai.每一個這樣的法令( halakha ) ,如果它已經存在從遠古時代,沒有進一步可以說在關於其起源,被稱為法律上給予摩西西乃山。 Even for orthodox Judaism of today it is an article of faith that Moses, at the same time that he received the written law recorded in the Pentateuch, also received detailed explanations of the different laws which were handed down by tradition as oral law.即使是正統猶太教的今天,它是一個信條的摩西,在同一時間,他收到的書面法律記錄在摩西五,還收到了詳細的解釋不同的法律,是流傳下來的傳統,口頭法。 In addition to this the scribes at an early period attempted, by interpretation of the Torah, to make the law applicable to the changed conditions of life, to base the new precepts at least retrospectively on the Torah, and to draw out of it further religious laws.除了這文士在初期企圖通過解釋的律法,以使所適用的法律改變了的生活條件,為基礎的新的概念,至少可追溯的律法,並吸取了它進一步的宗教法律。 For this kind of Scriptural learning hermeneutic rules (Middoth) were at a later period established, at first seven, which were then divided into fourteen, and finally increased to thirty-two.對這種解釋聖經學習規則( Middoth )是在以後的時期成立,在今年頭7 ,然後分為14 ,最後增加至32 。 All the older additions to the Torah as well as the constantly increasing new material were for a long time transmitted orally, and, according to the prevailing view, it was forbidden to record it in writing. But it is at all events wrong to assume that there was a formal prohibition to record Halakhoth in writing.所有的年齡較大的增加的律法,以及不斷增加新的材料是很長一段時間口頭轉達,並普遍認為,這是禁止以書面記錄。但是,在所有的事件錯誤的假設有一個正式禁止Halakhoth書面記錄。 The prohibition probably referred to written records intended for public use; for a fixed record of the traditional law would have acted as a hindrance to its further development in accordance with the existing needs of the day.禁止可能提到的書面記錄供公眾使用;有固定的記錄傳統法律將充當阻礙其進一步發展按照現有的需要一天。 It is by no means improbable that the final reduction of the Mishna was preceded by previous written records, especially after Rabbi Agiba, at the beginning of the second century, had divested the study of the law of its previous Midrash character and had undertaken to arrange the materials systematically.這絕不是不可能的,最後減少米示拿之前前書面記錄,特別是在拉比Agiba ,開始時的第二個世紀,研究了剝離的法律,其性質和以前米德拉士進行了安排材料系統。 Among his pupils it was probably Rabbi Me'ir who continued these systematic labours.是他的學生,大概誰繼續拉比Me'ir這些系統的辛勤勞動。 But of such collections only one finally attained canonical recognition, and therefore was called Mishna par excellence, viz.但是,這種集合只有一個最終達到規範承認,因此被稱為米示拿出類拔萃,即。 the one edited about the end of the second century of our era by Rabbi Jehuda I, called Ha-nashi (the prince) or Ha-gadosh (the saint) or simply the Rabbi.一個編輯的關於結束第二個世紀我們時代的拉比那戶大我,所謂的夏梨(王子)或夏gadosh (聖)或只是拉比。 This then is our Mishna, the basis of the Talmud.這就是我們的米示拿,根據塔爾穆德。

Rabbi Jehuda had adopted only a part of the doctrines, which in course of time had been handed down in the different schools.拉比那戶大通過了只有一部分的理論,這在一定的時間已經流傳在不同的學校。 Although he selected what was most important, he sometimes omitted much that seemed important to others; and, on the other hand, it was felt that even the unimportant should not be allowed to sink into oblivion.雖然他選擇的是最重要的是,他有時會漏掉很多,似乎很重要的其他人,以及在另一方面,有人認為,即使是不重要的,不應允許陷入遺忘。 In consequence, other collections soon originated, which, though not canonical, were nevertheless highly valued.因此,其他收藏品很快起源,這雖然不是典型,被然而高度重視。 All the Halakhoth which were not included in the Mishna of Jehuda received the name Baraithoth (sing. Baraitha, "omitted doctrine").所有Halakhoth其中不包括在米示拿的那戶大收到的名稱Baraithoth ( sing. Baraitha , “省略原則” ) 。 The most important Baraitha collection is the Tosephta.最重要的是Baraitha收集Tosephta 。

The precise brevity of expression and the pregnant form in which the Mishna had codified the Halakhoth made an interpretation of them necessary, while the casuistic features of the work were a stimulus to further casuistic development. In the profound study and explanation of its contents much weight was placed upon the Haggada, ie the doctrines not included in the law (folklore, legends, historic recollections, ethics and didactics, etc.), of which Jehuda, who aimed to draw up a code of laws had taken little or no account.精確簡潔的表達形式和孕婦,其中米示拿已編纂Halakhoth作了必要的解釋,而詭辯的工作特點,是一種刺激,以進一步詭辯發展。在深刻的研究和解釋其內容重視是放在Haggada ,即理論中不包括法(民間文學藝術,傳說,歷史回憶,道德和教學方法等) ,其中那戶大,誰的目的是制定一項法典採取了很少或沒有帳戶。 Everything, in fact, that tradition offered was brought within the range of discussion.一切,事實上,這一傳統被提供的範圍內討論。 In order to give a suitable designation to the new tendency in the teaching of the law, scholars, up to the time of the final transcription of the Mishna, were known as Tanna'im (sing Tanna, "teacher"), those who came after them, Amora'im (sing. Amora, "speaker").為了給一個合適的指定新的趨勢教學中的法律,學者,最多的時候,最後轉錄的米示拿,被稱為Tanna'im (唱塔納島, “老師” ) ,誰是這些在他們之後, Amora'im ( sing.阿莫拉, “發言者” ) 。 The collection of the Amora'im, as finally recorded, was called, as stated above, Talmud, later Gemara: that of the Palestinian schools, the Palestinian Gemara, that of the Babylonian schools, the Babylonian Gemara. The combined edition of the Mishna and Gemara, or the Talmud in our sense of the word, discriminates, therefore, between Mishna and Palestinian Gemara, or "Palestinian Talmud", and Mishna and Babylonian Gemara or "Babylonian Talmud". The latter is meant when the Talmud without further specification is referred to.收集Amora'im ,作為最後記錄,被稱為,如上面所說,塔爾穆德,後來革馬拉:即巴勒斯坦學校,巴勒斯坦革馬拉,即巴比倫學校,巴比倫革馬拉。合併版米示拿和革馬拉,或塔爾穆德在我們的意義上說,歧視,因此,米示拿和巴勒斯坦之間革馬拉,或“巴勒斯坦塔木德經” ,和米示拿和巴比倫革馬拉或“巴比倫塔木德經” 。後者是指當塔爾穆德進一步規範被稱為。

III.三。 THE MISHNA的米示拿

(From the Hebrew meaning "repetition", translated by the Fathers of the Church deuterosis). (從希伯來文意思是“重複” ,翻譯了對教會的教父們deuterosis ) 。 The word is a substantive formation from the Hebrew root meaning "to repeat".這個詞是一個實質性編隊從希伯來文根意思是“重複” 。 From this meaning was developed, in the language of the later schools, the characteristic method of all teaching and learning, particularly of doctrines orally transmitted, which was accomplished by repeated enunciation on the part of the teacher and frequent repetition on the part of the pupil.從這個含義是,在後來的語言學校,特徵線法的所有教學和學習,尤其是口頭傳播的理論,這是由反复闡述的部分教師和頻繁重複的部分學生。 Both expressions thus became a term for the science of tradition, the former signifying the special study of orally transmitted law, the latter the law itself in contrast to the first one meaning the written law.這兩種表現形式從而成為一個長期的科學的傳統,前標誌著特別研究口頭傳播的法律,法律本身後者相反,第一個意思的書面法律。 But the expression is also used for each of the doctrines orally transmitted, and differs from Halakha in that the latter signifies the traditional law so far as it is binding, while the former designates it as an object of study.但是,表達也可用於每個理論口頭傳播,並不同於Halakha中,後者標誌著傳統的法律,只要其有約束力的,而前者指定它為研究對象。 Furthermore, the word Mishna is applied to the systematic collection of such doctrines, and finally to that collection which alone has attained canonical recognition, ie the collection of Jehuda I. This collection represents Jewish law codified in that development which it received in the schools of Palestine up to the end of the second century after Christ.此外,米示拿這個詞適用於有系統地收集這些理論,並最終收集只有達到標準的承認,即收集的那戶大一本收集代表猶太法律編纂,發展它收到的學校巴勒斯坦行動結束後的第二個世紀基督。 Through it the orally transmitted law was finally established along with the written law or the Torah.通過該口頭傳播法律終於成立連同書面法律或律法。 The foundation of this collection is formed by the collections which already existed before Jehuda, particularly that of Rabbi Me'ir.的基礎,這是收集所形成的集合這之前已經存在的那戶大,特別是拉比Me'ir 。 The Mishna does not pretend to be a collection of sources of the Halakha, but merely to teach it.該米示拿不假裝是一家集來源Halakha ,只是教它。 Whether its fixation in writing was the work of Jehuda himself or took place after him is a debated point; but the former is the more probable theory.是否以書面形式是固定的工作,那戶大本人或之後發生他是一個爭論點;但前者是更可能的理論。 The only question then is how much of it he wrote; in the extended form which it now presents it could not have been written by him alone.唯一的問題就是有多少是他寫道,在延長的形式提出,現在不能寫他的。 It has evidently received additions in course of time, and in other respects also the text has been altered.它已收到了明顯的增加過程中的時間,並在其他方面也文本已被更改。

As regards the subject matter the Mishna is divided into six institutes or Sedarim; for this reason Jew are accustomed to call the Talmud Shas.至於標的物的米示拿分為六個研究所或Sedarim ;基於這個原因猶太人習慣於致電塔爾穆德沙斯。 Each Seder has a number (7-12) of treatises; these are divided into chapters or Peraqim, and each chapter into precepts.每個Seder有一些( 7月12日)的論文;這些被分成章節或Peraqim ,而且每個章節到戒律。 The six institutes and their treatises are as follows:這六個研究機構和他們的論文如下:

A. Seder Zera'im (harvest)答: Seder Zera'im (收穫)

Containing in eleven treatises the laws on the cultivation of the soil and its products.論文在11載的法律栽培的土壤,其產品。

(1) Berakhoth (benedictions) blessings and prayers, particularly those in daily use. ( 1 ) Berakhoth ( benedictions )的祝福和祈禱,特別是那些在日常生活中使用。 (2) Pe'a (corner), concerning the parts of the fields and their products which are to be left to the poor (cf. Leviticus 19:9 sq.; 23:22; Deuteronomy 24:19 sq.) and in general concerning the poor laws. ( 2 ) Pe'a (角) ,關於部分領域及其產品,要留給窮人(參見利未記十九點09平方米; 23:22 ;申命記24:19平方米)和關於窮人的法律。 (3) Demai, more properly Dammai (doubtful), concerning the fruits of the soil of which it is doubtful whether the tithes have been paid. ( 3 ) Demai ,更恰當Dammai (懷疑) ,關於水果的土壤,它是令人懷疑的什一稅是否已經支付。 (4) Kil'ayim (heterogenea), concerning the unlawful combinations of plants, animals, and garments (cf. Leviticus 19:19; Deuteronomy 22:9 sq.). ( 4 ) Kil'ayim ( heterogenea ) ,關於非法組合的植物,動物,和服裝(參見利未記19:19 ;申命記二十二點09平方米) 。 (5) Shebi'ith (seventh), ie Sabbatical year (Deuteronomy 15:1 sq.). ( 5 ) Shebi'ith (第七位) ,即公休一年(申命記15:1平方米) 。 (6) Terumoth (heave offerings) for the priests (Numbers 18:8 sq.; Deuteronomy 18:4). ( 6 ) Terumoth (凍脹產品)的祭司(民數記十八時08分平方米;申命記18時04分) 。 (7) Ma'asroth (tithes) for the Levites (Numbers 18:21 sq.). ( 7 ) Ma'asroth (什一稅)的利(民數記18:21平方米) 。 (8) Ma'aser sheni (second tithe), (Deuteronomy 14:22 sq.; 26:12 sq.) which had to be spent at Jerusalem. ( 8 ) Ma'aser社(第二十分之一) , (申命記14:22平方米; 26:12平方米) ,這將用於在耶路撒冷。 (9) Halla (yeast) (cf. Numbers 15:18 sq.). (10) 'Orla (foreskin) concerning uncircumcised fruits and trees (Leviticus 19:23). ( 9 )漢(酵母) (見民數記十五點18平方米) 。 ( 10 ) '奧爾拉(包皮)關於割包皮的水果和樹木(利未記19:23 ) 。 (11) Bikkurim (first fruits) brought to the temple (Deuteronomy 26:1 sq.; Exodus 23:19). ( 11 ) Bikkurim (初步成果)提請寺(申命記26:1平方米;出埃及記23:19 ) 。

B. Seder Mo'ed (season of feasts)灣Seder Mo'ed (賽季的節日)

Treats in twelve treatises of the precepts governing rest on the Sabbath, the other feast and holy days, as well as fast days.對待論文在12戒律管理的其他在安息日,其他節日和宗教節日,以及快速天。 (1) Shabbath. ( 1 ) Shabbath 。 (2) 'Erubin (combinations), the means by which one could circumvent especially onerous provisions of the Sabbath laws. ( 2 ) ' Erubin (組合) ,以何種方式可以繞過繁瑣的規定,特別是安息日法律。 (3) Pesahim (Passover). ( 3 ) Pesahim (逾越節) 。 (4) Sheqalim (shekels), treats of the tax of half a shekel for the maintenance of Divine service in the temple (cf. Neh. x, 33), based upon Ex., xxx, 12 sq. (5) Yoma (day), ie day of expiation. ( 4 ) Sheqalim (謝克爾) ,對待稅收50謝克爾為維護神聖的服務寺(參見Neh 。十, 33 )的基礎上,惠。 ,三十, 12平方米( 5 )山脈(天) ,即一天贖罪。 (6) Sukka (Tabernacle), treats of the feast of Tabernacles. ( 6 ) Sukka (幕) ,治療的住棚節。 (7) Beca (egg), taken from the first word with which the treatise begins or Yom tob (feast), is concerned with the kinds of work permitted or prohibited on festivals. ( 7 )貝卡(蛋) ,從第一個字與該論文始於或贖罪尖(盛宴) ,涉及的各種工作允許或禁止的節日。 (8) Rosh hashana (beginning of the year), treats of the civil new year on the first of Tishri (Leviticus 23:24 sq.; Numbers 29:1 sq.). ( 8 )猶太新年(年初) ,對待民間對新的一年裡的第一次提市黎月(利未記23:24平方米;民數記29:1平方米) 。 (9) Ta'anith (fast). ( 9 ) Ta'anith (快速) 。 (10) Megilla (roll) of Esther, respecting the laws to be observed on the feast of Purim. ( 10 ) Megilla (卷)以斯帖,尊重法律,以慶祝的節日普珥節。 (11) Mo'ed qatan (minor feast), the laws relating to the feasts intervening between the first and last days of the Passover and Sukkoth. ( 11 ) Mo'ed qatan (小宴) ,有關的法律之間的節日干預的第一個和最後兩天的逾越節和Sukkoth 。 (12) Hagiga (feast-offering), treats (chaps. i and iii) of the duty of pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the private offerings on such occasions (cf. Deuteronomy 16:16 sq.). ( 12 ) Hagiga (盛宴,提供) ,處理(第一和第三部分)的義務前往耶路撒冷和私人產品在這種情況下(參見申命記16:16平方米) 。

C. Seder Nashim (women)角Seder Nashim (女性)

Elucidates in seven treatises the laws of marriage and all pertaining thereto, vows, and the marriage laws of the Nazarites.在七個論文闡明法律的婚姻和所有有關情況,誓言,以及婚姻法的Nazarites 。 (l) Jebamoth, levirate marriages (Deuteronomy 25:5 sq.). ( 1 ) Jebamoth ,娶寡嫂的婚姻(申命記25:5平方米) 。 (2) Kethuboth ("marriage deeds" and marriage settlements). ( 2 ) Kethuboth ( “婚姻契約”和婚姻住區) 。 (3) Nedarim ("vows") and their annulment. ( 3 ) Nedarim ( “誓言” )和其無效。 (4) Nazir (Nazarite; cf. Numbers 6). ( 4 )納齊爾卡( Nazarite ;比照。民數記6 ) 。 (5) Sota ("suspected woman"; cf. Numbers 5:11 sq.). ( 5 )索塔( “可疑的女人” ;比照。民數記5點11平方米) 。 (6) Gittin (letters of divorce; cf. Deuteronomy 24:1 sq.). ( 6 ) Gittin (字母離婚;比照。申命記24:1平方米) 。 (7 Giddushin (betrothals). ( 7 Giddushin (訂婚) 。

D. Seder Nezigin "damages") 4 Seder Nezigin “損害” )

Explains in eight treatises civil and criminal law.解釋了8論文民事和刑事法律。 In this institute are included the Eduyyoth, a collection of traditions, and the Haggadic treatise, Aboth.在這所包含的Eduyyoth ,收集了傳統,和Haggadic論文, Aboth 。

The treatises 1-3, Baba Kamma (the first gate), Baba meci'a (the middle gate), and Baba bathra (the last gate), originally formed a single treatise, the subdivision of which was caused by its great length (30 chaps.).該論文1月3日,巴巴Kamma (第一門) ,巴巴meci'a (中東門)和巴巴bathra (最後門) ,最初形成一個單一的論文,其中的細分,造成極大的長度( 30章。 ) 。 They treat of the laws of property, inheritance, and obligation.他們的法律處理財產,繼承和義務。 Baba Kamma treats of damages in a narrow sense (along with theft, robbery, and bodily injury) and the right to damages; Baba meci'a is concerned chiefly with legal questions in regard to capital and treats finding, deposits, interest and loans; Baba Bathra is concerned with questions of social polity (possessions, limitations, buying and selling, security, inheritance and documents).巴巴Kamma對待損害狹義(連同盜竊,搶劫,和身體傷害)的權利和損害賠償;巴巴加納meci'a關注的法律問題主要是關於資本和對待調查,存款利息和貸款;巴巴Bathra關注問題的社會政體(財產,限制,購買和出售,安全性,繼承和文件) 。 (4) Sanhedrin, treats of the law courts, legal processes, and criminal justice. ( 4 )公會,把法院的法律,法律過程,和刑事司法。 (5) Makkoth (stripes), treats of punishment by stripes legally acknowledged (cf. Deuteronomy 25:1 sq.). ( 5 ) Makkoth (條) ,處理處罰的條紋法律承認(參見申命記25:1平方米) 。 (6) Shebu'oth (oaths). ( 6 ) Shebu'oth (宣誓) 。 (7) 'Eduyyoth (test), containing a collection of legal decisions gathered from the testimonies of distinguished authorities. ( 7 ) ' Eduyyoth (測試) ,其中收集了有關法律問題的決定收集到的證詞尊敬當局。 (8) 'Aboda Zara (idolatry). ( 8 ) ' Aboda扎拉(偶像) 。 (9) 'Aboth (fathers) or Pirqe Aboth (sections of fathers) contains ethical maxims of the Tanna'im (200 BC - AD 200). ( 9 ) ' Aboth (父親)或Pirqe Aboth (父親節)載有道德格言的Tanna'im (公元前200 -公元200 ) 。 (10) Horayoth (decisions), concerning legal decisions and religious questions which were erroneously rendered. ( 10 ) Horayoth (決定) ,有關法律問題的決定和宗教問題,被錯誤判決。

E. Seder Qodashim (sacred things)體育Seder Qodashim (神聖的東西)

Treats in twelve treatises of the sacrifices, temple service, and dedicated objects (1) Zebahim (animal sacrifices).對待在12論文的犧牲,廟服務,並致力於物體( 1 ) Zebahim (動物的犧牲) 。 (2) Menahoth (meat offerings). ( 2 ) Menahoth (肉類產品) 。 (3) Hullin (things profane) of the sacrifice of pure and impure animals and of laws concerning food. ( 3 ) Hullin (東西褻瀆)的犧牲純和不純的動物和食品有關的法律。 (4) Bekhoroth (first born) of men and animals (cf. Exodus 13:2, 12 sq.; Leviticus 27:26 sq.; Numbers 8:16 sq.; 18:15 sq.; Deuteronomy 15:19 sq.) (5) 'Arakhin (valuations), that is equivalents to be given for the redemption of persons and things dedicated to God (Leviticus 17:2 sq., 25:15 sq.). ( 4 ) Bekhoroth (第一出生)的男性和動物(見出埃及記13點02分, 12平方米;利未記27:26平方米;號碼8點16平方米; 18:15平方米;申命記15:19 06平方米) ( 5 ) ' Arakhin (估值) ,這是得到等值的贖回者和東西致力於上帝(利未記17點02平方米, 25:15平方米) 。 (6) Temura (exchange) of a sacred object (Leviticus 27:10-33). ( 6 ) Temura (外匯)的一項神聖的對象(利未記27:10-33 ) 。 (7) Kerithoth (excisions), concerning the sins punished by this penalty, and what was to be done when anyone intentionally committed such a sin. ( 7 ) Kerithoth (刪剪) ,關於此罪判處死刑,並應當作些什麼時,有人故意這樣一種罪過。 (8) Me'ild (violation) of a sacred object (cf. Numbers 5:6 sq.; Leviticus 5:15 sq.). ( 8 ) Me'ild (違反)的一項神聖的對象(見民數記五點06平方米;利未記5:15平方米) 。 (9) Tamid (continual sacrifice), concerning the daily morning and evening sacrifice and the temple in general. ( 9 ) Tamid (不斷犧牲) ,關於每天早上和傍晚的犧牲和寺廟一般。 (10) Middoth (measurements), a description of the temple and of the temple service. ( 10 ) Middoth (測量) ,介紹了寺廟和寺廟服務。 (11) Quinnim ("nest" of birds), of the sacrifices of doves by the poor (Leviticus 1:14 sq.; 12:8). ( 11 ) Quinnim ( “鳥巢”的鳥類) ,犧牲的鴿子窮人(利未記1點14平方米; 12時08分) 。

F. Seder Teharoth (purifications)樓Seder Teharoth ( purifications )

Treats in twelve treatises of the ordinances of cleanness and of purifications. (l) Kelim (vessels), treats of the conditions under which domestic utensils, garments, etc., become unclean.在12論文對待的法例,潔淨和purifications 。 ( 1 )凱利姆(船) ,處理的條件下,家庭用具,服裝等,成為不潔。 (2) Ohaloth (tents) of the defilement of dwellings by a corpse (Numbers 19:14 sq.). ( 2 ) Ohaloth (帳篷)的污辱住房的一具屍體(民數記19:14平方米) 。 (3) Nega'im (leprosy). ( 3 ) Nega'im (麻風病) 。 (4) Para (red heifer; cf. Numbers 19). ( 4 )第(紅色小母牛;比照。民數記19 ) 。 (5) Teharoth (purifications) (euphemistically), treats of the lesser degrees of defilement lasting only till sunset. ( 5 ) Teharoth ( purifications ) (委婉地) ,對待較低程度的污辱持久直到日落。 (6) Miqwa'oth (wells), the condition under which wells and reservoirs are fit to be used for ritual purification. ( 6 ) Miqwa'oth (井)的條件下水井和水塘適合用於祭祀淨化。 (7) Nidda (menstruation). ( 7 ) Nidda (月經) 。 (8) Makhshirin (preparers), the conditions under which certain articles, by coming in contact with liquids, become ritually unclean (Leviticus 11:34, 37, 38). ( 8 ) Makhshirin (編制) ,在何種條件下的某些條款,通過未來的接觸液體,成為儀式不潔(利未記11:34 , 37 , 38 ) 。 (9) Zabim (persons afflicted with running issues; cf. Leviticus 15). ( 9 ) Zabim (人患有運行問題;比照。利未記15 ) 。 (10) Tebul yom (immersed at day), ie the condition of the person who had taken the ritual bath, but who has not been perfectly purified by sunset. ( 10 ) Tebul贖罪(沉浸在天) ,即條件的人誰採取了儀式浴,但誰沒有得到完全淨化日落。 (11) Yadayim (hands), treats of the ritual uncleanness of the hands and their purification. ( 11 ) Yadayim (手) ,治療的儀式uncleanness的手和他們的淨化。 (12) 'Uqcin (stalks) of fruits and shells and their ritual uncleanness. ( 12 ) ' Uqcin (秸稈)的水果和貝殼及其儀式uncleanness 。

In our editions the number of treatises is sixty-three; originally there were only sixty, because the four paragraphs of the treatise Baba kamma, Baba bathra, Baba meci'a, likewise Sanhedrin and Makkoth, formed only one treatise.在我們的版本論文的數量是63 ;最初,只有60 ,因為四個段落的論文巴巴加納業,巴巴bathra ,巴巴meci'a ,同樣公會和Makkoth ,形成只有一個論文。 The Mishna exists in three recensions: in the manuscripts of editions of the separate Mishna, in the Palestinian Talmud in which the commentaries of the Amora'im follow short passages of the Mishna, and in the Babylonian Talmud, in which the Gemara is appended to an entire chapter of the Mishna.中存在的米示拿三個recensions :在手稿版單獨米示拿,在巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德在評注的Amora'im後續短通道的米示拿,並在巴比倫塔木德,其中革馬拉附加整整一章的米示拿。 The contents of the Mishna, aside from the treatises Aboth and Middoth, are with few exceptions Halakhic.的內容米示拿,除了論文Aboth和Middoth ,是除少數例外Halakhic 。 The language, the so-called Mishna Hebrew or New Hebrew, is a fairly pure Hebrew, not without proof of a living development -- enriched by words borrowed from Greek and Latin and certain newly-created technical expressions, which seem partly developed as imitations of Roman legal formulas.語言,所謂米示拿希伯來文或新的希伯來文,是一個相當純粹的希伯來文,而不是在沒有證據的生活發展-豐富了詞借用希臘文和拉丁文和一些新成立的技術表現形式,這似乎是發達國家模仿羅馬法律公式。 The Mishna is cited by giving the treatise, chapter, and precept, eg 'Berakh, i, 1. Among the commentators of the whole Mishna the following deserve special mention: Maimonides, the Hebrew translation of whose Arabic original is printed in most edition of the Mishna; Obadia di Bertinoro (d. 1510), Jom Tob Lippmann Heller (d. 1654), Jisrael Lipschutz (his Mishna with Commentary in 6 vols., Königsberg, 1830-50).米示拿的是引用的論文給予章和戒律,例如' Berakh ,我, 1 。其中評論家整個米示拿下列特別值得一提:邁蒙尼德,希伯來文翻譯的阿拉伯語原來是印在大多數版本的是米示拿;奧巴迪亞迪Bertinoro ( 4 1510年) ,漸Tob李普曼海勒( 4 1654 ) , Jisrael •利普舒茨(他米示拿附有評注的6卷。 , Königsberg , 1830至1850年) 。

The first edition of the complete Mishna was at Naples in 1492.第一版完成米示拿在那不勒斯在1492年。 Texts with Hebrew commentaries exist in great numbers.案文與希伯來文的評注中大量存在。 Of importance as a Conformation of the Palestinian version is the edition of WH Lowe (Cambridge, 1883), after the Cambridge manuscript.作為一個重要的構象巴勒斯坦版本是版本的白盔部隊羅威(劍橋, 1883年) ,在劍橋的手稿。 Also deserving of mention are: "Misna . . . Latinitate donavit G. Lurenhusius" (text, Latin translation, notes, Latin translation of Maimonides and Obadia, 6 vols., Amsterdam, 1698-1703); "Mishnajoth", with punctuation and German translation in Hebrew letters, begun by Sammter (Berlin, 1887 -- still incomplete); Ger.還值得一提的是: “ Misna 。 。 。 Latinitate donavit灣Lurenhusius ” (文,拉丁文翻譯,註釋,翻譯邁蒙尼德拉丁美洲和奧巴迪亞, 6卷。 ,阿姆斯特丹, 1698至1703年) ; “ Mishnajoth ” ,與標點符號和德語翻譯的希伯來字母,開始Sammter (柏林, 1887年-仍然是不完整) ;德國。 tr.文。 of the Mishna by Rabe (6 parts, Onolzbach, 1760-63).的米示拿的拉貝( 6件, Onolzbach , 1760至1763年) 。

IV.四。 THE PALESTINIAN TALMUD巴勒斯坦TALMUD

On the basic of the Mishna, juridical discussions were continued, at first in the schools of Palestine, particularly at Tiberias, in the third and fourth centuries.對基本的米示拿,司法的討論仍在繼續,在第一次在學校裡的巴勒斯坦,特別是在太巴列,在第三和第四世紀。 Through the final codification of the material thus collected, there arose in the second half of the fourth century the so-called Jerusalem, more properly Palestinian, Talmud.通過了最後編纂因此收集的材料,有出現在下半年四世紀所謂的耶路撒冷,巴勒斯坦人更恰當,塔爾穆德。 The usual opinion, which originated with Maimonides, that its author was Rabbi Jochanan, who lived in the third century is untenable because of the names of the later scholars which occur in it.通常認為,這源於邁蒙尼德,其作者是拉比Jochanan ,誰住在三世紀是站不住腳的,因為名字的學者在它發生。 In the Palestinian Talmud the text of the Mishna is taken sentence by sentence, and explained with increasingly casuistic acumen.在巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德的案文,米示拿是採取逐句,並解釋越來越詭辯敏銳性。 The Baraithoth, ie the maxims of the Torah not found in the Mishna, as well as the legal paragraphs are always given in Hebrew, and so are most of the appended elucidations; the remainder is written in a West Aramaic dialect (G. Dalman, "Grammatik des judisch-Palastinischen Aramaisch", Leipzig, 1905).該Baraithoth ,即格言的律法中找不到米示拿,以及法律段總是給予希伯來文,所以是大多數附加闡發,其餘的是寫在西阿拉姆語方言(灣達爾曼, “語法之judisch - Palastinischen Aramaisch ” ,萊比錫, 1905年) 。 Along with the Halakha it contains rich Haggadic material.隨著Halakha它含有豐富的Haggadic材料。 Whether the Palestinian Talmud ever included the entire Mishna is a matter of dispute.無論是巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德以往包括整個米示拿是一個爭議。 The only parts preserved are the commentaries on the first four Sedarim (with the exception of several chapters and the treatises Eduyyoth and Aboth) and on the three first divisions of the treatise Nidda in the sixth Seder.部分保留的唯一的評注的前四個Sedarim (除了幾個章節和論文Eduyyoth和Aboth )和三個第一司論文Nidda第六Seder 。 The supposed discovery by S. Friedländer of treatises on the fifth Seder is based upon a forgery (cf. "Theologische Literaturzeitung", 1908, col. 513 sq., and "Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. Morgenlandisch. Gesellsch.", LXII, 184).假定發現南弗雷蘭德的論文在第五Seder是根據偽造的(參見“神Literaturzeitung ” , 1908年,山口。 513平方公里, “ Zeitschr 。 4德語。 Morgenlandisch 。 Gesellsch 。 ” LXII , 184 ) 。 The Palestinian Talmud is generally cited by giving the treatise, chapter, page, and column after the Venetian and Cracow editions, mostly also the line, indicated by j (=jerus.) or pal.; eg pal.巴勒斯坦塔爾穆德普遍引用的論文,使章,第幾頁,和列後,威尼斯和克拉科夫版本,主要是還行,所顯示的J某( = jerus 。 )或PAL 。 ;如帕爾。 Makkoth, 2 Bl. Makkoth , 2天麻。 31d 56. 31d 56 。 Many scholars cite in the same manner as for the Mishna, but this is not to be recommended.許多學者引用,以同樣的方式為米示拿,但是這並不是建議。

Editions: Venice (Bomberg), 1523-24; Cracow, 1609; Krotoshin, 1866; Zhitomir, 1860-67; Piotrkow, 1900-02.版本:威尼斯( Bomberg ) , 1523年至1524年,克拉科夫, 1609年; Krotoshin , 1866年;日托米爾, 1860至67年; Piotrkow , 1900年至02年。 French translation by M. Schwab, 11 vols., Paris, 1879-80; I2 1890.法語翻譯由M.施瓦布, 11卷。 ,巴黎, 1879年至1880年;碘1890年。

Several treatises are printed with Latin translations in Ugolini, "Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrarum", vols.一些論文都印有拉丁文翻譯烏戈利尼, “詞庫antiquitatum sacrarum ” ,第一卷和第二卷。 XVII-XXX, Venice, 1755-65; Wunsche, "Der palastinische Talmud in seinen haggadischen Bestandteilen ins Deutsche übersetzt" (Zurich, 1880).十七,三十,威尼斯, 1755年至1765年; Wunsche , “明鏡palastinische塔爾穆德在seinen haggadischen Bestandteilen集德意志übersetzt ” (蘇黎世, 1880年) 。

V. BABYLONIAN TALMUD五, BABYLONIAN TALMUD

The Mishna is said to have been brought to Babylon by Aba Areka, generally called Rab (d. 247), a pupil of Rabbi Jehuda.該米示拿據說已被帶到巴比倫的阿壩Areka ,一般稱為饒( 4 247 ) ,學生的拉比那戶大。 In the schools there it became a norm of legal religious life and a basis of juridical discussion.在學校裡有它成為一個規範的法律和宗教生活的基本法律的討論。 But while in Palestine there was a greater tendency to preserve and propagate what had been handed down, the Babylonian Amora'im developed their interpretation of the law in all directions, which explains why the Babylonian Talmud acquired a greater significance for Judaism than the Palestinian.但是,儘管在巴勒斯坦有一個更大的趨勢,保護和宣傳了哪些流傳下來,巴比倫Amora'im開發其對法律的解釋在各個方向,這解釋了為什麼巴比倫塔木德獲得了更大的意義猶太教以外的巴勒斯坦人。 Thus the material grew rapidly and gradually led to a codification, which was undertaken by R. Ashi (d. 427), head of the school at Sura, and by R. Abina or Rabbina (d. 499), the last of the Amora im.因此,材料的快速增長,並逐步導致了編纂工作,這項工作是由河蘆( 4 427 ) ,學校負責人在蘇拉和河Abina或Rabbina ( 4 499 ) ,最後的阿莫拉即時消息。 The scholars who lived after him (at the end of the fifth and in the first half of the sixth centuries), called Sabora im ("those who reflect, examine", because they weighed and also completed what had been written by the Amora'im), are to be regarded as those who really completed the Babylonian Talmud.學者們誰住在他(結束時,第五和上半年的六世紀) ,所謂Sabora即時消息( “誰反映,檢查” ,因為它們體重,也完成了哪些撰寫的阿莫拉'即時通訊) ,都被視為是誰真正完成了巴比倫塔木德。

Like the Palestinian, the Babylonian Talmud does not include the entire Mishna. In the first and sixth divisions only the treatises Berakhoth and Nidda are considered; in the second division Shegalim is omitted, in the fourth Eduyyoth and Aboth, in the fifth Middoth, Ginnim, and half of Tamid.如巴勒斯坦,巴比倫塔木德不包括整個米示拿。在第一和第六師只有論文Berakhoth和Nidda被視為;第二司Shegalim省略,在第四Eduyyoth和Aboth ,在第五Middoth , Ginnim ,其中一半Tamid 。 It is indeed questionable if the greater number of these treatises were included in the Babylonian Gemara; Eduyyoth and Aboth are excluded, by reason of the subject matter, while the remainder treat for the most part ordinances which could not be applied outside of Palestine.這的確是值得懷疑的,如果更多的這些論文被列入巴比倫革馬拉; Eduyyoth和Aboth被排除,因標的物,而其餘的治療,大部分法例之外無法適用巴勒斯坦。 The Babylonian Talmud therefore includes only 36 1/2 treatises, but is at least four times the extent of the Palestinian, although the latter deals with 39 treatises.巴比倫塔木德因此只包括36 1 / 2的論述,但至少是4倍的程度,巴勒斯坦,但後者涉及39論文。 The Haggada is even more fully represented than in the Palestinian.該Haggada更是充分體現比在巴勒斯坦。 The language, excepting the legal paragraphs and the quotations of the older scholars and Palestinian rabbis, is that of the East Aramaic dialect of Babylonia (cf. Levias, "A Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom contained in the Babylonian Talmud", Cincinnati, 1900; ML Margolis, "Grammatik des babylonischen Talmuds", Munich, 1910).語言,除法律段落和報價老學者和巴勒斯坦拉比,是東方亞拉姆語的方言,東風(參見Levias , “語法的阿拉姆語成語中的巴比倫塔木德經” ,辛辛那提, 1900年;民盟馬戈利斯, “語法之babylonischen Talmuds ” ,慕尼黑, 1910年) 。 The Babylonian Talmud is cited according to treatise, folio, and page, as the content in nearly all the editions since that of the third Bomberg one (1548) is the same, eg Berakh 22a.巴比倫塔木德是根據論文引用,對開,和網頁,內容幾乎所有的版本,因為這第三Bomberg之一( 1548年)是相同的,例如Berakh 22A條。 In these editions there are usually appended at the end of the fourth Seder seven small treatises, partly from Talmudic, partly from post-Talmudic times, among which is the post-Talmudic treatise Sopherim (directions for the writer and public reader of the Torah).在這些版本通常有附加在結束第四Seder七個小論文,部分來自塔木德,部分來自後塔木德倍,其中最重要的是後塔木德論文Sopherim (方向作家和公眾讀者律法) 。 Among the commentaries the first place belongs to that of Rashi (d. 1105), completed by his grandson Samuel ben Me'ir (d. about 1174).在評注首先屬於是Rashi ( 4 1105年) ,完成了他的孫子塞繆爾本Me'ir (草約1174 ) 。 Chiefly of a supplementary character are the works of the Tosaphists or authors of the Tosaphoth (additions), who lived in France and Germany during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.主要是一個補充性質的工作的Tosaphists或作者Tosaphoth (增補) ,誰住在法國和德國在第十二屆和第十三世紀。 They give amplifications and learned explanations of certain treatises.他們給擴增和教訓解釋某些論文。 Other commentaries are enumerated by Strack, op.其他評論列舉了施特拉克,同前。 cit.前。 infra, 149-51. The Babylonian Talmud has often been printed but until the present time a critical edition has remained a desideratum.紅外線, 149-51 。巴比倫塔木德經常被印刷,但直至現在的一個關鍵版仍然是一個願望。 Material for this purpose is furnished by Raphael Rabbinovicz, among others, in his "Variae lectiones in Mischnam et in Talm. Babyl.", etc. (15 vols., Munich, 1868-86); Vol.材料是為這一目的提供拉斐爾Rabbinovicz ,除其他外,在他的“ Variae lectiones在Mischnam ET的Talm 。 Babyl 。 ”等( 15卷。 ,慕尼黑, 1868年至1886年) ;成交量。 XVI was edited by Ehrentreu (Przemysl, 1897).十六獲得編輯Ehrentreu ( Przemysl , 1897年) 。 Serious mutilations and bungling changes in the text were caused by the Christian censorship, at first in the Basle edition (1578-81).嚴重的傷殘和笨拙的文字的變化造成的基督教檢查,第一次在巴塞爾版( 1578年至1581年) 。 The numerous bickerings among the Jews had the further consequence that they themselves practised censorship.無數的猶太人bickerings了進一步的後果,他們自己實行新聞檢查。 The excised passages were partly collected in small treatises, published for the most part anonymously.在被部分切除通道收集的小論文,出版的大部分庫存。

EDITIONS

Raphael Rabbinovicz, (Ma'amar al hadpasath ha-talmud -- Munich, 1877), a critical review of the editions of the Babylonian Talmud, as a whole or in part since 1484.拉斐爾Rabbinovicz , ( Ma'amar基地hadpasath河塔爾穆德-慕尼黑, 1877年) ,嚴謹的審查,出版的巴比倫塔木德,作為一個整體或部分自1484年。 The first complete edition appeared at Venice (Bomberg), (12 vols., 1520-23).第一個完整版出現在威尼斯( Bomberg ) , ( 12卷。 , 1520至1523年) 。 The advantage of this edition consists in its complete character; the text itself is full of errors.這樣做的好處版包括在其完整的特性;文字本身就是充滿了錯誤。 A certain reputation is enjoyed by the Amsterdam edition (1644-48), in which the censured passages have been as far as possible restored.某所享有聲譽的阿姆斯特丹版( 1644年至1648年) ,其中指責通道已盡可能恢復。 The edition of Frankfort (1720-22) served directly or indirectly as a basis for those which followed.版本的法蘭克福( 1720年至1722年)擔任直接或間接為基礎,那些遵循。 Of the later editions may be mentioned those of Berlin (1862-68), Vienna (1864-72), and Vilna (1880-86).在後來的版本可能會提到的柏林( 1862年至1868年) ,維也納( 1864年至1872年) ,和維爾納( 1880至1886年) 。 A quarto edition, the text after the editio princeps, with the variants of the Munich manuscripts and a German translation, was begun by Lazarus Goldschmidt in 1897.阿房間版,文字後editio princeps ,與變種的慕尼黑手稿和德語翻譯,開始了拉撒路施密特於1897年。 Up to date 6 vols., containing the Institutes I, II, IV, V, and the two first treatises of III have appeared.最新的6卷。載學院一,二,四,五,雙方的三首論文出現。 Unfortunately this publication is by no means faultless.不幸的是這本刊物絕非完美無缺。 ML Rodkinson, "New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud", New York, 1896; M. Mielziner, "Introduction to the Talmud" (Cincinnati, 1894; New York, 1903); ML Rodkinson, "The History of the Talmud" (New York, 1903); HL Strack, "Einleitung in den Talmud" (Leipzig 1908), pp.民盟Rodkinson , “新版本的巴比倫塔木德經” ,紐約, 1896年的M. Mielziner , “介紹塔爾穆德” (辛辛那提, 1894年;紐約, 1903年) ;民盟Rodkinson , “歷史的塔木德” (新紐約, 1903年) ; HL施特拉克, “導論在旦塔爾穆德” (萊比錫1908年) ,頁。 139-175, containing an extensive bibliography of the Talmud and of the questions concerning it. 139-175 ,其中載有廣泛的書目的塔爾穆德和它有關的問題。

Publication information Written by F. Schühlein.出版信息作者:樓Schühlein 。 Transcribed by Scott Anthony Hibbs and Wendy Lorraine Hoffman. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.轉錄由Scott安東尼希布斯和Wendy洛林霍夫曼。天主教百科全書,體積十四。 Published 1912.發布時間1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat , 1912年7月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York認可。 +約翰法利紅衣主教,大主教紐約


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