The Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes在法利,撒都該人,以及愛色尼

General Information 一般信息

Essenes愛色尼

The Essenes were a Jewish religious sect not actually mentioned in the Bible, but described by Josephus, Philo, and mentioned in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Most members lived communal, celibate lives.愛色尼人的一個猶太宗教節實際上並未提到聖經中的,但所描述的約瑟夫,斐羅,並提到在死海古卷。多數成員生活社區,獨身生活。 They observed Jewish Law very strictly.他們指出猶太法律非常嚴格。 They practiced ceremonial baptisms.他們實行洗禮儀式。 Essenes were apocalyptic, and they opposed Temple priesthood.愛色尼是世界末日,他們反對寺鐸。

Pharisees法利

The Pharisees were a prominent sect of Jews in Christ's time.在法利賽是一個突出的部分猶太人在基督的時間。 They opposed Jesus and His teachings.他們反對耶穌和他的教義。 They plotted His death (Matt 12:14). They were denounced by Him (Matt 23).他們策劃他的逝世(馬特12:14 ) 。他們譴責他(馬特23 ) 。 Their characteristic teachings included: belief in oral as well as written Law; resurrection of the human body; belief in the existence of a spirit world; immortality of the soul; predestination; future rewards and punishments based upon works.它們所特有的教義包括:信仰的口頭以及書面法;復活人體;相信存在一個精神的世界;不朽的靈魂;命;未來獎懲依據工程。 Matt 9:11-14; 12:1-8; 16:1-12; 23; Luke 11:37-44; Acts 15:5; 23:6-8.馬特9:11-14 ; 12:1-8 ; 16:1-12 ; 23 ;盧克11:37-44 ;行為15時05 ; 23:6-8 。

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Sadducees撒都該人

The Sadducees were another prominent Jewish religious sect in the time of Christ.該撒都該人是另一個著名的猶太宗教教派在規定的時間內基督。 Their beliefs included: acceptance only of the Law and rejection of oral tradition; denial of bodily resurrection; immortality of the soul; existence of a spirit world (Mark 12:18; Luke 20:27; Acts 23:8). They supported the Maccabeans.他們的信仰包括:只接受法律和拒絕口頭傳統;剝奪身體復活;不朽的靈魂;存在一個精神的世界(馬克12:18 ;盧克20:27 ;行為23時08分) 。他們支持Maccabeans 。 The Sadducees were a relatively small group, but they generally held the high priesthood.該撒都該人是一個相對較小的群體,但他們普遍召開了高鐸。 They denounced John the Baptist (Matt 3:7-8) and Jesus (Matt 16:6,11,12). They actively opposed Christ (Matt 21:12ff; Mark 11:15ff; Luke 19:47) and the apostolic Church (Acts 5:17,33).他們譴責施洗約翰(馬特3:7-8 )和耶穌(馬特16:6,11,12 ) 。他們積極反對基督(馬特21點12頁;馬克11:15頁;路加19:47 )和使徒教會(使徒5:17,33 ) 。


The Three Sects of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes三大教派的法利賽,撒都該人,以及愛色尼

Examination of Their Distinctive Doctrines審查其獨特的理論

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Apart from the repulsively carnal form which it had taken, there is something absolutely sublime in the continuance and intensity of the Jewish expectation of the Messiah.除了repulsively肉體形式,它已採取了,有一些絕對崇高的連續性和強度的猶太人期望彌賽亞。 It outlived not only the delay of long centuries, but the persecutions and scattering of the people; it continued under the disappointment of the Maccabees, the rule of a Herod, the administration of a corrupt and contemptible Priesthood, and, finally, the government of Rome as represented by a Pilate; nay, it grew in intensity almost in proportion as it seemed unlikely of realisation.它不僅失去了長期拖延的百年,但迫害和散射的人;它繼續下失望的馬加比,法治的希律王,布什政府的腐敗和可鄙的牧師,並最終政府羅馬為代表的彼拉多;不,它的強度增長的比例差不多,因為它似乎是不可能的實現。

These are facts which show that the doctrine of the Kingdom, as the sum and substance of Old Testament teaching, was the very heart of Jewish religious life; while, at the same time, they evidence a moral elevation which placed abstract religious conviction far beyond the reach of passing events, and clung to it with a tenacity which nothing could loosen.這些事實表明,理論的英國,作為總結和實質舊約教學,是非常核心的猶太宗教生活的同時,在同一時間,他們的證據在道義上海拔置於抽象的宗教信念遠遠超出達到傳遞活動,並堅持用堅韌的任何事情都不能放鬆。

Tidings of what these many months had occurred by the banks of the Jordan must have early reached Jerusalem, and ultimately stirred to the depths its religious society, whatever its preoccupation with ritual questions or political matters.消息是這些好幾個月發生的銀行約旦必須儘早達成耶路撒冷,並最終引發深處的宗教社會,無論其關注的儀式問題或政治問題。 For it was not an ordinary movement, nor in connection with any of the existing parties, religious or political.因為它並不是一個普通的運動,也沒有與任何現有的黨派,宗教或政治。 An extraordinary preacher, or extraordinary appearance and habits, not aiming, like others, after renewed zeal in legal observances, or increased Levitical purity, but preaching repentance and moral renovation in preparation for the coming Kingdom, and sealing this novel doctrine with an equally novel rite, had drawn from town and country multitudes of all classes, inquirers, penitents and novices.一個非凡的傳教士,或特殊的外觀和習慣,不針對其他國家一樣,新的熱情後,在法律紀念活動,或增加利未純度,但鼓吹的懺悔和道義上的翻新,準備在今後英國和密封這種新穎的理論與一個同樣的小說禮儀,已經從城鎮和農村眾多的所有課程,查詢, penitents和新手。

The great and burning question seemed, what the real character and meaning of it was?偉大的和迫切的問題,似乎什麼真正的性質和意義,這是? or rather, whence did it issue, and whither did it tend?或者更確切地說,何處沒有問題,何處沒有趨向? The religious leaders of the people proposed to answer this by instituting an inquiry through a trust-worthy deputation.宗教領袖的人提出來回答這個通過建立一項調查通過值得信賴的派遣。 In the account of this by St.在考慮到這一點,街 John certain points seem clearly implied; [a i.約翰某些要點明確似乎暗示; [一個島 19-28.] on others only suggestions can be ventured. 19-28 。 ]只對他人的建議可以嘗試。

That the interview referred to occurred after the Baptism of Jesus, appears from the whole context.[1 This point is fully discussed by Lucke, Evang.該採訪提到發生在耶穌的洗禮,顯示出整個背景。 [ 1這一點充分討論Lucke , Evang 。 Joh., vol. 5.50 。 ,第二卷。 i.字母i. pp.頁。 396-398.] Similarly, the statement that the deputation which came to John was 'sent from Jerusalem' by 'the Jews,' implies that it proceeded from authority, even if it did not bear more than a semi-official character. 396-398 。 ]同樣,聲明說,派遣其中約翰是'從耶路撒冷發出'的'猶太人'意味著它從權威,即使它不承擔超過半官方性質。 For, although the expression 'Jews' in the fourth Gospel generally conveys the idea of contrast to the disciples of Christ (for ex. St. John vii. 15), yet it refers to the people in their corporate capacity, that is, as represented by their constituted religious authorities.因為,雖然表達'猶太人'在第四福音普遍傳達的想法相反,基督信徒(為前。聖約翰七。 15 ) ,但它指的是人民的企業的能力,也就是說,他們所代表的構成宗教當局。 [b Comp.並[ b比較。 St. John v. 15, 16; ix.聖約翰訴15日, 16日;九。 18,22; xviii. 18,22 ;十八。 12,31.] On the other hand, although the term 'scribes and elders' does not occur in the Gospel of St. John, [2 So Professor Westcott, in his Commentary on the passage (Speaker's Comment., NT, vol. ii. p. 18), where he notes that the expression in St. John viii. 12,31 。 ]另一方面,儘管長期'文士和長老'不發生在福音的聖約翰, [ 2所以Westcott教授,在他的評通過(議長的評論。 ,新台幣,第二卷。二。第18頁) ,在那裡他指出,表達聖約翰八。 3 is unauthentic.] it by no means follows that 'the Priests and Levites' sent from the capital either represented the two great divisions of the Sanhedrin, or, indeed, that the deputation issued from the Great Sanhedrin itself. 3非真實。 ]它絕非如下的'祭司和利'發出的資本或者代表了兩個偉大的師公會,或者更確切地說,該派遣印發從大公會本身。

The former suggestion is entirely ungrounded; the latter at least problematic.前建議完全是毫無根據,後者至少存在問題。 It seems a legitimate inference that, considering their own tendencies, and the political dangers connected with such a step, the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem would not have come to the formal resolution of sending a regular deputation on such an inquiry.這似乎是一個合理的推斷,考慮自己的傾向,和政治的危險與這樣一個步驟,公會耶路撒冷將不會出現在正式決議發出了一個經常派遣等進行調查。 Moreover, a measure like this would have been entirely outside their recognised mode of procedure.此外,這樣的措施將已經完全超出他們的認可模式的程序。 The Sanhedrin did not, and could not, originate charges.公會沒有,並不能產生費用。 It only investigated those brought before it.它不僅影響這些提交給它。 It is quite true that judgment upon false prophets and religious seducers lay with it; [c Sanh.這是相當不錯,判決後假先知和宗教seducers在於它; [中Sanh 。 i.字母i. 5.] but the Baptist had not as yet said or done anything to lay him open to such an accusation. 5 。 ]浸信會,但尚未說或做任何事,以他的開放奠定這樣的指控。 He had in no way infringed the Law by word or deed, nor had he even claimed to be a prophet.他絕不觸犯法律的言論或行動,也沒有,他甚至自稱是先知。 [3 Of this the Sanhedrin must have been perfectly aware. [ 3為此,公會必須已完全知道。 Comp.比較。 St. Matt. iii.聖馬特。三。 7; St. Luke iii. 7 ;聖盧克三。 15 &c.] If, nevertheless, it seems most probable that 'the Priests and Levits' came from the Sanhedrin, we are led to the conclusion that theirs was an informal mission, rather privately arranged than publicly determined upon. 15 &角]如果,但是,似乎最有可能'的牧師和Levits '來自公會,我們正在導致的結論是,他們是一個非正式的任務,而不是私人安排確定後公開。

And with this the character of the deputies agrees.與此性質的代表同意。 'Priests and Levites', the colleagues of John the Priest, would be selected for such an errand, rather than leading Rabbinic authorities. '神父和利' ,同事的約翰牧師,將選出這樣的使命,而不是領先的拉比當局。 The presence of the latter would, indeed, have given to the movement an importance, if not a sanction, which the Sanhedrin could not have wished.在場的情況下,後者將事實上,已經考慮到運動的重要性,如果不處罰,該公會也不可能希望。 The only other authority in Jerusalem from which such a deputation could have issued was the so-called 'Council of the Temple,' 'Judicature of the Priests,' or 'Elders of the Priesthood,' [a For cx.唯一的其他機關在耶路撒冷從這種派遣可能已發出了所謂的'理事會廟' , '司法的司鐸, '或'長老牧師, ' [ a為蛋白。 Yoma 1. 5.] which consisted of the fourteen chief officers of the But although they may afterwards have taken their full part in the condemnation of Jesus, ordinarily their duty was only connected with the services of the Sanctuary, and not with criminal questions or doctrinal investigations.山脈1 。 5 。 ]其中包括14個主要官員但是,儘管他們可能事後已採取充分參與譴責耶穌,他們的職責通常只與服務的避難所,而不是刑事問題或理論調查。 [1 Comp. [ 1比較。 'The Temple, its Ministry and Services,' p. '廟,其部和服務, '頁 75. 75 。 Dr. Geiger (Urschr. u. Uebersetz. d. Bibel, pp. 113, 114) ascribes to them, however, a much wider jurisdiction.蓋博士( Urschr.美國Uebersetz 。 d.聖經,頁。 113 , 114 )歸因於他們,但更廣泛的管轄範圍之內。

Some of his inferences (such as at pp. 115, 116) seem to me historically unsupported.] It would be too much to suppose, that they would take the initiative in such a matter on the ground that they would take the initiative in such a matter on the ground that the Baptist was a member of the Priesthood.他的一些推論(如在頁。 115 , 116 )在我看來歷史上不受支持。 ]這將是太多猜想,他們將採取主動,這樣的事情在地面上,他們將採取主動行動,例如在這個問題上,理由是浸信會的成員鐸。 Finally, it seems quite natural that such an informal inquiry, set on foot most probably by the Sanhedrists, should have been entrusted exclusively to the Pharisaic party.最後,它似乎很自然,這樣的非正式調查,設置步行最有可能的Sanhedrists ,應已委託專門向Pharisaic黨。 It would in no way have interested the Sadducees; and what members of that party had seen of John [b St. Matt.它絕不會有興趣的撒都該人;和成員黨看到約翰並[ b聖馬特。 iii.三。 7 &c.] must have convinced them that his views and aims lay entirely beyond their horizon. 7 &角]必須有他們相信自己的看法和目標奠定完全超出他們的視野。

The origin of the two great parties of Pharisees and Sadducees has already been traced. [2 Comp. 原產地的兩個偉大的政黨法利和撒都該人已經不知去向。 [ 2比較。 Book I. ch. viii.] They mark, not sects, but mental directions, such as in their principles are natural and universal, and, indeed, appear in connection with all metaphysical [3 I use the term metaphysical here in the sense of all that is above the natural, not merely the speculative, but the supersensuous generally.] questions.此書一章。八。 ]紀念他們,而不是宗派,而是精神上的方向,如在他們的原則是自然的和普遍的,而且確實出現在與所有形而上學[ 3我用的是長期在這裡形而上學的意義所有上述這是自然的,而不僅僅是投機,但supersensuous一般。 ]的問題。 They are the different modes in which the human mind views supersensuous problems, and which afterwards, when one-sidedly followed out, harden into diverging schools of thought.他們是不同的模式在該人的心靈supersensuous問題的看法,並事後,當片面遵循的那樣,硬化到不同的思想流派。 If Pharisees and Sadducess were not 'sects' in the sense of separation from the unity of the Jewish ecclesiastical community, neither were theirs 'heresies' in the conventional, but only in the original sense of tendency, direction, or, at most, views, differing from those commonly entertained.如果法利賽和Sadducess沒有'邪教'意義上的分離統一的猶太人教會社會,也不是他們的'異端邪說'的傳統,但只是在原來意義上的趨勢,方向,或在大多數的意見,不同於一般不受理。

[4 The word has received its present meaning chiefly from the adjective attaching to it in 2 Pet. [ 4字已收到其目前的含義主要來自形容詞附加給它的第2寵物。 ii.二。 1. 1 。 In Acts xxiv.二十四行為。 5, 14, xxviii. 5日, 14日,二十八。 22, it is vituperatively applied to Christians; in 1 Cor. 22日,這是vituperatively適用於基督徒; 1肺心病。 xi.十一。 19, Gal. v. 19日,半乳糖。訴 20, it seems to apply to diverging practices of a sinful kind; in Titus iii. 20日,它似乎適用於不同的做法一個罪孽深重的實物;在泰特斯三。 10, the 'heretic' seems one who held or taught diverging opinions or practices. 10日, '邪教'似乎是誰舉辦或講授不同意見或做法。 Besides, it occurs in the NT once to mark the Sadducees, and twice the Pharisees (Acts v. 17; xv. 5, and xxvi. 5).] Our sources of information here are: the New Testament, Josephus, and Rabbinic writings. The New Testament only marks, in broad outlines and popularly, the peculiarities of each party; but from the absence of bias it may safely be regarded [1 I mean on historical, not theological grounds.] as the most trustworthy authority on the matter.此外,它發生在新台幣一次以紀念撒都該人,以及兩倍的法利(使徒行訴17人;十五。 5和26 。 5 ) 。 ]我們的信息來源,這裡有:新約,約瑟夫和拉比著作。新約只商標,在廣泛的大綱和普遍的特點,每一方當事人;但是從沒有偏見它可能被視為安全[ 1我的意思是歷史,而不是神學的理由。 ]作為最值得信賴的權威就此事。 The inferences which we derive from the statements of Josephus, [2 I here refer to the following passages: Jewish War ii.該推論,我們來自報表的約瑟夫, [ 2我在此指的是以下段落:二戰猶太人。 8. 8 。 14; Ant.第14條;螞蟻。 xiii.十三。 5. 9; 10. 5 。 9 ; 10 。 5, 6; xvii. 5日, 6日;十七。 2. 2 。 4; xviii. 4 ;十八。 1, 2, 2, 4.] though always to be qualified by our general estimate of his animus, [3 For a full discussion of the character and writings of Josephus, I would refer to the article in Dr. Smith's Dict. 1 , 2 , 2 , 4 。 ]雖然總是有資格我們一般估計他的敵意, [ 3對於充分討論的性質和著作的約瑟夫,我要提到的文章中博士史密斯的辭典。 of Chr. Biogr.人權委員會。 Biogr 。 vol.第二卷。 iii.] accord with those from the New Testament. In regard to Rabbinic writings, we have to bear in mind the admittedly unhistorical character of most of their notices, the strong party-bias which coloured almost all their statements regarding opponents, and their constant tendency to trace later views and practices to earlier times.三。 ]符合那些來自新約。關於拉比的著作,我們必須牢記誠然unhistorical性質,大部分的告示,強大的黨的偏見而顏色幾乎所有有關的對手,和他們不斷趨勢追踪後的意見和做法,以較早倍。

Without entering on the principles and supposed practices of 'the fraternity' or 'association' (Chebher, Chabhurah, Chabhurta) of Pharisees, which was comparatively small, numbering only about 6,000 members, [a Jos. Ant.沒有進入的原則和支持的做法'的博愛'或'協會' ( Chebher , Chabhurah , Chabhurta )的法利賽,這是相對較小,編號只有約6000成員, [一個聖何塞螞蟻。 xvii.十七。 2. 2 。 4.] the following particulars may be of interest. 4 。 ]以下詳情可能會感興趣。 The object of the association was twofold: to observe in the strictest manner, and according to traditional law, all the ordinances concerning Levitical purity, and to be extremely punctilious in all connected with religious dues (tithes and all other dues).該物體的協會是雙重的:遵守最嚴格的方式,並根據傳統的國際法,所有有關法例利未純潔性,是非常拘泥形式在所有與宗教有關的會費(什一稅和所有其他欠款) 。 A person might undertake only the second, without the first of these obligations.一個人可能進行的第二次,但首先這些義務。 In that case he was simply a Neeman, an 'accredited one' with whom one might enter freely into commerce, as he was supposed to have paid all dues.在這種情況下,他只不過是一個尼曼的'認可的一個'與其中一人可能自由進入到商業,因為他理應支付所有欠款。 But a person could not undertake the vow of Levitical purity without also taking the obligation of all religious dues.但是,一個人不能承擔立下的利未純度不同時有義務對所有宗教會費。 If he undertook both vows he was a Chabher, or associate.如果他在這兩個誓言他是一個Chabher ,或準。 Here there were four degrees, marking an ascending scale of Levitical purity, or separation from all that was profane.這裡有四度,標誌著遞增規模利未純潔性,或離職時都被褻瀆。 [b Chag.並[ b Chag 。 ii.二。 5, 7; comp. 5日, 7日;補償。 Tohor. Tohor 。 vii.七。 5.] In opposition to these was the Am ha-arets, or 'country people' (the people which knew not, or cared not for the Law, and were regarded as 'cursed'). 5 。 ]在反對這些是我公頃, arets ,或'國家人' (的人民不知道,或照顧不是法,被視為'詛咒' ) 。

But it must not be thought that every Chabher was either a learned Scribe, or that every Scribe was a Chabher. On the contrary, as a man might be a Chabher without being either a Scribe or an elder, [c For ex.但它絕不能認為每個Chabher不是學術雕,或每雕是一個Chabher 。與此相反,作為一個男人可能是一個Chabher沒有任何一雕或老年人, [ c對於前。 Kidd.基德。 33 b.] so there must have been sages, and even teachers, who did not belong to the association, since special rules are laid down for the reception of such. 33灣]所以必須是聖人,甚至是教師,誰不屬於該協會,因為特殊規則規定了接待等。 [d Bekh. [ d別赫。 30.] Candidates had to be formally admitted into the 'fraternity' in the presence of three members. 30 。 ]考生已被正式接納加入'博愛' ,在場的三名成員組成。 But every accredited public 'teacher' was, unless anything was known to the contrary, supposed to have taken upon him the obligations referred to.但是,每一個公眾認可的'老師'了,除非是已知的任何與此相反,理應採取了向他提到的義務。 [1 Abba Saul would also have freed all students from that formality.] The family of a Chabher belonged, as a matter of course, to the community; [a Bekhor. [ 1阿巴索爾也將釋放所有的學生從這一手續。 ]家庭的Chabher屬於作為理所當然的事,對社會的; [一個Bekhor 。 30.] but this ordinance was afterwards altered. 30 。 ]本條例,但後來被改變。 [2 Comp. [ 2比較。 the suggestion as to the significant time when this alteration was introduced, in 'Sketches of Jewish Social Life,' pp.的建議,以顯著的時候這一改動了,在'素描猶太人社會生活, '頁。 228, 229.] The Neeman undertook these four obligations: to tithe what he ate, what he sold, and what he bought, and not to be a guest with an Am ha-arets. 228 , 229 。 ]進行的尼曼這四個義務:向仂他吃什麼,他出售,他買什麼,而不是成為一個住客的配對公頃, arets 。 [b Dem. ii.並[ b老撾。二。 2.] The full Chabher undertook not to sell to an 'Am ha-arets' any fluid or dry substance (nutriment or fruit), not to buy from him any such fluid, not to be a guest with him, not to entertain him as a guest in his own clothes (on account of their possible impurity), to which one authority adds other particulars, which, however, were not recognised by the Rabbis generally as of primary importance. 2 。 ]充分Chabher承諾不出售給一個'我公頃, arets '任何液體或幹的物質(營養素或水果) ,不買他的任何此類流體,而不是成為一個住客與他,而不是他娛樂作為嘉賓在自己的衣服(考慮到其可能的雜質) ,其中一位權威人士說其他細節,但這些並沒有認識到拉比一般作為頭等大事。 [c Demai ii.3.] [中Demai .3 。 ]

These two great obligations of the 'official' Pharisee, or 'Associate' are pointedly referred to by Christ, both that in regard to tithing (the vow of the Neeman); [d In St. Luke xi.42; xviii.這兩個偉大的義務的'官方'法利賽人,或'準'是尖銳地提到基督,在這兩個方面的什一奉獻(的誓言的尼曼) ; [ d的聖盧克xi.42 ;十八。 12; St. Matt. 12 ;聖馬特。 xxiii.二十三。 23.] and that in regard to Levitical purity (the special vow of the Chabher). 23 。 ]和關於利未純度(特別誓言的Chabher ) 。 [e In St. Luke xi. [ E在聖盧克喜。 39, 41; St. Matt. 39 , 41 ;聖馬特。 xxiii.二十三。 25, 26.] In both cases they are associated with a want of corresponding inward reality, and with hypocrisy. 25日, 26日。 ]在這兩種情況下,他們有聯繫的要相應的外來現實,並與偽善。 These charges cannot have come upon the people by surprise, and they may account for the circumstance that so many of the learned kept aloof from the 'Association' as such.這些費用不能來的人感到吃驚,他們可能會帳戶的情況是,這麼多的經驗教訓保持遠離的'協會'這樣。 Indeed, the sayings of some of the Rabbis in regard to Pharisaism and the professional Pharisee are more withering than any in the New Testament.事實上,諺語的一些拉比方面Pharisaism和專業法利賽人更比任何萎縮的新約。

It is not necessary here to repeat the well-known description, both in the Jerusalem and the Babylon Talmud, of the seven kinds of 'Pharisees,' of whom six (the 'Shechemite,' the 'stumbling,' the 'bleeding,' the 'mortar,' the 'I want to know what is incumbent on me,' and 'the Pharisee from fear') mark various kinds of unreality, and only one is 'the Pharisee from love.' [f Sot.這是在這裡沒有必要重複眾所周知的描述,無論是在耶路撒冷和巴比倫塔木德,在七種'法利賽人,其中六(在' Shechemite , '的'絆腳石'的'出血'的'迫擊砲'的'我想知道什麼是我義不容辭的責任, '和'的法利賽人免於恐懼' )標誌的各種不切實際,只有一個是'的法利賽人愛情。用[ f索。 22 b; Jer. 22日B組;哲。 Ber.蘇貝等。 ix.九。 7.] 7 。 ]

Such an expression as 'the plague of Pharisaism' is not uncommon; and a silly pietist, a clever sinner, and a female Pharisee, are ranked among 'the troubles of life.'這樣的表達'的瘟疫Pharisaism '的情況並不少見;和一個愚蠢的pietist ,一個聰明的罪人,和一名女法利賽人,是躋身'麻煩的生活。 [g Sot. [克索。 iii.三。 4.] 'Shall we then explain a verse according to the opinions of the Pharisees?' 4 。 ] '咱們然後解釋根據詩句的意見法利? ' asks a Rabbi, in supreme contempt for the arrogance of the fraternity.問一個猶太教,在最高的蔑視的囂張氣焰的友愛。 [h Pes.內[ H瘟。 70 b.] 'It is as a tradition among the pharisees [i Abhoth de R. Nathan 5.] to torment themselves in this world, and yet they will gain nothing by it in the next.' 70灣] '這是作為一個傳統的法利[我Abhoth德河彌敦道5 。 ]折磨自己在這個世界上,但他們將獲得由它沒有在未來。

The Sadducees had some reason for the taunt, that 'the Pharisees would by-and-by subject the globe of the sun itself to their purifications,' [k Jer.該撒都該人了一些原因,嘲弄,即'的法利賽將通過與主題地球的太陽本身的purifications , ' [ k哲。 Chag. Chag 。 79 d; Tos. 79 D節;服務條款。 Chag. Chag 。 iii.] the more so that their assertions of purity were sometimes conjoined with Epicurean maxims, betokening a very different state of mind, such as, 'Make haste to eat and drink, for the world which we quit resembles a wedding feast;' or this: 'My son, if thou possess anything, enjoy thyself, for there is no pleasure in Hades, [1 Erub.三。 ]更何況,他們的主張的純度,有時連體與伊壁鳩魯格言, betokening一個非常不同的心理狀態,如, '快點吃飯,喝酒,為世界,我們退出類似於婚宴; '或這: '我的兒子,如果你擁有任何東西,享受你自己,因為沒有高興閻王, [ 1 Erub 。 54 a. 54個字母a. I give the latter clause, not as in our edition of the Talmud, but according to a more correct reading (Levy, Neuhebr. Worterb. vol. ii. p. 102).] and death grants no respite.我現在後者的條款,而不是在我們版的塔木德,但據一個更正確的閱讀(利維Neuhebr 。 Worterb 。第一卷。二。第102頁) 。 ]和死亡補助金沒有喘息。 But if thou sayest, What then would I leave to my sons and daughters?但是,如果你sayest ,那麼我會離開我的兒子和女兒? Who will thank thee for this appointment in Hades?'誰將感謝你對這一任命的閻王? ' Maxims these to which, alas! too many of their recorded stories and deeds form a painful commentary.這些格言的,唉!太多,他們記錄的故事和事蹟形成一個痛苦的評注。 [2 It could serve no good purpose to give instances. [ 2它可以沒有好的目的給予實例。 They are readily accessible to those who have taste or curiosity in that direction.]他們容易對那些誰有味道或好奇朝著這個方向努力。 ]

But it would be grossly unjust to identify Pharisaism, as a religious direction, with such embodiments of it or even with the official 'fraternity.'但是,如果不公正,確定Pharisaism ,作為一個宗教的方向,這種體現,甚至與官方'博愛。 While it may be granted that the tendency and logical sequence of their views and practices were such, their system, as opposed to Sadduceeism, had very serious bearings: dogmatic, ritual, and legal.雖然可以理所當然地認為,趨勢和邏輯順序自己的看法和做法,例如,他們的系統,而不是Sadduceeism ,已經非常嚴重軸承:教條,禮儀和法律。 It is, however, erroneous to suppose, either that their system represented traditionalism itself, or that Scribes and Pharisees are convertible terms, [3 So, erroneously, Wellhausen, in his treatise 'Pharisaer u.然而,錯誤的假設,無論他們代表的傳統制度本身,或者說文士和法利可兌換方面, [ 3所以,錯誤,威爾,在他的論文' Pharisaer美國 Sadduc.'; and partially, as it seems to me, even Schurer (Neutest. Zeitgesch.). Sadduc 。 ' ;和部分,因為它在我看來,即使Schurer ( Neutest. Zeitgesch 。 ) 。 In other respects also these two learned men seem too much under the influence of Geiger and Kuenen.] while the Sadducees represented the civil and political element.在其他方面也了解到這兩個男人似乎太多的影響下,蓋革和Kuenen 。 ]而撒都該人代表的公民權利和政治因素。

The Pharisees represented only the prevailing system of, no traditionalism itself; while the Sadducees also numbered among them many learned men.在法利賽人只佔當前的系統,沒有傳統本身;同時也有撒都該人其中有許多經驗教訓男子。 They were able to enter into controversy, often protracted and fierce, with their opponents, and they acted as members of the Sanhedrin, although they had diverging traditions of their own, and even, as it would appear, at one time a complete code of canon-law.他們能夠進入爭議,往往是長期和激烈,他們的對手,他們擔任成員的公會,雖然他們不同的傳統,他們自己的,甚至,因為它會出現,一次完整的代碼佳能法律。 [a Megill. [一個梅吉爾。 Taan. Taan 。 Per.每。 iv.四。 ed.版。 Warsh.沃什。 p. 8 a.] [4 Wellhausen has carried his criticisms and doubts of the Hebrew Scholion on the Megill.第8字母a. ] [ 4威爾開展批評和懷疑希伯來Scholion的梅吉爾。 Taan. Taan 。 (or 'Roll of Fasts') too far.] Moreover, the admitted fact, that when in office the Sadducees conformed to the principles and practices of the Pharisees, proves at least that they must have been acquainted with the ordinances of traditionalism. (或'輥齋戒' )太遠。 ]此外,承認事實,當在辦公室撒都該人符合原則和做法的法利賽人,至少證明,他們必須是熟悉條例的傳統。 [5 Even such a book as the Meg. [ 5即使這樣一本書的梅格。 Taan. Taan 。 does not accuse them of absolute ignorance, but only of being unable to prove their dicta from Scripture (comp. Pereq xp 15 b, which may well mark the extreme of Anti-Sadduceeism).]沒有指責他們的絕對無知,而是不僅無法證明自己的論述從聖經( comp. Pereq XP的15 b ,這很可能標誌著極端反Sadduceeism ) 。 ]

Lastly, there were certain traditional ordinances on which both parties were at one.最後,還有一些傳統的條例對雙方都在一個。 [b Sanh.並[ b Sanh 。 33 t Horay 4 a.] Thus it seems Sadduceeism was in a sense than a practical system, starting from simple and well-defined principles, but wide-reaching in its possible consequences. 33噸Horay第4字母a. ]因此,它似乎Sadduceeism在某種意義上是一個實用的系統,從簡單的和明確的原則,但範圍廣泛的在其可能的後果。 Perhaps it may best be described as a general reaction against the extremes of Pharisaism, springing from moderate and rationalistic tendencies; intended to secure a footing within the recognised bounds of Judaism; and seeking to defend its principles by a strict literalism of interpretation and application.也許最好被描述為一種普遍的反應對極端Pharisaism ,雨後春筍般從溫和,理性的傾向;打算以確保基礎的認可界的猶太教;並尋求捍衛自己的原則,嚴格拘泥於字句的解釋和適用。 If so, these interpretations would be intended rather for defensive than offensive purposes, and the great aim of the party would be after rational freedom, or, it might be, free rationality. Practically, the party would, of course, tend in broad, and often grossly unorthodox, directions.如果是這樣,這些解釋將打算用於防禦而不是進攻性目的,偉大的目標,黨將在合理的自由,或者,它可能是免費的合理性。實際上,黨當然,往往在廣泛,而且往往嚴重非正統的,方向。

The fundamental dogmatic differences between the Pharisees and Sadducees concerned: the rule of faith and practice; the 'after death;' the existence of angels and spirits; and free will and pre-destination. 最根本的教條之間的分歧法利和撒都該人關注:法治的信仰和實踐;的'後死亡; '的存在,天使和精神;和自由意志和預目的地。

In regard to the first of these points, it has already been stated that the Sadducees did not lay down the principle of absolute rejection of all traditions as such, but that they were opposed to traditionalism as represented and carried out by the Pharisees. When put down by sheer weight of authority, they would probably carry the controversy further, and retort on their opponents by an appeal to Scripture as against their traditions, perhaps ultimately even by an attack on traditionalism; but always as represented by the Pharisees. [1 Some traditional explanation of the Law of Moses was absolutely necessary, if it was to be applied to existing circumstances. 關於第一點,它已經指出,撒都該人沒有放下的原則,堅決反對一切傳統等,但他們都反對傳統的代表,並進行了法利。時提出由純粹的學術權威,他們可能會進行進一步的爭議,並反駁他們的對手呼籲聖經對他們的傳統,也許最終甚至攻擊傳統; ,但總是為代表的法利賽人。 [ 1一些傳統的解釋法的摩西是絕對必要的,如果它是適用於現有的情況。

It would be a great historical inaccuracy to imagine that the Sadducees rejected the whole (St.Matt. xv. 2) from Ezra downwards.] A careful examination of the statements of Josephus on this subject will show that they convey no more than this.這將是一個偉大的歷史性錯誤想像,撒都該人否決整個( St.Matt 。十五。 2 )從以斯拉向下。 ]仔細審查報表的約瑟夫就這個問題將表明他們轉達不會超過這一點。 [2 This is the meaning of Ant. xiii. [ 2這是意義上的螞蟻。十三。 10. 10 。 6, and clearly implied in xviii. 6 ,並明確暗示18 。 1,3,4, and War ii. 8. 1,3,4 ,和第二次世界大戰。 8 。 14.] 14 。 ]

The Pharisaic view of this aspect of the controversy appears, perhaps, most satisfactorily because indirectly, in certain sayings of the Mishnah, which attribute all national calamities to those persons, whom they adjudge to eternal perdition, who interpret Scripture 'not as does the Halakhah,' or established Pharisaic rule.該Pharisaic鑑於這方面的爭論看來,也許,最令人滿意的,因為間接的,在某些成語的米示拿,該屬性的所有國家的災難,這些人,他們裁定,以永恆的滅亡,誰解釋聖經'不一樣哈拉哈'或建立Pharisaic規則。 [a Ab.iii. [一個Ab.iii 。 11; v 8.] In this respect, then, the commonly received idea concerning the Pharisees and Sadducees will require to be seriously modified. 11 ; v 8 。 ]在這方面,那麼,普遍的想法得到有關法利和撒都該人將需要加以認真修改。 As regards the practice of the Pharisees, as distinguished from that of the Sadducees, we may safely treat the statements of Josephus as the exaggerated representations of a partisan, who wishes to place his party in the best light.至於實踐法利,作為區別於即撒都該人,我們可以安全地治療的發言約瑟夫的誇張表述一個黨派,誰願把他的黨在選擇最好的光線。 It is, indeed, true that the Pharisees, 'interpreting the legal ordinances with rigour,' [b Jos. War i.實際上,這是真正的法利賽,解釋法律法規的嚴格,並[ b聖何塞戰爭島 5.2.] [3 M. Derenbourg (Hist. de la Palest., p. 122, note) rightly remarks, that the Rabbinic equivalent for Josephus' is heaviness, and that the Pharisees were the or 'makers heavy.' 5.2 。 ] [ 3先生Derenbourg ( Hist.德拉魯阿Palest 。 ,第122頁,注)正確的話,即相當於為拉比約瑟夫'是頭重腳輕,而且法利的或'決策者沉重。

What a commentary this on the charge of Jesus about 'the heavy burdens' of the Pharisees!什麼評論,這對負責有關耶穌'的沉重負擔'的法利賽! St. Paul uses the same term as Josephus to describe the Pharisaic system, where our AV renders 'the perfect manner' (Acts xxii. 3).聖保祿使用相同的任期約瑟夫描述Pharisaic系統,我們在那裡的AV使得'完美的方式' (使徒22 。 3 ) 。 Comp.比較。 also Acts xxvi.還行為26 。 5: .] imposed on themselves the necessity of much self-denial, especially in regard to food, [c Ant. 5 : 。 ]強加給自己的必要性,很多自我否定,尤其是在食品方面, [中螞蟻。 xviii.十八。 1. 3.] but that their practice was under the guidance of reason, as Josephus asserts, is one of those bold mis-statements with which he has too often to be credited. 1 。 3 。 ]但他們的做法是指導下的原因,約瑟夫聲稱,是其中的一個大膽的錯誤報表,使他常常記入。 His vindication of their special reverence for age and authority [a Ant.他的證明其特殊的崇敬年齡和權威[一個螞蟻。 xviii. 1.3.] must refer to the honours paid by the party to 'the Elders,' not to the old.十八。 1.3 。 ]必須提到支付的榮譽黨的'長老'不老。 And that there was sufficient ground for Sadducean opposition to Pharisaic traditionalism, alike in principle and in practice, will appear from the following quotation, to which we add, by way of explanation, that the wearing of phylacteries was deemed by that party of Scriptural obligation, and that the phylactery for the head was to consist (according to tradition) of four compartments.並有足夠的理由Sadducean反對Pharisaic傳統,都在原則上和實踐中,會出現從下面的報價,我們添加了一種解釋,即穿著phylacteries被認為是由黨的聖經義務,而且護符的頭部是由(按照傳統)的四個組成部分。

'Against the words of the Scribes is more punishable than against the words of Scripture. '反對的話,文士更應受懲罰比對聖經的話。 He who says, No phylacteries, so as to transgress the words of Scripture, is not guilty (free); five compartments, to add to the words of the Scribes, he is guilty.'他說誰,沒有phylacteries ,以便逾越的話聖經,沒有犯(免費) ; 5個艙室,添加到的話,文士,他是有罪。 [b Sanh.並[ b Sanh 。 xi.十一。 3.] [1 The subject is discussed at length in Jer. 3 。 ] [ 1的主題是詳細討論了在哲。 Ber.蘇貝等。 i.字母i. 7 (p. 3 b), where the superiority of the Scribe over the Prophet is shown (1) from Mic. 7 (第3頁二) ,在那裡的優越性雕的先知證明( 1 )由麥克風。 ii.二。 6 (without the words in italics), the one class being the Prophets ('prophesy not'), the other the Scribes ('prophesy'); (2) from the fact that the Prophets needed the attestation of miracles. 6 (無字楷體字) ,一類是先知( '預言沒有' ) ,其他的文士( '預言' ) ; ( 2 )從一個事實,即先知需要證明的奇蹟。 (Duet. xiii. 2), but not the Scribes (Deut. xvii. 11).] ( Duet.十三。 2 ) ,但不是文士(申命記十七。 11 ) 。 ]

The second doctrinal difference between Pharisees and Sadducees concerned the 'after death.' According to the New Testament, [c St. Matt xxii. 第二個理論之間的區別法利和撒都該人涉及'死亡之後。根據新約, [中街22馬特。 23, and parallel passages; Acts iv. 23日,和並行通道;行為四。 1, 2; xxiii. 1 ,第2 ;二十三。 8.] the Sadducees denied the resurrection of the dead, while Josephus, going further, imputes to them denial of reward or punishment after death, [d War ii. 8 。 ]的撒都該人否認復活的死亡,而約瑟夫,將進一步imputes他們拒絕獎勵或處罰後死亡, [ d第二次世界大戰。 8. 14.] and even the doctrine that the soul perishes with the body. 8 。 14 。 ] ,甚至理論的靈魂與perishes機構。 [e Ant. [英螞蟻。 xviii 1.十八1 。 4.] The latter statement may be dismissed as among those inferences which theological controversialists are too fond of imputing to their opponents. 4 。 ]後者的聲明可被視為這些推論這神學controversialists是太喜歡的估算,以他們的對手。

This is fully borne out by the account of a later work, to the effect, that by successive misunderstandings of the saying of Antigonus of Socho, that men were to serve God without regard to reward, his later pupils had arrived at the inference that there was no other world, which, however, might only refer to the Pharisaic ideal of 'the world to come,' not to the denial of the immortality of the soul, and no resurrection of the dead.這是充分證明了的帳戶以後的工作,效果,即連續誤解的話安提哥的瑞草,男子為上帝沒有考慮到回報,他後來的學生已抵達推論,有沒有其他的世界,然而,可能只是指Pharisaic理想的'世界來,而不是剝奪不死的靈魂,沒有復活的死亡。 We may therefore credit Josephus with merely reporting the common inference of his party.因此,我們可以與信貸約瑟夫只是報告的共同推論一行。 But it is otherwise in regard to their denial of the resurrection of the dead.但是,其他方面的拒絕復活的死亡。 Not only Josephus, but the New Testament and Rabbinic writings attest this.不僅約瑟夫,但新約和拉比的著作證明了這一點。 The Mishnah expressly states [g Ber ix.該米示拿明確規定[克小蘗鹼九。 5.] that the formula 'from age to age,' or rather 'from world to world,' had been introduced as a protest against the opposite theory; while the Talmud, which records disputations between Gamaliel and the Sadducees [2 This is admitted even by Geiger (Urschr. u. Uebers. p. 130, note), though in the passage above referred to he would emendate: 'Scribes of the Samaritans.' 5 。 ]該公式'從年齡的年齡,或者更確切地說,來自世界各國的世界,介紹了作為抗議相反的理論;而塔木德,記錄disputations之間加馬利亞和撒都該人[ 2這是承認即使是蓋革( Urschr.美國Uebers 。第130頁,注) ,但在通過上述提到的,他將emendate : '文士的樂善好施。

The passage, however, implies that these were Sadducean Scribes, and that they were both willing and able to enter into theological controversy with their opponents.] on the subject of the resurrection, expressly imputes the denial of this doctrine to the 'Scribes of the Sadducees.'通過然而,意味著這些被Sadducean文士,他們都願意並能夠進入神學爭論他們的對手。 ]關於這一主題的復活, imputes明確拒絕了這一理論的'文士的撒都該人。 In fairness it is perhaps only right to add that, in the discussion, the Sadducees seem only to have actually denied that there was proof for this doctrine in the Pentateuch, and that they ultimately professed themselves convinced by the reasoning of Gamaliel.在公平也許是唯一正確補充說,在討論中,似乎只有撒都該人有實際上否認有證明了這一理論在五,他們最終宣稱自己相信的推理加馬利亞。 [1 Rabbi Gamaliel's proof was taken from Deut. [ 1拉比加馬利亞的證據是從Deut 。 i.字母i. 8: 'Which Jehovah sware unto your fathers to give unto them.' 8 : '哪個sware耶和華你們的父親給你們他們。 It is not said 'unto you,' but unto 'them,' which implies the resurrection of the dead.這不是說, '你們' ,但你們'他們, '這意味著復活的死亡。

The argument is kindred in character, but far inferior in solemnity and weight, to that employed by our Lord, St. Matt. xxii.這個論點是在性質上類似,但遠不如在嚴肅性和重量,並採用我們的上帝,聖馬特。二十二。 32, from which it is evidently taken. 32歲,來自它顯然是採取。 (See book v. ch. iv., the remarks on that passage.)] Still the concurrent testimony of the New Testament and of Josephus leaves no doubt, that in this instance their views had not been misrepresented. (見書訴路。四。 ,是這一通道。 ) ]但同時作證的新約和約瑟夫毫無疑問,在這種情況下他們的意見沒有被歪曲。 Whether or not their opposition to the doctrine of the Resurrection arose in the first instance from, or was prompted by, Rationalistic views, which they endeavoured to support by an appeal to the letter of the Pentateuch, as the source of traditionalism, it deserves notice that in His controversy with the Sadducees Christ appealed to the Pentateuch in proof of His teaching.不管他們反對的理論,復活中出現的初審,或者是提示,理性的意見,因為他們盡力支持的呼籲信五,作為來源的傳統,它值得通知在他的爭議與撒都該人基督呼籲五中證明了他的教學。 [2 It is a curious circumstance in connection with the question of the Sadducees, that it raised another point in controversy between the Pharisees and the 'Samaritans,' or, as I would read it, the Sadducees, since 'the Samaritans' (Sadducees?) only allowed marriage with the betrothed, not the actually wedded wife of a deceased childless brother (Jer Yebam. i. 6, p. 3 a). [ 2這是一個奇怪的情況與問題的撒都該人,它提出了另一個爭議點之間的法利賽和'樂善好施' ,或作為我想讀它,撒都該人,因為'撒瑪利亞' (撒都該人? )只允許結婚的未婚妻,而不是實際上的妻子結婚死者的子女哥哥(哲Yebam 。島6日,第3頁一) 。 The Sadducees in the Gospel argue on the Pharisaic theory, apparently for the twofold object of casting ridicule on the doctrine of the Resurrection, and on the Pharisaic practice of marriage with the espoused wife of a deceased brother.]該撒都該人的福音爭辯的Pharisaic理論,顯然是雙重的對象嘲笑鑄造的理論復活,並Pharisaic實踐的婚姻與妻子的支持死者的哥哥。 ]

Connected with this was the equally Rationalistic opposition to belief in Angels and Spirits. 與此同樣是理性反對信仰的天使和精神。 It is only mentioned in the New Testament, [a Acts xxiii.] but seems almost to follow as a corollary. 它只是提到新約, [一個行為二十三。 ]但幾乎遵循的一個必然結果。 Remembering what the Jewish Angelology was, one can scarcely wonder that in controversy the Sadducees should have been led to the opposite extreme. 牢記什麼是猶太天使,一個可以幾乎不知道,在爭議的撒都該人應已導致相反的極端。

The last dogmatic difference between the two 'sects' concerned that problem which has at all times engaged religious thinkers: man's free will and God's pre-ordination, or rather their compatibility. Josephus, or the reviser whom he employed, indeed, uses the purely heathen expression 'fate' ( ) [3 The expression is used in the heathen (philosophical) sense of fate by Philo, De Incorrupt. 最後教條兩者之間的差額'邪教'關注的問題,已在任何時候都從事宗教思想家:人的自由意志和上帝的預先協調,或者說其兼容性。約瑟夫,或審校僱用他,事實上,使用純粹異教徒表達的命運' ( ) [ 3的表達中使用的異教徒(哲學)的命運的哲學,德廉政。 Mundi. section 10.曼迪。第10條。 ed.版。 Mangey, vol. Mangey ,第二卷。 ii.二。 p. 496 (ed. Fref. p. 947).] to designate the Jewish idea of the pre-ordination of God. But, properly understood, the real difference between the Pharisees and Sadducees seems to have amounted to this: that the former accentuated God's preordination, the latter man's free will; and that, while the Pharisees admitted only a partial influence of the human element on what happened, or the co-operation of the human with the Divine, the Sadducees denied all absolute pre-ordination, and made man's choice of evil or good, with its consequences of misery or happiness, to depend entirely on the exercise of free will and self-determination. 496 (編Fref 。頁947 ) 。 ]指定的猶太思想的前祝上帝。 但是,正確的理解,真正的差別法利和撒都該人似乎已經為這一點:前加劇上帝的preordination ,後者人的自由意志;和認為,雖然法利承認只是部分影響人的因素上發生了什麼,或衷誠合作,人類與神的撒都該人否認了所有的絕對前協調,並提出人的選擇邪惡或良好的,其後果的苦難或幸福,完全取決於對行使自由意志和自決。

And in this, like many opponents of 'Predestinarianism,' they seem to have started from the principle, that it was impossible for God 'either to commit or to foresee [in the sense of fore-ordaining] anything evil.'在此,像許多反對' Predestinarianism ,他們似乎已經開始的原則,這是不可能的上帝不是犯下或預見[意義上的前列,祝聖]邪惡的東西。 The mutual misunderstanding here was that common in all such controversies.相互誤解,在這裡是共同在所有這類爭議。 Although [a In Jewish War ii.雖然[ a在二戰猶太人。 8. 8 。 14.] Josephus writes as if, according to the Pharisees, the chief part in every good action depended upon fate [pre-ordination] rather than on man's doing, yet in another place [b Ant. xviii. 14 。 ]約瑟夫寫道,猶如,根據法利,首席部分在每一個良好的行動取決於命運[預先祝] ,而不是男人的做,但在另一個地方並[ b螞蟻。十八。 1. 1 。 3.] he disclaims for them the notion that the will of man was destitute of spontaneous activity, and speaks somewhat confusedly, for he is by no means a good reasoner, of 'a mixture' of the Divine and human elements, in which the human will, with its sequence of virtue or wickedness, is subject to the will of fate. 3 。 ]他不為他們的概念,意志的男子窮困的自發活動,並講有點混亂,他絕不是一個很好的推理的'混合物'的神和人的要素,其中人的意志,其序列的美德或邪惡,是受意志的命運。

A yet further modification of this statement occurs in another place, [c Ant.阿尚未進一步修改這一聲明出現在另一個地方, [中螞蟻。 xiii.十三。 5. 5 。 9.] where we are told that, according to the Pharisees, some things depended upon fate, and more on man himself. Manifestly, there is not a very wide difference between this and the fundamental principle of the Sadducees in what we may suppose its primitive form. 9 。 ]如果我們被告知,根據法利賽人,有些事情取決於命運,更多的人本身。顯然,沒有一個非常廣泛的區別和基本原則撒都該人在我們可以假設其原始形式。

But something more will have to be said as illustrative of Pharisaic teaching on this subject.但是,更將不得不說,說明對Pharisaic教學這一主題。 No one who has entered into the spirit of the Old Testament can doubt that its outcome was faith, in its twofold aspect of acknowledgment of the absolute Rule, and simple submission to the Will, of God. What distinguished this so widely from fatalism was what may be termed Jehovahism, that is, the moral element in its thoughts of God, and that He was ever presented as in paternal relationship to men.沒有人誰已進入精神的舊約可以毫無疑問,其結果是信仰,在其雙重方面的承認絕對的規則,並提交簡單的意志,上帝的。什麼區別如此廣泛的宿命是什麼可稱為Jehovahism ,這就是道德因素在其思想的上帝,而且他以往任何時候都提出了在父親的關係男性。 But the Pharisees carried their accentuation of the Divine to the verge of fatalism.但法利賽進行的重讀的神聖瀕臨宿命論。 Even the idea that God had created man with two impulses, the one to good, the other to evil; and that the latter was absolutely necessary for the continuance of this world, would in some measure trace the causation of moral evil to the Divine Being.即使想法,上帝創造了男子兩項衝動,一個良好,另一個是邪惡的; ,而後者是絕對必要的延續這個世界上,將在一定程度上追踪德育因果關係邪惡的神。

The absolute and unalterable pre-ordination of every event, to its minutest details, is frequently insisted upon. Adam had been shown all the generations that were to spring from him.絕對的和不可改變的前祝每一個事件,其細微的細節,往往是堅持。亞當已被證明所有的後代是他的春天。 Every incident in the history of Israel had been foreordained, and the actors in it, for good or for evil, were only instruments for carrying out the Divine Will.每一個事件的歷史,以色列已經注定,以及它的行動者,善或惡,只有文書進行了天主。 What were ever Moses and Aaron?什麼是以往任何時候都摩西和亞倫? God would have delivered Israel out of Egypt, and given them the Law, had there been no such persons.上帝將交付以色列的埃及,並給予他們的法律,已經有沒有這樣的人。 Similarly was it in regard to Solomon.同樣是這方面的所羅門。 to Esther, to Nebuchadnezzar, and others.以埃斯特,以尼布甲尼撒,等等。 Nay, it was because man was predestined to die that the serpent came to seduce our first parents.不,這是因為人是注定要死亡的蛇來引誘我們的第一個父母。

And as regarded the history of each individual: all that concerned his mental and physical capacity, or that would betide him, was prearranged.並認為歷史上的每一個人:所有有關他的精神和身體能力,或者說將發生於他,是預先安排。 His name, place, position, circumstances, the very name of her whom he was to wed, were proclaimed in heaven, just as the hour of his death was foreordered.他的名字,地點,位置的情況下,這個名字,她是他結婚,被宣布在天上,就像小時的去世是foreordered 。 There might be seven years of pestilence in the land, and yet no one died before his time.可能有七年的瘟疫的土地,但沒有一個在他去世的時間。 [a Sanh. [一個Sanh 。 29 a.] Even if a man inflicted a cut on his finger, he might be sure that this also had been preordered. 29字母a. ]即使一個人對削減他的手指,他也許可以肯定,這也已預訂。 [b Chull.並[ b Chull 。 7 b.] 7日灣]

Nay, 'wheresoever a man was destined to die, thither would his feet carry him.'唔,地點,一名男子注定要死亡,那兒將他的雙腳進行他。 [1 The following curious instance of this is given. [ 1以下好奇的實例,這是給予。 On one occasion King Solomon, when attended by his two Scribes, Elihoreph and Ahiah (both supposed to have been Ethiopians), suddenly perceived the Angel of Death.有一次,所羅門王時,他出席了兩個文士, Elihoreph和Ahiah (均假定已經埃塞俄比亞人) ,知覺的突然死亡天使。 As he looked so sad, Solomon ascertained as its reason, that the two Scribes had been demanded at his hands.正如他期待非常傷心,所羅門群島確定其原因,這兩個文士已要求在他的手中。 On this Solomon transported them by magic into the land of Luz, where, according to legend, no man ever died.在此所羅門運送他們的神奇的土地魯茲阿,在那裡,根據傳說,任何人都死亡。

Next morning Solomon again perceived the Angel of Death, but this time laughing, because, as he said.第二天早上,所羅門再次知覺的死亡天使,但是這一次笑,因為他說。 Solomon had sent these men to the very place whence he had been ordered to fetch them (Sukk, 53 a).] We can well understand how the Sadducees would oppose notions like these, and all such coarse expressions of fatalism.所羅門群島派遣了這些人非常地何處,他已下令擷取他們( Sukk , 53 ) 。 ]我們能很好地了解撒都該人將反對這樣的概念,以及所有這些粗糙的表達宿命論。 And it is significant of the exaggeration of Josephus, [2 Those who understand the character of Josephus' writings will be at no loss for his reasons in this.這是重大的誇張的約瑟夫, [ 2誰了解這些性質的約瑟夫'著作將在沒有任何損失,他的理由在此。 It would suit his purpose to speak often of the fatalism of the Pharisees, and to represent them as a philosophical sect like the Stoics.這將適合他的目的往往說話的宿命論的法利賽,並代表他們作為一個哲學節一樣Stoics 。 The latter, indeed, he does in so many words.] that neither the New Testament, nor Rabbinic writings, bring the charge of the denial of God's prevision against the Sadducees.後者,事實上,他並不在這麼多的話。 ]的是,無論是新約,也不拉比著作,使負責拒絕上帝的預知對撒都該人。

But there is another aspect of this question also. 但是,另一個方面,這個問題也。 While the Pharisees thus held the doctrine of absolute preordination, side by side with it they were anxious to insist on man's freedom of choice, his personal responsibility, and moral obligation. [3 For details comp. 雖然法利舉行這樣的理論絕對preordination ,並肩與他們急於要堅持人的自由選擇,他個人的責任和道德義務。 [ 3詳細比較。 Hamburger, Real-Encykl.漢堡,實時Encykl 。 ii. pp.二。頁。 103-106, though there is some tendency to 'colouring' in this as in other articles of the work.] Although every event depended upon God, whether a man served God or not was entirely in his own choice. 103-106 ,儘管有一些傾向, '染色'在這如同在其他條款的工作。 ]雖然每個事件取決於上帝,無論是一個人神送達或不完全是他自己的選擇。 As a logical sequence of this, fate had no influence as regarded Israel, since all depended on prayer, repentance, and good works.作為一個邏輯順序的,命運並沒有影響力認為以色列,因為所有的依賴祈禱,懺悔,好作品。 Indeed, otherwise that repentance, on which Rabbinism so largely insists, would have had no meaning.事實上,否則該懺悔,這在很大程度上Rabbinism這樣堅持,本來沒有意義。

Moreover, it seems as if it had been intended to convey that, while our evil actions were entirely our own choice, if a man sought to amend his ways, he would be helped of God.此外,它好像已經打算轉達說,雖然我們的罪惡行動完全是我們自己的選擇,如果一個男人試圖修改他的方式,他將上帝的幫助。 [c Yoma 38 b.] It was, indeed, true that God had created the evil impulse in us; but He had also given the remedy in the Law. [中灣山脈38 ]這的確是真正的上帝創造了邪惡的衝動在我們,但他也給予補救的法律。 [a Baba B. 16 a.] This is parabolically represented under the figure of a man seated at the parting of two ways, who warned all passers that if they chose one road it would lead them among the thorns, while on the other brief difficulties would end in a plain path (joy). [一個巴巴灣16個字母a. ]這是根據parabolically代表的數字坐著一名男子在臨別的兩種方式,誰所有行人警告,如果他們選擇了一條道路,將導致它們之間的荊棘,而另一方面簡短困難將結束在平原路徑(喜悅) 。 [b Siphre on Deut.並[ b Siphre關於Deut 。 xi.十一。 26, 53, ed. 26日, 53歲,編輯。 Friedmann, p.弗里德曼,第 86 a.] Or, to put it in the language of the great Akiba [c Ab. 86個字母a. ]或者,把它放在語言的偉大秋葉[中抗體。 iii.三。 15.]: 'Everything is foreseen; free determination is accorded to man; and the world is judged in goodness.' 15 。 ] : '一切都是預見;自由決定給予男子;和世界的判斷善良。 With this simple juxtaposition of two propositions equally true, but incapable of metaphysical combination, as are most things in which the empirically cognisable and uncognisable are joined together, we are content to leave the matter.有了這個簡單並列的兩個命題同樣如此,但不能形而上學的組合,大多數的事情,其中憑經驗cognisable和uncognisable正在聯手,我們的內容將這一問題留給。

The other differences between the Pharisees and Sadducees can be easily and briefly summed up. 其他的分歧法利和撒都該人可以很容易地,並簡要總結。 They concern ceremonial, ritual, and juridical questions. 他們關心的儀式,儀式,和法律問題。 In regard to the first, the opposition of the Sadducees to the excessive scruples of the Pharisees on the subject of Levitical defilements led to frequent controversy. 關於第一,反對撒都該人過分顧忌的法利賽的主題利未污穢常常導致爭議。 Four points in dispute are mentioned, of which, however, three read more like ironical comments than serious divergences. Thus, the Sadducees taunted their opponents with their many lustrations, including that of the Golden Candlestick in the Temple. 四點提到的爭端,其中,然而,三讀更像是諷刺比嚴重的意見分歧。因此,撒都該人嘲弄他們的對手與他們的許多lustrations ,包括黃金燭台在寺。 [d Jer. [ d哲。 Chag iii. Chag三。 8; Tos. Chag. 8 ;服務條款。 Chag 。 iii., where the reader will find sufficient proof that the Sadducees were not in the wrong.] Two other similar instances are mentioned.三。 ,那裡的讀者會發現足夠的證據證明,撒都該人沒有錯。 ]另外兩個類似的情況下提及。 [e In Yad, iv. [ E在亞德瓦,四。 6, 7.] By way of guarding against the possibility of profanation, the Pharisees enacted, that the touch of any thing sacred 'defiled' the hands. 6日, 7日。 ] 通過防範的可能性褻瀆,頒布了法利,該觸摸任何東西神聖'玷污'手中。 The Sadducees, on the other hand, ridiculed the idea that the Holy Scriptures 'defiled' the hands, but not such a book as Homer. 該撒都該人,另一方面,嘲笑的想法聖經'玷污'的手中,但沒有這樣的書荷馬。

[1 The Pharisees replied by asking on what ground the bones of a High-Priest 'defiled,' but not those of a donkey. [ 1法利回答詢問什麼地面的骨頭,高牧師'玷污' ,但不是驢。 And when the Sadducees ascribed it to the great value of the former, lest a man should profane the bones of his parents by making spoons of them, the Pharisees pointed out that the same argument applied to defilement by the Holy Scriptures.當撒都該人歸因於它的巨大價值前,生怕一個男人應該褻瀆的骨頭,他的父母,使勺子的他們來說,法利指出,同樣的論點適用於污辱的聖經。 In general, it seems that the Pharisees were afraid of the satirical comments of the Sadducees on their doings (comp. Parah iii.總的來說,這似乎法利害怕諷刺評論撒都該人他們的所作所為( comp. Parah三。

3).] In the same spirit, the Sadducees would ask the Pharisees how it came, that water pouring from a clean into an unclean vessel did not lose its purity and purifying power. 3 ) 。 ]本著同樣的精神,在撒都該人將要求法利它如何來,這水漫從清潔到不潔的船隻並沒有失去它的純潔和淨化能力。 [2 Wellhausen rightly denounces the strained interpretation of Geiger, who would find here, as in other points, hidden political allusions.] If these represent no serious controversies, on another ceremonial question there was real difference, though its existence shows how far party-spirit could lead the Pharisees. [ 2威爾正確譴責緊張的解釋格爾,誰在這裡找到,如在其他各點,隱藏的政治典故。 ]如果這些代表沒有嚴重的爭議,在另一個禮儀問題有真正的變化,但它的存在表明多遠黨精神可能導致法利。 No ceremony was surrounded with greater care to prevent defilement than that of preparing the ashes of the Red Heifer.沒有任何儀式被包圍了更大的照顧,以防止污辱比編寫的骨灰紅色小母牛。

[3 Comp. [ 3比較。 'The Temple, its Ministry and Services,' pp. '廟,其部和服務, '頁。 309, 312. 309 , 312 。 The rubrics are in the Mishnic tractate Parab, and in Tos.在標題中Mishnic短文Parab ,並在服務條款。 Par.] What seem the original ordinances, [a Parah iii,; Tos.標準桿。 ]什麼似乎原來的條例, [一個Parah三, ;服務條款。 Par.標準桿。 3.] directed that, for seven days previous to the burning of the Red Heifer, the priest was to be kept in separation in the Temple, sprinkled with the ashes of all sin-offerings, and kept from the touch of his brother-priests, with even greater rigour than the High-Priest in his preparation for the Day of Atonement. 3 。 ]指示, 7天前向燃燒的紅色小母牛,牧師是被關在隔離寺,撒了灰燼的所有單產品,並不斷從觸摸他的哥哥,司鐸,以更大的力度比高牧師在他編寫的贖罪日。 The Sadducees insisted that, as 'till sundown' was the rule in all purification, the priest must be in cleanliness till then, before burning the Red Heifer.該撒都該人堅持認為,作為'到日落,是法治在所有的淨化,牧師必須在清潔那時候,在燃燒紅色小母牛。

But, apparently for the sake of opposition, and in contravention to their own principles, the Pharisees would actually 'defile' the priest on his way to the place of burning, and then immediately make him take a bath of purification which had been prepared, so as to show that the Sadducees were in error.但是,這顯然是為了反對,違反自己的原則,法利實際上將'弄髒'神父前往的地點焚燒,然後立即讓他洗澡淨化了準備,從而表明,撒都該人是錯誤的。 [b Parah iii.並[ b Parah三。 7.] [1 The Mishnic passage is difficult, but I believe I have given the sense correctly.] In the same spirit, the Sadducees seem to have prohibited the use of anything made from animals which were either interdicted as food, or by reason of their not having been properly slaughtered; while the Pharisees allowed it, and, in the case of Levitically clean animals which had died or been torn, even made their skin into parchment, which might be used for sacred purposes. 7 。 ] [ 1 Mishnic通過是困難的,但我相信我給正確的意義。 ]本著同樣的精神,在撒都該人似乎已禁止使用任何由動物被截獲的食物,或因他們沒有得到適當的屠宰;而法利允許它,並在案件Levitically乾淨的動物已經死亡或遭到破壞,甚至使他們的皮膚變成羊皮紙,這可能被用於神聖的目的。 [c Shabb. [中Shabb 。 108 a.] 108個字母a. ]

These may seem trifling distinctions, but they sufficed to kindle the passions. Even greater importance attached to differences on ritual questions, although the controversy here was purely theoretical. 這些看起來可能瑣碎的區別,但它們足以點燃的激情。更大的重視儀式上的分歧問題,但這裡的爭論是純理論。 For, the Sadducees, when in office, always conformed to the prevailing Pharisaic practices.因為,在撒都該人,在辦公室時,總是符合當前的Pharisaic做法。 Thus the Sadducees would have interpreted Lev. xxiii.因此,撒都該人將解釋列夫。二十三。 11, 15, 16, as meaning that the wave-sheaf (or, rather, the Omer) was to be offered on 'the morrow after the weekly Sabbath', that is, on the Sunday in Easter week, which would have brought the Feast of Pentecost always on a Sunday; [d Vv. 11日, 15日, 16日,因為這意味著波捆(或相反,歐麥)將提供'明天後,每週安息日' ,也就是說,對週日在復活節週,這將帶來的聖靈降臨節總是在一個星期日; [ d密度。 15, 16.] while the Pharisees understood the term 'Sabbath' of the festive Paschal day. 15日, 16日。 ]而法利的理解是, '安息日'的節日復活節一天。 [e Men. [英男子。 x. 3; 65 a; Chag. 3 ; 65 ; Chag 。 ii.二。 4.][2 This difference, which is more intricate than appears at first sight, requires a longer discussion than can be given in this place.] 4 。 ] [ 2這種差異,這是更複雜的多出現在乍一看,需要一個較長期的討論可以考慮在這個地方。 ]

Connected with this were disputes about the examination of the witnesses who testified to the appearance of the new moon, and whom the Pharisees accused of having been suborned by their opponents.與此有關的糾紛案件審查證人作證誰的出現新的月亮,和法利賽人被指控犯有被suborned由他們的對手。 [f Rosh haSh.用[ f猶太哈希。 i.字母i. 7; ii. 7 ;二。 1; Tos. 1 ;服務條款。 Rosh haSh.猶太哈希。 ed.版。 Z. i.威爾島 15.] 15 。 ]

The Sadducean objection to pouring the water of libation upon the altar on the Feast of Tabernacles, led to riot and bloody reprisals on the only occasion on which it seems to have been carried into practice. [g Sukk. 該Sadducean反對澆築水的奠祭壇後的住棚節,導致騷亂和流血報復的唯一的機會,它似乎已經開展付諸實踐。 [克Sukk 。 48 b; comp. 48 B組;補償。 Jos. Ant.聖何塞螞蟻。 xiii 13.十三13 。 5.] [3 For details about the observances on this festival I must refer to 'The Temple, its Ministry and Services.'] Similarly, the Sadducees objected to the beating off the willow-branches after the procession round the altar on the last day of the Feast of Tabernacles, if it were a Sabbath. 5 。 ] [ 3 ,詳細了解他們的紀念活動上這個節日我必須提到'廟,其部和服務。 ]同樣,撒都該人反對擊敗了柳樹分行後,遊行的祭壇上一輪的最後一天,住棚節,如果它是一個安息日。 [a Sukk. [一個Sukk 。 43 b; and in the Jerus. 43 B組;和Jerus 。 Talm. Talm 。 and Tos. Sukk.和服務條款。 Sukk 。 iii.三。 1.] 1 。 ]

Again, the Sadducees would have had the High-Priest, on the Day of Atonement, kindle the incense before entering the Most Holy Place; the Pharisees after he had entered the Sanctuary.同樣,撒都該人將不得不高牧師,在贖罪日,點燃的香才能進入至聖所;的法利賽之後,他已經進入了避難所。 [b Jer.並[ b哲。 Yoma i.山脈島 5; Yoma 19 b; 53 a.] Lastly, the Pharisees contended that the cost of the daily Sacrifices should be discharged from the general Temple treasury, while the Sadducees would have paid it from free-will offerings. 5 ;山脈19日B組; 53個字母a. ]最後,法利賽人爭辯說,費用的日常祭祀應履行的一般廟國庫,而撒都該人將支付它從自由意志的產品。 Other differences, which seem not so well established, need not here be discussed.其他的分歧,這似乎不那麼確定,沒有必要在這裡加以討論。

Among the divergences on juridical questions, reference has already been made to that in regard to marriage with the 'betrothed,' or else actually espoused widow of a deceased, childless brother.之間的分歧法律問題,已經提到這方面的婚姻與'訂婚'或其他實際信奉的遺孀去世,孩子的哥哥。 Josephus, indeed, charges the Sadducees with extreme severity in criminal matters; [c Specially Ant. xx.約瑟夫確實,指控撒都該人極端嚴重性在刑事事項; [中特別螞蟻。二十。 9.] but this must refer to the fact that the ingenuity or punctiliousness of the Pharisees would afford to most offenders a loophole of escape. 9 。 ]但是這必須提到這樣一個事實,即獨創性或punctiliousness的法利賽將提供大部分的漏洞罪犯的逃脫。 On the other hand, such of the diverging juridical principles of the Sadducees, as are attested on trustworthy authority, [1 Other differences, which rest merely on the authority of the Hebrew Commentary on 'The Roll of Fasts,' I have discarded as unsupported by historical evidence.另一方面,這種不同的法律原則的撒都該人,作為證明的是可信賴的權威, [ 1其他的分歧,這僅僅休息的權威,希伯來文評'減的齋戒, '我已經放棄作為不受支持由於歷史的證據。

I am sorry to have in this respect, and on some other aspect of the question, to differ from the learned Article on 'The Sadducees,' in Kitto's Bibl.我很抱歉,在這方面,和其他一些方面的問題,不同的經驗教訓文章'的撒都該人,在Kitto的Bibl 。 Encycl.] seem more in accordance with justice than those of the Pharisees. Encycl 。 ]似乎更符合司法比法利賽人。 They concerned (besides the Levirate marriage) chiefly three points.他們關注(除了夫兄弟婚)主要是三點。 According to the Sadducees, the punishment [d Decreed in Deut.據撒都該人,懲罰[ d命令在Deut 。 xix. 19 。 21.] against false witnesses was only to be executed if the innocent person, condemned on their testimony, had actually suffered punishment, while the Pharisees held that this was to be done if the sentence had been actually pronounced, although not carried out. 21 。 ]打擊虛假證人只有被處決,如果無辜的人,譴責他們的證詞,實際上已受到處罰,而法利賽舉行,這是許多工作要做,如果該句實際上已經宣布,儘管沒有進行。 [e Makk. [英Makk 。 i.字母i. 6.] 6 。 ]

Again, according to Jewish law, only a son, but not a daughter, inherited the father's property.再次,根據猶太法律,只有一個兒子,但沒有一個女兒,繼承了父親的財產。 From this the Pharisees argued, that if, at the time of his father's decease, that son were dead, leaving only a daughter, this granddaughter would (as representative of the son) be the heir, while the daughter would be excluded.從這個法利說,如果當時他父親的去世,是兒子已經死亡,只留下一個女兒,這個孫女想(代表的兒子)的繼承人,而女兒將被排除在外。 On the other hand, the Sadducees held that, in such a case, daughter and granddaughter should share alike.另一方面,在撒都該人認為,在這種情況下,女兒和孫女都應該分享。 [f Baba B. 115 b; Tos.用[ f巴巴灣115 B組;服務條款。 Yad.ii. 20.] 20 。 ]

Lastly, the Sadducees argued that if, according to Exodus xxi.最後,撒都該人認為,如果按照出埃及記21 。 28,29, a man was responsible for damage done by his cattle, he was equally, if not more, responsible for damage done by his slave, while the Pharisees refused to recognise any responsibility on the latter score. 28,29 ,一名男子被損壞負責做他的牛,他也同樣,如果不是更多的話,負責做損害他的奴隸,而法利拒絕承認任何責任後者得分。 [g Yad. [克亞德瓦。 iv.四。 7 and Tos. 7和服務條款。 Yad.] [2 Geiger, and even Derenbourg, see in these things deep political allusions, these things deep political allusions, which, as it seems to me, have no other existence than in the ingenuity of these writers.亞德瓦。 ] [ 2格,甚至Derenbourg ,看到這些東西深刻的政治典故,這些東西深刻的政治典故,因為在我看來,沒有任何其他的存在比這些獨創性的作家。

For the sake of completeness it has been necessary to enter into details, which may not posses a general interest.為了完整起見有必要進入細節,這可能不具備一般的興趣。 This, however, will be marked, that, with the exception of dogmatic differences, the controversy turned on questions of 'canon-law.'然而,這將標誌著,即,除教條式的分歧,把爭議的問題上,教會法。 Josephus tells us that the Pharisees commanded the masses, [a Ant.歷史學家告訴我們,法利指揮群眾, [一個螞蟻。 xiii.十三。 10. 10 。 6.] and especially the female world, [b Ant. 6 。 ] ,尤其是女性的世界,並[ b螞蟻。 xvii.十七。 2. 2 。 4.] while the Sadducees attached to their ranks only a minority, and that belonging to the highest class. 4 。 ]而撒都該人重視他們的隊伍只有少數人,而且屬於最高的階層。 The leading priests in Jerusalem formed, of course, part of that highest class of society; and from the New Testament and Josephus we learn that the High-Priestly families belonged to the Sadducean party.領先的神職人員在耶路撒冷成立,當然,其中的一部分最高階級社會;和新約全書和約瑟夫我們學習,高祭司的家庭屬於Sadducean黨。 [c Acts v. 17; Ant. xx. [中行為訴17人;螞蟻。二十。 9.)] But to conclude from this, [1 So Wellhausen, us] either that the Sadducees represented the civil and political aspect of society, and the Pharisees the religious; or, that the Sadducees were the priest-party, [2 So Geiger, us] in opposition to the popular and democratic Pharisees, are inferences not only unsupported, but opposed to historical facts. 9 。 ) ] ,但最後從這一點出發, [ 1所以威爾,我們]或者說,撒都該人代表的公民權利和政治方面的社會和法利賽人的宗教,或者說,撒都該人的神父黨, [ 2所以蓋格,我們]反對流行的和民主的法利賽人,是推論不僅不支持,但反對歷史事實的。

For, not a few of the Pharisaic leaders were actually priests, [d Sheqal.為,而不是少數Pharisaic領導人實際上是神職人員, [ d Sheqal 。 iv.四。 4; vi. 4 ;六。 1; Eduy. 1 ; Eduy 。 viii.八。 2; Ab. 2 ;抗體。 ii.二。 B &c.] while the Pharisaic ordinances make more than ample recognition of the privileges and rights of the Priesthood. This would certainly not have been the case if, as some have maintained, Sadducean and priest-party had been convertible terms.乙&角]而Pharisaic條例作出以上的充分承認的特權和權利的牧師。這肯定沒有的情況下,如果如一些人所保持, Sadducean和牧師黨已可兌換條件。 Even as regards the deputation to the Baptist of 'Priests and Levites' from Jerusalem, we are expressly told that they 'were of the Pharisees.'即使是關於派遣的浸信會的'牧師和利'從耶路撒冷,我們明確告訴他們'是的法利賽。 [e St. John i. [英聖約翰島 24.] 24 。 ]

This bold hypothesis seems, indeed, to have been invented chiefly for the sake of another, still more unhistorical.這一大膽的假設看來,實際上已經發明主要是為了另一個,更unhistorical 。 The derivation of the name 'Sadducee' has always been in dispite. According to a Jewish legend of about the seventh century of our era, [f In the Ab.推導的名稱' Sadducee '一直儘管。據猶太傳說的七世紀的時代,用[ f在抗體。 de R. Nath.德河納特。 c. 5.] the name was derived from one Tsadoq (Zadok), [3 Tseduqim and Tsadduqim mark different transliterations of the name Sadducees.] a disciple of Antigonus of Socho, whose principle of not serving God for reward had been gradually misinterpreted into Sadduceeism. 5 。 ]的名字來自一個Tsadoq (扎多克) , [ 3 Tseduqim和Tsadduqim不同transliterations商標的名稱撒都該人。 ]弟子的安提哥的瑞草,其原則,不服務上帝獎勵已逐漸進入Sadduceeism曲解。

But, apart from the objection that in such case the party should rather have taken the name of Antigonites, the story itself receives no support either from Josephus or from early Jewish writings.但是,除了反對,在這種情況下,黨應該採取的名字Antigonites ,故事本身沒有得到支持無論從約瑟夫或從早期猶太著作。 Accordingly modern critics have adopted another hypothesis, which seems at least equally untenable.因此現代批評家們通過了另一項假說,這似乎至少同樣站不住腳的。 On the supposition that the Sadducees were the 'priest-party,' the name of the sect is derived from Zadok (Tsadoq), the High-Priest in the time of Solomon.在假定的撒都該人的'牧師黨'的名字節源於扎多克( Tsadoq ) ,高牧師在規定的時間內所羅門群島。 [4 This theory, defended with ingenuity by Geiger, had been of late adopted by most writers, and even by Schurer. [ 4這個理論辯護,與巧思的蓋格爾,已晚通過的大多數作者,甚至Schurer 。 But not a few of the statements hazarded by Dr. Geiger seem to me to have no historical foundation, and the passages quoted in support either do not convey such meaning, or else are of no authority.]但是,並非少數報表hazarded蓋博士對我來說似乎沒有任何歷史基礎,並引述通道支持或者不傳達這樣的含義,或者是沒有權力。 ]

But the objections to this are insuperable.但反對這一是不可克服的。 Not to speak of the linguistic difficulty of deriving Tsadduqim (Zaddukim, Sadducees) from Tsadoq (Zadok), [5 So Dr. Low, as quoted in Dr. Ginsburg's article.] neither Josephus nor the Rabbis know anything of such a connection between Tsadoq and the Sadducees, of which, indeed, the rationale would be difficult to perceive.不說話的語言難以產生Tsadduqim ( Zaddukim ,撒都該人)由Tsadoq (扎多克) , [ 5所以低博士,作為博士引用金斯伯格的文章。 ]既不約瑟夫拉比也不知道這些東西之間的聯繫Tsadoq和撒都該人,其中確實,理由是難以察覺。 Besides, is it likely that a party would have gone back so many centuries for a name, which had no connection with their distinctive principles?此外,它可能是一方當事人將已經重新返回了這麼多世紀的一個名字,沒有任何有關其獨特的原則? The name of a party is, if self-chosen (which is rarely the case), derived from its founder or place of origin, or else from what it claims as distinctive principles or practices.該名稱的政黨,如果自主選擇(這是很少的情況下) ,來源於其創始人或原籍地,或者從它獨特的索賠原則或做法。

Opponents might either pervert such a name, or else give a designation, generally opprobrious, which would express their own relation to the party, or to some of its supposed peculiarities.反對者可能或者妨礙這樣一個名字,或者給指定,一般侮辱,這將表示自己與黨,或給它的一些假設的特點。 But on none of these principles can the origin of the name of Sadducees from Tsadoq be accounted for. Lastly, on the supposition mentioned, the Sadducees must have given the name to their party, since it cannot be imagined that the Pharisees would have connected their opponents with the honoured name of the High-Priest Tsadoq.但是,所有這些原則可以原產地的名稱撒都該人從Tsadoq進行核算。最後,關於假設提到,撒都該人必須有特定的名稱,他們的黨,因為它不能想像的法利賽人將其連接反對者的榮幸姓名的高級祭司Tsadoq 。

If it is highly improbable that the Sadducees, who, of course, professed to be the right interpreters of Scripture, would choose any party-name, thereby stamping themselves as sectaries, this derivation of their name is also contrary to historical analogy.如果是極不可能的撒都該人,誰,當然,聲稱是正確的翻譯聖經,將選擇任何一方名字,從而沖壓自己sectaries ,這個推導他們的名字也違反歷史類比。 For even the name Pharisees, 'Perushim,' 'separated ones,' was not taken by the party itself, but given to it by their opponents.甚至法利賽人的名稱, Perushim ' , '分開的,沒有採取的黨本身,而是考慮到它的對手。 [a Yad. [一個亞德瓦。 iv.四。 6 &c.] [1The argument as against the derivation of the term Sadducee would, of course, hold equally good, even if each party had assumed, not received from the other, its characteristic name.] 6 &角] [ 1The論點對派生的任期Sadducee當然,持有同樣良好,即使每一方都承擔,而不是從對方收到的,其特徵的名稱。 ]

From 1 Macc.從1排雷協委會。 ii.二。 42; vii. 42 ;七。 13; 2 Macc. 13日, 2排雷協委會。 xiv.十四。 6, it appears that originally they had taken the sacred name of Chasidim, or 'the pious.' 6 ,看來,原來它們已經採取的神聖名稱Chasidim ,或'的虔誠。 [b Ps.並[ b物質。 xxx. xxx域名。 4; xxxi. 4 ;三十一。 23; xxxvii. 28.] This, no doubt, on the ground that they were truly those who, according to the directions of Ezra, [c vi. 23 ;三十七。 28 。 ]毫無疑問,這在地面上,他們是誰真正的,根據以斯拉的方向, [中六。 21; ix. 21 ;九。 1; x. 1 ;十 11; Neh. 11 ;全國人文捐贈基金。 ix.九。 2.] had separated themselves (become nibhdalim) 'from the filthiness of the heathen' (all heathen defilement) by carrying out the traditional ordinances. 2 。 ]失散了自己(成為nibhdalim ) '從臟的異教徒' (所有異教徒的污辱)進行傳統的法令。 [2 Comp. [ 2比較。 generally, 'Sketches of Jewish Social Life,' pp.一般來說,素描猶太人社會生活, '頁。 230, 231.] In fact, Ezra marked the beginning of the 'later,' in contradistinction to the 'earlier,' or Scripture-Chasidim. 230 , 231 。 ]事實上,傅顯著的開始'後, '對比的'早'或聖經, Chasidim 。 [d Ber. [ d蘇貝等。 v. 1; comp.訴1 ;補償。 with Vayyikra R. 2, ed.與Vayyikra河2版。 Warsh.沃什。 t. iii.三。 p. 5 a.]第5字母a. ]

If we are correct in supposing that their opponents had called them Perushim, instead of the Scriptural designation of Nibhdalim, the inference is at hand, that, while the 'Pharisees' would arrogate to themselves the Scriptural name of Chasidim, or 'the pious,' their opponents would retort that they were satisfied to be Tsaddiqim, [3 Here it deserves special notice that the Old Testament term Chasid, which the Pharisees arrogated to themselves, is rendered in the Peshito by Zaddiq.如果我們是正確的假設,他們的對手曾要求他們Perushim ,而不是聖經指定Nibhdalim ,推理是一方面,認為,雖然'法利賽'將獨攬自己的聖經名字Chasidim ,或'的虔誠, '他們的對手將反駁說,他們感到滿意的Tsaddiqim , [ 3這裡值得特別注意舊約長期Chasid ,而法利僭取,呈現在Peshito的Zaddiq 。 Thus, as it were, the opponents of Pharisaism would play off the equivalent Tsaddiq against the Pharisaic arrogation of Chasid.] or 'righteous.'因此,它的對手Pharisaism將發揮了相當於Tsaddiq對Pharisaic越權的Chasid 。 ]或'正義。

Thus the name of Tsaddiqim would become that of the party opposing the Pharisees, that is, of the Sadducees.因此,名稱Tsaddiqim將成為這一黨反對法利賽人,也就是說,在撒都該人。 There is, indeed, an admitted linguistic difficulty in the change of the sound i into u (Tsaddiqim into Tsadduqim), but may it not have been that this was accomplished, not grammatically, but by popular witticism?的確,語言上的承認,難以改變的聲音字母i到鈾( Tsaddiqim到Tsadduqim ) ,但它可能沒有,這是完成的,而不是語法,而是由流行妙語? Such mode of giving a 'by-name' to a party or government is, at least, not irrational, nor is it uncommon. [1 Such by-names, by a play on a word, are not unfrequent. Thus, in Shem.這種模式使'的名字'一個政黨或政府,至少不是不合理的,也不是少見的。 [ 1這樣的地名,由打一個字,不是unfrequent 。因此,在閃。 R. 5 (ed. Warsh. p. 14 a, lines 7 and 8 from top), Pharaoh's charge that the Israelites were 'idle,' is, by a transposition of letters made to mean that they were.]河5 (編沃什。頁14行第7和第8的頂端) ,法老王的指控說,以色列人被'閒置'是由字母轉了意味著它們。 ]

Some wit might have suggested: Read not Tsaddiqim, the 'righteous,' but Tsadduqim (from Tsadu,), 'desolation,' 'destruction.'一些智慧可能建議:閱讀不Tsaddiqim的'正義' ,但Tsadduqim (從Tsadu , ) , '荒涼' , '破壞。 Whether or not this suggestion approve itself to critics, the derivation of Sadducees from Tsaddiqim is certainly that which offers most probability.不論是否批准這項建議本身的批評,得出撒都該人從Tsaddiqim當然是提供最概率。 [2 It seems strange, that so accurate a scholar as Schurer should have regarded the 'national party' as merely an offshoot from the Pharisees (Neutest. Zeitgesch. p. 431), and appealed in proof to a passage in Josephus (Ant. xviii. 1.6), which expressly calls the Nationalists a fourth party, by the side of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. [ 2看來奇怪,這麼準確的學者作為Schurer應該把'民族黨'只是一個分支從法利( Neutest. Zeitgesch 。第431頁) ,並呼籲在證明一段約瑟夫( Ant.十八。 1.6 ) ,其中明確要求國民黨第四黨,由一側的法利賽,撒都該人,以及愛色尼。 That in practice they would carry out the strict Judaism of the Pharisees, does not make them Pharisees.]這在實踐中他們將進行嚴格的猶太教的法利賽人,不使他們法利。 ]

. This uncertainty as to the origin of the name of a party leads almost naturally to the mention of another, which, indeed, could not be omitted in any description of those times. But while the Pharisees and Sadducees were parties within the Synagogue, the Essenes ( or, the latter always in Philo) were, although strict Jews, yet separatists, and, alike in doctrine, worship, and practice, outside the Jewish body ecclesiastic. Their numbers amounted to only about 4,000. 這種不確定性,以原產地的名稱,黨領導幾乎自然地提及另一項,這實際上,不能遺漏任何種類的時間。 但是,法利賽和撒都該人締約國內的猶太教堂,在愛色尼(或,後者總是在斐羅)是,雖然嚴格的猶太人,但分裂主義分子,並在理論一樣,崇拜,和實踐,境外機構的猶太人教會。他們的人數達4000只。 [a Philo, Quod omnis probus liber, 12, ed, Mang. [一種哲學,獄吏omnis普羅布斯書, 12版,茫。 ii. p.二。頁 457; Jos. Ant. 457 ;聖何塞螞蟻。 xviii.十八。 1.5.] 1.5 。 ]

They are not mentioned in the New Testament, and only very indirectly referred to in Rabbinic writings, perhaps without clear knowledge on the part of the Rabbis.他們中沒有提到新約,只有非常間接提到在拉比的著作,也許沒有明確的知識的一部分,拉比。 If the conclusion concerning them, which we shall by-and-by indicate, be correct, we can scarcely wonder at this.如果與他們有關的結論,我們應通過與所表明的,是正確的,我們可以在幾乎不知道這一點。 Indeed, their entire separation from all who did not belong to their sect, the terrible oaths by which they bound themselves to secrecy about their doctrines, and which would prevent any free religious discussion, as well as the character of what is know of their views, would account for the scanty notices about them.事實上,他們的整個分離所有誰不屬於他們的教派,可怕的誓言,它們約束自己對他們保密的理論,這將阻止任何宗教的自由討論,以及性質是什麼知道他們的意見將帳戶的微薄通知他們。 Josephus and Philo, [3 They are also mentioned by Pliny (Hist. Natur. v. 16).] who speak of them in the most sympathetic manner, had, no doubt, taken special pains to ascertain all that could be learned.約瑟夫和斐洛, [ 3他們還提到了普利尼( Hist.自然。訴16日) 。 ]誰說話的人在最同情的方式,已經毫無疑問,採取了特別的痛苦,以確定所有可能的教訓。

For this Josephus seems to have enjoyed special opportunities.為此約瑟夫似乎有著特殊的機會。 [4 This may be inferred from Josephus Life, c. 2.] Still, the secrecy of their doctrines renders us dependent on writers, of whom at least one (Josephus) lies open to the suspicion of colouring and exaggeration. [ 4這可能是由約瑟夫推斷生命,角2 。 ]儘管如此,保密他們的學說使我們依賴於作家,其中至少有一個(約瑟夫)在於開放的涉嫌染色和誇張。 But of one thing we may feel certain: neither John the Baptist, and his Baptism, nor the teaching of Christianity, had any connection with Essenism.但有一件事我們可能會覺得某些:既不施洗約翰,他的洗禮,也不是教學中的基督教,沒有任何聯繫Essenism 。 It were utterly unhistorical to infer such from a few points of contact, and these only of similarity, not identity, when the differences between them are so fundamental.這是完全unhistorical推斷,例如從幾個聯絡點,這些不僅是相似,而不是身份,當他們之間的分歧是如此根本性的。

That an Essene would have preached repentance and the Kingdom of God to multitudes, baptized the uninitiated, and given supreme testimony to One like Jesus, are assertions only less extravagant than this, that One Who mingled with society as Jesus did, and Whose teaching, alike in that respect, and in all its tendencies, was so utterly Non-, and even Anti-Essenic, had derived any part of His doctrine from Essenism.這是厄色尼將有悔改並鼓吹王國的眾多上帝,受洗的門外漢,並給予最高的一個證明,像耶穌,是斷言只有不足比奢侈一點,一個是誰夾雜著社會的耶穌沒有,其教學,同樣在這方面,並在其所有的傾向,這樣完全非,甚至反Essenic ,已產生的任何部分他的學說Essenism 。 Besides, when we remember the views of the Essenes on purification, and on Sabbath observance, and their denial of the Resurrection, we feel that, whatever points of resemblance critical ingenuity may emphasize, the teaching of Christianity was in a direction opposite from that of Essenism.此外,當我們記住的看法,愛色尼的純化,並遵守安息日,他們拒絕復活,我們認為,無論點的相似關鍵的聰明才智可能強調,教學中的基督教是在相反方向的Essenism 。 [1 This point is conclusively disposed of by Bishop Lightfoot in the third Dissertation appended to his Commentary on the Colossians (pp. 397-419). [ 1這一點是決定性處置主教萊特富特在第三論文附在他的評述歌羅西書(第397-419 ) 。

In general, the masterly discussion of the whole subject by Bishop Lightfoot, alike in the body of the Commentary and in the three Dissertations appended, may be said to form a new era in the treatment of the whole question, the points on which we would venture to express dissent being few and unimportant.一般來說,熟練的討論整個問題的主教萊特富特,都在機構的評注和三個附加論文,可以說,形成一個新的時代,治療的整個問題,點上,我們將合資公司表示,目前一些持不同政見和不重要。 The reader who wishes to see a statement of the supposed analogy between Essenism and the teaching of Christ will find it in Dr.誰的讀者希望看到的一份聲明中假定的類比Essenism和教學中的基督會發現它在博士 Ginsburg's Article 'Essenes,' in Smith and Wace's Dictionary of Christian Biography.金斯伯格的文章'愛色尼,在史密斯和Wace詞典基督教傳記。 The same line of argument has been followed by Frankel and Gartz.同樣的論點一直遵循的弗蘭克爾和Gartz 。 The reasons for the opposite view are set forth in the text.]的原因是相反的意見中提出的案文。 ]

We posses no data for the history of the origin and development (if such there was) of Essenism.我們擁有沒有任何資料的歷史起源和發展(如存在)的Essenism 。 We may admit a certain connection between Pharisaism and Essenism, though it has been greatly exaggerated by modern Jewish writers. Both directions originated from a desire after 'purity,' though there seems a fundamental difference between them, alike in the idea of what constituted purity, and in the means for attaining it.我們可能會承認某些Pharisaism之間的聯繫和Essenism ,但已經大大誇大了現代的猶太作家。 兩個方向來自願望後,純度,但似乎有一個根本區別,一樣的想法,什麼是純潔,並在為實現手段它。 To the Pharisee it was Levitical and legal purity, secured by the 'hedge' of ordinances which they drew around themselves. 為了法利賽人這是利未和法律上的純潔性,擔保的'對沖'的條例,他們吸引在自己周圍。 To the Essene it was absolute purity in separation from the 'material,' which in itself was defiling. 在厄色尼是絕對純度分離的物質,這本身就是褻瀆。

The Pharisee attained in this manner the distinctive merit of a saint; the Essene obtained a higher fellowship with the Divine, 'inward' purity, and not only freedom from the detracting, degrading influence of matter, but command over matter and nature.該法利賽人實現這種方式的獨特優點是聖人;的厄色尼獲得了較高的獎學金與神聖, '向內'純潔性,不僅免受損害,有辱人格的影響問題,但指揮權問題和性質。 As the result of this higher fellowship with the Divine, the adept possessed the power of prediction; as the result of his freedom from, and command over matter, the power of miraculous cures.由於這種較高的獎學金與神聖,在善於掌握權力的預測;由於他的自由,並指揮權問題上,神奇的力量治愈。 That their purifications, strictest Sabbath observance, and other practices, would form points of contact with Pharisaism, follows as a matter of course; and a little reflection will show, that such observances would naturally be adopted by the Essenes, since they were within the lines of Judaism, although separatists from its body ecclesiastic.他們purifications ,嚴格遵守安息日,和其他的做法,將組成的聯絡點與Pharisaism ,如下理所當然;和一個小反射都將顯示出來,這樣的紀念活動自然會通過的愛色尼,因為他們的按照猶太教,儘管分裂主義分子從身體牧師。

On the other hand, their fundamental tendency was quite other than that of Pharisaism, and strongly tinged with Eastern (Parsee) elements.另一方面,他們的基本趨勢是相當以外的其他Pharisaism ,並強烈帶有東區(帕西)的內容。 After this the inquiry as to the precise date of its origin, and whether Essenism was an offshoot from the original (ancient) Assideans or Chasidim, seems needless.在這個調查的確切日期的起源,以及是否Essenism是一個分支從原來的(古) Assideans或Chasidim ,似乎不必要。 Certain it is that we find its first mention about 150 BC, [a Jos. Ant.肯定的是,我們找到了第一次提到大約150年, [一個聖何塞螞蟻。 xiii.十三。 5. 9.] and that we meet the first Essence in the reign of Aristobulus I. [b 105-104 BC; Ant. 5 。 9 。 ]和滿足,我們的第一個本質的統治阿里斯托布魯斯一並[ b公元前105-104 ;螞蟻。 xiii.十三。 11. 11 。 2; War i. 2 ;戰爭島 3. 3 。 5.] 5 。 ]

Before stating our conclusions as to its relation to Judaism and the meaning of the name, we shall put together what information may be derived of the sect from the writings of Josephus, Philo, and Pliny.在說明我們的結論就其與猶太教和意義的名字,我們應把哪些信息可以衍生的第三節從約瑟夫著作,哲學,和普利尼。 [1 Compare Josephus, Ant. [ 1比較約瑟夫,螞蟻。 xiii. 5, 9; xv.十三。 5日, 9日;十五。 10. 10 。 4, 5; xviii. 4日, 5日;十八。 1. 1 。 5; Jewish War, ii. 5 ;猶太戰爭,二。 8, 2-13; Philo, Quod omnis probus liber, 12, 13 (ed. Mangey, ii. 457-459; ed. Par. and Frcf. pp. 876-879; ed. Richter, vol. v. pp. 285-288); Pliny, NH v. 16, 17. 8 , 2-13 ;斐羅,獄吏omnis普羅布斯書,第十二條,第十三條(編輯Mangey ,二。 457-459 ;版。桿。與Frcf 。頁。 876-879 ;版。裡,第二卷。訴頁。 285-288 ) ;普利尼,美國新罕布什爾訴16日, 17日。 For references in the Fathers see Bp.對於中提到父親見血壓。 Lightfoot on Colossians, pp.萊特富特對歌羅西書,頁。 83, 84 (note). Comp. 83 , 84 (注) 。構件。 the literature there and in Schurer (Neutest. Zeitgesch. p. 599), to which I would add Dr. Ginburg's Art. 'Essenes' in Smith's and Wace's Dict.有文獻和Schurer ( Neutest. Zeitgesch 。頁599 ) ,而我想補充博士Ginburg的藝術。愛色尼'在史密斯和Wace的辭典。 of Chr.人權委員會。 Biogr., vol. Biogr 。 ,第二卷。 ii.]二。 ]

Even its outward organisation and the mode of life must have made as deep, and, considering the habits and circumstances of the time, even deeper impression than does the strictest asceticism on the part of any modern monastic order, without the unnatural and repulsive characteristics of the latter.即使其對外機構和生活模式必須作出深刻,並考慮習慣和情況的時候,更深刻的印象比最嚴格的禁慾主義的一部分,任何現代寺院秩序,沒有不自然的和可憎的特點後者。 There were no vows of absolute silence, broken only by weird chant of prayer or 'memento mori;' no penances, nor self-chastisement.目前還沒有誓言絕對的沉默,打破只有奇怪的吟詠的祈禱或以資家蠶; '沒有penances ,也不自我責罰。 But the person who had entered the 'order' was as effectually separated from all outside as if he had lived in another world.但是,誰的人已經進入了'訂購'是為有效地分開,所有外來的,如果他生活在另一個世界。 Avoiding the large cities as the centres of immorality, [c Philo, ii.p. 457.] they chose for their settlements chiefly villages, one of their largest colonies being by the shore of the Dead Sea. [d Pliny, Hist.避免大城市為中心的不道德行為, [中斐羅, ii.p. 457 。 ]他們選擇他們的定居點主要村莊之一,其最大的殖民地正在岸邊的死海。 [ d普利尼,組織胺。 Nat.納特。 v. 16, 17.]訴16日, 17日。 ]

At the same time they had also 'houses' inmost, if not all the cities of Palestine, [e Philo, usp 632; Jos. Jewish War ii.與此同時,他們還'房屋'內心深處,如果不是所有的巴勒斯坦城市, [英斐羅,美國藥典632 ;聖何塞二戰猶太人。 8. 8 。 4.] notably in Jerusalem, [f Ant. 4 。 ]尤其是在耶路撒冷,用[ f螞蟻。 xiii.十三。 11.2; xv. 11.2 ;十五。 10. 10 。 5; xvii. 5 ;十七。 13.3.] where, indeed, one of the gates was named after them. 13.3 。 ]在那裡,事實上,一個大門是他們的名字命名。 [g War v. 4.2.] In these 'houses' they lived in common, [h Philo, usp 632.] under officials of their own. [克戰爭訴4.2 。 ]在這些'房屋' ,他們生活在共同的,內[ H斐羅,美國藥典632 。 ]根據官員的自身。 The affairs of 'the order' were administered by a tribunal of at least a hundred members.事務的'秩序'是管理的一個法庭至少100成員。 [i War ii. [我第二次世界大戰。 8.9.] They wore a common dress, engaged in common labor, united in common prayers, partook of common meals, and devoted themselves to works of charity, for which each had liberty to draw from the common treasury at his own discretion, except in the case of relatives. 8.9 。 ]他們穿著普通服裝,從事共同勞動,團結起來,共同祈禱, partook共同用餐,並投身慈善事業的作品,其中都有自由吸取共同金庫在他自己的自由裁量權,但在如親屬。 [a War ii. [戰爭二。 8. 6.] 8 。 6 。 ]

Everything was of the community.所有的一切都是社會。 It scarcely needs mention that they extended fullest hospitality to strangers belonging to the order; in fact, a special official was appointed for this purpose in every city.它幾乎需要提及他們延長充分招待陌生人屬於秩序;事實上,一個特別正式被任命為此目的於每個城市。 [b us sections 4.] Everything was of the simplest character, and intended to purify the soul by the greatest possible avoidance, not only of what was sinful, but of what was material.並[ b我們第4 。 ]所有的一切都是最簡單的特點,並打算淨化靈魂的最大可能避免,不僅是什麼罪過,但什麼是材料。 Rising at dawn, no profane word was spoken till they had offered their prayers.崛起在黎明時分,沒有世俗的講詞直到他們提供了他們的祈禱。 These were addressed towards, if not to, the rising son, probably, as they would have explained it, as the emblem of the Divine Light, but implying invocation, if not adoration, of the sun.這些都是朝著解決,如果不,兒子的上升,很可能,因為他們已解釋過,因為標誌的神聖輕,但暗示調用,如果不是崇拜,太陽。

[1 The distinction is Schurer's, although he is disposed to minimise this point. [ 1的區別是Schurer的,但他的處理,以減低了這一點。 More on this in the sequel.] After that they were dismissed by their officers to common work.更多關於這方面的續集。 ]後,他們被駁回他們的人員共同工作。 The morning meal was preceded by a lustration, or bath.早上吃飯之前,淨化,或洗澡。 Then they put on their 'festive' linen garments, and entered, purified, the common hall as their Sanctuary.然後,他們把他們的'熱鬧'的亞麻服裝,並進入,純化,共同大廳作為避難所。 For each meal was sacrificial, in fact, the only sacrifices which they acknowledged.對於每個餐是犧牲,事實上,只有犧牲他們承認。 The 'baker,' who was really their priest, and naturally so, since he prepared the sacrifice, set before each bread, and the cook a mess of vegetables.的'麵包, '誰是真正的牧師,自然如此,因為他準備犧牲,設置在每個麵包,廚師混亂的蔬菜。 The meal began with prayer by the presiding priest, for those who presided at these 'sacrifices' were also 'priests,' although in neither case probably of Aaronic descent, but consecrated by themselves.膳食開始祈禱的主持牧師,對於那些誰主持這些'犧牲'還'神父,但在既沒有可能的情況下Aaronic後裔,但神聖的本身。 [c Jos. War ii 8.5; Ant. [中聖何塞二戰8.5 ;螞蟻。 xviii.十八。 1. 1 。 5.] 5 。 ]

The sacrificial meal was again concluded by prayer, when they put off their sacred dress, and returned to their labour.吃飯的犧牲品再次祈禱結束時,他們提出了自己的神聖衣服,並返回他們的勞動。 The evening meal was of exactly the same description, and partaken of with the same rites as that of the morning.晚上吃飯是完全相同的說明,並partaken的同一儀式的,在今天上午。

Although the Essenes, who, with the exception of a small party among them, repudiated marriage, adopted children to train them in the principles of their sect, [2 Schurer regards these children as forming the first of the four 'classes' or 'grades' into which the Essenes were arranged. But this is contrary to the express statement of Philo, that only adults were admitted into the order, and hence only such could have formed a 'grade' or 'class' of the community. (Comp. ed. Mangey, ii. p. 632, from Eusebius' Praepar. Evang. lib. viii. cap. 8.) I have adopted the view of Bishop Lightfoot on the subject.雖然愛色尼,誰,除了一個小黨其中,否定婚姻,收養兒童的訓練他們的原則,其節, [ 2 Schurer認為,這些孩子第一次形成的四個班'或'職'到了愛色尼安排了。但是,這違背了明確的聲明斐羅,只有成年人被接納進入秩序,因此,只有這樣可以形成一個'品位'或'類'的社會。 ( Comp.版。 Mangey ,二。山口632名,來自優西比烏' Praepar 。 Evang 。解放。八。帽。 8 。 )我認為通過主教娜萊這個問題。 Even the marrying order of the Essenes, however, only admitted of wedlock under great restrictions, and as a necessary evil (War, us sections 13).即使是為了結婚的愛色尼,但只承認婚外受到極大的限制,作為一個必要的罪惡(戰爭,我們的第13 ) 。

Bishop Lightfoot suggests, that these were not Essenes in the strict sense, but only 'like the third order of a Benedictine or Franciscan brotherhood.] yet admission to the order was only granted to adults, and after a novitiate which lasted three years.主教萊特富建議,這些都是不愛色尼嚴格意義上的,但只有'想第三次命令或濟篤友愛。 ]尚未加入該命令只授予成人,見習後,歷時三年。 On entering, the novice received the three symbols of purity: an axe, or rather a spade, with which to dig a pit, a foot deep, to cover up the excrements; an apron, to bind round the loins in bathing; and a white dress, which was always worn, the festive garment at meals being of linen.進入,新手收到了三個符號的純度:斧頭,或者一把鏟子,來挖一個坑,一英尺深,掩蓋糞;圍裙,結合一輪的腰在洗澡;和白色的禮服,這是始終破舊,節日服裝正在吃飯時亞麻。 At the end of the first year the novice was admitted to the lustrations.在第一年年底新手被接納為lustrations 。 He had now entered on the second grade, in which he remained for another year.他目前已進入第二級,他仍然是一年。

After its lapse, he was advanced to the third grade, but still continued a novice, until, at the close of the third year of his probation, he was admitted to the fourth grade, that of full member, when, for the first time, he was admitted to the sacrifice of the common meals.其失效後,他被提前到三年級,但仍繼續新手,直到結束時的第三個年頭,他緩刑,他被接納為四年級的正式成員,當第一次,他被接納為犧牲的共同吃飯。 The mere touch of one of a lower grade in the order defiled the Essene, and necessitated the lustration of a bath.僅僅觸摸的一個低年級的順序玷污了厄色尼,並有必要的淨化了洗澡。 Before admission to full membership, a terrible oath was taken.在接納正式成員,一個可怕的是採取宣誓。 As, among other things, it bound to the most absolute secrecy, we can scarcely suppose that its form, as given by Josephus, [a War ii.正如,除其他外,它必將是最絕對保密的,我們可以假設幾乎沒有,其形式,賦予約瑟夫, [戰爭二。 8.7.] contains much beyond what was generally allowed to transpire. 8.7 。 ]包含遠遠超過一般是不允許洩漏。 Thus the long list given by the Jewish historian of moral obligations which the Essenes undertook, is probably only a rhetorical enlargement of some simple formula.因此,一長串給予的猶太歷史學家道義上的義務而愛色尼進行,可能只是一個修辭擴大一些簡單的公式。

More credit attaches to the alleged undertaking of avoidance of all vanity, falsehood, dishonesty, and unlawful gains.更多的信貸十分重視開展所稱撤銷所有虛榮,虛偽,不誠實,和非法收益。 The last parts of the oath alone indicate the peculiar vows of the sect, that is, so far as they could be learned by the outside world, probably chiefly through the practice of the Essenes.最後部分的誓言表明,僅特有的誓言節,這是迄今為止因為他們可以學到的外部世界,可能主要是通過實踐,愛色尼。 They bound each member not to conceal anything from his own sect, nor, even on peril of death, to disclose their doctrines to others; to hand down their doctrines exactly as they had received them; to abstain from robbery; [1 Can this possibly have any connection in the mind of Josephus with the later Nationalist movement?他們每個成員的約束不隱瞞任何東西從自己的節,也沒有,甚至死亡的危險,披露其理論對他人的;交出了他們的學說正是因為他們收到了他們;避免搶劫; [ 1難道這可能有任何關聯的心態與約瑟夫後來民族主義運動? This would agree with his insistence on their respect for those in authority.這將同意他的堅持尊重人的權威。 Otherwise the emphasis laid on abstinence from robbery seems strange in such a sect.] and to guard the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the Angels.否則,將重點放在禁慾搶劫似乎有些奇怪在這樣一個節。 ]看守的書籍屬於他們的節,其姓名的天使。

It is evident that, while all else was intended as safeguards of a rigorous sect of purists, and with the view of strictly keeping it a secret order, the last-mentioned particulars furnish significant indications of their peculiar doctrines.很明顯,而所有其他的用意是保障了嚴格的節的純化,並認為嚴格維持一個秘密命令,最後提到的詳情,提供重要的跡象表明,其獨特的理論。 Some of these may be regarded as only exaggerations of Judaism, though not of the Pharisaic kind. [2 I venture to think that even Bishop Lightfoot lays too much stress on the affinity to Pharisaism.其中的一些可能被視為唯一的猶太教誇張,但不是Pharisaic實物。 [ 2我冒昧地認為,即使主教娜萊規定過於強調親和力Pharisaism 。 I can discover few, if any, traces of Pharisaism in the distinctive sense of the term.我可以發現一些,如果有的話,痕跡Pharisaism中的獨特意義的。 Even their frequent washings had a different object from those of the Pharisees.] Among them we reckon the extravagant reverence for the name of their legislator (presumably Moses), whom to blaspheme was a capital offence; their rigid abstinence from all prohibited food; and their exaggerated Sabbath-observance, when, not only no food was prepared, but not a vessel moved, nay, not even nature eased.即使經常清洗有不同的物體從那些法利賽。 ]其中我們估計奢侈崇敬的名稱及其立法(大概摩西) ,其中,褻瀆是一個資本罪;其剛性禁慾從所有被禁止的食品;和他們誇大了安息日遵守時,不僅沒有食物準備,但沒有船隻感動,不,甚至沒有自然緩解。

[3 For a similar reason, and in order 'not to affront the Divine rays of light', the light as symbol, if not outcome, of the Deity, they covered themselves, in such circumstances, with the mantle which was their ordinary dress in winter.] But this latter was connected with their fundamental idea of inherent impurity in the body, and, indeed, in all that is material. [ 3對於類似的原因,並以'不冒犯神聖希望之光' ,光的象徵,如果沒有成果,對神,它們涉及自己,在這種情況下,與地幔這是他們常禮服在冬季。 ]但是,這後者是與他們的基本想法固有的雜質在體內,事實上,在所有的材料。 Hence, also, their asceticism, their repudiation of marriage, and their frequent lustrations in clean water, not only before their sacrificial meals, but upon contact even with an Essene of a lower grade, and after attending to the calls of nature.因此,同時,他們禁慾主義,他們否定的婚姻,他們經常lustrations在乾淨的水,不僅犧牲前吃飯,但在接觸即使厄色尼的低等級,並在參加的呼籲性質。 Their undoubted denial of the resurrection of the body seems only the logical sequence from it.其不容置疑的拒絕復活的身體似乎只有合乎邏輯的順序從它。 If the soul was a substance of the subtlest ether, drawn by certain natural enticement into the body, which was its prison, a state of perfectness could not have consisted in the restoration of that which, being material, was in itself impure.如果靈魂是一種物質的subtlest乙醚,得出某些自然誘惑進入人體,這是監獄,一個國家的完善也不可能包括在恢復那些被材料,本身就是不純。

And, indeed, what we have called the exaggerated Judaism of the sect, its rigid abstinence from all forbidden food, and peculiar Sabbath-observance, may all have had the same object, that of tending towards an external purism, which the Divine legislator would have introduced, but the 'carnally-minded' could not receive.的確,我們稱之為誇大猶太教的教派,其嚴格的禁慾從所有被禁止的食物,以及獨特的安息日遵守,都可能有同樣的對象,即走向外部觸感,這神聖的立法者有介紹,但'肉體頭腦'不能接受。 Hence, also, the strict separation of the order, its grades, its rigorous discipline, as well as its abstinence from wine, meat, and all ointments, from every luxury, even from trades which would encourage this, or any vice.因此,也嚴格分離的秩序,其等級,其嚴格的紀律,以及它的禁慾酒,肉,和所有藥膏,從每一個奢侈品,甚至從行業這將鼓勵這一點,或任何一名副主席。 This aim after external purity explains many of their outward arrangements, such as that their labour was of the simplest kind, and the commonality of all property in the order; perhaps, also, what may seem more ethical ordinances, such as the repudiation of slavery, their refusal to take an oath, and even their scrupulous care of truth.這一目標後,外部純度解釋他們的許多外向型安排,如他們的勞動是最簡單的實物,並共同所有的財產的命令,也許,還可能似乎更道德條例,如休妻的奴役,他們拒絕宣誓,甚至他們一絲不苟地照顧真相。

The white garments, which they always wore, seem to have been but a symbol of that purity which they sought.白色服裝,因為他們總是穿著,似乎已經而是一個象徵的純潔,他們要求。 For this purpose they submitted, not only to strict asceticism, but to a discipline which gave the officials authority to expel all offenders, even though in so doing they virtually condemned them to death by starvation, since the most terrible oaths had bound all entrants into the order not to partake of any food other than that prepared by their 'priests.'為此,他們提出,不僅要嚴格的禁慾主義,而是一門學科,賦予了官員的權力驅逐所有的罪犯,即使在這樣做,他們幾乎譴責它們餓死的,因為最可怕的咒罵了約束所有進入在為了不參與任何食品以外的其他準備他們的'牧師。

In such a system there would, of course, be no place for either an Aaronic priesthood, or bloody sacrifices.在這樣一個制度,當然,是沒有地方要么是Aaronic鐸,或流血犧牲。 In fact, they repudiated both.事實上,他們都否認。 Without formally rejecting the Temple and its services, there was no room in their system for such ordinances.在沒有正式拒絕寺和它的服務,沒有任何餘地的制度,條例等。 They sent, indeed, thank offerings to the Temple, but what part had they in bloody sacrifices and an Aaronic ministry, which constituted the main business of the Temple? Their 'priests' were their bakers and presidents; their sacrifices those of fellowship, their sacred meals of purity. It is quite in accordance with this tendency when we learn from Philo that, in their diligent study of the Scriptures, they chiefly adopted the allegorical mode of interpretation. [a Ed.他們派出的確,感謝產品的廟,但哪一部分,他們在流血犧牲和Aaronic部,這構成了主要業務的廟?他們的'牧師'是他們的麵包師和總統;他們的犧牲是金,其吃飯的神聖純潔。相當按照這種趨勢,我們學習哲學,他們勤奮學習的聖經,他們主要是通過寓言模式的解釋。 [一個埃德。 Mang ii.莽二。 p. 458.] 458 。 ]

We can scarcely wonder that such Jews as Josephus and Philo, and such heathens as Pliny, were attracted by such an unworldly and lofty sect. 我們簡直不知道,這些猶太人約瑟夫和哲學,而這種異教徒的普利尼,吸引了這樣一個unworldly和崇高的節。 Here were about 4,000 men, who deliberately separated themselves, not only from all that made life pleasant, but from all around; who, after passing a long and strict novitiate, were content to live under the most rigid rule, obedient to their superiors; who gave up all their possessions, as well as the earnings of their daily toil in the fields, or of their simple trades; who held all things for the common benefit, entertained strangers, nursed their sick, and tended their aged as if their own parents, and were charitable to all men; who renounced all animal passions, eschewed anger, ate and drank in strictest moderation, accumulated neither wealth nor possessions, wore the simplest white dress till it was no longer fit for use; repudiated slavery, oaths, marriage; abstained from meat and wine, even from the common Eastern anointing with oil; used mystic lustrations, had mystic rites and mystic prayers, an esoteric literature and doctrines; whose every meal was a sacrifice, and every act one of self-denial; who, besides, were strictly truthful, honest, upright, virtuous, chaste, and charitable, in short, whose life meant, positively and negatively, a continual purification of the soul by mortification of the body. 這裡約有4000名男子,誰自己故意分開,不僅從所有,使生活愉快,但各地,誰,經過長期和嚴格的初學者,內容是生活在最嚴格的規則,服從上級;誰給了所有的財產,以及他們的收入每日的辛勞領域,或其簡單的交易,誰舉行的一切事物的共同利益,娛樂陌生人,培養了他們的病人和他們的年齡往往猶如自己的父母,是慈善事業的所有男女,誰放棄了所有動物的激情,避免憤怒,身高和體重,在嚴格溫和,既非財富的積累,也不物品,穿著簡單的白色禮服直到它已不再適合使用;譴責奴隸制,監誓員,婚姻;棄權票,肉和酒,甚至從東部anointing共同的石油;用神秘的lustrations了神秘的宗教儀式和神秘的祈禱,一個深奧的文學和理論;用餐的每一個犧牲,每一個行為之一的自我否定;誰再說,嚴格真實,誠實,正直,善良,純潔,和慈善,總之,他的生命的意思,積極和消極,不斷淨化靈魂的屈辱的身體。

To the astonished onlookers this mode of life was rendered even more sacred by doctrines, a literature, and magic power known only to the initiated. Their mysterious conditions made them cognisant of the names of Angels, by which we are, no doubt, to understand a theosophic knowledge, fellowship with the Angelic world, and the power of employing its ministry.向圍觀者驚訝這種模式的生活變得更加神聖的理論,文獻,並魔力只知道的開始。及其神秘的條件使他們認識到的名字天使,其中,我們毫無疑問,了解1 theosophic知識,研究與天使的世界,權力的運用其部。 Their constant purifications, and the study of their prophetic writings, gave them the power of prediction; [a Jos. War ii.他們不斷purifications ,研究他們的預言著作,給他們的權力預測; [一個聖何塞第二次世界大戰。 8, 12; comp. 8日, 12日;補償。 Ant.螞蟻。 xiii.十三。 11. 11 。 2; xv. 2 ;十五。 10. 10 。 5; xvii. 5 ;十七。 13.3.] the same mystic writings revealed the secret remedies of plants and stones for the healing of the body, [1 There can be no question that these Essene cures were magical, and their knowledge of remedies esoteric.] as well as what was needed for the cure of souls. 13.3 。 ]同神秘的著作揭示了秘密補救措施的植物和石頭的癒合的身體, [ 1毫無疑問,這些厄色尼治愈了神奇,他們的知識深奧的補救措施。 ]以及所需要的為治愈的靈魂。

It deserves special notice that this intercourse with Angels, this secret traditional literature, and its teaching concerning mysterious remedies in plants and stones, are not unfrequently referred to in that Apocalyptic literature known as the 'Pseudepigraphic Writings.' Confining ourselves to undoubtedly Jewish and pre-Christian documents, [2 Bishop Lightfoot refers to a part of the Sibylline books which seems of Christian authorship.] we know what development the doctrine of Angels received both in the Book of Enoch (alike in its earlier and in its later portion [b ch. xxxi.-ixxi.]) and in the Book of Jubilees, [3 Comp. 值得特別注意,這種交往與天使,這個秘密傳統文學,與教學有關的補救措施神秘植物和石頭,沒有unfrequently中提到的啟示文學被稱為' Pseudepigraphic寫作。圍自己無疑猶太人和預基督教的文件, [ 2主教萊特富特是指部分Sibylline書籍似乎基督教的作者。 ]我們知道什麼是發展的理論,收到天使在以諾書(都在其早期並在其以後的部分並[ b路。 xxxi. - ixxi 。 ] ) ,並在圖書Jubilees , [ 3比較。 Lucius, Essenismus, p. 109.路, Essenismus ,第109頁。 This brochure, the latest on the subject, (though interesting, adds little to our knowledge.]) and how the 'seers' received Angelic instruction and revelations.這本小冊子,最近就這個問題, (雖然有趣,幾乎增加了我們的知識。 ] ) ,以及如何'預言家'收到天使的指示和啟示。

The distinctively Rabbinic teaching on these subjects is fully set forth in another part of this work.拉比的獨特教學就這些問題是完全規定的另一部分,這方面的工作。 [1 See Appendix XIII. on the Angelology, Satanology, and Demonology of the Jews.] Here we would only specially notice that in the Book of Jubilees [a Ch. [ 1見附錄十三。對天使, Satanology ,和魔鬼的猶太人。 ]在這裡,我們只會專門發出通知,在圖書Jubilees [一架CH 。 x.] Angels are represented as teaching Noah all 'herbal remedies' for diseases, [b Comp.十]天使的代表作為教學諾亞所有的'草藥'的疾病,並[ b比較。 also the Sepher Noach in Jellinek's Beth.還Sepher Noach在耶利內克的貝絲。 haMidr. haMidr 。 part iii.第三部分。 pp.頁。 155, 156.] while in the later Pirqe de R. Eliezer [c c. 155 , 156 。 ]而在稍後Pirqe德河埃利澤[中角 48.] this instruction is said to have been given to Moses. 48 。 ]這一指示,據說是考慮到摩西。 These two points (relation to the Angels, and knowledge of the remedial power of plants, not to speak of visions and prophecies) seem to connect the secret writings of the Essenes with that 'outside' literature which in Rabbinic writings is known as Sepharim haChitsonim, 'outside writings.'這兩點(有關天使,和知識的補救權力的植物,而不是談論理想和預言)似乎連接的秘密著作的愛色尼與'外'文學在拉比的著作被稱為Sepharim haChitsonim '以外的著作。 [2 Only after writing the above I have noticed, that Jellinek arrives at the same conclusion as to the Essene character of the Book of Jubilees (Beth ha-Midr. iii. p. xxxiv., xxxv.), and of the Book of Enoch (us ii. p. xxx.).] The point is of greatest importance, as will presently appear. [ 2只有在上述書面我注意到,這耶林涅克到達了同樣的結論向厄色尼性質的書Jubilees (貝絲公頃, Midr 。三。山口三十四。 ,三十五。 )以及圖書伊諾克(我們二。第三十頁。 ) 。 ]這一點是最重要的,因為將目前出現。

It needs no demonstration, that a system which proceeded from a contempt of the body and of all that is material; in some manner identified the Divine manifestation with the Sun; denied the Resurrection, the Temple-priesthood, and sacrifices; preached abstinence from meats and from marriage; decreed such entire separation from all around that their very contact defiled, and that its adherents would have perished of hunger rather than join in the meals of the outside world; which, moreover, contained not a trace of Messianic elements indeed, had no room for them, could have had no internal connection with the origin of Christianity. Equally certain is it that, in respect of doctrine, life, and worship, it really stood outside Judaism, as represented by either Pharisees or Sadducees.它不需要示範,一個系統,從蔑視的身體和所有的材料;以某種方式確定了神聖的表現與太陽;否認復活,廟,司鐸,和犧牲;鼓吹禁慾肉類從婚姻;頒布整個分離等從全國各地,他們非常接觸玷污,其信徒將死去的飢餓,而不是一起吃飯的外部世界; ,此外,載有沒有痕跡彌賽亞內容的確,沒有他們的餘地,可能已沒有內在聯繫的起源與基督教。同樣肯定的是它,在尊重理論,人生觀和崇拜,它真的站在外面猶太教,所代表的不是法利或撒都該人。

The question whence the foreign elements were derived, which were its distinctive characteristics, has of late been so learnedly discussed, that only the conclusions arrived at require to be stated.何處的問題的外國勢力,推導出,這是其獨特的特點,最近被learnedly討論,只有得出的結論需要加以說明。 Of the two theories, of which the one traces Essenism to Neo-Pythagorean, [3 So Zeller, Philosophie d.這兩個理論,其中一個痕跡Essenism以新畢達哥拉斯, [ 3所以澤勒,哲學d. Griechen, ed. 1881, iii. Griechen ,編輯。 1881年,三。 pp.頁。 277-337.] the other to Persian sources, [4 So Bishop Lightfoot, in his masterly treatment of the whole subject in his Commentary on the Ep. 277-337 。 ]其他波斯語來源, [ 4所以主教萊特富特,他巧妙地處理整個問題在他的評述內啡肽。 to the Colossians.] the latter seems fully established, without, however, wholly denying at least the possibility of Neo-Pythagorean influences.到歌羅西書。 ]後者似乎完全確定,但不完全否定,至少有可能的新畢達哥拉斯的影響。 To the grounds which have been so conclusively urged in support of the Eastern origin of Essenism, [5 By Bishop Lightfoot, us pp.的理由已經如此地呼籲,以支持東歐來源Essenism , [ 5娜萊主教,我們頁。 382-396. 382-396 。

In general, I prefer on many points such as the connection between Essenism and Gnosticism &c., simply to refer readers to the classic work of Bishop Lightfoot.] in its distinctive features, may be added this, that Jewish Angelology, which played so great a part in the system, was derived from Chaldee and Persian sources, and perhaps also the curious notion, that the knowledge of medicaments, originally derived by Noah from the angels, came to the Egyptians chiefly through the magic books of the Chaldees.總體而言,我更喜歡對許多問題的看法,如Essenism之間的聯繫和諾斯替主義&角,僅提及讀者的經典工作的主教娜萊。 ]在其獨特的功能,可能會增加,這個猶太天使,發揮如此巨大參與該系統,來自Chaldee和波斯灣來源,或許也好奇的概念,即知識的藥品,原系由諾亞的天使,來到埃及人主要是通過神奇的書籍,查爾德斯。 [a Sepher Noach ap. [一個Sepher Noach邑。 Jellinek iii.耐克三。 p. 156.] [1 As regards any connection between the Essenes and the Therapeutai, Lucius has denied the existence of such a sect and the Philonic authorship of de V. cont. 156 。 ] [ 1至於任何之間的連接愛色尼和Therapeutai ,路一直否認存在這樣的節和Philonic著作權的五控制。 The latter we have sought to defend in the Art.後者我們都力求捍衛藝術。 Philo (Smith and Wace's Dict. of Chr. Biogr. iv.), and to show that the Therapeutes were not a 'sect' but an esoteric circle of Alexandrian Jews.]斐羅(史密斯和Wace的快譯通。人權委員會。 Biogr 。四。 ) ,並表明, Therapeutes不是一個'節' ,但一個深奧的圈子亞歷山大猶太人。 ]

It is only at the conclusion of these investigations that we are prepared to enter on the question of the origin and meaning of the name Essenes, important as this inquiry is, not only in itself, but in regard to the relation of the sect to orthodox Judaism. The eighteen or nineteen proposed explanations of a term, which must undoubtedly be of Hebrew etymology, all proceed on the idea of its derivation from something which implied praise of the sect, the two least objectionable explaining the name as equivalent either to 'the pious,' or else to 'the silent ones.' 只有在完成這些調查,我們準備進入的問題的起源和意義的名字愛色尼,重要的是這次調查,不僅在本身,而是方面的關係,以正統節猶太教。在18或19提議解釋的任期,必須無疑是希伯來文詞源,著手對所有的想法,其派生的東西這意味著讚揚節,兩個至少解釋反感的名稱或者相當於'的虔誠的, '或者'無聲的。

But against all such derivations there is the obvious objection, that the Pharisees, who had the moulding of the theological language, and who were in the habit of giving the hardest names to those who differed from them, would certainly not have bestowed a title implying encomium on a sect which, in principle and practices, stood so entirely outside, not only of their own views, but even of the Synagogue itself.但是,對所有這些衍生有明顯的反對,法利賽人,誰的造型的神學語言,以及誰在習慣讓最困難的姓名者誰不同於他們,肯定不會有恩賜的標題暗示encomium節上,在原則和做法,所以完全站在外面,不僅自己的看法,但即使在猶太教堂本身。

Again, if they had given a name of encomium to the sect, it is only reasonable to suppose that they would not have kept, in regard to their doctrines and practices, a silence which is only broken by dim and indirect allusions.同樣,如果他們提供了一個名稱encomium的節,這是唯一合理的假設,他們不會一直在考慮到它們的理論和做法,沉默是唯一打破了暗淡和間接的典故。 Yet, as we examine it, the origin and meaning of the name seem implied in their very position towards the Synagogue.然而,如我們研究它的起源和意義的名字似乎暗示他們的立場對猶太教堂。 They were the only real sect, strictly outsiders, and their name Essenes ('E, 'E ) seems the Greek equivalent for Chitsonim ( ), 'the outsiders.'他們是唯一真正的邪教,嚴格外人,和他們的名字愛色尼( '英, '戊)似乎相當於希臘的Chitsonim ( ) , '的外人。 Even the circumstance that the axe, or rather spade ( ), which every novice received, has for its Rabbinic equivalent the word Chatsina, is here not without significance.即使是情節的斧頭,或者鐵鍬( ) ,其中每一個新手收到了其拉比相當於Chatsina一詞,在這裡沒有意義。

Linguistically, the words Essenoi and Chitsonim are equivalents, as admittedly are the similar designations Chasidim ( ) and Asidaioi ('A ).語言,字Essenoi和Chitsonim是等同,作為公認的類似名稱Chasidim ( )和Asidaioi ( ' A )類。 For, in rendering Hebrew into Greek, the ch ( ) is 'often entirely omitted, or represented by a spiritus lenis in the beginning,' while 'in regard to the vowels no distinct rule is to be laid down.'因為,在渲染成希臘文希伯來文,一架CH ( )是'經常完全省略,或由一個斯皮裡圖斯lenis在一開始, '而'方面的元音沒有明顯的規則是要放下。 [b Deutsch, Remains, pp.並[ b德語,遺跡,頁。 359, 360.] Instances of a change of the Hebrew i into the Greek e are frequent, and of the Hebrew o into the Greek e not rare. 359 , 360 。 ]實例改變了希伯來字母i到希臘正在頻繁,希伯來ö到希臘é並不少見。 As one instance will suffice, we select a case in which exactly the same transmutation of the two vowel-sounds occurs, that of the Rabbinic Abhginos ( ) for the Greek ( ) Eugenes ('well-born').作為一個例子就足以,我們選擇一個案件中,完全相同的嬗變的兩個元音,聽起來發生的,即拉比Abhginos ( )希( ) Eugenes ( '以及出生) 。 [2 As other instances may be quoted such as Istagioth ( ) ( ) ( ), roof; Istuli ( ) ( ) ( ), a pillar; Dikhsumini ( ) ( ) ( ), cistern. [ 2作為其他情況下可能會援引如Istagioth ( ) ( ) ( ) ,屋頂; Istuli ( ) ( ) ( ) ,一大支柱; Dikhsumini ( ) ( ) ( ) ,蓄水池。

This derivation of the name Essenes, which strictly expresses the character and standing of the sect relatively to orthodox Judaism, and, indeed, is the Greek form of the Hebrew term for 'outsiders,' is also otherwise confirmed.這推導愛色尼的名字,這表示嚴格的性質和地位相對節正統的猶太教,而且確實是希形式的任期為希伯來文'外人'也另有證實。 It has already been said, that no direct statement concerning the Essenes occurs in Rabbinic writings.它已經說過,沒有直接聲明關於愛色尼發生在拉比的著作。 Nor need this surprise us, when we remember the general reluctance of the Rabbis to refer to their opponents, except in actual controversy; and, that, when traditionalism was reduced to writing, Essenism, as a Jewish sect, had ceased to exist. Some of its elements had passed into the Synagogue, influencing its general teaching (as in regard to Angelology, magic, &c.), and greatly contributing to that mystic direction which afterwards found expression in what is now known as the Kabbalah.這也需要使我們感到驚訝,當我們記住一般不願意拉比提及他們的對手,但在實際的爭論,以及,當傳統被減為書面形式, Essenism ,作為一個猶太節,已不復存在。一些其內容已通過的猶太教堂,影響其一般教學(如在關於天使,魔術,與角) ,並大大有助於這一神秘的方向,後來發現表達的是什麼現在的卡巴拉。

But the general movement had passed beyond the bounds of Judaism, and appeared in some forms of the Gnostic heresy.但是,一般運動已經過去了超越猶太教,並出現了某種形式的諾斯底異端。 But still there are Rabbinic references to the 'Chitsonim,' which seem to identify them with the sect of the Essenes.但是,仍然有拉比提到的' Chitsonim ,這似乎確定他們節的愛色尼。 Thus, in one passage [a Megill.因此,在一個通道[一個梅吉爾。 24 b, lines 4 and 5 from bottom.] certain practices of the Sadducees and of the Chitsonim are mentioned together, and it is difficult to see who could be meant by the latter if not the Essenes. Besides, the practices there referred to seem to contain covert allusions to those of the Essenes. 24架B線4條和第5的底部。 ]某些做法的撒都該人和Chitsonim一起提到,這是很難看出誰是指由後者如果不是愛色尼。此外,還有的做法似乎提到含有秘密暗示那些愛色尼。 Thus, the Mishnah begins by prohibiting the public reading of the Law by those who would not appear in a coloured, but only in a white dress.因此,米示拿一開始就禁止在公共讀法的人誰不出現在顏色,但只有在白色的衣服。

Again, the curious statement is made that the manner of the Chitsonim was to cover the phylacteries with gold, a statement unexplained in the Gemara, and inexplicable, unless we see in it an allusion to the Essene practice of facing the rising Sun in their morning prayers.同樣,好奇的聲明是該方式的Chitsonim是涵蓋phylacteries與黃金,原因不明的一份聲明中革馬拉,以及令人費解的,除非我們看到它指的是厄色尼實踐中所面臨的初升的太陽在早上祈禱。 [1 The practice of beginning prayers before, and ending them as the sun had just risen, seems to have passed from the Essenes to a party in the Synagogue itself, and is pointedly alluded to as a characteristic of the so-called Vethikin, Ber. [ 1的做法開始前祈禱,並結束他們的太陽剛剛上升,似乎已經過去了的愛色尼以黨的猶太教堂本身,是尖銳地提到作為一個特有的所謂Vethikin ,小蘗鹼。 9 b; 25 b; 26 a. 9日B組; 25日B組; 26個字母a. But another peculiarity about them, noticed in Rosh haSh. 32 b (the repetition of all the verses in the Pentateuch containing the record of God in the so-called Malkhiyoth, Zikhronoth, and Shophroth), shows that they were not Essenes, since such Rabbinic practices must have been alien to their system.]但另一對他們的特點,注意的猶太哈希。 32乙(重複所有的詩句在五載的記錄上帝在所謂的Malkhiyoth , Zikhronoth ,並Shophroth ) ,這表明他們不愛色尼,因為這種拉比的做法必須是外來的制度。 ]

Again, we know with what bitterness Rabbinism denounced the use of the externe writings (the Sepharim haChitsonim) to the extent of excluding from eternal life those who studied them.同樣,我們知道什麼痛苦Rabbinism譴責利用外在的著作( haChitsonim的Sepharim )的範圍內排除這些永恆的生命誰研究它們。 [b Sanh.並[ b Sanh 。 x 1.] But one of the best ascertained facts concerning the Essenes is that they possessed secret, 'outside,' holy writings of their own, which they guarded with special care. × 1 。 ]但是有最好的查明事實的愛色尼是,他們擁有的秘密, '外, '神聖的著作自己,他們守衛的特殊照顧。 And, although it is not maintained that the Sepharim haChitsonim were exclusively Essene writings, [2 In Sanh.而且,雖然它不是堅持認為, Sepharim haChitsonim完全厄色尼的著作, [ 2 Sanh 。 100 b they are explained as 'the writings of the Sadducees,' and by another Rabbi as 'the Book of Sirach' (Ecclus. in the Apocrypha). 100 b他們解釋為'著作的撒都該人,和另一拉比為'書Sirach ' ( Ecclus.在偽經) 。 Hamburger, as sometimes, makes assertions on this point which cannot be supported (Real-Worterb. ii. p. 70).漢堡,因為有時,使斷言在這一點上不能得到支持( Real-Worterb.二。第70頁) 。 Jer.哲。 Sanh. Sanh 。 28 a explains, 'Such as the books of Ben Sirach and of Ben La'nah', the latter apparently also an Apocryphal book, for which the Midr. 28解釋,如本書Sirach和本La'nah ' ,後者顯然也是一個未經證實書,其中Midr 。 Kohel. Kohel 。 (ed. warsh. iii. p. 106 b) has 'the book of Ben Tagla' 'La'nah' and 'Tagla' could scarcely be symbolic names. (編輯沃什。三。第106頁b )在'這本書的本Tagla ' ' La'nah '和' Tagla '幾乎是象徵性的名稱。

On the other hand, I cannot agree with Furst (Kanon d. AT p. 99), who identifies them with Apollonius of Tyana and Empedocles.另一方面,我不能同意弗斯特(加隆d.在第99頁) ,確定他們誰與阿波羅泰安那和恩培多克勒。 Dr. Neubauer suggests that Ben La'nah may be a corruption of Sibylline Oracles.] the latter must have been included among them.博士紐鮑爾表明,本La'nah可能是腐敗的Sibylline甲骨文。 ]後者必須已列入其中。 We have already seen reason for believing, that even the so-called Pseudepigraphic literature, notably such works as the Book of Jubilees, was strongly tainted with Essene views; if, indeed, in perhaps another than its present form, part of it was not actually Essene.我們已經看到的理由相信,即使所謂的Pseudepigraphic文學,尤其是這些作品的書Jubilees ,堅決污染厄色尼的意見,如果確實,在另一個或許比它目前的形式,一部分是不實際上厄色尼。 Lastly, we find what seems to us yet another covert allusion [a In Sanh.最後,我們找到什麼,在我們看來,又一個隱蔽的典故[ a在Sanh 。 x. 1.] to Essene practices, similar to that which has already been noticed. 1 。 ]向厄色尼的做法,類似於已經注意到了。 [b Meg.並[ b梅格。 24 b.] 24灣]

For, immediately after consigning to destruction all who denied that there was proof in the Pentateuch for the Resurrection (evidently the Sadducees), those who denied that the Law was from heaven (the Minim, or heretics, probably the Jewish Christians), and all 'Epicureans' [1 The 'Epicureans,' or 'freethinkers,' are explained to be such as speak contemptuously of the Scriptures, or of the Rabbis (Jer. Sanh. 27 d).因為,托運後立即銷毀所有誰否認有證據證明在摩西五的復活(顯然撒都該人) ,這些誰否認該法是從天上(的微量,或異教徒,這可能是猶太人基督徒) ,以及所有' Epicureans ' [ 1 ' Epicureans , '或'自由思想家'的解釋是,如講輕蔑的聖經,或拉比( Jer. Sanh 。 27 d )項。 In Sanh.在Sanh 。 38 ba distinction is made between 'stranger' (heathen) Epicureans, and Israelitish Epicureans. With the latter it is unwise to enter into argument.] (materialists), the same punishment is assigned to those 'who read externe writings' (Sepharim haChitsonim) and 'who whispered' (a magical formula) 'over a wound.' 38巴區分'陌生人' (侗) Epicureans ,並Israelitish Epicureans 。後者是不明智進入論點。 ] (唯物論) ,同樣的懲罰是分配給那些'誰外在讀的著作' ( Sepharim haChitsonim )和'誰小聲說' (一個神奇的公式) '了傷口。 [2 Both in the Jer. [ 2無論在哲。 and Bab.Talm.和Bab.Talm 。 it is conjoined with 'spitting,' which was a mode of healing, usual at the time.它是連體的,隨地吐痰, '這是一個模式的癒合,通常的時間。

The Talmud forbids the magical formula, only in connection with this 'spitting', and then for the curious reason that the Divine Name is not to be recorded while 'spitting.'該塔木德禁止神奇的公式,只有在這方面'隨地吐痰' ,然後為好奇的原因,神聖的名字是不被記錄,而'隨地吐痰。 But, while in the Bab.但是,儘管在巴布。 Talm. Talm 。 the prohibition bears against such 'spitting' before pronouncing the formula, in the Jer.禁止負有對這種'隨地吐痰'宣判前的公式,在哲。 Talm. Talm 。 it is after uttering it.] Both the Babylonian and the Jerusalem Talmud [c Sanh.這是後說出它。 ]無論是巴比倫和耶路撒冷猶太法典[中Sanh 。 101 a; Jer. Sanh. 101 ;哲。 Sanh 。 p. 28 b.] offer a strange explanation of this practice; perhaps, because they either did not, or else would not, understand the allusion. 28灣]提供了一個奇怪的解釋了這種做法;也許,因為他們要么沒有,要么不會,了解典故。 But to us it seems at least significant that as, in the first quoted instance, the mention of the Chitsonim is conjoined with a condemnation of the exclusive use of white garments in worship, which we know to have been an Essene peculiarity, so the condemnation of the use of Chitsonim writings with that of magical cures.但是,我們似乎至少重要的是,作為在第一引述例如,提到Chitsonim是連體的譴責獨家使用白色服裝的崇拜,而我們知道,已成為厄色尼的特殊性,所以譴責使用Chitsonim著作與神奇的治療方法。

[3 Bishop Lightfoot has shown that the Essene cures were magical (us pp. 91 &c. and p. 377).] At the same time, we are less bound to insist on these allusions as essential to our argument, since those, who have given another derivation than ours to the name Essenes, express themselves unable to find in ancient Jewish writings any trustworthy reference to the sect. [ 3主教娜萊表明,厄色尼神奇的治療方法是(我們頁。 91 &角和377頁) 。 ]與此同時,我們少的約束,堅持對這些典故是必不可少的我們的論點,因為這些,誰給予另一推導比我們的愛色尼的名字,表達自己無法找到的古代猶太著作任何可信的參考節。

On one point, at least, our inquiry into the three 'parties' can leave no doubt. 有一點,至少,我們調查的三個'各方可以離開毫無疑問的。 The Essenes could never have been drawn either to the person, or the preaching of John the Baptist. Similarly, the Sadducees would, after they knew its real character and goal, turn contemptuously from a movement which would awaken no sympathy in them, and could only become of interest when it threatened to endanger their class by awakening popular enthusiasm, and so rousing the suspicions of the Romans. 在愛色尼決不可能已經制定的任何人,或宣揚施洗約翰。同樣,撒都該人會後,他們知道其真正的性質和目標,又輕蔑地從一個運動這將喚醒任何同情他們,並可能只有成為利益受到威脅時,危及他們的階級的覺醒流行的熱情,因此引起的懷疑羅馬人。 To the Pharisees there were questions of dogmatic, ritual, and even national importance involved, which made the barest possibility of what John announced a question of supreme moment. 在法利賽人有問題的教義,儀式,甚至參與國家的重要性,使最基本的可能性約翰宣布什麼問題,最高的時刻。

And, although we judge that the report which the earliest Pharisaic hearers of John [a St. Matt.而且,雖然我們的法官,該報告其中最早的Pharisaic聽眾約翰[聖馬特。 iii.三。 7.] brought to Jerusalem, no doubt, detailed and accurate, and which led to the dispatch of the deputation, would entirely predispose them against the Baptist, yet it behooved them, as leaders of public opinion, to take such cognisance of it, as would not only finally determine their own relation to the movement, but enable them effectually to direct that of others also. 7 。 ]帶到耶路撒冷,毫無疑問,詳細和準確,並導致派遣派遣,將它們完全易患對浸信會,但他們behooved ,作為公眾輿論領導人,採取這種cognisance它,作為不僅將最終決定他們自己的有關行動,但使它們有效地指導他人也。

From: Book 3, Chapter 2, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah來自:圖書3 ,第2章, 生活和時代的耶穌救世主
by: Alfred Edersheim由:阿爾弗雷德愛德生

Author Edersheim refers to MANY reference sources in his works.作者愛德生提到許多參考資料在他的作品。 As a Bibliography resource, we have created a separate Edersheim References list. All of his bracketed references indicate the page numbers in the works referenced.作為一個書目資源,我們創建了一個單獨的愛德生參考清單。所有提到他的括號內顯示頁碼的作品中引用。


Pharisees法利

Jewish Viewpoint Information 猶太觀資料

Party representing the religious views, practises, and hopes of the kernel of the Jewish people in the time of the Second Temple and in opposition to the priestly Sadducees.黨的代表宗教的觀點,實踐,並希望的內核猶太人民在規定的時間內的第二聖殿,並反對祭司撒都該人。 They were accordingly scrupulous observers of the Law as interpreted by the Soferim, or Scribes, in accordance with tradition.他們嚴格觀察員相應的法律解釋的Soferim ,或文士,按照傳統。 No true estimate of the character of the Pharisees can be obtained from the New Testament writings, which take a polemical attitude toward them (see New Testament), nor from Josephus, who, writing for Roman readers and in view of the Messianic expectations of the Pharisees, represents the latter as a philosophical sect.沒有真正估計的性質法利可從新約全書著作,其中採取論戰態度(見新約) ,也不由約瑟夫,誰,寫作的讀者和羅馬鑑於彌賽亞的期望法利賽人,代表後者作為一個哲學節。 "Perisha" (the singular of "Perishaya") denotes "one who separates himself," or keeps away from persons or things impure, in order to attain the degree of holiness and righteousness required in those who would commune with God (comp., for "Perishut" and "Perisha," Tan., Wayeẓe, ed. Buber, p. 21; Abot iii. 13; Soṭah ix. 15; Midr. Teh. xv. 1; Num. R. x. 23; Targ. Gen. xlix. 26). “ Perisha ” (奇異的“ Perishaya ” )是指“一分開誰自己” ,或者保持距離的人或東西不純,為了實現程度的神聖和正義需要在這些社區將誰與上帝( comp. ,為“ Perishut ”和“ Perisha , ”譚。 , Wayeẓe ,編輯。布伯,第21頁; Abot三。 13 ; Soṭah九。 15 ; Midr 。的。十五。 1 ;數。河十23 ; Targ 。將軍xlix 。 26 ) 。

The Pharisees formed a league or brotherhood of their own ("ḥaburah"), admitting only those who, in the presence of three members, pledged themselves to the strict observance of Levitical purity, to the avoidance of closer association with the 'Am ha-Areẓ (the ignorant and careless boor), to the scrupulous payment of tithes and other imposts due to the priest, the Levite, and the poor, and to a conscientious regard for vows and for other people's property (Dem. ii. 3; Tosef., Dem. ii. 1).在法利賽人組成了一個聯盟或兄弟自己的( “ ḥaburah ” ) ,承認只有那些誰,在場的三名成員,承諾嚴格遵守利未純度,避免更密切的聯繫與'我公頃Areẓ (無知和不小心莽漢) ,認真支付的什一稅和其他imposts由於神父的利未人,窮人,並認真考慮誓言和其他人的知識產權( Dem.二。 3 ; Tosef 。 ,老撾。二。 1 ) 。 They called their members "ḥaberim" (brothers), while they passed under the name of "Perishaya," or "Perushim."他們要求其成員“ ḥaberim ” (兄弟) ,而他們通過“的名義Perishaya ”或“ Perushim 。 ” Though originally identical with the Ḥasidim, they reserved the title of "ḥasid" for former generations ("ḥasidim ha-rishonim"; see Essenes), retaining, however, the name "Perishut" (='Αμιξία = "separation," in contradistinction to 'Επιμιξία = "intermingling") as their watch word from the time of the Maccabean contest (see II Macc. xiv. 37; comp. verse 3).雖然與原來相同的Ḥasidim ,它們保留“稱號ḥasid ”前兩代( “ ḥasidim公頃, rishonim ” ,見愛色尼) ,保留,不過,名稱為“ Perishut ” ( = ' Αμιξία = “分離” ,對比以' Επιμιξία = “融合” )作為其看字的時候, Maccabean競賽(見二排雷協委會。十四。 37 ;補償。詩句3 ) 。 Yet, while the more rigorous ones withdrew from political life after the death of Judas Maccabeus, refused to recognize the Hasmonean high priests and kings as legitimate rulers of the Temple and of the state, and, as Essenes, formed a brotherhood of their own, the majority took a less antagonistic attitude toward the Maccabean dynasty, who, like Phinehas, their "father," had obtained their title by zeal for God (I Macc. ii. 54); and they finally succeeded in infusing their own views and principles into the political and religious life of the people.然而,儘管更嚴格的退出政治生活中去世後,猶大Maccabeus ,拒絕承認Hasmonean高牧師和國王的合法統治者寺和國家,並在愛色尼,形成了友愛自己,大多數少了敵對的態度Maccabean末年,誰一樣, Phinehas ,他們的“父親” ,獲得了其所有權的熱情上帝(一排雷協委會。二。 54 ) ; ,他們終於成功地注入自己的看法和原則納入國家的政治和宗教的人民的生活。

Principle of Democracy.民主原則。

It was, however, only after a long and protracted struggle with the Sadducees that they won their lasting triumph in the interpretation and execution of the Law.然而,只有經過長期和長期奮鬥的撒都該人,他們贏得持久的勝利在解釋和執行法律。 The Sadducees, jealously guarding the privileges and prerogatives established since the days of Solomon, when Zadok, their ancestor, officiated as priest, insisted upon the literal observance of the Law; the Pharisees, on the other hand, claimed prophetic or Mosaic authority for their interpretation (Ber. 48b; Shab. 14b; Yoma 80a; Yeb. 16a; Nazir 53a; Ḥul. 137b; et al.), at the same time asserting the principles of religious democracy and progress.該撒都該人,小心防範的特權和特權成立以來,天門,當扎多克,他們的祖先,執法作為牧師,堅持字面遵守法律;的法利賽,另一方面,聲稱預言或馬賽克的權力口譯( Ber. 48B條;沙巴。 14B條;山脈80a ; Yeb 。 16A條;納齊爾卡53A條;豪。 137b ;等) 。與此同時主張的原則,宗教民主和進步。 With reference to Ex.關於惠。 xix. 19 。 6, they maintained that "God gave all the people the heritage, the kingdom, the priesthood, and the holiness" (II Macc. ii. 17, Greek). 6 ,他們堅持認為, “上帝給所有的人的遺產,英國,牧師和神聖” (二排雷協委會。二。 17日,希臘) 。 As a matter of fact, the idea of the priestly sanctity of the whole people of Israel in many directions found its expression in the Mosaic law; as, for instance, when the precepts concerning unclean meat, intended originally for the priests only (Ezek. xliv. 31; comp. verse 14 and Judges xiii. 4), were extended to the whole people (Lev. xi.; Deut. xiv. 3-21); or when the prohibition of cutting the flesh in mourning for the dead was extended to all the people as "a holy nation" (Deut. xiv. 1-2; Lev. xix. 28; comp. Lev. xxi. 5); or when the Law itself was transferred from the sphere of the priesthood to every man in Israel (Ex. xix. 29-24; Deut. vi. 7, xi. 19; comp. xxxi. 9; Jer. ii. 8, xviii. 18).事實上,思想的神聖祭司整個以色列人民在許多方向找到了表達的鑲嵌法; ,例如,當有關的戒律不潔肉類,原本打算為神父只( Ezek.四十四。 31 ;補償。詩句14日和法官十三。 4 ) ,擴大到全體人民的(利未記十一。 ; Deut 。十四。 3-21 ) ;或禁止切割肉體在悼念死者是擴大到所有的人是“神聖的民族” (申命記十四。 1-2 ;列夫。十九。 28 ;補償。列夫。 21 。 5 ) ;或當法本身轉移到了領域的每一個司鐸男子在以色列(出十九。 29-24 ; Deut 。六。 7日,十一。 19 ;補償。三十一。 9 ;哲。二。 8 ,十八。 18 ) 。

The very institution of the synagogue for common worship and instruction was a Pharisaic declaration of the principle that the Torah is "the inheritance of the congregation of Jacob" (Deut. xxxiii. 3, Hebr.).非常機構的猶太教堂,共同崇拜和教學是一個Pharisaic宣言的原則,即聖經“是繼承的聚集雅各布” (申命記三十三。 3 , Hebr 。 ) 。 In establishing schools and synagogues everywhere and enjoining each father to see that his son was instructed in the Law (Yer. Ket. vii. 32c; Ḳid. 29a; Sifre, Deut. 46), the Pharisees made the Torah a power for the education of the Jewish people all over the world, a power whose influence, in fact, was felt even outside of the Jewish race (see R.Meïr in Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 13; Matt. xxiii. 15; comp. Gen. R. xxviii.; Jellinek, "BH" vi., p. xlvi.).在建立學校和猶太教堂,並責令各地各的父親看到兒子指示法( Yer.酮。七。氣溫;孩子。 29A條; Sifre , Deut 。 46人) ,在法利了聖經的權力為教育猶太人民在世界各地,電源的影響,事實上,甚至有人認為境外的猶太人種族(見R.梅爾的密碼, Aḥare獨, 13人;馬特。二十三。 15 ;補償。將軍河二十八。 ;耶利內克, “波黑”六。山口四十六。 ) 。 The same sanctity that the priests in the Temple claimed for their meals, at which they gathered with the recitation of benedictions (I Sam. ix. 13) and after ablutions (see Ablution), the Pharisees established for their meals, which were partaken of in holy assemblies after purifications and amidst benedictions (Geiger, "Urschrift," pp. 121-124).同樣神聖的祭司在神廟聲稱他們的吃飯,在他們收集與背誦benedictions (一山姆。九。 13 )和浴室後(見沐浴) ,在法利設立的膳食,其中的partaken在神聖的集會後,由於purifications和benedictions (格爾“ , Urschrift , ”頁。 121-124 ) 。 Especially were the Sabbath and holy days made the means of sanctification (see Ḳiddush), and, as at the sacrifices, wine was used in honor of the day.尤其是安息日和節日的手段取得的成聖(見Ḳiddush ) ,並在作出犧牲,葡萄酒被用來款待一天。 A true Pharisee observed the same degree of purity in his daily meals as did the priest in the Temple (Tosef., Dem. ii. 2; so did Abraham, according to BM 87a), wherefore it was necessary that he should avoid contact with the 'am ha-areẓ (Ḥag. ii. 7).一個真正的法利賽人觀察相同程度的純度在他的每日三餐一樣神父在寺( Tosef. ,老撾。二。 2 ;亞伯拉罕也顯示,骨髓87a條) ,何故有必要,他應該避免接觸在' 10:00公頃, areẓ ( Ḥag.二。 7 ) 。

From Temple practise were adopted the mode of slaughtering (Sifre, Deut. 75; Ḥul. 28a) and the rules concerning "ta'arubot" (the mingling of different kinds of food; comp. Hag. ii. 12; Zeb. viii.; Ḥul. viii. 1) and the "shi'urim" (the quantities constituting a prohibition of the Law; Yoma 80a).從寺通過了執業模式的屠宰( Sifre , Deut 。 75 ;豪。 28A款)和規則關於“ ta'arubot ” (即混合不同種類的食物;補償。哈格。二。 12 ;瑞伯。八。 ;豪。八。 1 )和“ shi'urim ” (數量構成了禁止法;山脈80a ) 。 Though derived from Deut.雖然來自Deut 。 vi.六。 7 (comp. Josephus, "Ant." iv. 8, § 3), the daily recital of the "Shema'," as well as the other parts of the divine service, is a Pharisaic institution, the Pharisees having established their ḥaburah, or league, in each city to conduct the service (Ber. iv. 7; comp. "Ant." xviii. 2, § 3; Geiger, "Urschrift," p. 379). 7 ( comp.約瑟夫, “螞蟻。 ”四。 8日,第3條) ,每天演奏的“射麻' ” ,以及其他地方的神服務,是一個Pharisaic機構,法利建立了他們的ḥaburah ,或聯盟,在每個城市進行服務( Ber.四。 7 ;補償。 “螞蟻。 ”十八。 2 ,第3條;格爾“ , Urschrift , ”第379條) 。 The tefillin, or Phylacteries, as a symbolical consecration of head and arm, appear to be a counterpart of the high priest's diadem and breastplate; so with the Mezuzah as a symbolical consecration of the home, though both were derived from Scripture (Deut. vi. 8-9, xi. 18-19; Sanh. x. [xi.] 3), the original talismanic character having been forgotten (comp. Ex. xii. 13; Isa. lvii. 8).該tefillin ,或Phylacteries ,作為一個象徵神聖的頭部和手臂,似乎是一種對應的高神父的王冠和腹甲;做的Mezuzah作為一個象徵神聖的家庭,但兩人都來自聖經(申命記六。 8-9 ,十一。 18-19 ; Sanh 。十[喜。 ] 3 ) ,原來的符性質有被遺忘( comp.惠。十二。 13 ;伊薩。第五十七。 8 ) 。

In the Temple Service.在寺廟服務。

In the Temple itself the Pharisees obtained a hold at an early date, when they introduced the regular daily prayers besides the sacrifice (Tamid v. 1) and the institution of the "Ma'amadot" (the representatives of the people during the sacrifices).在寺本身的法利賽獲得了持有早日當他們介紹了日常的祈禱除了犧牲( Tamid訴1 )和該機構的“ Ma'amadot ” (人民的代表在犧牲) 。 Moreover, they declared that the priests were but deputies of the people.此外,他們還宣布,神父,但代表人民。 On the great Day of Atonement the high priest was told by the elders that he was but a messenger of the Sanhedrin and must officiate, therefore, in conformity with their (the Pharisees') rulings (Yoma i. 5; comp. Josephus, "Ant." xviii. 1, § 4).論偉大的贖罪日大祭司告訴老人,他只是送信的公會,必須主持,因此,符合他們(法利' )的裁決(山脈島5 ;補償。約瑟夫“螞蟻。 “十八。 1 ,第4條) 。 While the Sadducean priesthood regarded the Temple as its domain and took it to be the privilege of the high priest to offer the daily burnt offering from his own treasury, the Pharisees demanded that it be furnished from the Temple treasury, which contained the contributions of the people (Sifra, Ẓaw, 17; Emor, 18).雖然Sadducean鐸認為,寺作為其域名,並認為這是特權大祭司提供每日燔從自己的國庫,在法利要求它提供從廟國庫,其中載有貢獻人(密碼,梭, 17人; Emor , 18 ) 。 Similarly, the Pharisees insisted that the meal-offering which accompanied the meat-offering should be brought to the altar, while the Sadducees claimed it for themselves (Meg. Ta'an. viii.).同樣,法利賽人堅持認為,吃飯,伴隨提供的肉類產品應當提請祭壇,而撒都該人聲稱它自己的( Meg. Ta'an 。八。 ) 。 Trivial as these differences appear, they are survivals of great issues.微不足道的,因為這些分歧看來,他們生存的重大問題。 Thus the high priests, who, as may be learned from the words of Simon the Just (Lev. R. xxi., close; comp. Ber. 7a; Yoma v. 1, 19b), claimed to see an apparition of the Shekinah when entering the Holy of Holies, kindled the incense in their censers outside and thus were enveloped in the cloud when entering, in order that God might appear in the cloud upon the mercy-seat (Lev. xvi. 2).因此,高神父,誰,可教訓的話就像西蒙(利未記河21 。 ,關閉;補償。蘇貝等。 7A條;山脈訴1 ,乙) ,聲稱看到一個幽靈的Shekinah進入聖地的至聖,點燃的香的香爐之外,從而被籠罩在入境時雲,為了上帝可能出現在雲後的擺佈座(利未記十六。 2 ) 。 The Pharisees, discountenancing such claims, insisted that the incense must be kindled by the high priest within the Holy of Holies (Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 3; Tosef., Yoma i. 8; Yoma 19b; Yer. Yoma i. 39a).在法利, discountenancing這種說法,堅持認為必須香火點燃的高神父在羅馬的至聖(密碼, Aḥare獨, 3 ; Tosef 。 ,山脈島8 ;山脈19B協助;層。山脈島39a ) 。

On the other hand, the Pharisees introduced rites in the Temple which originated in popular custom and were without foundation in the Law.另一方面,在法利介紹儀式在廟起源於流行的習俗,並沒有基礎的法律。 Such was the water-procession of the people, on the night of Sukkot, from the Pool of Siloam, ending with the libation of water in the morning and the final beating of the willow-trees upon the altar at the close of the feast.這是水遊行的人,晚上的住棚節,從西羅亞池,結束與水奠在上午的最後擊敗了楊柳樹的祭壇上的密切的盛宴。 The rite was a symbolic prayer for the year's rain (comp. Zach. xiv. 16-18; Isa. xiii. 3, xxx. 29; Tosef., Suk. iii. 18); and while the Ḥasidim took a prominent part in the outbursts of popular rejoicing to which it gave rise, the Sadducean priesthood was all the more averse to it (Suk. iv. 9-v. 4; 43b, 48b; Tosef., Suk. iii.).該儀式是一種象徵性的祈禱今年的雨( comp.扎克。十四。 16-18 ;伊薩。十三。 3 , xxx域名。 29 ; Tosef 。 ,錫。三。 18 ) ;和而Ḥasidim了突出參與在爆發流行的喜悅,它引起的Sadducean鐸更是厭惡它( Suk.四。 9速度。 4 ;第43條B , 48B條; Tosef 。 ,錫。三。 ) 。 In all these practises the Pharisees obtained the ascendency over the Sadducees, claiming to be in possession of the tradition of the fathers ("Ant." xiii. 10, § 6; 16, § 2; xviii. 1, §§ 3-4; Yoma 19b).在所有這些做法的法利賽獲得了優越的撒都該人,自稱是擁有傳統的父親( “螞蟻。 ”十三。 10日,第6條; 16條第2款;十八。 1 , § § 3-4 ;山脈乙) 。

A Party of Progress.一締約方的進展。

Yet the Pharisees represented also the principle of progress; they were less rigid in the execution of justice ("Ant." xiii. 10, § 6), and the day when the stern Sadducean code was abolished was made a festival (Meg. Ta'an. iv.).然而,法利賽派還的原則,進展情況;他們是那麼嚴格執行司法( “螞蟻。 ”十三。 10日,第6條) ,並有一天船尾Sadducean代碼被取消了節( Meg.打鼓'了。四。 ) 。 While the Sadducees in adhering to the letter of the law required "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth," the Pharisees, with the exception of Eliezer b.雖然撒都該人堅持的信法律要求“以眼還眼,並以牙還牙”的法利賽,除了埃利澤灣 Hyrcanus, the Shammaite, interpreted this maxim to mean due compensation with money (Mek., Mishpaṭim, 8; B. Ḳ. 84b; comp. Matt. v. 38). Hyrcanus的Shammaite ,解釋這一格言的意思適當補償資金( Mek. , Mishpaṭim , 8 ;灣K表。 84b ;補償。馬特。訴38 ) 。 The principle of retaliation, however, was applied consistently by the Sadducees in regard to false witnesses in cases involving capital punishment; but the Pharisees were less fair.這一原則的報復,但是,始終如一的撒都該人方面的虛假證人的案件中,涉及死刑;但法利不太公平。 The former referred the law "Thou shalt do unto him as he had intended unto his brother" (Deut. xix. 19, Hebr.) only to a case in which the one falsely accused had been actually executed; whereas the Pharisees desired the death penalty inflicted upon the false witness for the intention to secure the death of the accused by means of false testimony (Sifre, Deut. 190; Mark i. 6; Tosef., Sanh. vi. 6; against the absurd theory, in Mak. 5b, that in case the accused has been executed the false witness is exempt from the death penalty, see Geiger, lcp 140).前者指法律“你應該,勿施於他,因為他打算告訴他的兄弟” (申命記十九。 19 Hebr 。 )只對案件中的一個虛假的指控已經實際執行;而法利理想的死亡死刑強加的虛假證人的意圖,以確保被告人死亡的方式提供虛假證言( Sifre , Deut 。 190 ;馬克島6 ; Tosef 。 , Sanh 。六。 6 ;對荒謬的理論,在麥。 5B號,在案件的被告已被處決的虛假證人免於死刑,見革, LCP的140 ) 。 But in general the Pharisees surrounded the penal laws, especially the death penalty, with so many qualifications that they were rarely executed (see Sanh. iv. 1, vi. 1; Mak. i. 10; see Capital Punishment; Hatra'ah).但是,在一般的法利賽人包圍了刑事法律,特別是死刑,有這麼多的資格,他們很少被處決(見Sanh 。四。 1 ,六。 1 ;麥。島10 ;見死刑; Hatra'ah ) 。

The laws concerning virginity and the levirate (Deut. xxii. 17, xxv. 9) also were interpreted by the Pharisees in accordance with the dictates of decency and common sense, while the Sadducees adhered strictly to the letter (Sifre, Deut. 237, 291; Yeb. 106b; instead of "Eliezer b. Jacob" [as siding with the Sadducees] probably "Eliezer ben Hyrcanus" should be read).有關的法律處女和寡嫂(申命記22 。 17 , 25 。 9 )也被解釋的法利按照規定的禮儀和常識,同時嚴格遵守撒都該人的信( Sifre , Deut 。 237 291 ; Yeb 。 106b ;不是“埃利澤灣雅各布” [作為站在同撒都該人]可能“埃利澤本Hyrcanus ”應讀) 。 The difference concerning the right of inheritance by the daughter as against the son's daughter,which the Sadducees granted and the Pharisees denied (Yad. iv. 7; Meg. Ta'an. v.; Tosef., Yad. ii. 20; Yer. BB vii. 16a), seems to rest on differing practises among the various classes of people; the same is true with regard to the difference as to the master's responsibility for damage done by a slave or a beast (Yad. iv. 7; B. Ḳ. viii. 4; but see Geiger, lc pp. 143-144).不同的關於繼承權的女兒對兒子的女兒,這撒都該人授予和法利否認( Yad.四。 7 ;梅格。 Ta'an 。訴; Tosef 。 ,亞德瓦。二。 20層。白殭菌七。 16A條) ,似乎其餘的不同習俗不同類別的人;也是如此方面的差異,以主人的責任造成的損失由奴隸或野獸( Yad.四。 7 ;灣K表。八。 4 ;但看到格爾,液相色譜頁。 143-144 ) 。

Sabbaths and Festivals.安息日和節日。

Of decisive influence, however, were the great changes wrought by the Pharisees in the Sabbath and holy days, inasmuch as they succeeded in lending to these days a note of cheerfulness and domestic joy, while the Sadducees viewed them more or less as Temple festivals, and as imposing a tone of austerity upon the common people and the home.具有決定性的影響,然而,發生的巨大變化所造成的法利賽人在安息日和宗教節日,因為他們成功地貸款給這些天記下歡樂和家庭歡樂,而撒都該人認為這些或多或少的廟會,並實行緊縮基調的普通百姓和家庭。 To begin with the Day of Atonement, the Pharisees wrested the power of atoning for the sins of the people from the high priest (see Lev. xvi. 30) and transferred it to the day itself, so that atonement was effected even without sacrifice and priest, provided there was genuine repentance (Yoma viii. 9; Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 8).首先贖罪日,奪取了法利的力量彌補的罪過的人從大祭司(見列夫。十六。 30歲)和移交的那一天本身,因此,贖罪的影響即使沒有犧牲和牧師,只要有真正的懺悔(山脈八。 9 ;密碼, Aḥare獨, 8 ) 。 So, too, the New Moon of the seventh month was transformed by them from a day of trumpet-blowing into a New-Year's Day devoted to the grand ideas of divine government and judgment (see New-Year).同樣,新的月球7個月的轉化他們一天的小號吹成一個新元旦專門的宏偉構想神聖政府和判決(見新年) 。 On the eve of Passover the lessons of the Exodus story, recited over the wine and the maẓẓah, are given greater prominence than the paschal lamb (Pes. x.; See Haggadah [Shel Pesaḥ]).在逾越節前夕的教訓出埃及記的故事,朗誦了葡萄酒和maẓẓah ,給出了更加突出的比逾越節羔羊( Pes.十;見哈加達[謝Pesaḥ ] ) 。 The Biblical command enjoining a pilgrimage to the Temple in the festival season is fulfilled by going to greet the teacher and listen to his instruction on a festal day, as in former days people went to see the prophet (Suk. 27b, after II Kings iv. 23; Beẓah 15; Shab. 152a; Sifra to Lev. xxiii. 44).聖經命令責令朝聖寺的節日是履行去迎接老師和聽他的指示的節日當天,在人前幾天去見先知( Suk. 27B款後,二國王四。 23 ; Beẓah 15 ;沙巴。 152A條;密碼,以列夫。二十三。 44 ) 。

But the most significant change was that which the Feast of Weeks underwent in its transformation from a Feast of Firstlings into a Feast of the Giving of the Law (Mek., Yitro, Baḥodesh, 3; Ex. R. xxxi.; see Jubilees, Book of).但是,最顯著的變化是,該七七節在其接受改造的盛宴Firstlings成一個盛宴給予法( Mek. , Yitro , Baḥodesh , 3 ;惠。河三十一。見Jubilees ,書) 。 The Boethusians, as the heirs of the Sadducees, still retained a trace of the agricultural character of the feast in adhering to the letter of the law which places the offering of the 'omer (sheaf of the wave-offering) on the morrow after the Sabbath and the Shabu'ot feast on the morrow after the seventh Sabbath following (Lev. xxiii. 15-16); whereas the Pharisees, in order to connect the Shabu'ot feast with Passover and lend it an independent historical character, boldly interpreted the words "the morrow after Sabbath" as signifying "the day following the first Passover day," so that Shabu'ot always falls upon the close of the first week of Siwan (Meg. Ta'an. i.; Men. 65a, b; Shab. 88a).該Boethusians ,作為繼承人撒都該人,仍然保留微量的農業性質的節日堅持的信法,地方提供的'奧默(束的波提供)對明天之後安息日和Shabu'ot一頓後,明天第七屆安息日以下(利未記二十三。 15-16日) ;而法利賽,以連接與Shabu'ot節日逾越節和它提供一個獨立的歷史特點,大膽解釋改為“安息日後,明天”為標誌“的第二天逾越節的第一天” ,使Shabu'ot總是落在結束的第一週汐( Meg. Ta'an 。島;男子。 65a , B組;沙巴。 88a條) 。

Especially significant are the Pharisaic innovations in connection with the Sabbath.尤其重要的是Pharisaic創新方面的安息日。 One of them is the special duty imposed upon the mistress of the home to have the light kindled before Sabbath (Shab. ii. 7), whereas the Samaritans and Karaites, who were in many ways followers of Sadducean teachings, saw in the prohibition against kindling fire on Sabbath (Ex. xxxv. 3) a prohibition also against light in the home on Sabbath eve.其中之一是特殊的責任強加給女主人在家有鑑於前點燃安息日( Shab.二。 7 ) ,而撒瑪利亞會和卡拉派信徒,誰在許多方面的追隨者Sadducean教義,看到禁止點燃火的安息日(出三十五。 3 )禁止對輕也在家中的安息日前夕。 The Samaritans and Karaites likewise observed literally the prohibition against leaving one place on Sabbath (Ex. xvi. 29), while the Pharisees included the whole width of the Israelitish camp-that is, 2,000 ells, or a radius of one mile-in the term "place," and made allowance besides for carrying things (which is otherwise forbidden; see Jer. xvii. 21-24) and for extending the Sabbath limit by means of an artificial union of spheres of settlement (see 'Erub; Sabbath).撒瑪利亞會和卡拉派信徒同樣字面禁止離開一個地方的安息日(出十六。 29日) ,而法利包括整個寬度Israelitish營地,即2000年ells ,或一個半徑一英里,在任期“地點” ,並作了津貼除了執行外(這是其他禁止;見哲。十七。 21-24日)和延長安息日限制手段,人為工會的職權範圍內解決(見' Erub ;安息日) 。 Their object was to render the Sabbath "a delight" (Isa. lviii. 13), a day of social and spiritual joy and elevation rather than a day of gloom.其目的是使安息日“高興” (以賽亞書lviii 。 13 ) ,一天的社會和精神的喜悅和海拔,而不是一天的陰霾。 The old Ḥasidim, who probably lived together in large settlements, could easily treat these as one large house (see Geiger, "Jüd. Zeit." ii. 24-27).老Ḥasidim ,大概誰一起生活在大的定居點,可以很容易地處理這些作為一個大房子(見蓋格, “珠德。時代。 ”二。 24-27日) 。 Yet while they excluded the women from their festal gatherings, the Pharisees, their successors, transformed the Sabbath and festivals into seasons of domestic joy, bringing into increasing recognition the importance and dignity of woman as the builder and guardian of the home (comp. Niddah 38a, b; and Book of Jubilees, i. 8, with Ezra's injunction; B. Ḳ. 82a).然而,雖然他們排除了婦女的節日聚會,在法利賽人,他們的繼任者,改變了安息日和節日季節到國內喜悅,也使越來越認識到的重要性和尊嚴的女人的建設者和保衛家園( comp. Niddah 38A條, B組;和圖書Jubilees島8日,與以斯拉的禁令;灣K表。 82A條) 。

In regard to the laws of Levitical purity, which, in common with primitive custom, excluded woman periodically, and for weeks and months after child-birth, from the household (Lev. xii. 4-7, xv. 19-24), to which laws the ancient Ḥasidim adhered with austere rigor (Shab. 64b; Horowitz, "Uralte Toseftas," iv.-v.; "Pitḥe Niddah," pp. 54-56; Geiger, lc ii. 27-28), the Pharisees took the common-sense course of encouraging the wife, despite the letter of the Law, to take her usual place in the home and appear in her wonted dignity before her husband and children (Ket. 61a; Shab. 64b).關於法律的利未純度,在共同的原始習俗,婦女被排除,定期和幾個星期和幾個月後,生育,從家庭(利未記十二。 4-7日,十五。 19-24 ) ,這些古老的法律Ḥasidim與簡樸堅持嚴謹( Shab.個64位;霍洛維茨“ , Uralte Toseftas , ” iv.-v. “ ; Pitḥe Niddah , ”頁。 54-56 ;革,立法會二。 27-28日) ,在法利了常識性的課程,鼓勵妻子,儘管信法,把她平常在家裡和出現在她面前慣例的尊嚴她的丈夫和孩子( Ket. 61a ;沙巴。個64位) 。 So, too, it was with the Pharisaic leader Simeon b.因此,也有人與Pharisaic領導人西蒙灣 Shetaḥ, who, in the reign of Queen Salome Alexandra, introduced the marriage document (Ketubah) in order to protect the wife against the caprice of the husband; and while the Shammaites would not allow the wife to be divorced unless she gave cause for suspicion of adultery (Sifre, 269; Giṭ. ix. 10, 90b; comp. Matt. v. 32), the Hillelites, and especially Akiba, in being more lenient in matters of divorce, had in view the welfare and peace of the home, which should be based upon affection (see Friedmann, "Pseudo-Seder Eliyahu Zuṭa," xv. 3). Shetaḥ ,誰在統治莎樂美亞歷山德拉女王介紹了結婚文件( Ketubah )為了保護妻子對任性的丈夫,雖然Shammaites不會讓妻子要離婚,除非她令人懷疑通姦( Sifre , 269 ; Giṭ 。九。 10 ,第九十B ;補償。馬特。訴32 ) ,在Hillelites ,特別是秋葉忠利,在目前較為寬鬆的事項離婚,有鑑於福利與和平的家,應根據情(見弗里德曼, “偽Seder埃利亞胡茹塔, ”十五。 3 ) 。 Many measures were taken by the Pharisees to prevent arbitrary acts on the part of the husband (Giṭ. iv. 2-3 et al.).許多措施,所採取的法利賽,以防止任意行為是對丈夫( Giṭ.四。 2-3等。 ) 。 Possibly in order to accentuate the legal character of the divorce they insisted, against Sadducean custom, on inserting in the document the words "according to the law of Moses and of Israel" (Yad. iv. 8; but comp. Meg. Ta'an. vii.). It was on account of such consideration for the welfare of the home that they stood in high favor with the Jewish women ("Ant." xvii. 2, § 4).可能是為了加劇的法律性質離婚,他們堅持認為,對Sadducean習慣,對插入在文件中加上“根據摩西律法和以色列” ( Yad.四。 8 ;但補償。梅格。打鼓' 1 。七) 。 。這是考慮到這種考慮福利的家庭,他們站在高討好猶太婦女( “螞蟻。 ”十七。 2 ,第4條) 。 They discountenanced also the Sadducean custom of special purifications for the officiating priest (Parah iii. 7; Tosef., ii. 1), and laid more stress upon the purification of the Temple vessels and upon the holiness of the Scripture scrolls, which, according to them, transmitted their holiness to the hands which touched them so as to make them "defile" (ie, make "taboo") the things touched by them (Yad. iv. 6; Tosef., ii. 20; Tosef., Ḥag. iii. 35; see Geiger, "Urschrift," pp. 134-136).他們discountenanced還Sadducean定制特殊purifications的一位神父( Parah三。 7 ; Tosef 。 ,二。 1 ) ,並奠定更加注重對淨化寺船隻和對神聖的經文捲軸,而根據他們轉交了他們聖潔的手觸摸了他們,使他們“玷污” (即做“禁忌” )的事情感動的他們( Yad.四。 6 ; Tosef 。 ,二。 20 ; Tosef 。 ,女巫。三。 35 ;見格爾“ , Urschrift , ”頁。 134-136段) 。

Aristocracy of the Learned.貴族的教訓。

Most of these controversies, recorded from thetime previous to the destruction of the Temple, are but faint echoes of the greater issues between the Pharisaic and Sadducean parties, the latter representing the interests of the Temple, while the former were concerned that the spiritual life of the people should be centered in the Torah and the Synagogue.大多數這些爭議,記錄thetime前摧毀寺,是微弱的迴聲,但更大的問題之間的Pharisaic和Sadducean各方,後者代表的利益,廟,而前者關注的精神生活人民應集中在聖經和猶太教堂。 While the Sadducean priesthood prided itself upon its aristocracy of blood (Sanh. iv. 2; Mid. v. 4; Ket. 25a; Josephus, "Contra Ap." i., § 7), the Pharisees created an aristocracy of learning instead, declaring a bastard who is a student of the Law to be higher in rank than an ignorant high priest (Hor. 13a), and glorying in the fact that their most prominent leaders were descendants of proselytes (Yoma 71b; Sanh. 96b).雖然Sadducean鐸自居其貴族的血液( Sanh.四。 2 ;中。訴4 ;氯胺酮。 25A條;約瑟夫, “魂斗羅鴨” 。島,第7條) ,法利賽創造了一個貴族的學習,而非,宣布私生子誰是學生的法律更高軍銜比無知的大祭司( Hor. 13A條) ,並glorying的事實,其最突出的領導人後代proselytes (山脈71b ; Sanh 。 96b ) 。 For the decision of their Scribes, or "Soferim" (Josephus, σοπισταί; NT, γραμματεἴς), consisting originally of Aaronites, Levites, and common Israelites, they claimed the same authority as for the Biblical law, even in case of error (Sifre, Deut. 153-154); they endowed them with the power to abrogate the Law at times (see Abrogation of Laws), and they went so far as to say that he who transgressed their words deserved death (Ber. 4a).決定其文士,或“ Soferim ” (約瑟夫, σοπισταί ;新台幣, γραμματεἴς ) ,由最初的Aaronites ,利,共同以色列人,他們聲稱在同一權威的聖經的法律,即使是在案件的錯誤( Sifre , Deut 。 153-154 ) ;他們賦予他們的權力,廢除該法,有時(見廢除法律) ,他們竟然說,他誰transgressed他們的話值得死亡( Ber. 4a的) 。 By dint of this authority, claimed to be divine (RH 25a), they put the entire calendric system upon a new basis, independent of the priesthood. They took many burdens from the people by claiming for the sage, or scribe, the power of dissolving vows (Ḥag. i. 8; Tosef., i.). On the whole, however, they added new restrictions to the Biblical law in order to keep the people at a safe distance from forbidden ground; as they termed it, "they made a fence around the Law" (Ab. i. 1; Ab. RN i.-xi.), interpreting the words "Ye shall watch my watch" (Lev. xviii. 30, Hebr.) to mean "Ye shall place a guard around my guard" (Yeb. 21a).憑藉這種權力,自稱是神的(相對濕度25A條) ,他們把整個calendric系統一個新的基礎上,獨立的司鐸。他們採取了許多負擔的人,聲稱為聖人,或抄寫的力量解散誓言( Ḥag.島8 ; Tosef 。島) 。總的來說,然而,他們增加了新的限制聖經的法律,以便使人民在安全距離地面不得;因為它稱為“他們提出了圍欄法“ ( Ab.島1 ;抗體。護理人員i.-xi. ) ,解釋中的”葉應看我的手錶“ (利未記十八。 30 Hebr 。 )指”應曄一名看守發生在我看守“ ( Yeb. 21A條) 。 Thus they forbade the people to drink wine or eat with the heathen, in order to prevent associations which might lead either to intermarriage or to idolatry (Shab. 17b).因此,他們禁止人們飲用葡萄酒或吃的異教徒,為了防止協會可能導致要么通婚,或盲目崇拜( Shab. 17B條) 。 To the forbidden marriages of the Mosaic law relating to incest (Lev. xviii.-xx.) they added a number of others (Yeb. ii. 4).在禁止結婚的鑲嵌法中有關亂倫(利未記xviii. - XX條。 )他們增加了一些對他人( Yeb.二。 4 ) 。 After they had determined the kinds of work prohibited on the Sabbath they forbade the use of many things on the Sabbath on the ground that their use might lead to some prohibited labor (see Sabbath).當他們確定了不同的工作,禁止在安息日,他們禁止使用許多事情的安息日,理由是它們的使用可能會導致一些禁止勞動(見安息日) 。 It was here that the foundation was laid of that system of rabbinic law which piled statute upon statute until often the real purpose of the Law was lost sight of (see Nomism).這是這裡的基礎是制定該制度的拉比法律法規堆放時往往直到章程的真正目的法忽略(見Nomism ) 。 But such restrictions are not confined to ritual laws.但是,這種限制不僅限於禮儀法律。 Also in regard to moral laws there are such additional prohibitions, as, for instance, the prohibition against what is called "the dust of slanderous speech" (Yer. Peah i. 16a) or "the dust of usury" (BM 61b), or against unfair dealings, such as gambling, or keeping animals that feed on property of the neighbors (Tosef., B. Ḳ. vii. 8; Tosef., Sanh. v. 2, 5; Sanh. 25b, 26b).另外,在道德方面的法律有這種額外的禁令,因為,例如,禁止所謂的“灰塵的誹謗性言論” ( Yer. Peah島16A條)或“的塵埃高利貸” (骨髓61b ) ,或對不公平的交易,如賭博,或維持動物飼料對財產的鄰居( Tosef.灣K表。七。 8 ; Tosef 。 , Sanh 。訴2日, 5日; Sanh 。 25B條, 26B條) 。

Doctrines of the Pharisees.理論法利。

The aim and object of the Law, according to Pharisaic principles, are the training of man to a full realization of his responsibility to God and to the consecration of life by the performance of its manifold duties: the one is called "'ol malkut shamayim" (the yoke of God's Kingship) and the other "'ol hamiẓwot" (the yoke of His commandments).其目的和對象的法律,根據Pharisaic原則,是訓練的人一個充分實現自己的責任和對上帝的奉獻生命的履行其多方面的職責:一個是所謂的“醇malkut shamayim “ (枷鎖上帝的王權)和其他”醇hamiẓwot “ (的枷鎖他的誡命) 。 Every morning and evening the Jew takes both upon himself when reciting the "Shema'" (Ber. ii. 2).每天早晨和傍晚的猶太人都需要根據自己時背誦的“射麻” ( Ber.二。 2 ) 。 "The Torah preaches: Take upon yourselves the yoke of God's Kingdom; let the fear of God be your judge and arbiter, and deal with one another according to the dictates of love" (Sifre, Deut. 323). “聖經宣揚的:以對自己的枷鎖上帝的王國,讓害怕上帝是你的法官和仲裁者,並處理與其他按照規定的愛” ( Sifre , Deut 。 323 ) 。 So says Josephus: "For the Jewish lawgiver all virtues are parts of religion" ("Contra Ap." ii., §§ 17, 19; comp. Philo, "De Opificio Mundi," §§ 52, 55).因此,約瑟夫說: “對於猶太人立法者所有的美德是部分宗教” ( “魂斗羅鴨。 ”二。 , § § 17日, 19日;補償。斐洛, “德Opificio曼迪, ” § § 52 , 55 ) 。 Cain and the generation of the Flood sinned in that they denied that there are a Judgment and a Judge and a future of retribution (Targ. Yer. to Gen. iv. 8; Gen. R. xxvi.).凱恩和一代的防洪罪,因為他們否認有判斷和一名法官和未來的報復( Targ.層。以將軍四。 8 ;將軍河26 。 ) 。 The acceptance of God's Kingship implies acceptance of His commandments also, both such as are dictated by reason and the human conscience and such as are special decrees of God as Ruler (Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 13).接受上帝的王權意味著接受他的命令也都如是出於理智和人類良知,如特殊法令上帝的作為標尺(密碼, Aḥare獨, 13 ) 。 It means a perfect heart that fears the very thought of sin (Sifra, Ḳedoshim, 2); the avoidance of sin from love of God (ib. 11); the fulfilment of His commandments without expectation of reward ('Ab. Zarah 19a); the avoidance of any impure thought or any act that may lead to sin (ib. 20b, with reference to Deut. xxiii. 10).這意味著一個完美的心臟擔心,非常發人深省的罪孽(密碼, Ḳedoshim , 2 ) ;避免罪孽從上帝的愛( ib. 11 ) ;履行他的命令沒有預期的回報( '抗體。 Zarah 19A條) ;避免任何不純的思想或採取任何可能導致罪惡( ib. 20B條,關於Deut 。二十三。 10 ) 。 The acceptance of God's Kingship implies also recognition of His just dealing with man, and a thankful attitude, even in misfortune (Sifre, Deut. 32, 53; Sifra, Shemini, 1; Mek., Yitro, 10; Ber. ix. 5, 60b).接受上帝的王權還意味著承認他的公正處理的人,和感謝的態度,即使在不幸( Sifre , Deut 。 32 , 53 ;密碼, Shemini , 1 ;機械。 , Yitro , 10 ;蘇貝等。九。五日, 60b ) 。 God's Kingship, first proclaimed by Abraham (Sifre, Deut. 313) and accepted by Israel (Mek., Yitro, Baḥodesh, 2-3), shall be universally recognized in the future.上帝的王權,首先宣布的亞伯拉罕( Sifre , Deut 。 313 )和接受以色列( Mek. , Yitro , Baḥodesh , 2-3 ) ,應在公認的未來。

The Future Life.未來的生活。

This is the Messianic hope of the Pharisees, voiced in all parts of the synagogal liturgy; but it meant also the cessation of the kingdom of the worldly powers identified with idolatry and injustice (Mek., 'Amalek).這是彌賽亞希望法利,表示在所有地區的synagogal禮儀;但它也意味著停止王國世俗權力查明偶像崇拜和不公正( Mek. ,亞瑪力) 。 In fact, for the ancient Ḥasidim, God's Kingship excluded that of any other ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 6).事實上,在古代Ḥasidim ,上帝的王權排除任何其他( “螞蟻。 ”十八。 1 ,第6條) 。 The Pharisees, who yielded to the temporary powers and enjoined the people to pray for the government (Abot iii. 2), waited nevertheless for the Kingdom of God, consoling themselves in the meantime with the spiritual freedom granted by the study of the Law (Abot vi. 2).在法利賽人,誰取得了暫時的權力和責成人民祈禱政府( Abot三。 2 ) ,然而等待王國的上帝,安慰自己,同時與自由的精神給予的研究法( Abot六。 2 ) 。 "He who takes upon himself the yoke of the Torah, the yoke of the worldly kingdom and of worldly care, will be removed from him" (Abot iii. 5). “誰需要根據自己的枷鎖的聖經,桎梏的世俗的王國和世俗的照顧,將取消他的” ( Abot三。 5 ) 。 Josephus ("BJ" ii. 8, § 14; "Ant." xiii. 5, § 9; xviii. 1, § 3) carefully avoids mentioning the most essential doctrine of the Pharisees, the Messianic hope, which the Sadducees did not share with them; while for the Essenes time and conditions were predicted in their apocalyptic writings.約瑟夫( “北京”二。 8日,第14條; “螞蟻。 ”十三。 5 ,第9 ;十八。 1 ,第3 )仔細避免提及最重要的理論法利的救世主的希望,而沒有撒都該人與他們分享,而為愛色尼時間和條件進行了預測世界末日在其著作。 Instead, Josephus merely says that "they ascribe everything to fate without depriving man of his freedom of action."相反,約瑟夫只是說: “他們一切歸咎於命運的人沒有剝奪他的行動自由。 ” This idea is expressed by Akiba: "Everything is foreseen [that is, predestined]; but at the same time freedom is given" (Abot iii. 15).這個想法是由秋葉忠利表示: “一切都預見[即注定] ;但同時給予自由” ( Abot三。 15 ) 。 Akiba, however, declares, "The world is judged by grace [not by blind fate nor by the Pauline law], and everything is determined by man's actions [not by blind acceptance of certain creeds]."秋葉忠利,但宣稱, “世界是判斷寬限期[而不是盲目的命運也由保法] ,一切取決於人的行動, [而不是盲目接受的某些信條] 。 ” Similar to Josephus' remark is the rabbinical saying, "All is decreed by God except fear of God" (Ber. 33b).類似的約瑟夫'的話是猶太教說, “所有的頒布除了恐懼上帝上帝” ( Ber. 33B條) 。 "Man may act either virtuously or viciously, and his rewards or punishmentsin the future shall be accordingly" ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 3). “人可能都合乎道德的行為或惡毒,他的獎勵或punishmentsin今後應相應地” ( “螞蟻。 ”十八。 1 ,第3條) 。 This corresponds with the "two ways of the Jewish teaching" (Ab. RN xxv.; see Didache).這符合“兩種方式的猶太教學” ( Ab.護士25 。見十二使徒遺訓) 。 But it was not the immortality of the soul which the Pharisees believed in, as Josephus puts it, but the resurrection of the body as expressed in the liturgy (see Resurrection), and this formed part of their Messianic hope (see Eschatology).但是,這並不是不朽的靈魂的法利認為,作為歷史學家所說的那樣,但復活的身體中所表達的禮儀(見復活) ,這種組成部分,希望他們的彌賽亞(見末世論) 。

In contradistinction to the Sadducees, who were satisfied with the political life committed to their own power as the ruling dynasty, the Pharisees represented the views and hopes of the people.在對比的撒都該人,誰是滿意的政治生活中致力於自己的權力作為執政的王朝,在法利賽派的看法和希望的人。 The same was the case with regard to the belief in angels and demons.同樣的情況就相信天使和惡魔。 As Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus indicate, the upper classes adhered for a long time to the Biblical view concerning the soul and the hereafter, caring little for the Angelology and Demonology of the Pharisees.正如傳道書和Ecclesiasticus表明,在上層階級堅持了很長一段時間的聖經觀點的靈魂和以下,照顧小的天使和魔鬼的法利賽人。 These used them, with the help of the Ma'aseh Bereshit and Ma'aseh Merkabah, not only to amplify the Biblical account, but to remove from the Bible anthropomorphisms and similarly obnoxious verbiage concerning the Deity by referring them to angelic and intermediary powers (for instance, Gen. i. 26), and thereby to gradually sublimate and spiritualize the conception of God.這些利用他們的幫助下,在Ma'aseh Bereshit和Ma'aseh Merkabah ,不僅擴大了聖經的帳戶,但以消除聖經anthropomorphisms同樣令人厭惡的陳詞濫調關於神提到他們天使和中介權力(例如,將軍島26 ) ,從而逐漸昇華和spiritualize概念的上帝。

Ethics.倫理。

The Pharisees are furthermore described by Josephus as extremely virtuous and sober, and as despising luxuries; and Ab.在法利賽是還描述了約瑟夫非常良性和清醒的,並作為蔑視的奢侈品;和抗體。 RN v. affirms that they led a life of privation.護士訴申明,他們率領一個生活的困苦。 The ethics of the Pharisees is based upon the principle "Be holy, as the Lord your God is holy" (Lev. xix. 2, Hebr.); that is, strive to imitate God (Sifra and Tan., Ḳedoshim, 1; Mek., Shirah, 3; Sifre, Deut. 49; comp. Matt. v. 48: "Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect").倫理的法利賽人是根據原則“是神聖的,因為你的上帝上帝是神聖的” (利未記十九。 2 , Hebr 。 ) ;是,努力模仿上帝(密碼和譚。 , Ḳedoshim , 1 ;機械。 , Shirah , 3 ; Sifre , Deut 。 49 ;補償。馬特。訴48 : “因此,你們要完善,即使你父親是在天堂是完美的” ) 。 So "Love thy neighbor as thyself" is declared by them to be the principal law (Shab. 30a; Ab. RN, text B, xxvi. [ed. Schechter, p. 53]; Sifra, Ḳedoshim, 4) and, in order to demonstrate its universality, to be based on the verse declaring man to be made in the image of God (Gen. v. 1).因此, “愛你的鄰居是你自己”是宣布他們的主要法( Shab. 30a ;抗體。護理人員,文字B , 26 。 [版。 Schechter已,第53頁] ;密碼, Ḳedoshim , 4 ) ,並在為了表明它的普遍性,應立足於詩名男子宣布將在形象的上帝(將軍訴1 ) 。 "As He makes the sun shine alike upon the good and the evil," so does He extend His fatherly love to all (Shir ha-Shirim Zuṭa, i.; Sifre, Num. 134, Deut. 31, 40). “隨著他讓陽光一樣的好,邪惡的” ,所以他沒有延長他的慈父般的愛的所有(什爾公頃, Shirim茹塔島; Sifre ,數量。 134 , Deut 。月31日, 40 ) 。 Heathenism is hated on account of the moral depravity to which it leads (Sifre, Num. 157), but the idolater who becomes an observer of the Law ranks with the high priest (Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 13).異教是考慮到恨的道德墮落而導致( Sifre ,數量。 157 ) ,但偶像崇拜者誰當選觀察員的法律隊伍與高神父(密碼, Aḥare獨, 13 ) 。 It is a slanderous misrepresentation of the Pharisees to state that they "divorced morality and religion," when everywhere virtue, probity, and benevolence are declared by them to be the essence of the Law (Mak. 23b-24a; Tosef., Peah, iv. 19; et al.; see Ethics).這是一種污衊歪曲法利指出,他們“離婚的道德和宗教, ”當世界各地的美德,正直,和仁宣布了他們的本質法( Mak. 23b - 24A條; Tosef 。 , Peah ,四。 19 ;等。見倫理) 。

The Charge of Hypocrisy.該負責人的偽善。

Nothing could have been more loathsome to the genuine Pharisee than Hypocrisy.沒有什麼比這更可惡的真正法利賽人比虛偽。 "Whatever good a man does he should do it for the glory of God" (Ab. ii. 13; Ber. 17a). “無論好的一個男人,他應該這樣做的榮耀上帝” ( Ab.二。 13 ;蘇貝等。 17A條) 。 Nicodemus is blamed for having given of his wealth to the poor in an ostentatious manner (Ket. 66b).尼科迪默斯是指責讓他的財富向窮人在一個豪華的方式( Ket. 66b ) 。 An evil action may be justified where the motive is a good one (Ber. 63a).一個邪惡的行動可能是合理的動機是好的( Ber. 63a ) 。 Still, the very air of sanctity surrounding the life of the Pharisees often led to abuses.然而,空氣中非常神聖周圍的生活法利往往導致濫用。 Alexander Jannæus warned his wife not against the Pharisees, his declared enemies, but against "the chameleon- or hyena- ["ẓebo'im"-] like hypocrites who act like Zimri and claim the reward of Phinehas:" (Soṭah 22b).亞歷山大Jannæus警告他的妻子不反對法利賽人,他宣布的敵人,而是針對“變色龍或鬣狗[ ” ẓebo'im “ -]像偽君子誰像Z imri並要求懸賞P hinehas: ” ( S oṭah2 2B款) 。 An ancient baraita enumerates seven classes of Pharisees, of which five consist of either eccentric fools or hypocrites: (1) "the shoulder Pharisee," who wears, as it were, his good actions.一個古老的baraita列舉了7個類別的法利賽人,其中五個組成要么偏心傻瓜或偽君子: ( 1 ) “法利賽人的肩膀, ”誰穿,因為它是,他良好的行動。 ostentatiously upon his shoulder; (2) "the wait-a-little Pharisee," who ever says, "Wait a little, until I have performed the good act awaiting me"; (3), "the bruised Pharisee," who in order to avoid looking at a woman runs against the wall so as to bruise himself and bleed; (4) "the pestle Pharisee," who walks with head down like the pestle in the mortar; (5) "the ever-reckoning Pharisee," who says, "Let me know what good I may do to counteract my neglect"; (6) "the God-fearing Pharisee," after the manner of Job; (7) "the God-loving Pharisee," after the manner of Abraham (Yer. Ber. ix. 14b; Soṭah 22b; Ab. RN, text A, xxxvii.; text B, xlv. [ed. Schechter, pp. 55, 62]; the explanations in both Talmuds vary greatly; see Chwolson, "Das Letzte-Passahmahl," p. 116).誇耀他肩上; ( 2 ) “等待一小法利賽人, ”誰以往任何時候都說, “等一等一點點,直到我的表現良好的等待我的行為” ; ( 3 ) , “法利賽人的擦傷, ”誰在為了避免看一個女人違背牆,以便他和挫傷出血; ( 4 ) “的杵法利賽人, ”誰與各界低著頭一樣杵在砂漿; ( 5 ) “不斷推算法利賽人, “誰說: ”讓我知道什麼好我可以這樣對付我的疏忽“ ; ( 6 ) ”的敬畏上帝法利賽人“ ,後擇業的方式; ( 7 ) ”上帝熱愛法利賽人“的方式後,亞伯拉罕( Yer.蘇貝等。九。 14B條; Soṭah 22B款;抗體。護理人員,文字,三十七。 ;文字乙,第四十五。 [版。 Schechter已,頁。 55 , 62 ] ;的解釋都Talmuds差別很大;見Chwolson , “達斯終極- Passahmahl ” ,第116頁) 。 R. Joshua b.河光灣 Hananiah, at the beginning of the second century, calls eccentric Pharisees "destroyers of the world" (Soṭah iii. 4); and the term "Pharisaic plagues" is frequently used by the leaders of the time (Yer. Soṭah iii. 19a). Hananiah ,開始時的第二個世紀,呼籲偏心法利“驅逐艦的世界” ( Soṭah三。 4 ) ;和術語“ Pharisaic瘟疫”是經常使用的領導人的時間( Yer. Soṭah三。 19A條) 。

It is such types of Pharisees that Jesus had in view when hurling his scathing words of condemnation against the Pharisees, whom he denounced as "hypocrites," calling them "offspring of vipers" ("hyenas"; see Ẓebu'im); "whited sepulchers which outwardly appear beautiful, but inwardly are full of dead men's bones"; "blind guides," "which strain out the gnat and swallow the camel" (Matt. vi. 2-5, 16; xii. 34; xv. 14; xxiii. 24, 27, Greek).正是這種類型的法利賽人,耶穌在查看時,扔他嚴厲譴責的話對法利賽人,他指責為“偽君子” ,稱他們為“後代毒蛇” ( “土狼” ,見Ẓebu'im ) ; “ whited sepulchers這外表看起來美麗,但內心充滿了死者的骨頭“ , ”盲人指南“ , ”這株的蚊蚋和吞嚥的駱駝“ (瑪特泰六。 2-5 , 16 ;十二。 34 ;十五。 14 ;二十三。 24日, 27日,希臘) 。 He himself tells his disciples to do as the Scribes and "Pharisees who sit on Moses' seat [see Almemar] bid them do"; but he blames them for not acting in the right spirit, for wearing large phylacteries and ẓiẓit, and for pretentiousness in many other things (ib. xxiii. 2-7).他本人告訴他的弟子做的文士和“法利賽誰坐在摩西席位[見Almemar ]收購他們這樣做” ,但他指責他們沒有採取行動的權利的精神,為身穿大phylacteries和ẓiẓit ,並pretentiousness在許多其他事情( ib.二十三。 2-7 ) 。 Exactly so are hypocrites censured in the Midrash (Pes. R. xxii. [ed. Friedmann, p. 111]); wearing tefillin and ẓiẓit, they harbor evil intentions in their breasts.正是這樣的偽君子,譴責在米德拉士( Pes.河22 。 [版。弗里德曼,第111頁] ) ;身穿tefillin和ẓiẓit ,他們不懷好意的意圖在其乳房。 Otherwise the Pharisees appear as friends of Jesus (Luke vii. 37, xiii. 31) and of the early Christians (Acts v. 38, xxiii. 9; "Ant." xx. 9, § 1).否則,法利賽人看來作為朋友的耶穌(路七。 37 ,十三。月31日)和早期的基督教徒(使徒行訴38歲,二十三。 9 ; “螞蟻。 ”第xx 。 9條第1款) 。

Only in regard to intercourse with the unclean and "unwashed" multitude, with the 'am ha-areẓ, the publican, and the sinner, did Jesus differ widely from the Pharisees (Mark ii. 16; Luke v. 30, vii. 39, xi. 38, xv. 2, xix. 7).只有在性交方面的不潔和“未經清洗”眾多,同' 10:00公頃areẓ的酒館,和罪人,但耶穌大不相同從法利(馬克二。 16 ;盧克訴30日,七。 39 ,喜。 38 ,十五。 2 , 19 。 7 ) 。 In regard to the main doctrine he fully agreed with them, as the old version (Mark xii. 28-34) still has it.關於主要學說,他完全同意他們,因為舊版本(馬克十二。 28-34 )仍然有它。 Owing, however, to the hostile attitude taken toward the Pharisaic schools by Pauline Christianity, especially in the time of the emperor Hadrian, "Pharisees" was inserted in the Gospels wherever the high priests and Sadducees or Herodians were originally mentioned as the persecutors of Jesus (see New Testament), and a false impression, which still prevails in Christian circles and among all Christian writers, was created concerning the Pharisees.然而,由於敵對的態度對待Pharisaic學校波利娜基督教,尤其是在當時的皇帝哈德良, “法利賽”是插入到哪裡福音的高神父和撒都該人或Herodians最初提到的迫害耶穌(見新約) ,和一個錯誤的印象,仍然盛行於基督教界和各基督教作家,已建立的法利賽。

History of the Pharisees.歷史法利。

It is difficult to state at what time the Pharisees, as a party, arose.這是困難的狀態什麼時候的法利賽,作為一個政黨,出現了。 Josephus first mentions them inconnection with Jonathan, the successor of Judas Maccabeus ("Ant." xiii. 5, § 9).約瑟夫首先提到他們不提供喬納森,繼承猶大Maccabeus ( “螞蟻。 ”十三。 5 ,第9條) 。 Under John Hyrcanus (135-105) they appear as a powerful party opposing the Sadducean proclivities of the king, who had formerly been a disciple of theirs, though the story as told by Josephus is unhistorical ("Ant." xiii. 10, § 5; comp. Jubilees, Book of, and Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs).根據約翰Hyrcanus ( 135-105 ) ,他們似乎成為一個強大的黨反對Sadducean proclivities國王,誰以前一直是他們的弟子,儘管故事告訴約瑟夫是unhistorical ( “螞蟻。 ”十三。 10 § 5 ;補償。 Jubilees ,圖書,以及約十二始祖) 。 The Hasmonean dynasty, with its worldly ambitions and aspirations, met with little support from the Pharisees, whose aim was the maintenance of a religious spirit in accordance with their interpretation of the Law (see Psalms of Solomon).該Hasmonean王朝,其世俗的雄心和願望,會見了小的支持,法利賽,其目的是維護宗教精神根據其對法律的解釋(見詩篇所羅門群島) 。 Under Alexander Jannæus (104-78) the conflict between the people, siding with the Pharisees, and the king became bitter and ended in cruel carnage ("Ant." xiii. 13, § 5; xiv. 1, § 2).根據亞歷山大Jannæus ( 104-78 )之間的衝突,人民,一邊與法利賽,國王成為痛苦和殘酷的結束屠殺( “螞蟻。 ”十三。 13日,第5條;十四。 1 ,第2條) 。 Under his widow, Salome Alexandra (78-69), the Pharisees, led by Simeon ben Shetaḥ, came to power; they obtained seats in the Sanhedrin, and that time was afterward regarded as the golden age, full of the blessing of heaven (Sifra, Beḥuḳḳotai, i.; Ta'an. 23a).根據他的遺孀,莎樂美亞歷山德拉( 78-69 )中,法利賽,由西蒙本Shetaḥ ,上台;他們獲得席位的公會,和當時被視為後的黃金時代,充滿祝福的天堂(密碼, Beḥuḳḳotai島; Ta'an 。 23A條) 。 But the bloody vengeance they took upon the Sadducees led to a terrible reaction, and under Aristobulus (69-63) the Sadducees regained their power ("Ant." xiii. 16, § 2-xiv. 1, § 2).但是,血腥的報復他們的撒都該人導致了可怕的反應,並根據亞里斯多布魯斯(第四節)的撒都該人恢復他們的權力( “螞蟻。 ”十三。 16條第2款,十四。 1 ,第2條) 。

Amidst the bitter struggle which ensued, the Pharisees appeared before Pompey asking him to interfere and restore the old priesthood while abolishing the royalty of the Hasmoneans altogether ("Ant." xiv. 3, § 2).煙雨艱苦鬥爭而隨後的法利賽出現在龐培要求他干預和恢復舊的神職人員,同時廢除使用費的哈斯摩年王朝完全( “螞蟻。 ”十四。 3條第2款) 。 The defilement of the Temple by Pompey was regarded by the Pharisees as a divine punishment of Sadducean misrule (Psalms of Solomon, i., ii., viii. 12-19).該污辱聖殿的龐培被視為由法利作為一個神聖的懲罰Sadducean暴政(詩篇所羅門島,二。 ,八。 12-19 ) 。 After the national independence had been lost, the Pharisees gained in influence while the star of the Sadducees waned.之後,民族獨立已經丟失,法利上漲的影響,而在明星的撒都該人減弱。 Herod found his chief opponents among the latter, and so he put the leaders of the Sanhedrin to death while endeavoring by a milder treatment to win the favor of the leaders of the Pharisees, who, though they refused to take the oath of allegiance, were otherwise friendly to him ("Ant." xiv. 9, § 4; xv. 1, § 1; 10, § 4; 11, §§ 5-6).希律王發現他的主要對手之間的後者,所以他提出的領導人公會死刑而努力的溫和治療贏得青睞的領導人法利,誰,但他們拒絕宣誓效忠,被否則對他的友好( “螞蟻。 ”十四。 9 § 4 ;十五。 1條第1款; 10日,第4 ; 11 , § § 5-6 ) 。 Only when he provoked their indignation by his heathen proclivities did the Pharisees become his enemies and fall victims (4 BC) to his bloodthirstiness ("Ant." xvii. 2, § 4; 6, §§ 2-4).只有當他挑起了他們的憤慨,他異教徒proclivities沒有法利成為他的敵人和犧牲品( 4年)他bloodthirstiness ( “螞蟻。 ”十七。 2 ,第4 ; 6 , § § 2-4 ) 。 But the family of Boethus, whom Herod had raised to the high-priesthood, revived the spirit of the Sadducees, and thenceforth the Pharisees again had them as antagonists; still, they no longer possessed their former power, as the people always sided with the Pharisees ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 4).但他的家人的Boethus ,其中提出了希律王的高鐸,恢復精神的撒都該人,以及此後的法利賽再次作為拮抗劑;仍在,他們不再擁有原來的權力,為人民始終站在法利( “螞蟻。 ”十八。 1 ,第4條) 。 In King Agrippa (41-44) the Pharisees had a supporter and friend, and with the destruction of the Temple the Sadducees disappeared altogether, leaving the regulation of all Jewish affairs in the hands of the Pharisees.在國王阿格里帕( 41-44 )的法利賽人有支持者和朋友,並與破壞的寺撒都該人完全消失,留下的規管所有猶太人事務手中的法利賽人。

Henceforth Jewish life was regulated by the teachings of the Pharisees; the whole history of Judaism was reconstructed from the Pharisaic point of view, and a new aspect was given to the Sanhedrin of the past.從今以後,猶太人的生活是受教義的法利賽人;整個歷史的猶太教重建從Pharisaic的角度來看,和一個新的方面是考慮到公會過去。 A new chain of tradition supplanted the older, priestly tradition (Abot i. 1).新型連鎖取代傳統的老祭司的傳統( Abot島1 ) 。 Pharisaism shaped the character of Judaism and the life and thought of the Jew for all the future. Pharisaism形的性質和猶太教的生活和思想的猶太人所有的未來。 True, it gave the Jewish religion a legalistic tendency and made "separatism" its chief characteristic; yet only thus were the pure monotheistic faith, the ethical ideal, and the intellectual and spiritual character of the Jew preserved in the midst of the downfall of the old world and the deluge of barbarism which swept over the medieval world.的確,它使猶太宗教一墨守成規的傾向和“分裂主義”其主要特點,但只有這樣的純一神教信仰,道德理想,以及智力和精神性質的猶太人保存處於衰落的舊的世界和大量的野蠻席捲了中世紀的世界。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
J. Elbogen, Die Religionsanschauung der Pharisäer, Berlin, 1904; Geiger, Urschrift, Breslau, 1857; idem.學者Elbogen ,模具Religionsanschauung之Pharisäer ,柏林, 1904年;革, Urschrift ,布雷斯勞, 1857年;同上。 Sadducäer und Pharisäer, in Jüd. Sadducäer與Pharisäer ,在珠德。 Zeit.特。 1863; Schürer, Gesch. 1863年; Schürer , Gesch 。 3d ed., ii.三維版。 ,二。 380-419 (where list of the whole literature is given); Wellhausen, Die Pharisäer und Sadducäer, Göttingen, 1874.K. 380-419 (如清單整個文學是) ;威爾,模具Pharisäer與Sadducäer ,哥廷根, 1874.K.


Sadducees撒都該人

Jewish Viewpoint Information 猶太觀資料

Name from High Priest Zadok.名稱從大祭司扎多克。

Name given to the party representing views and practises of the Law and interests of Temple and priesthood directly opposite to those of the Pharisees.名稱給黨的代表的意見和做法的法律和利益的寺和司鐸直接對面那些法利賽。 The singular form, "Ẓadduḳi" (Greek, Σαδδουκαῖος), is an adjective denoting "an adherent of the Bene Ẓadoḳ," the descendants of Zadok, the high priests who, tracing their pedigree back to Zadok, the chief of the priesthood in the days of David and Solomon (I Kings i. 34, ii. 35; I Chron. xxix. 22), formed the Temple hierarchy all through the time of the First and Second Temples down to the days of Ben Sira (II Chron. xxxi. 10; Ezek. xl. 46, xliv. 15, xlviii. 11; Ecclus. [Sirach] li. 12 [9], Hebr.), but who degenerated under the influence of Hellenism, especially during the rule of the Seleucidæ, when to be a follower of the priestly aristocracy was tantamount to being a worldly-minded Epicurean.奇異的形式, “ Ẓadduḳi ” (希臘語, Σαδδουκαῖος ) ,是一個形容詞,意指“一個附著的貝內扎多克”的後代扎多克,高神父誰,追查他們的譜系回扎多克,長鐸在天的大衛和所羅門(我國王島34 ,二。 35 ,我專欄。二十九。 22歲) ,形成了層次寺所有通過的時候,第一次和第二次下降到寺廟的日子本西拉(二專欄。三十一。 10 ; Ezek 。坐標。 46 ,四十四。 15日,四十八。 11 ; Ecclus 。 [ Sirach ]利。 12 [ 9 ] , Hebr 。 ) ,但誰退化的影響下,希臘,尤其是在法治的Seleucidæ ,當是一個追隨者的祭司貴族無異於一個世俗的想法伊壁鳩魯。 The name, probably coined by the Ḥasidim as opponents of the Hellenists, became in the course of time a party name applied to all the aristocratic circles connected with the high priests by marriage and other social relations, as only the highest patrician families intermarried with the priests officiating at the Temple in Jerusalem (Ḳid. iv. 5; Sanh. iv. 2; comp. Josephus, "BJ" ii. 8, § 14).的名稱,很可能創造的Ḥasidim作為對手的Hellenists ,成為過程中的一次黨的名稱適用於所有的貴族界與高神父因婚姻和其他社會關係,因為只有最高的貴族家庭通婚的神父一位在耶路撒冷的聖殿( Ḳid.四。 5 ; Sanh 。四。 2 ;補償。約瑟夫, “北京”二。 8日,第14條) 。

"Haughty men these priests are, saying which woman is fit to be married by us, since our father is high priest, our uncles princes and rulers, and we presiding officers at the Temple"-these words, put into the mouth of Nadab and Abihu (Tan., Aḥare Mot, ed. Buber, 7; Pesiḳ. 172b; Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxviii. 18), reflect exactly the opinion prevailing among the Pharisees concerning the Sadducean priesthood (comp. a similar remark about the "haughty" aristocracy of Jerusalem in Shab. 62b). “傲慢的男女這些神職人員說,該女子是合適的,我們結婚,因為我們的父親是大祭司,我們的叔叔王子和統治者,我們的主持人在聖殿教” ,這些話,放入口Nadab和亞比戶( Tan. , Aḥare獨,編輯。布伯, 7 ; Pesiḳ 。 172b ; Midr 。的。到PS 。 lxxviii 。 18 ) ,正好反映的意見中普遍存在的法利關於Sadducean鐸( comp.類似的話的“高傲的”貴族耶路撒冷的沙巴。 62b ) 。 The Sadducees, says Josephus, have none but the rich on their side ("Ant." xiii. 10, § 6).該撒都該人說,約瑟夫,卻沒有豐富的,但他們的一方( “螞蟻。 ”十三。 10日,第6條) 。 The party name was retained long after the Zadokite high priests had made way for the Hasmonean house and the very origin of the name had been forgotten.黨的名稱被保留很久之後Zadokite高神父提出了這樣的房子, Hasmonean非常原產地的名稱已被遺忘。 Nor is anything definite known about the political and religious views of the Sadducees except what is recorded by their opponents in the works of Josephus, in the Talmudic literature, and in the New Testament writings.也不知道什麼明確的政治和宗教觀點的撒都該人除非是記錄了他們的對手在約瑟夫的作品,在塔木德文學,並在新約聖經的著作。

Legendary Origin.傳奇的起源。

Josephus relates nothing concerning the origin of what he chooses to call the sect or philosophical school of the Sadducees; he knows only that the three "sects"-the Pharisees, Essenes, and Sadducees-dated back to "very ancient times" (ib. xviii. 1, § 2), which words, written from the point of view of King Herod's days, necessarily point to a time prior to John Hyrcanus (ib. xiii. 8, § 6) or the Maccabean war (ib. xiii. 5, § 9).約瑟夫涉及任何有關的原產地,他選擇打電話給節或哲學學校的撒都該人;他知道只有這三個“教派”的法利賽,愛色尼,並撒都該人,可以追溯到“非常古老的時代” ( ib.十八。 1 ,第2款) ,這也就是說,從書面的角度來看,希律王的日子,不一定指向一個時間之前,約翰Hyrcanus ( ib.十三。 8日,第6條)或Maccabean戰爭( ib.十三。 5 ,第9條) 。 Among the Rabbis the following legend circulated: Antigonus of Soko, successor of Simon the Just, the last of the "Men of the Great Synagogue," and consequently living at the time of the influx of Hellenistic ideas, taught the maxim, "Be not like servants who serve their master for the sake of wages [lit. "a morsel"], but be rather like those who serve without thought of receiving wages" (Ab. i. 3); whereupon two of his disciples, Zadok and Boethus, mistaking the high ethical purport of the maxim, arrived at the conclusion that there was no future retribution, saying, "What servant would work all day without obtaining his due reward in the evening?"在下面的拉比傳奇分發:安提哥的索罟,西蒙的繼任者的公正,最後的“男人的大猶太教堂” ,因此,生活在時間的湧入希臘的思想,學習的格言, “不要公務員誰像他們的主人為了工資[點燃。 “一口” ] ,但相當喜歡這些服務沒有誰想到領取工資“ ( Ab.島3 ) ;這時他的兩個弟子,扎多克和Boethus ,以為高道德旨趣的格言,得出的結論是沒有未來的報復,他說: “什麼僕人將每天的工作都沒有獲得適當獎勵他在晚上? ” Instantly they broke away from the Law and lived in great luxury, using many silver and gold vessels at their banquets; and they established schools which declared the enjoyment of this life to be the goal of man, at the same time pitying the Pharisees for their bitter privation in this world with no hope of another world to compensate them.他們立即脫離法律和生活在偉大的奢侈品,使用許多金,銀的船隻在其宴會;和他們建立的學校,宣布享受這種生活為目標的人,在同一時間的法利賽人憐憫的痛苦的匱乏在這個世界上就沒有希望另一個世界,以補償他們。 These two schools were called, after their founders, Sadducees and Boethusians (Ab. RN v.).上述兩所學校被稱為後,其創始人,撒都該人和Boethusians ( Ab.考試訴) 。

The unhistorical character of this legend is shown by the simple fact, learned from Josephus, that the Boethusians represent the family of high priests created by King Herod after his marriage to the daughter of Simon, the son of Boethus ("Ant." xv. 9, § 3; xix. 6, § 2; see Boethusians).該unhistorical性質,傳說是表明一個簡單的事實,約瑟夫的教訓,該Boethusians代表家庭的高神父創建的希律王結婚後,他的女兒,西蒙的兒子, Boethus ( “螞蟻。 ”十五。 9日,第3條; 19 。 6條第2款;見Boethusians ) 。 Obviously neither the character of the Sadducees nor that of the Boethusians was any longer known at the time the story was told in the rabbinical schools.顯然,無論是性質撒都該人,也不是由Boethusians不再是當時所知的故事被告知在猶太教學校。 Nor does the attempt to connect the name "Sadducees" with the term "ẓedeḳ" or " ẓedaḳah" (= "righteousness"; Epiphanius, "Panarium," i. 14; Derenbourg, "Histoire de la Palestine," p. 454) deserve any more consideration than the creation by Grätz ("Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 88, 697) and others, for the purpose of accounting for the name, of a heretic leader called Zadok.也沒有試圖連接的名稱是“撒都該人”與“一詞ẓedeḳ ”或“ ẓedaḳah ” ( = “正氣” ;埃皮法尼烏斯, “ Panarium , ”島14 ; Derenbourg , “史巴勒斯坦” ,第454頁)應該更多地考慮任何比創造的格拉茨( “ Gesch 。 ”三維版。 ,三。 88 , 697 )以及其他的目的核算的名稱,一個邪教領導人呼籲扎多克。 Geiger's ingenious explanation ("Urschrift," pp. 20 et seq.), as given above, indorsed by Well-hausen ("Die Pharisäer und die Sadducäer," p. 45), is very generally approved to-day (see Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., ii. 408); and it has received striking confirmation from the special blessing for "the Sons of Zadok whom God has chosen for the priesthood" in the Hebrew Ben Sira discovered by Schechter (see Schechter and Taylor, "Wisdom of Ben Sira," 1899, p.35).蓋格的巧妙解釋( “ Urschrift , ”頁。 20起。 )作為考慮上述情況,背書井豪森( “壓鑄模具Pharisäer與Sadducäer ” ,第45頁) ,是非常普遍認可的日常(見Schürer , “ Gesch 。 ”三維版。 ,二。 408 ) ,它已收到顯著的確認特別祝福“的兒子扎多克人選擇了上帝的神父”在希伯來文本西拉發現了謝克特(見謝克特和泰勒“智慧的本西拉” , 1899年,臨35 ) 。 In the New Testament the high priests and their party are identified with the Sadducees (Acts v. 17; comp. ib. xxiii. 6 with ib. xxii. 30, and John vii. 30, xi. 47, xviii. 3 with the Synoptic Gospels; see also "Ant." xx. 9, § 1). The views and principles of the Sadducees may be summarized as follows:在新約的高神父和他們的黨確定的撒都該人(使徒行訴17人;補償。興業。二十三。 6 123 。二十二。 30日,約翰七。 30日,十一。 47 , 18 。 3天氣福音;又見“螞蟻。 ”第xx 。 9條第1款) 。意見和原則的撒都該人可歸納如下:

(1) Representing the nobility, power, and wealth ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 4), they had centered their interests in political life, of which they were the chief rulers. ( 1 )代表貴族,權力,財富( “螞蟻。 ”十八。 1 ,第4 ) ,他們自己的利益為中心的政治生活,而他們的主要統治者。 Instead of sharing the 'Messianic hopes of the Pharisees, who committed the future into the hand of God, they took the people's destiny into their own hands, fighting or negotiating with the heathen nations just as they thought best, while having as their aim their own temporary welfare and worldly success.相反分享'救世主希望的法利賽,誰承諾今後將上帝之手,他們在人民的命運掌握在自己手中,戰鬥或談判與不信教的國家一樣,他們認為最好的,同時他們的目的是他們的自己的臨時福利和世俗的成功。 This is the meaning of what Josephus chooses to term their disbelief in fate and divine providence ("BJ" ii. 8, § 14; "Ant." xiii. 5 § 9).這是什麼意思約瑟夫選擇他們難以置信的任期中的命運和神聖的普羅維登斯( “北京”二。 8日,第14條; “螞蟻。 ”十三。五日第9條) 。

(2) As the logical consequence of the preceding view, they would not accept the Pharisaic doctrine of the resurrection (Sanh. 90b; Mark xii. 12; Ber. ix. 5, "Minim"), which was a national rather than an individual hope. ( 2 )作為合乎邏輯的結果前面的觀點,他們不會接受的Pharisaic學說復活( Sanh.第九十B ;馬克十二。 12 ;蘇貝等。九。 5 , “微量” ) ,這是一個國家,而不是個人的希望。 As to the immortality of the soul, they seem to have denied this as well (see Hippolytus, "Refutatio," ix. 29; "Ant." x. 11, § 7).至於不死的靈魂,他們似乎已經否認了這一說法,以及(見西波呂, “ Refutatio , ”九。 29 ; “螞蟻。 ”十, 11日,第7條) 。

(3) According to Josephus (ib. xiii. 10, § 6), they regarded only those observances as obligatory which are contained in the written word, and did not recognize those not written in the law of Moses and declared by the Pharisees to be derived from the traditions of the fathers. ( 3 )根據約瑟夫( ib.十三。 10日,第6條) ,他們認為只有那些作為強制性的紀念活動中載有該文字,並沒有認識到那些沒有寫在摩西律法,並宣布由法利來來自於傳統的父親。 Instead of accepting the authority of the teachers, they considered it a virtue to dispute it by arguments.相反,接受權威的教師,他們認為這是一種美德爭端它的論據。

(4) According to Acts xxiii. ( 4 )根據法律二十三。 8, they denied also the existence of angels and demons. 8日,他們還否認存在天使和惡魔。 This probably means that they did not believe in the Essene practise of incantation and conjuration in cases of disease, and were therefore not concerned with the Angelology and Demonology derived from Babylonia and Persia. Their Views and Principles.這可能意味著他們不相信在厄色尼實行的咒語和妖術的病例,因此不涉及天使和魔鬼來自巴比倫和波斯。他們的意見和原則。

(5) In regard to criminal jurisdiction they were so rigorous that the day on which their code was abolished by the Pharisaic Sanhedrin under Simeon b. ( 5 )關於刑事管轄權的,他們是如此嚴格的說,這一天他們的代碼被廢除的Pharisaic公會根據西梅翁灣 Shetaḥ's leadership, during the reign of Salome Alexandra, was celebrated as a festival (Meg. Ta'an. iv.; comp. Ket. 105a). Shetaḥ的領導下,在位期間,莎樂美亞歷山德拉,是慶祝節日( Meg. Ta'an 。四。 ;補償。氯胺酮。 105a ) 。 They insisted on the literal execution of the law of retaliation: "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth" (Ex. xxi. 24; Meg. Ta'an. iv.; B. Ḳ. 84a; comp. Matt. v. 38).他們堅持的字面執行法律的報復: “以眼還眼,以牙還牙” (出埃及記21 。 24 ;梅格。 Ta'an 。四。 ;灣K表。 84a ;補償。馬特。訴38 ) 。 On the other hand, they would not inflict the death penalty on false witnesses in a case where capital punishment had been wrongfully carried out, unless the accused had been executed solely in consequence of the testimony of such witnesses (Mak. i. 8; Tosef., Sanh. vi. 6, where "Bocthusians" stands for "Sadducees").另一方面,他們不會造成死刑的虛假證人的情況下,死刑已進行了錯誤,除非被告已被處決僅以後果的證詞,這些證人( Mak.島8 ; Tosef 。 , Sanh 。六。 6 ,在“ Bocthusians ”代表“撒都該人” ) 。

(6) They held the owner of a slave fully as responsible for the damage done by the latter as for that done by the owner's ox or ass; whereas the Pharisees discriminated between reasonable and unreasonable beings (Yad. iv. 7). ( 6 )他們的主人奴隸全面負責所造成的損害,後者作為該做的所有者的牛或驢,而歧視的法利之間合理的和不合理的人( Yad.四。 7 ) 。

(7) They also insisted, according to Meg. ( 7 )他們還堅持,根據梅格。 Ta'an. Ta'an 。 iv., upon a literal interpretation of Deut.四。 ,按照字面解釋Deut 。 xxii. 22 。 17 (comp. Sifre, Deut. 237; Ket. 46; see also the description of the custom still obtaining at weddings among the Jews of Salonica, in Braun-Wiesbaden's "Eine Türkische Reise," 1876, p. 235), while most of the Pharisaic teachers took the words figuratively. 17 ( comp. Sifre , Deut 。 237 ;氯胺酮。 46 ;也見的描述仍然取得自訂婚禮上的猶太人之間的薩洛尼卡,在布勞恩,威斯巴登的“突厥旅行電影” , 1876年,第235頁) ,而最Pharisaic的教師了比喻的話。 The same holds true in regard to Deut.也是如此方面Deut 。 xxv. 25 。 9: "Then shall his brother's wife . . . spit in his [her deceased husband's brother's] face," which the Pharisees explained as "before him" (Yeb. xii. 6; see Weiss, "Dor," i. 117, note). 9 : “那麼應他兄弟的妻子。 。 。吐痰在他[她已故丈夫的弟弟]的臉, ”該法利解釋為“在他面前” ( Yeb.十二。 6 ;見魏斯, “多爾, ”島117 ,注) 。

(8) They followed a traditional practise of their own in granting the daughter the same right of inheritance as the son's daughter in case the son was dead (Meg. Ta'an. v.; Tos. Yad. ii. 20; BB viii. 1, 115b). ( 8 ) ,他們遵循傳統的實踐中自己的女兒給予同樣的繼承權的兒子的女兒,如果兒子死了( Meg. Ta'an 。訴;服務條款。亞德瓦。二。 20 ;體㈧ 。 1 , 115b ) 。

(9) They contended that the seven weeks from the first barley-sheaf-offering ("'omer") to Pentecost should, according to Lev. ( 9 ) ,他們爭辯說,從7個星期的第一大麥,捆募股( “歐麥” ) ,以聖靈降臨節要按照列夫。 xxiii.二十三。 15-16, be countedfrom "the day after Sabbath," and, consequently, that Pentecost should always be celebrated on the first day of the week (Meg. Ta'an. i.; Men. 65a). 15-16日,應countedfrom “後的第二天安息日” ,因此,這聖靈降臨節始終應慶祝的第一天,週( Meg. Ta'an 。島;男子。 65a ) 。 In this they obviously followed the old Biblical view which regards the festival of the firstlings as having no connection whatsoever with the Passover feast; whereas the Pharisees, connecting the festival of the Exodus with the festival of the giving of the Law, interpreted the "morrow after the Sabbath" to signify the second day of Passover (see Jubilees, Book of).在這之後,他們明顯老聖經觀點認為,節日的firstlings有沒有什麼聯繫的逾越節宴席;而法利,連接節日的出的節日給予法律,解釋了“明天在安息日“ ,以示第二天的逾越節(見Jubilees ,圖書) 。

Views on Temple Practises.觀寺實踐。

(10) Especially in regard to the Temple practise did they hold older views, based upon claims of greater sanctity for the priesthood and of its sole dominion over the sanctuary. ( 10 )特別是在廟他們練習舉行老年人意見的基礎上,要求更加神聖的神職人員和其唯一的統治權的庇護所。 Thus they insisted that the daily burnt offerings were, with reference to the singular used in Num.因此,他們堅持每天燔祭的,參照奇異使用數量。 xxviii.二十八。 4, to be offered by the high priest at his own expense; whereas the Pharisees contended that they were to be furnished as a national sacrifice at the cost of the Temple treasury into which the "she-ḳalim" collected from the whole people were paid (Meg. Ta'an. i. 1; Men. 65b; Sheḳ. iii. 1, 3; Grätz, lcp 694). 4 ,將所提供的大祭司自費;而法利賽人爭辯說,他們將被作為一個家具的民族犧牲,其費用由國庫寺將其“她, ḳalim ”收集到的整個人支付( Meg. Ta'an 。島1 ;男子。 65B條;石。三。 1 , 3 ;格拉茨, LCP的694 ) 。

(11) They claimed that the meal offering belonged to the priest's portion; whereas the Pharisees claimed it for the altar (Meg. Ta'an. viii.; Men. vi. 2). ( 11 )他們聲稱,餐提供屬於神父的一部分;而法利聲稱它的祭壇( Meg. Ta'an 。八。 ;男子。六。 2 ) 。

(12) They insisted on an especially high degree of purity in those who officiated at the preparation of the ashes of the Red Heifer. ( 12 ) ,他們堅持一個特別高純度在這些誰主持編寫的骨灰紅色小母牛。 The Pharisees, on the contrary, demonstratively opposed such strictness (Parah iii. 7; Tos. Parah iii. 1-8).在法利賽人,相反,明確地反對這種嚴格( Parah三。 7 ;服務條款。 Parah三。 1-8 ) 。

(13) They declared that the kindling of the incense in the vessel with which the high priest entered the Holy of Holies on the Day of Atonement was to take place outside, so that he might be wrapped in smoke while meeting the Shekinah within, according to Lev. ( 13 ) ,他們宣布,點燃的香船與高神父進入了羅馬教廷的至聖的贖罪日是採取以外的地方,所以他可能是裹在煙霧同時滿足Shekinah範圍內,根據以列弗。 xvi.十六。 2; whereas the Pharisees, denying the high priest the claim of such super-natural vision, insisted that the incense be kindled within (Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 3; Yoma 19b, 53a, b; Yer. Yoma i. 39a, b; comp. Lev. R. xxi. 11). 2 ;而法利,剝奪大祭司的索賠等超級自然遠見,堅持,香爐內被點燃(密碼, Aḥare獨, 3 ;山脈19B協助53A條, B組;層。山脈島39a , B組;補償。列夫。河21 。 11 ) 。

(14) They extended the power of contamination to indirect as well as to direct contact (Yad. iv. 7). ( 14 )延長他們的權力,以間接污染以及直接接觸( Yad.四。 7 ) 。

(15) They opposed the popular festivity of the water libation and the procession preceding the same on each night of the Sukkot feast, as well as the closing festivity, on which the Pharisees laid much stress, of the beating of the willow-trees (Suk. 43b, 48b; Tos. Suk. iii. 16; comp. "Ant." xiii. 13, § 5). ( 15 )他們反對流行的節日水奠和遊行前同樣的每個晚上住棚節,以及閉幕慶典,該法利奠定巨大壓力,毆打的楊柳樹(碩。 43B條, 48B條;服務條款。石圭。三。 16 ;補償。 “螞蟻。 ”十三。 13日,第5條) 。

(16) They opposed the Pharisaic assertion that the scrolls of the Holy Scriptures have, like any holy vessel, the power to render unclean (taboo) the hands that touch them (Yad. iv. 6). ( 16 )他們反對Pharisaic斷言捲軸的聖經都一樣,任何神聖的船隻,功率,使不潔(禁忌)的手,觸摸它們( Yad.四。 6 ) 。

(17) They opposed the Pharisaic idea of the 'Erub, the merging of several private precincts into one in order to admit of the carrying of food and vessels from one house to another on the Sabbath ('Er. vi. 2). ( 17 )他們反對Pharisaic想法' Erub ,合併一些私人選區成一個以承認攜帶的食品和船隻從一個房子到另一個關於安息日( '呃。六。 2 ) 。

(18) In dating all civil documents they used the phrase "after the high priest of the Most High," and they opposed the formula introduced by the Pharisees in divorce documents," According to the law of Moses and Israel" (Meg. Ta'an. vii.; Yad. iv. 8; see Geiger, lcp 34). ( 18 )在所有公民約會,他們使用的文件“一語之後,大祭司最高級” ,他們反對的公式介紹了法利賽在離婚文件, “根據摩西律法和以色列” ( Meg.打鼓'了。七。 ;亞德瓦。四。 8 ;見革, LCP的34條) 。

Decline of Sadduceeism. Sadduceeism下降。

Whether the Sadducees were less strict in regard to the state of impurity of woman in her periods (Niddah iv. 2), and what object they had in opposing the determination by the Pharisees of the appearance of the new moon (RH ii. 1, 22b; Tos. RH i. 15), are not clear.是否撒都該人那麼嚴格了有關國家的雜質的女人在她的時期( Niddah四。 2 ) ,和什麼對象他們反對的決心,法利賽人的出現,新的月球(相對濕度二。 1 , 22B款;服務條款。濕度島15 ) ,不明確。 Certain it is that in the time of the Tannaim the real issues between them and the Pharisees were forgotten, only scholastic controversies being recorded.肯定的是,在時間上的Tannaim真正的問題和它們之間的法利賽人被遺忘了,只有學術爭論的記錄。 In the latter the Sadducees are replaced by the late Boethusians, who had, only for the sake of opposition, maintained certain Sadducean traditions without a proper understanding of the historical principles upon which they were based.在後者的撒都該人所取代,後期Boethusians ,誰的,不僅是為了反對,保持一定的Sadducean傳統沒有正確認識歷史原則的,他們的基礎。 In fact, as Josephus ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 3) states in common with the Talmudical sources (Yoma 19b; Niddah 33b), the ruling members of the priesthood of later days were forced by public opinion to yield to the Pharisaic doctors of the Law, who stood so much higher in the people's esteem.事實上,約瑟夫( “螞蟻。 ”十八。 1 ,第3 )國家在共同與Talmudical來源(約馬乙; Niddah 33B條) ,執政黨成員的神父後來被迫天的公眾輿論產生的Pharisaic醫生的法律,誰站在高出許多人民的自尊。 In the course of time the Sadducees themselves adopted without contradiction Pharisaic practises; it is stated (Shab. 108a) that they did so in regard to the tefillin, and many other observances appear to have been accepted by them (Hor. 4a; Sanh. 33b).隨著時間的推移自己的撒都該人通過實行矛盾Pharisaic ;它說明( Shab. 108 ) ,他們這樣做是考慮到tefillin ,以及許多其他紀念活動似乎已接受了他們( Hor. 4a的; Sanh 。 33B條) 。

With the destruction of the Temple and the state the Sadducees as a party no longer had an object for which to live.隨著銷毀寺和國家的撒都該人作為一個黨已不再為對象的生活。 They disappear from history, though their views are partly maintained and echoed by the Samaritans, with whom they are frequently identified (see Hippolytus, "Refutatio Hæresium," ix. 29; Epiphanius, lc xiv.; and other Church Fathers, who ascribe to the Sadducees the rejection of the Prophets and the Hagiographa; comp. also Sanh. 90b, where "Ẓadduḳim" stands for "Kutim" [Samaritans]; Sifre, Num. 112; Geiger, lc pp. 128-129), and by the Karaites (see Maimonides, commentary on Ab. i. 3; Geiger, "Gesammelte Schriften," iii. 283-321; also Anan ben David; Karaites).他們從歷史上消失,儘管他們的意見是維持和贊同樂善好施,與他們經常發現(見西波呂, “ Refutatio Hæresium , ”九。 29 ;埃皮法尼烏斯,立法會十四。 ;和其他教會的教父,誰賦予在撒都該人拒絕先知和Hagiographa ;補償。也Sanh 。第九十B ,其中“ Ẓadduḳim ”代表“ Kutim ” [撒瑪利亞] ; Sifre ,數量。 112 ;革,液相色譜頁。 128-129 ) ,以及卡拉派信徒(見邁蒙尼德,評抗體。島3 ;格爾“ , Gesammelte著作, ”三。 283-321 ;還阿南本大衛卡拉派信徒) 。

In Literature.在文學。

The Book of Ecclesiastes in its original form, that is, before its Epicurean spirit had been toned down by interpolations, was probably written by a Sadducee in antagonism to the Ḥasidim (Eccl. vii. 16, ix. 2; see P. Haupt, "Koheleth," 1905; Grätz, "Koheleth," 1871, p. 30).書傳道書以其原始形式,也就是前伊壁鳩魯的精神已經淡化了插,很可能是書面的Sadducee在對立的Ḥasidim ( Eccl.七。 16日,九。 2 ;參看P.豪普特, “ Koheleth , ” 1905年;格拉茨, “ Koheleth , ” 1871年,第30頁) 。 The Wisdom of Ben Sira, which, like Ecclesiastes and older Biblical writings, has no reference whatsoever to the belief in resurrection or immortality, is, according to Geiger, a product of Sadducean circles ("ZDMG" xii. 536).的智慧本西拉,其中,像傳道書和老年人聖經的著作,並沒有提及的信仰或不死的復活,是根據革,產品的Sadducean界( “ ZDMG ”十二。 536 ) 。 This view is partly confirmed by the above-cited blessing of "the Sons of Zadok" (Hebrew Ben Sira, li. 129; see also C. Taylor, "Sayings of the Fathers," 1897, p. 115).這種觀點是部分證實了上述祝福“的兒子扎多克” (希伯來文本西拉,利。 129 ;又見泰勒, “熟語的父親” , 1897年,第115頁) 。 Also the first Book of Maccabees is, according to Geiger (lc pp. 217 et seq.), the work of a Sadducee.此外,第一本書的馬加比是,根據革(信用證頁。 217起。 )工作的Sadducee 。 Allusion to the Sadducees as "sinners" is found in the Psalms of Solomon (i. 1, iv. 1-10); they are "severe in judgment" (comp. "Ant." xiii. 10, § 6; xx. 9, § 1), "yet themselves full of sin, of lust, and hypocrisy"; "men pleasers," "yet full of evil desires" (ib. viii. 8; see HE Ryle and MR James, "Psalms of the Pharisees Commonly Called 'Psalms of Solomon,'" 1891, xlvi.-xlviii. and elsewhere; Kautzsch, "Apokryphen," pp. 128 et seq.).典故的撒都該人的“罪人”被發現在該詩篇所羅門群島(島1 ,四。 1-10 ) ;他們是“嚴重的判斷” ( comp. “螞蟻。 ”十三。 10日,第6條;二十。 9條第1款) , “沒有自己充滿了罪惡,慾望,和偽善” , “男人pleasers ” , “還沒有充分的邪惡慾望” ( ib.八。 8 ;看到他賴爾和MR詹姆斯, “詩篇的法利賽人通常被稱為'所羅門詩篇“ , 1891年, xlvi. -四十八。和其他地方; Kautzsch , ” Apokryphen , “頁。 128起。 ) 。 Still more distinctly are the Sadducees described in the Book of Enoch (xciv. 5-9, xcvii.-xcviii., xcix. 2, civ. 10) as: "the men of unrighteousness who trust in their riches"; "sinners who transgress and pervert the eternal law."不過更明顯的是撒都該人中描述的以諾書( xciv. 5-9 , xcvii. - xcviii 。 , xcix 。 2 ,持續輸注。十日)為: “男人的unrighteousness誰相信他們的財富” , “罪人誰超越和永恆的歪曲法律。 “ Sadducees, if not in name, at least in their Epicurean views as opposed to the saints, are depicted also in the Book of Wisdom (i. 16-ii. 22), where the Hellenistic nobility, which occupied high positions likewise in Alexandria, is addressed.撒都該人,如果不是在名稱,至少在其伊壁鳩魯的意見,而不是聖人,也有描繪在書的智慧(一16二。 22日) ,在希臘貴族,佔高級職務同樣在亞歷山德里亞,正在處理。

In the New Testament the Sadducees are mentioned in Matt.在新約聖經的撒都該人中提到的馬特。 iii.三。 7 and xvi. 7和16 。 1, 6, 11, where they are identical with the Herodians (Mark xii. 13), that is, the Boethusians (Matt. xxii. 23, 34; Mark xii. 18; Acts iv. 1, v. 17, xxiii. 6-8). 1 ,第6 ,第11 ,在那裡他們是相同的Herodians (馬克十二。 13 ) ,這就是Boethusians (瑪特泰22 。 23 , 34 ;馬克十二。 18 ;行為四。 1 ,訴17日,二十三。 6-8 ) 。 In John's Gospel they simply figure as "the chief priests" (vii. 23, 45; xi. 47, 57; xviii. 3). In rabbinical literature careful discrimination must be made between the tannaitic period and that of the Amoraim.在約翰的福音,他們只是數字是“祭司長” ( vii. 23 , 45 ;喜。 47 , 57 ;十八。 3 ) 。猶太教文學在認真歧視必須作出之間的tannaitic期間,在Amoraim 。 The Mishnah and Baraita in the passages quoted above indicate at least a fair knowledge of the character and doctrines of the Sadducees (see, for instance, R. Akiba in Yoma 40b), even though the names "Boethusians" and "Sadducees" occur promiscuously (see Grätz, "Gesch." iii. 693, and Boethusians).該米示拿和Baraita在上述段落,至少說明一個公平的知識的性質和理論撒都該人(見,例如,河秋葉忠利在山脈40b ) ,儘管名稱“ Boethusians ”和“撒都該人”發生胡亂(見格拉茨, “ Gesch 。 ”三。 693 ,並Boethusians ) 。 In the amoraic period the name "Ẓadduḳi" signifies simply "heretic," exactly like the term "min" = "gnostic"; in fact, copyists sometimes replaced, it may be intentionally, the word "min" by "Ẓadduḳi," especially when Christian gnostics were referred to.在amoraic時期的名稱是“ Ẓadduḳi ”意味著簡單的“異端邪說” ,完全一樣的“民” = “諾斯底” ,事實上,有時copyists取代,可能是故意,改為“民”的“ Ẓadduḳi ” ,尤其是基督教gnostics時,提到了。

However, in many cases in which "Ẓadduḳim" stands for "minim" in the later Talmud editions the change was due to censorship laws, as is shown by the fact that the manuscripts and older editions actually have the word "minim."然而,在許多案件中, “ Ẓadduḳim ”代表“微量”在後來的版本塔木德的變化是由於檢查的法律,這是表明了一個事實,即手稿和老版本實際上已經改為“微量” 。 Thus the Ẓadduḳi who troubled R. Joshua b. Levi with Biblical arguments (Ber. 7a; Sanh. 105b), the one who argued with R. Abbahu and Beruriah, (Ber. 10a), the one who bothered R.因此, Ẓadduḳi誰困擾河光灣列維與聖經的論點( Ber.第7A ; Sanh 。 105b ) ,誰主張與河Abbahu和Beruriah , ( Ber. 10A條) ,誰困擾河 Ishmael with his dreams (ib. 56b), and the one who argued with R. Ḥanina concerning the Holy Land in the Messianic time (Giṭ. 57a; Ket. 112a) and regarding Jesus ("Balaam," Sanh. 106b), were Christian gnostics; so were also the two Ẓadduḳim in the company of R.伊斯梅爾與他的夢想( ib. 56b ) ,以及一個誰主張與河尼納關於聖地的彌賽亞時間( Giṭ.套;氯胺酮。 112a )和關於耶穌( “巴蘭” , Sanh 。 106b ) ,被基督教gnostics ;所以也兩個Ẓadduḳim在該公司的河 Abbahu (Suk. 48b). Abbahu ( Suk. 48B條) 。 But the Ẓadduḳim who argue in favor of dualism (Sanh. 37a [the original version of the Mishnah had "apikoresin" or "minim"], 38b-39a; Ḥul. 87 a) are gnostics or Jewish heretics, as are also those spoken of as "a vile people" (Yeb. 63b).但Ẓadduḳim誰有利爭論的二元論( Sanh. 37a [原始版本的米示拿了“ apikoresin ”或“微量” ] , 38b , 39a ;豪。 87 a )是gnostics或猶太人的異教徒,也為那些口語作為“一個邪惡的人” ( Yeb. 63b ) 。 "Birkat ha-minim," the benediction against Christian informers and gnostics, is called also "Birkat ha-Ẓadduḳim" (Ber. 28b, 29a). “的Birkat公頃,微量”的祝福對基督教和gnostics告密,被稱為還“的Birkat公頃, Ẓadduḳim ” ( Ber. 28B款, 29A條) 。 "The writings of the Ẓadduḳim" (Shab. 116a) are gnostic writings, the same as "Sefarim Ḥiẓonim" (Sanh. x. 1; "Sifre ha-Minim," Tos. Shab. xiii. 5). “該著作的Ẓadduḳim ” ( Shab. 116a )是諾斯底著作,同為“ Sefarim Ḥiẓonim ” ( Sanh.十1 “ Sifre公頃,微量, ”服務條款。沙巴。十三。 5 ) 。 So it is said of Adam that he was a Ẓadduḳi, that is, a gnostic who did not believe in God as the Giver of the Law (Sanh. 38b).所以說,亞當說,他是一個Ẓadduḳi ,也就是諾斯底誰不相信上帝的賜予法( Sanh. 38b ) 。 "The Ẓadduḳim and informers" (Derek Ereẓ Rabbah ii.; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa i.) are Christian gnostics. “該Ẓadduḳim和告密者” (德里克埃雷茲安曼二。 ;德里克埃雷茲茹塔島)是基督教gnostics 。 In Hor.在賀。 11a a Ẓadduḳi is declared to be a transgressor of the dietary and other Mosaic laws, nay, an idolater. On the other hand, the Ẓadduḳim who conversed with Rab Sheshet (Ber. 58a), with Raba (Shab. 88a), and with R. Judah (Ned. 49b) seem to have been Manicheans.第11A 1 Ẓadduḳi被宣布為是一個transgressor的飲食和其他花葉法律,不,是一個偶像崇拜者。另一方面,在Ẓadduḳim與誰交談饒Sheshet ( Ber. 58a ) ,與拉巴( Shab. 88a條) ,並與河猶太( Ned. 49b )似乎已經Manicheans 。 See Pharisees.見法利。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
See that given under Pharisees.看到,根據法利。


Essenes愛色尼

Jewish Viewpoint Information 猶太觀資料

A branch of the Pharisees who conformed to the most rigid rules of Levitical purity while aspiring to the highest degree of holiness. They lived solely by the work of their hands and in a state of communism, devoted their time to study and devotion and to the practise of benevolence, and refrained as far as feasible from conjugal intercourse and sensual pleasures, in order to be initiated into the highest mysteries of heaven and cause the expected Messianic time to come ('Ab. Zarah ix. 15; Luke ii. 25, 38; xxiii. 51).一個分支法利誰符合最嚴格的規則,而利未純度渴望程度最高的聖潔。他們住完全由工作的雙手和國家的共產主義,把時間用於學習和獻身精神和實踐善,不盡可能從夫妻關係和感官愉悅,以便開始到最高的奧秘天堂,導致預期的彌賽亞時間來( '抗體。 Zarah九。 15 ;盧克二。 25 38 ;二十三。 51 ) 。 The strangest reports were spread about this mysterious class of Jews.最奇怪的報告,傳播有關這一神秘一流的猶太人。 Pliny (lc), speaking of the Essene community in the neighborhood of the Dead Sea, calls it the marvel of the world, and characterizes it as a race continuing its existence for thousands of centuries without either wives and children, or money for support, and with only the palm-trees for companions in its retreat from the storms of the world.普林尼(立法會) ,講的厄色尼社會在附近的死海,要求它的奇蹟世界,它的特點是比賽繼續進行其存在的數以千計的百年沒有任何妻子和孩子,或資金支持,與只有棕櫚樹的同伴在其退出風暴的世界。 Philo, who calls the Essenes "the holy ones," after the Greek ὅσιοι, says in one place (as quoted by Eusebius, "Præparatio Evangelica," viii. 11) that ten thousand of them had been initiated by Moses into the mysteries of the sect, which, consisting of men of advanced years having neither wives nor children, practised the virtues of love and holiness and inhabited many cities and villages of Judea, living in communism as tillers of the soil or as mechanics according to common rules of simplicity and abstinence.斐洛,誰的愛色尼呼籲“神聖的” ,之後希臘ὅσιοι說,在一個地方(如引用的優西比烏, “ Præparatio Evangelica , ”八。十一日) 10000人已開始把摩西的奧秘該教派,其中男性組成的先進的幾年有沒有妻子也沒有子女,實行的美德,愛和聖潔和居住的許多城市和村莊的朱迪亞,生活在共產主義作為分蘗的土壤力學或根據共同的規則簡單和禁慾。 In another passage ("Quod Omnis Probus Liber," 12 et seq.) he speaks of only four thousand Essenes, who lived as farmers and artisans apart from the cities and in a perfect state of communism, and who condemned slavery, avoided sacrifice, abstained from swearing, strove for holiness, and were particularly scrupulous regarding the Sabbath, which day was devoted to the reading and allegorical interpretation of the Law.在另一個通道( “獄卒Omnis普羅布斯書, ” 12起。 )他講的只有4000愛色尼,誰住的農民和工匠以外的城市和一個完美的狀態的共產主義,誰譴責奴隸制,避免犧牲,棄權宣誓就職,爭取聖潔,並特別嚴格的安息日,這一天是專門用於閱讀和寓言對法律的解釋。 Josephus ("Ant." xv. 10, § 4; xviii. 1, § 5; "BJ" ii. 8, §§ 2-13) describes them partly as a philosophical school like the Pythagoreans, and mystifies the reader by representing them as a kind of monastic order with semi-pagan rites.約瑟夫( “螞蟻。 ”十五。 10 § 4 ;十八。 1 ,第5條; “北京”二。 8 § § 2-13 )部分介紹了他們作為一個哲學學校一樣Pythagoreans ,並mystifies讀者的代表它們作為一種寺院秩序半異教儀式。 Accordingly, the strangest theories have been advanced by non-Jewish writers, men like Zeller, Hilgenfeld, and Schürer, who found in Essenism a mixture of Jewish and pagan ideas and customs, taking it for granted that a class of Jews of this kind could have existed for centuries without leaving a trace in rabbinical literature, and, besides, ignoring the fact that Josephus describes the Pharisees and Sadducees also as philosophical schools after Greek models.因此,奇怪的理論已經先進的非猶太人作家,男子喜歡澤勒, Hilgenfeld和Schürer ,誰發現Essenism混合的猶太人和異教徒的觀念和習俗,同時它理所當然地認為一類猶太人的這種可能已存在數百年而不留下痕跡在猶太文學,再說,無視事實,約瑟夫描述了法利賽和撒都該人也是哲學所學校後,希臘模式。

The Essenes in History.愛色尼的歷史。

The Essenes, as they appear in history, were far from being either philosophers or recluses.在愛色尼,因為他們出現在歷史上,還遠遠沒有任何哲學家或隱士。 They were, says Josephus ("Ant." xv. 10, §§ 4-5), regarded by King Herod as endowed with higher powers, and their principle of avoiding taking an oath was not infringed upon. Herod's favor was due to the fact that Menahem, one of their number who, excelling in virtuous conduct and preaching righteousness, piety, and love for humanity, possessed the divine gift of prophecy, had predicted Herod's rise to royalty.他們說,約瑟夫( “螞蟻。 ”十五。 10 § § 4-5 ) ,被希律王如賦予更高的權力,他們的原則,避免採取宣誓不受侵犯。希律王的青睞是由於事實梅納海姆之一,其數量誰,擅長於良性行為和宣揚正氣,虔誠,愛人類,擁有神聖的禮物預言,預測希律王的崛起版稅。 Whether Sameas and Pollio, the leaders of the academy (Abot i. 11), who also refused to take an oath ("Ant." xv. 10, § 4), belonged to the Essenes, is not clear. Menahem is known in rabbinical literature as a predecessor of Shammai (Ḥag. ii. 2).無論Sameas和波利奧,領導人的學院( Abot島11人) ,誰也拒絕宣誓( “螞蟻。 ”十五。 10日,第4名) ,屬於愛色尼,目前尚不清楚。梅納海姆是已知猶太文學作為一個前任的Shammai ( Ḥag.二。 2 ) 。 Of Judas the Essene Josephus relates ("Ant." xiii. 11, § 2; "BJ" i. 3, § 5) that he once sat in the Temple surrounded by his disciples, whom he initiated into the (apocalyptic) art of foretelling the future, when Antigonus passed by.猶大的厄色尼涉及約瑟夫( “螞蟻。 ”十三。 11條第2款; “北京”島3 ,第5條) ,他曾坐在寺所包圍他的弟子,他開始到(世界末日)的藝術預示未來,當安提哥通過。 Judas prophesied a sudden death for him, and after a while his prediction came true, like everyother one he made.猶大預言突然死亡的他,過一段時間他的預言終於實現了,就像一個everyother他。 A similar prophecy is ascribed to Simon the Essene ("Ant." xvii. 13, § 3; "BJ" ii. 7, § 4), who is possibly identical with the Simon in Luke ii.類似的預言是歸因於西蒙厄色尼( “螞蟻。 ”十七。 13日,第3條“北京”二。 7日,第4 ) ,誰可能是相同的西蒙在路加二。 25. 25 。 Add to these John the Essene, a general in the time of the Roman war ("BJ" ii. 20, § 4; iii. 2, § 1), and it becomes clear that the Essenes, or at least many of them, were men of intense patriotic sentiment; it is probable that from their ranks emanated much of the apocalyptic literature.購買這些約翰厄色尼,一般在規定的時間內的羅馬戰爭( “北京”二。 20 § 4 ;三。 2條第1款) ,並成為明確指出,愛色尼,或至少其中許多人,是男性的愛國主義情緒激烈;很可能從他們的排名產生很大的啟示文學。 Of one only, by the name of Banus (probably one of the Banna'im; see below), does Josephus ("Vita," § 2) relate that he led the life of a hermit and ascetic, maintaining by frequent ablutions a high state of holiness; he probably, however, had other imitators besides Josephus.唯一的一個由名稱巴努斯(也許之一Banna'im ;見下文) ,並約瑟夫( “簡歷” , § 2 )與他領導的生活隱士和禁慾主義,保持了頻繁的高浴室國家的聖德;他可能不過,其他模仿者除了約瑟夫。

Origin of the Essenes.起源愛色尼。

To arrive at a better understanding of the Essenes, the start must be made from the Ḥasidim of the pre-Maccabean time (I Macc. ii. 42, vii. 13; II Macc. xiv. 6), of whom both the Pharisees and the Essenes are offshoots (Wellhausen, "Israelitische und Jüdische Geschichte," 1894, p. 261).以達成更好的了解愛色尼,開始必須從Ḥasidim前的Maccabean時間(一排雷協委會。二。 42 ,七。 13 ;二排雷協委會。十四。 6 ) ,其中的法利賽和在愛色尼是分支(威爾, “ Israelitische與Jüdische史” , 1894年,第261頁) 。 Such "overrighteous ones," who would not bring voluntary sacrifices nor take an oath, are alluded to in Eccl. vii.這種“ overrighteous的, ”誰不會使自願的犧牲,也沒有宣誓,是中提到傳道書。七。 16, ix. 16日,九。 2, while the avoidance of marriage by the pious seems to be alluded to in Wisdom iii. 2 ,同時避免婚姻的虔誠似乎是中提到的智慧三。 13-iv. 13四。 1 (comp. II Macc. xiv. 6, 25). 1 ( comp.二排雷協委會。十四。 6 , 25 ) 。 The avoidance of swearing became also to a certain extent a Pharisaic rule based on Ex.避免宣誓就職也成為在一定程度上一Pharisaic規則的基礎上惠。 xx: 7 (see Targ.; Ned. 8b; Yer, Ned. iii. 38a; Soṭah 9b; Ber. 33a); and the rule (Matt. v. 37, RV) "Let your speech be, Yea, yea; Nay, nay," is also Talmudic (BM 49a).第xx : 7 (見Targ 。 ;內。 8B條;層,內德。三。 38a條; Soṭah 9B條;蘇貝等。 33a ) ;和法治(瑪特泰訴37 ,風疹病毒) “讓您的演講是啊,是啊;不,不, “也是塔木德(骨髓49a ) 。 As a matter of fact, the line of distinction between Pharisees ("Perushim") and Essenes was never very clearly drawn (see "Perishut" in Abot iii. 13; Soṭah iii. 4, xi. 15; Tosef., Soṭah, xv. 11; Ṭoh. iv. 12; BB 60b).事實上,該行的區別法利( “ Perushim ” )和愛色尼從來沒有非常明確地得出(見“ Perishut ”在Abot三。 13 ; Soṭah三。 4 ,喜。 15 ; Tosef 。 , Soṭah ,十五。 11 ;杜麗冰。四。 12 ;體60b ) 。

Thus the more than six thousand Pharisees who claimed to be "highly favored by God" and to possess by "divine inspiration foreknowledge of things to come," and who refused to take an oath of fealty to Herod, predicting his downfall while promising children to Bagoas, the eunuch (Josephus, "Ant." xvii. 2, § 4), were scarcely different from those elsewhere called "Essenes" ("Ant." xv. 10, § 4). "The Ancient Ḥasidim."因此,超過6000法利誰自稱是“高度青睞的上帝” ,並擁有了“神聖的靈感預知的事情來, ” ,誰拒絕宣誓效忠到的希律王,預測他的垮台,同時希望孩子們Bagoas的宦官(約瑟夫, “螞蟻。 ”十七。 2 ,第4 ) ,幾乎不同於其他所謂的“愛色尼” ( “螞蟻。 ”十五。 10日,第4條) 。 “古代Ḥasidim 。 ”

About the organization of the ancient Ḥasidim little is known; but each Pharisee had to be admitted by certain rites to membership in the association ("ḥeber" or "ḥaburah"), receiving the name "ḥaber" therefrom (Dem. ii. 3; Tosef., Dem. ii. 2; Bek. 30b); these fraternities assembled not only for worship but also for meals (see Geiger," Urschrift," pp. 122 et seq.).關於該組織的古代Ḥasidim所知甚少,但每個法利賽人必須承認某些儀式加入協會( “赫柏”或“ ḥaburah ” ) ,接受的名稱是“哈勃”由此( Dem.二。 3 ; Tosef 。 ,老撾。二。 2 ;建立更廣泛的聯繫。 30B條) ;這些兄弟組裝不僅崇拜,而且對膳食(見格爾“ , Urschrift , ”頁。 122起。 ) 。 The Pharisaic and Essene system of organization appears to have been at the outset the same, a fact which implies a common origin.該Pharisaic和厄色尼系統的組織似乎已經在開始時相同,這意味著一個共同的起源。 A remnant of this Ḥasidean brotherhood seems to have been the "Neḳiyye ha-Da'at" (the pure-minded) of Jerusalem, who would neither sit at the table or in court, nor sign a document, with persons not of their own circle (Giṭ. ix. 8; Sanh. 23a).阿殘本Ḥasidean兄弟似乎一直是“ Neḳiyye公頃, Da'at ” (純想法)耶路撒冷,誰都不坐於表或在法庭上,也沒有簽署文件時,與人沒有自己圓( Giṭ.九。 8 ; Sanh 。 23A條) 。 They paid special reverence to the scroll of the Law in the synagogue (Masseket Soferim, xiv. 14).他們特別崇敬滾動律師在猶太教堂( Masseket Soferim ,十四。 14 ) 。

But tradition has preserved certain peculiarities of these "ancient Ḥasidim" (Ḥasidim ha-rishonim) which cast some light on their mode of life.但是,傳統的某些特點保存這些“古代Ḥasidim ” ( Ḥasidim公頃, rishonim ) ,其中的一些鑄輕的模式生活。 (1) In order to render their prayer a real communion with God as their Father in heaven, they spent an hour in silent meditation before offering their morning prayer (comp. Didascalia in Jew. Encyc. iv. 593), and neither the duty of saluting the king nor imminent peril, as, for instance, from a serpent close to their heels, could cause them to interrupt their prayer (Ber. v. 1; Tosef., Ber. iii. 20; Ber. 32b). ( 1 )為了使它們真正的祈禱與上帝為他們的父親在天堂,他們花了一個小時之前,沉默靜坐今天上午提供的祈禱( comp. Didascalia在猶太人。 Encyc 。四。 593 ) ,既不責任的敬禮國王也迫切危險,因為,例如,從一個蛇接近他們的高跟鞋,可能會導致他們要打斷他們的祈禱( Ber.訴1 ; Tosef 。 ,蘇貝等。三。 20 ;蘇貝等。 32b ) 。 (2) They were so scrupulous regarding the observance of the Sabbath that they refrained from sexual intercourse on all days of the week except Wednesday, lest in accordance with their singular calculation of the time of pregnancy the birth of a child might take place on a Sabbath and thereby cause the violation of the sacred day (Niddah 38a, b). ( 2 )他們是如此嚴格的遵守安息日,他們避免性交對所有星期星期三除外,否則按照其獨特的計算時間懷孕生孩子可能發生的安息日,從而導致違反了神聖的一天( Niddah 38A條, b )項。 Peril of life could not induce them to wage even a war of defense on the Sabbath (I Macc. ii. 38; II Macc. v. 25, xv. 4).危險的生活不能促使他們的工資甚至是戰爭防禦的安息日(一排雷協委會。二。 38 ;二排雷協委會。訴25日,十五。 4 ) 。 (3) They guarded against the very possibility of being the indirect cause of injuring their fellow men through carelessness (Tosef., B. Ḳ. ii. 6; B. Ḳ. 30a, 50b; comp. Giṭ. 7a: "No injury is ever caused through the righteous"). ( 3 )他們警惕的可能性是間接原因,受傷的同胞通過粗心大意( Tosef.灣K表。二。 6 ;灣K表。 30a , 50b ;補償。 Giṭ 。 7A條: “任何損傷以往是通過造成的正義“ ) 。 (4) Their scrupulousness concerning "ẓiẓit" (Men. 40b) is probably only one instance of their strict observance of all the commandments. ( 4 )他們的認真態度有關“ ẓiẓit ” ( Men. 40b )可能是唯一的一個實例他們嚴格遵守所有的誡命。 (5) Through their solicitude to avoid sin (whence also their name "Yire'e Ḥeṭ" = "fearers of sin": Sheḳ. vi. 6; Soṭah ix. 15) they had no occasion for bringing sin-offerings, wherefore, according to R. Judah, they made Nazarite vows to enable them to bring offerings of their own; according to R. Simeon, however, they refrained from bringing such offerings, as they were understood by them to be "an atoning sacrifice for the sins committed against the soul" (Num. vi. 11, Hebr.). ( 5 )通過他們的關懷,以避免罪惡(何處還其名稱為“ Yire'e報” = “ fearers的罪孽” :石。六。 6 ; Soṭah九。 15 ) ,他們沒有機會,使單產品,何故,根據河猶大,他們Nazarite誓言,使他們能夠把產品自身;根據河西梅,然而,他們不把這類產品,因為他們理解他們是“贖罪犧牲的罪孽針對靈魂“ (民數記六。 11 Hebr 。 ) 。 This aversion to the Nazarite vow seems to have been the prevailing attitude, as it was shared by Simeon the Just (Sifre, Num. 22; Ned. 10a).這厭惡的Nazarite誓言似乎已經普遍的態度,因為這是共同的西梅翁正義( Sifre ,數量。 22 ;內。 10A條) 。 (6) Especially rigorous were they in regard to Levitical purity ('Eduy. viii. 4; Tosef., Oh. iv. 6, 13, where "zeḳenim ha-rishonim" [the ancient elders] is only another name for "Ḥasidim ha-rishonim"; see Weiss, "Dor," i. 110); they were particularly careful that women in the menstrual state should keep apart from the household, perform no household duties, and avoid attractiveness in appearance (Sifra, Meẓora', end; Shab. 64b; Ab. RN ii.; "Baraita di Masseket Niddah," in Horowitz's "Uralte Tosefta," 1890, i. 5, p. 16, iii. 2-3, pp. 24-27; "Pitḥe Niddah," pp. 54 et seq.). ( 6 )特別是嚴格的,他們對於利未純度( ' Eduy 。八。 4 ; Tosef 。 ,哦。四。 6日, 13日,在“ zeḳenim公頃, rishonim ” [古老的長老]只是另一個名稱為“ Ḥasidim公頃, rishonim “ ,見魏斯, ”多爾, “島110 ) ;他們特別小心,婦女在經期應保持狀態除了家庭,沒有家庭履行職責,並避免在外觀的吸引力(密碼, Meẓora ' ,結束;沙巴。個64位;抗體。護理人員二。 “ Baraita娣Masseket Niddah , ”在霍洛維茨的“ Uralte Tosefta ” , 1890年,島第5 ,第16頁,三。 2-3頁。 24-27 ; “ Pitḥe Niddah , “頁。 54起。 ) 。 (7) This, however, forms only part of the general Ḥasidean rule, which was to observe the same degree of Levitical purity as did the priest who partook of the holy things of the Temple ("okel ḥullin be-ṭohorat ḳodesh"); and there were three or four degrees of holiness, of which the Pharisees, or "ḥaberim," observed only the first, the Ḥasidim the higher ones (Ḥag. ii. 6-7; Tosef., Dem. ii. 2). ( 7 )然而,這只是一部分,一般Ḥasidean規則,這是遵守相同程度的利未純度一樣神父誰partook神聖的東西廟( “ okel ḥullin即將ṭohorat ḳodesh ” ) ;有三個或四個程度的聖潔,而法利賽人,或“ ḥaberim ” ,指出只有第一, Ḥasidim較高的( Ḥag.二。 6-7 ; Tosef 。 ,老撾。二。 2 ) 。 The reason for the observance of such a high degree of holiness must be sought in the fact that Levites who ate "ma'aser" and priests who ate "terumah" and portions of the various sacrifices had their meals in common with the rest of the people and had to be guarded against defilement.其原因為紀念這樣一個高度的神聖必須尋求一個事實,即利誰吃“ ma'aser ”和神父誰吃“ terumah ”和部分的各種犧牲,他們共同的膳食與其他人民要警惕污辱。

The "Zenu'im," or Chaste Ones.該“ Zenu'im ” ,或純潔的。

Upon the observance of the highest state of purity and holiness depended also the granting of the privilege, accorded only to the élite of the priesthood, of being initiated into the mysteries of the HolyName and other secret lore.經遵守國家最高的純度和聖潔還取決於授予的特權,只優秀的神父,正在開始進入神秘的HolyName和其他秘密傳說。 "The Name of twelve letters [see God, Names of] was, after the Hellenistic apostasy, entrusted only to the 'Ẓenu'im' [the chaste ones] among the priesthood. The Name of forty-two letters was entrusted only to the 'Ẓanua'' and ''Anaw' [the chaste and the humble] after they had passed the zenith of life and had given assurance of preserving it [the Name] in perfect purity" (Ḳid. 71a; Eccl. R. iii. 11; Yer. Yoma 39d, 40a). “名稱的12個字母[見上帝,名稱]是,在希臘叛教,不僅賦予的' Ẓenu'im ' [的純潔的]之間的神職人員。名稱的42封信交給只' Ẓanua ''和'' Anaw ' [的純潔和謙遜]後,他們已經通過了生命的最高境界,並給予保證,維護它[名稱]完美純潔“ ( Ḳid. 71a ;傳道書。河三。 11層。山脈39d , 40A條) 。 There was a twofold principle underlying the necessity of perfect chastity. When God revealed Himself to Moses and to the people of Israel they were enjoined to abstain from sexual intercourse, Israel for the time being, Moses for all time (Shab. 87a; Pes. 87b; Ab. RN ii., based upon Ex. xix. 15; Deut. v. 27).有一種雙重的基本原則的必要性完美的貞操。當上帝發現自己的摩西和以色列人民的他們責成棄權的性交,以色列目前,摩西的所有時間( Shab. 87a條;瘟。 87b ;抗體。護理人員二。根據惠。十九。 15 ; Deut 。訴27 ) 。 Those in hope of a divine revelation consequently refrained from sexual intercourse as well as other impurity (comp. Rev. xiv. 4; Enoch, lxxxiii. 2).那些希望神聖的啟示,因此避免性交以及其他雜質( comp.牧師十四。 4 ;伊諾克, LXXXIII號。 2 ) 。

But there was another test of chastity which seems to have been the chief reason for the name of "Ẓenu'im" (Essenes): the Law (Deut. xxiii. 10-15; comp. Targ. Yer. ad loc.; Sifra, 258; Ber. 62a) enjoins modesty in regard to the covering of the body lest the Shekinah be driven away by immodest exposure.但是,還有另一個考驗貞節似乎一直是主要理由“的名義Ẓenu'im ” (愛色尼) :法(申命記二十三。 10-15 ;補償。 Targ 。層。廣告祿。 ;密碼, 258 ;蘇貝等。菜單顯示)責令謙虛方面覆蓋的屍體,以免Shekinah被趕走的謙虛暴露。 Prayer was prohibited in presence of the nude (Ber. 24b), and according to the Book of Jubilees (iii. 30 et seq., vii. 20) it was a law given to Adam and Noah "not to uncover as the Gentiles do."祈禱是禁止存在的裸鼠( Ber. 24b ) ,並根據圖書Jubilees ( iii. 30起。 ,七。 20日)這是一個法律給予亞當和諾亞“沒有發現作為外邦人做“ 。 The chastity ("ẓeni'ut") shown in this respect by King Saul and his daughter (I Sam. xxiv. 4; II Sam. vi. 16) gave him and his household a place in rabbinical tradition as typical Essenes, who would also observe the law of holiness regarding diet and distribute their wealth among the (poor) people (Pesiḳ. R. 15; Midr. Teh. vii.; Num. R. xi.; Meg. 13b; Yer. Suk. v. 55c).在貞節( “ ẓeni'ut ” )表明在這方面,由國王掃羅和他的女兒(我山姆。 24 。 4 ;二山姆。六。 16 )給他和他的家庭在一個地方猶太教傳統,典型的愛色尼,誰也遵守法律的神聖關於飲食和他們的財富分配之間的(窮人)人( Pesiḳ.河15 ; Midr 。的。七。 ;數。河喜。 ;梅格。 13B條;層。石圭。訴55c ) 。 Every devotee of the Law was expected to be a "ẓanua'" (Abot vi. 1; Niddah 12a; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa vii.), such as were Rachel and Esther (Meg. 13b), Hanan ha-Neḥba, the grandson of Onias the Saint (Ta'an. 23b), R. Akiba (Ket. 62b), and Judah ha-Nasi (Yer. Meg. i. 72b).每一個信徒的法律,預計將是“ ẓanua ” ( Abot六。 1 ; Niddah 12a條;德里克埃雷茲茹塔七。 ) ,如被雷切爾和Esther ( Meg. 13B條) ,韓南公頃Neḥba的孫子Onias聖( Ta'an 。 23b ) ,河秋葉( Ket. 62b ) ,以及猶太公頃,納思( Yer.梅格。島72B條) 。

The "Hashsha'im," or Secret Ones.該“ Hashsha'im ” ,或秘密。

The name "Ẓenu'im," which is replaced or explained by "Kesherim" (the blameless ones), another name for "Ḥasidim" (Yer. Dem. vi. 25d; Yer. Yoma iii. 40d; comp. Tosef., Dem. vi. 6; Ned. i. 1; Ab. RN, text B, iv., ed. Schechter, p. 14, and comp. note on p. 15), is also applied, like the term "Ḥashsha'im" (see below), to those reticent ones to whom a secret may be confided; eg, secret scrolls concerning the Temple service were entrusted to them (Tosef., Yoma, ii. 7; Yer. Yoma iii. 41a).命名為“ Ẓenu'im ” ,這是替換或解釋“ Kesherim ” (即無可指責的) ,另一個名稱為“ Ḥasidim ” ( Yer.老撾。六。 25D款;層。山脈三。 40d ;補償。 Tosef 。 ,老撾。六。 6 ;內。島1 ;抗體。護理人員,文字乙,四。主編。 Schechter已,第14頁,並補償。說明第15頁) ,也適用,如“一詞Ḥashsha '免疫“ (見下文) ,這些沉默寡言的人一個秘密可能會吐露;例如,關於春聯的秘密廟服務委託給他們( Tosef. ,山脈,二。 7層。山脈三。 41a ) 。 It is not always clear, however, whether the name denotes the Essenes or simply the modest ones as a class (see Dem. vi. 6; Ma'as. Sh. v. 1; Tosef., Soṭah, xiii. 6).這並不總是很明確,但是,無論名稱是指愛色尼或只是適度的作為一類(見老撾。六。 6 ; Ma'as 。先令。訴1 ; Tosef 。 , Soṭah ,十三。 6 ) 。 R. Simeon the Ẓanua', who, while disregarding the Temple practise, shows a certain contempt for the high priest (Tosef., Kelim BB i. 6), appears on all accounts to have been an Essene priest.河西梅翁的Ẓanua ' ,誰,而不顧廟實踐,顯示了一定的蔑視大祭司( Tosef. ,凱利姆體島6人) ,似乎所有帳目已成為厄色尼神父。 In an old Armenian version of Philo's dictionary of Hebrew names "Essene" is explained as "in silence" (Philo, "De Vita Contempla tiva," ed. Conybeare, p. 247).在舊版本的亞美尼亞斐羅的字典的希伯來名字“厄色尼”是解釋為“保持沉默” (斐洛, “德簡歷Contempla蒂瓦, ”版。科尼比爾,第247頁) 。 The suggestion may be made that the Ḥashsha'im, "the observers of secrecy," designated also "the sin-fearing," who "had a chamber called 'lishkat ḥashsha'im' in the Temple, where they deposited their gifts of charity in secret and whence the respectable poor drew their support in secrecy," were the same Essenes from whom "the Gate of the Essenes" in Jerusalem (Josephus, "BJ" v. 42) derived its name.該建議可能會提出, Ḥashsha'im , “觀察員的秘密” ,還指定“的罪惡,害怕, ”誰“了商會呼籲' lishkat ḥashsha'im '的廟,在那裡他們交存其慈善禮物在秘密和何處受人尊敬的窮人提請支持,保密, “都是一樣的愛色尼的人”的門愛色尼“在耶路撒冷(約瑟夫, ”北京“訴42 )導出其名稱。 According to Tosef., Sheḳ.據Tosef 。 ,石。 ii.二。 16, these Ḥashsha'im had in every city a special chamber for their charity-box, so that money could be deposited and taken in secret, a thing that could only be done upon the presumption that the money belonged to all alike; and since each city had its administrative body consisting of its best men, who took charge of the collection and distribution of charity (Tosef., Peah, iv. 6, 16; Tosef., Sheb. vii. 9), it is probable that these Essene-like ascetics ("Ẓenu'im": Tosef., Peah, ii. 18) followed their own traditions, though they probably also came under the general administration. The explanation of Εσσάιοι given by Suidas (= ϑεωρήτικοι = "men of contemplation," or "mystics") suggests that the name "Ḥashsha'im," like "Ẓenu'im," denoted men entrusted with the secret lore given in a whisper "(Ḥag. 13a, 14a; Gen. R. iii.). 16日,這些Ḥashsha'im在每一個城市一個特別分庭的慈善箱,使這筆錢可以存入,並採取秘密的事情只能這樣做對推定的錢屬於所有都和自每個城市有它的行政機構組成的最好的男人,誰負責的收集和發布慈善機構( Tosef. , Peah ,四。 6日, 16日; Tosef 。 ,帥。七。 9 ) ,這是可能的,這些厄色尼類似修行( “ Ẓenu'im ” : Tosef 。 , Peah ,二。 18 ) ,其次自己的傳統,雖然他們可能也受到了一般行政。的解釋Εσσάιοι給予Suidas ( = θεωρήτικοι = “男人沉思, “或”神秘主義“ )表明,名稱為” Ḥashsha'im , “像” Ẓenu'im “ ,指委託男人的秘密傳說中耳語” ( Ḥag.第13A , 14A條;將軍河三。 ) 。

"Watikim" and "Holy Ones." “ Watikim ”和“神聖的。 ”

Another name denoting a class of pietistic extremists showing points of contact with the Essenes is "Watiḳim," (men of firm principles: Sifre, Num. 92; Sifre, Deut. 13; Müller, "Masseket Soferim," 1878, p. 257, who identifies them with the Essenes).另一名指一類pietistic極端分子顯示的接觸點與愛色尼是“ Watiḳim , ” (男子堅定的原則: Sifre ,數量。 92 ; Sifre , Deut 。 13 ;米勒, “ Masseket Soferim ” , 1878年,第257頁,確定他們誰的愛色尼) 。 "The Watiḳim so arranged their morning prayer as to finish the Shema' exactly at the time when the sun came out in radiance" (Ber. 9b; comp. Wisdom xvi. 28; II Macc. x. 28); the Watiḳim closed the prayers "Malkiyyot, Shofarot" and "Zikronot" with Pentateuch verses (RH 32b). “這樣的Watiḳim上午安排他們祈禱,以完成射麻'到底的時候,太陽出來的光芒” ( Ber. 9B條;補償。智慧十六。 28 ;二排雷協委會。十28 ) ;的Watiḳim關閉祈禱“ Malkiyyot , Shofarot ”和“ Zikronot ”與五詩句(相對濕度32b ) 。 As holders of ancient traditions, they placed their own custom above the universally accepted halakah (Masseket Soferim, xiv. 18).至於持有人的古老傳統,它們把自己的自定義上述普遍接受的halakah ( Masseket Soferim ,十四。 18 ) 。 Still another name which deserves special consideration is "ḳadosh" (saint).還有一個名字,值得特別考慮是“卡多什” (聖) 。 "Such is he called who sanctifies himself, like the 'Nazir,' by abstaining from enjoyments otherwise permissible" (Ta'an. 11a, b; Yeb. 20a; comp. Niddah 12a, where the word "Ẓanu'a" is used instead). “這就是他所謂誰認可自己,像'納齊爾卡,從投棄權票允許享受” ( Ta'an 。第11A , B組; Yeb 。 20A條;補償。 Niddah 12A號,那裡的單詞“ Ẓanu'a ”是用來不是) 。 Menahem bar Simai is called "son of the saints" because he would not even look at a coin which bore the image of the emperor or pass under the shadow of an idol (Pes. 104a; Yer, 'Ab. Zarah iii. 42c, 43b, where he is called "Nahum, the most holy one"). In Jerusalem there existed down to the second century a community by the name of "The Holy Congregation" ('Edah Ḳedoshah, or Ḳehala Ḳaddisha), which insisted on each member practising a trade and devoting a third part of the day to the study of the Torah, a third to devotion, and a third to work: probably a survival of an Essene community (Eccl. R. ix. 9; Ber. 9b; Tamid 27b).梅納海姆酒吧西邁被稱為“兒子的聖人” ,因為他甚至不看硬幣承擔的形象,或通過皇帝的陰影下的偶像( Pes. 104a ;層, '抗體。 Zarah三。 42c , 43B條,在那裡他被稱為“內厄姆,最神聖的一” ) 。在耶路撒冷存在著下跌的第二個世紀的一個社區的名字叫“聖教會” ( ' Edah Ḳedoshah ,或Ḳehala Ḳaddisha ) ,其中堅持每執業會員的貿易和把第三部分的一天的研究聖經,第三,以奉獻精神,和第三的工作:可能是一個生存的社會的厄色尼( Eccl.河九。 9 ;蘇貝等。 9B條; Tamid 27B款) 。

In this connection mention should also be made of the "Banna'im" (builders: Miḳ. ix. 6; Shab. 114a), whom Frankel ("Zeitschrift für die Religiösen Interessen des Judenthums," 1846, p. 455) with great plausibility identifies with the Essenes.在這方面還應提到的“ Banna'im ” (建設者: Miḳ 。九。 6 ;沙巴。 114a ) ,其中弗蘭克爾( “雜誌死於Religiösen利益之Judenthums ” , 1846年,第455頁)懷著極大的可信識別與愛色尼。 Originally applied to a gild of builders belonging to the Essenes (see "Polistes," below; comp. Abba Ḳolon "the Builder," Cant. R. i. 6; Abba Joseph the Builder, Ex. R. xiii.; the "Bannai" [Builder] in the companyof R. Gamaliel, who was to hide in the walls the Targum to Job, Tosef., Shab. xiii. 2), their name was given the meaning of builders of a higher world and afterward applied to the Rabbis in general (Ber. 64a; Yer. Yoma iii. 40; Yer. Giṭ. vii. 48d; Ex. R. xxiii.; comp. οἰκοδομεῖν in the "Didascalia" and the Pauline writings).原來適用於鍍金的建築屬於愛色尼(見“馬蜂” ,下面;補償。阿爸隆“的構建, ”公會。河島6 ;阿巴約瑟夫的生成,惠。河十三。 ;的“ Bannai “ [生成]在companyof河加馬利亞,誰應該隱藏在牆上的根,以就業, Tosef 。 ,沙巴。十三。 2人) ,他們的名字被賦予意義的建設者更高的世界,後來適用於在一般拉比( Ber. 64a ;層。山脈三。 40 ;層。 Giṭ 。七。 48d ;惠。河二十三。 ;補償。 οἰκοδομεῖν在“ Didascalia ”和波林的著作) 。 Each hermit built his house himself; hence the names "Banus" and "Bannaia," adopted by men whose type was the legendary Benaiah ben Jehoiada (Ber. 4a; 18a, b).每個隱士建造他的房子自己,因此名稱“巴努斯”和“ Bannaia , ”通過男人的類型是傳奇Benaiah本Jehoiada ( Ber. 4a的; 18A條, b )項。

Survivals of the Hasidim.存活的Hasidim 。

The name of the Ḥasidim of olden times is coupled with that of the "Anshe Ma'aseh" (men of miraculous deeds: Suk. v. 4), a fact which shows that both belonged to the same class.的名稱Ḥasidim的古代是加上“ Anshe Ma'aseh ” (男子奇蹟般的事蹟:碩。訴4 ) ,這一事實表明,屬於同一類。 Ḥanina b.尼納灣 Dosa is called the last of "the miracle-workers" (Soṭah ix. 15). Dosa被稱為最後的“奇蹟工人” ( Soṭah九。 15 ) 。 But the Ḥasidim remained wonder-workers in Talmudic times (Ber. 18b; Lev. R. xxii., where "ish hama'aseh" is translated into "'asḳan bi-debarim").但Ḥasidim仍然不知道工人在塔木德時間( Ber. 18B條;列夫。河22 。 ,其中“英語hama'aseh ”變為“ asḳan雙向debarim ” ) 。 In fact, there existed books containing miraculous stories of the Ḥasidim, a considerable number of which were adopted by Talmud and Midrash (see Eccl. R. ix. 10), just as there existed secret scrolls ("Megillot Seṭarim") and ethical rules of the Ḥasidim ("Mishnat" or "Megillat Ḥasidim") to which allusion is made here and there in the Talmud (Yer. Ter. viii. 46b; Yer. Ber. ix. 14d), and the contents of which have found their way into the pseudepigraphic and early non-Talmudic, literature (see Horowitz, lc).事實上,存在著載有奇蹟般的圖書故事Ḥasidim ,相當多的是通過塔木德和米德拉士(見傳道書。河㈨ 。 10 ) ,正如存在著秘密的春聯( “ Megillot Seṭarim ” )和道德準則的Ḥasidim ( “ Mishnat ”或“ Megillat Ḥasidim ” )的典故是在這裡和那裡的塔木德( Yer.之三。八。 46b ;層。蘇貝等。九。 14d )和內容發現他們的進入pseudepigraphic和早期非猶太法典,文學(見霍洛維茨,立法會) 。 The Ḥasidim mentioned in old baraitas like Temurah (15b) and Soṭah (ix. 15), and in Abot de-Rabbi Natan (viii.), who spent their time on works of charity, are none other but survivals of the ancient Ḥasidim. Ḥasidim提到的舊baraitas像Temurah ( 15B條)和Soṭah ( ix. 15 ) ,並在Abot去拉比納坦( viii. ) ,誰花的時間對作品的慈善機構,是沒有其他,但存活的古代Ḥasidim 。 The Ḥasidean traditions may, therefore, be traced from Jose ben Joezer, the martyr-saint and Ḥasidean leader of the Maccabean time (II Macc. xiv. 37, where "Razis" is a corruption of the name; Gen. R. lxv.; Frankel, in "Monatsschrift," lii. 406 [1851], down to Phinehas b. Jair, who was both in theory and in practise a disciple of the Ḥasidim (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." ii. 594 et seq.); indeed, there is little in Essene life which does not find its explanation in rabbinical sources.傳統的Ḥasidean可能,因此,應當從追溯到何本Joezer ,烈士聖和Ḥasidean領導人Maccabean時間(二排雷協委會。十四。 37個,其中“ Razis ”是一種腐敗的名稱;將軍河lxv 。 ;弗蘭克爾,在“月刊, ”理。 406 [ 1851 ] ,下降到Phinehas灣睚珥,誰是在理論和實踐的弟子Ḥasidim (見巴切爾, “銀。談。 ”二。 594及以下。 ) ;的確,很少有生活在厄色尼沒有找到自己的解釋猶太教來源。

Viewed in the light of these facts, the description of the Essenes given by Philo and Josephus will be better understood and appreciated.閱讀鑑於這些事實,說明愛色尼給予斐洛和約瑟夫將能更好地理解和讚賞。 Philo describes them in his earlier work, "Quod Omnis Probus Liber," § 12, as Philo's Account of the Essenes.(comp. Ex. R. xii.: "Moses should not pray to God in a city full of idols").斐洛介紹他們在先前的工作, “獄卒Omnis普羅布斯書” ,第12斐羅的帳戶的愛色尼。 ( comp.惠。河十二。 : “摩西不應該向上帝祈禱的城市充滿了偶像” ) 。

"a number of men living in Syria and Palestine, over 4,000 according to my judgment, called 'Essæi' (ὂσιοι) from their saintliness (though not exactly after the meaning of the Greek language), they being eminently worshipers of God (θεραπευταί Θεον)-not in the sense that they sacrifice living animals (like the priests in the Temple), but that they are anxious to keep their minds in a priestly state of holiness. They prefer to live in villages and avoid cities on account of the habitual wickedness of those who inhabit them, knowing, as they do, that just as foul air breeds disease, so there is danger of contracting an incurable disease of the soul from such bad associations" “許多人生活在敘利亞和巴勒斯坦,超過4000根據我的判斷,所謂的' Essæi ' ( ὂσιοι )由他們的聖潔(雖然不是完全意義後的希臘語) ,他們顯然正在朝拜上帝( θεραπευταί Θεον )沒有意義,他們犧牲生活的動物(如神父在寺) ,但他們渴望保持頭腦祭司在國家的聖德。他們寧願住在村莊和避免城市到了慣常邪惡的人居住在他們誰知道,因為他們這樣做,這就像骯髒的空氣滋生疾病,所以危險承包不治之症的靈魂從這種壞協會“

This fear of contamination is given a different meaning by Philo ("De Vita Contemplativa," ed. Conybeare, pp. 53, 206).這種擔心的污染被賦予不同的含義的斐羅( “德簡歷Contemplativa , ”版。科尼比爾,頁。 53 , 206 ) 。 Speaking of their occupations, he says:(comp. Ḳid. iv. 11; Tosef., Ḳid. v. 15; Masseket Soferim, xv. 10; all these passages being evidences of the same spirit pervading the Pharisaic schools).在談到自己的職業,他說: ( comp.孩子。四。 11 ; Tosef 。 ,孩子。訴15人; Masseket Soferim ,十五。 10 ;所有這些通道正在證據本著同樣的精神Pharisaic普遍存在的學校) 。

"Some cultivate the soil, others pursue peaceful arts, toiling only for the provision of their necessary wants. . . . Among all men they alone are without money and without possession, but nevertheless they are the richest of all, because to have few wants and live frugally they regard as riches [comp. Abot iv. 1: "Who is rich? “有些培養土,另一些追求和平藝術,辛苦只為他們提供必要的希望。 。 。 。在所有男人,他們本身是沒有錢,沒有佔有,但他們是最富有的一切,因為有一些想和省吃儉用他們認為財富[補償。 Abot四。 1 : “誰是富人? Who is contented with his lot?誰是他的心滿意足很多? for it is said: 'When thou eatest the labor of thy hands happy art thou and it shall be well with thee'" (Ps. cxxviii. 2, Hebr.)]. Among them there is no maker of any weapon of war [comp. Shab. vi. 4], nor any trader, whether huckster or dealer in large merchandise on land or sea, nor do they follow any occupation that leads to injustice or to covetousness" "There is not a single slave among them, but they are all free, serving one another; they condemn masters, not only as representing a principle of unrighteousness in opposition to that of equality, but as personifications of wickedness in that they violate the law of nature which made us all brethren, created alike."因為它是說: '當你eatest勞動的快樂你的手和藝術你應與你“ (詩篇cxxviii 。 2 , Hebr 。 ) ] 。當中沒有任何廠商的任何戰爭武器[補償。沙巴。六。 4 ] ,也沒有任何交易,無論是叫賣或經銷商在大型商品的陸地或海上,也沒有任何後續佔領,導致不公正或貪婪“ , ”沒有一個奴隸其中,但它們都是免費的,彼此服務,他們譴責的主人,不僅是代表一個原則unrighteousness在反對平等的,但作為personifications的邪惡,因為他們違反了法律的性質,使我們所有的兄弟,同樣創造。 “ [This means that, so far from keeping slaves, the Essenes, or Ḥasidim, made it their special object to ransom captives (see Ab. RN viii.; Ta'an. 22a; Ḥul. 7a); they emancipated slaves and taught them the Law, which says: "They are My servants (Lev. xxv. 42), but should not be servants of servants, and should not wear the yoke of flesh and blood" (Targ. Yer. to Deut. xxiii. 16-17; Tosef., BK vii. 5; Ḳid. 22b.; comp. 38b; Abot i. 10: "Hate mastership!" Abot vi. 2. In regard to their practise of mutual service comp. Ḳid. 32b; Luke xxii. 27; John xiii. 1 et seq.).] [這意味著,迄今為止保存奴隸,在愛色尼,或Ḥasidim ,使得他們的特殊對象,以勒索贖金綁架(見抗體。護理人員八。 ; Ta'an 。 22A條;豪。 7A條) ;他們解放奴隸和教他們法,它說: “他們是我的僕人(利未記25 。 42歲) ,但不應公務員公務員,而不應穿的枷鎖血肉” ( Targ.層。以Deut 。二十三。 16 - 17 ; Tosef 。淺灘七。 5 ;孩子。 22B款。 ;補償。 38b ; Abot島10 : “恨精巧! ” Abot六。 2 。至於他們信奉的相互服務的補償。孩子。 32b ;盧克22 。 27 ;約翰十三。一日起。 ) ] 。

Study of the Law.(comp. the name of "doreshe reshumot," allegorists, B. Ḳ. 82a).研究法。 ( comp. “的名義doreshe reshumot , ” allegorists灣K表。 82A條) 。

"Of natural philosophy . . . they study only that which pertains to the existence of God and the beginning of all things ["ma'ase merkabah" and "ma'aseh bereshit"], otherwise they devote all their attention to ethics, using as instructors the laws of their fathers, which, without the outpouring of the divine spirit ["ruaḥ ha-ḳodesh"], the human mind could not have devised. These are especially taught on the seventh day, when, abstaining from all other work, they assemble in their holy places, called synagogues, sitting in rows according to their age, the younger ones listening with becoming attention at the feet of the elder ones. One takes up the holy book and reads aloud, another one from among the most learned comes forward and explains whatever may not have been understood-for, following their ancient traditions, they obtain their philosophy by means of allegorical interpretation" "Thus they are taught piety, holiness, righteousness, the mode of governing private and social affairs, and the knowledge of what is conducive or harmful or indifferent to truth, so that they may choose the one and shun the other, their main rule and maxim being a threefold one: love of God, love of manhood (self-control), and love of man. Of the love of God they exhibit myriads of examples, inasmuch as they strive for a continued, uninterrupted life of purity and holiness; they avoid swearing and falsehood, and they declare that God causes only good and no evil whatsoever [comp. "kol de-abed Raḥmana le-ṭab 'abed," "What the Merciful does is for the good," Ber. 60b]. Their love of virtue is proved by their freedom from love of money, of high station, and of pleasure, by their temperance and endurance, by their having few wants, by their simplicity and mild temper, by their lack of pride, by their obedience to the Law, by their equanimity, and the like. Of their love for man they give proof by their good will and pleasant conduct toward all alike [comp. Abot i. 15, iii. 12: "Receive every man with a pleasant countenance!"], and by their fellowship, which is beautiful beyond description. “自然哲學。 。 。他們只研究那些涉及到上帝存在,並開始對所有的事情[ ” ma'ase merkabah “和” ma'aseh bereshit “ ] ,否則他們把所有的注意職業道德,使用作為教員的法律,他們的父親,因為沒有源源不斷的神聖精神[ “ ruaḥ河ḳodesh ” ] ,人的思想不能制定。這些都是特別是教的第七天,當時,棄權的所有其他工作他們聚集在他們的聖地,所謂的猶太教堂,坐在行根據自己的年齡,年輕一代聽著成為關注的腳下老的。之一佔用神聖的書籍和內容朗讀,另一條管道從最教訓是前進和解釋任何可能沒有被理解為,經過他們的古老傳統,他們獲得他們的哲學的方式寓意的解釋“ , ”因此,教他們的虔誠,神聖,正義,模式理事私人和社會事務知識什麼是有利於或有害的,或漠不關心真相,使他們可以選擇一個與順另一方面,他們的主要規則和準則是一個三重一:上帝的愛,愛的男子氣概(自我控制) ,和愛人。在上帝的愛,他們表現出無數的例子,因為它們爭取實現一個持續,不間斷地生活的純潔和神聖,他們避免與謊言宣誓就職,並宣布,上帝只有良好的原因,並沒有什麼邪惡[補償。 “科爾去阿比德Raḥmana樂標籤'阿貝德” , “什麼也大慈大悲的是良好的, ”蘇貝等。 60b ] 。他們的愛情美德是證明了他們的自由愛情的錢,高站,並高興由於其戒酒和耐力,他們有幾個希望,他們的簡單和溫和的脾氣,他們缺乏的自豪感,他們服從法律,他們的鎮定,等等。他們熱愛的人,他們所提供的證據他們的良好意願和愉快的行為都對所有[補償。 Abot島15日,三。 12條: “每個人接收同一個愉快的面容! ” ] ,並通過他們的研究,這是美麗的難以形容。

Their Communism.(comp. BM ii. 11).他們的共產主義。 ( comp.骨髓二。 11 ) 。

"No one possesses a house absolutely his own, one which does not at the same time belong to all; for in addition to living together in companies ["ḥaburot"] their houses are open also to their adherents coming from other quarters [comp. Aboti. 5]. They have one storehouse for all, and the same diet; their garments belong to all in common, and their meals are taken in common. . . . Whatever they receive for their wages after having worked the whole day they do not keep as their own, but bring into the common treasury for the use of all; nor do they neglect the sick who are unable to contribute their share, as they have in their treasury ample means to offer relief to those in need. [One of the two Ḥasidean and rabbinical terms for renouncing all claim to one's property in order to deliver it over to common use is "hefker" (declaring a thing ownerless; comp. Sanh. 49a); Joab, as the type of an Essene, made his house like the wilderness-that is, ownerless and free from the very possibility of tempting men to theft and sexual sin-and he supported the poor of the city with the most delicate food. “沒有人擁有絕對房子自己,一個沒有在同一時間屬於所有;的除了生活在一起的公司[ ” ḥaburot “ ]他們的房屋也開放給他們的信徒來自其他四分之三[補償。 Aboti 。 5 ] 。他們育有一庫房的所有,同樣的飲食,他們的服裝屬於所有共同點,他們的膳食中採取共同的。 。 。 。不管他們收到他們的工資後,工作了整整一天,他們這樣做不能保持自己的,但把國庫的共同使用所有;也不忽視病人誰不能貢獻自己的份額,因為他們在國庫充足的手段來提供救濟需要幫助的人。 [一兩個Ḥasidean和猶太教的條件放棄都聲稱自己的財產,以便交付給共同使用“ hefker ” (宣布的事主;補償。 Sanh 。 49a ) ;喬阿布,作為類型的厄色尼,取得他的家就像荒野,也就是說,主和自由的可能性非常誘人的男子盜竊和性犯罪和他支持窮人的城市,最微妙的食物。

Similarly, King Saul declared his whole property free for use in warfare (Yalḳ.,Sam. i. 138).同樣,國王掃羅宣布他的整個財產的自由使用的戰( Yalḳ. ,山姆。島138號) 。 The other term is "heḳdesh nekasim" (consecrating one's goods; comp. 'Ar. vi. ; Pes. 57: "The owners of the mulberry-trees consecrated them to God"; Ta'an. 24a: "Eliezer of Beeroth consecrated to charity the money intended for his daughter's dowry, saying to his daughter, 'Thou shalt have no more claim upon it than any of the poor in Israel.'" Jose ben Joezer, because he had an unworthy son, consecrated his goods to God (BB 133b). Formerly men used to take all they had and give it to the poor (Luke xviii. 22); in Usha the rabbis decreed that no one should give away more than the fifth part of his property ('Ar. 28a; Tosef., 'Ar. iv. 23; Ket. 50a).] They pay respect and honor to, and bestow care upon, their elders, acting toward them as children act toward their parents, and supporting them unstintingly by their handiwork and in other ways"其他術語是“ heḳdesh nekasim ” (鞏固自己的貨物;補償。氬氣。六。 ;瘟。 57 : “業主的桑椹樹他們神聖上帝” ; Ta'an 。 24A條: “埃利澤的神聖Beeroth給慈善機構的錢為他女兒的嫁妝,說他的女兒, '你應該沒有更多的要求它比任何的窮人在以色列。 “何塞本Joezer ,因為他不配有兒子,他的貨物神聖上帝(體133b ) 。前身男性採取一切他們,並給它給窮人(路十八。 22 ) ;在烏莎的猶太教規定,任何人都不應放棄超過第五部分的財產( '氬氣。 28A款; Tosef 。 ,氬氣。四。 23 ;氯胺酮。 50A條) 。 ]他們表示敬意和榮譽,並授予照顧時,他們的長輩,對他們採取行動的兒童的行為對他們的父母,並支持他們的慷慨和他們的手藝在其他方面“

Not even the most cruel tyrants, continues Philo, possibly with reference to King Herod, have ever been able, to bring any charge against these holy Essenes, but all have been compelled to regard them as truly free men.即使是最殘酷的暴君,繼續斐羅,可能提到希律王,曾經能夠把任何指控這些神聖的愛色尼,但都被迫把它們作為真正的自由人。 In Philo's larger work on the Jews, of which only fragments have been preserved in Eusebius' "Præparatio Evangelica" (viii.), the following description of the Essenes is given (ch. xi.):在斐洛較大的工作,猶太人,其中只有片段已經保存在優西比烏“ Præparatio Evangelica ” ( viii. ) ,下面的說明是愛色尼(十一章。 ) :

The Essenes Advanced in Years.先進的愛色尼幾年。

"Our lawgiver, Moses, has trained thousands of disciples who, on account of their saintliness, I believe, are honored with the name of Essæi. They inhabit many cities and villages, and large and populous quarters of Judea. Their institution is not based upon family connections, which are not matters of free choice, but upon zeal for virtue and philanthropy. There exist no new-born children, and no youth just entering upon manhood, in the Essene community, since the dispositions of such youth are unstable on account of their immaturity; but all are full-grown men, already declining toward old age [compare the meaning of "zeḳenim"], such as are no longer carried away by the vehemence of the flesh nor under the influence of their passions, but are in the enjoyment of genuine and true liberty." “我們的立法者,摩西,已培訓了數以千計的弟子誰,就到他們的聖潔,我認為,很榮幸的名稱Essæi 。他們居住的許多城市和村莊,與大國和人口四分之三的朱迪亞。及其機構是不是基於對家庭關係,這是沒有問題的自由選擇,但在熱情的美德和慈善事業。不存在任何新出生的孩子,沒有青年剛剛進入成年後,在厄色尼社會,因為這種處分青年不穩定的考慮到它們的不成熟,但都全面增長的男子,已經下降,對年老[比較意義上的“ zeḳenim ” ] ,如不再帶走了強烈的肉體,也不影響下他們的激情,但是在享受真正的和真正的自由。 “ [This is the most essential feature of Essenism (comp. Pliny, lc), and has been almost entirely ignored. [這是最重要的特點Essenism ( comp.普利尼,立法會) ,並已幾乎完全被忽略。 The divine command to marry and preserve the race is supposed to have been obeyed by every young man before the close of his twentieth year (Ḳid. 29b), and he has not discharged his obligation until he has been the father of at least two children, two sons according to the Shammaites, according to the Hillelites one son and one daughter (Yeb. vi. 6).神聖的命令,以結婚和維護的比賽理應服從已經由每個青年男子,在他結束20年( Ḳid. 29B條) ,以及他沒有履行其義務之前,他一直是父親,至少有兩個子女,兩個兒子按照Shammaites ,根據Hillelites一個兒子和一個女兒( Yeb.六。 6 ) 。 It was therefore only at an advanced age that it was considered an act of extreme piety "to leave children, wife, and friends behind in order to lead a life of contemplation in solitude" (Philo, "De Vita Contemplativa," ed. Conybeare, p. 49).]因此,只有在一個先進的時代,它被認為是一種極端行為的虔誠“離開孩子,妻子,和朋友們後面,以領先生活在孤獨的沉思” (斐洛, “德簡歷Contemplativa , ”版。科尼比爾,第49頁) 。 ]

Philo says here also that the Essenes have no property of their own, not house or slave or farm, nor flocks and herds, but hold in common everything they have or obtain; that they either pursue agriculture, or tend to their sheep and cattle, or beehives, or practise some handicraft.菲洛說,這裡還愛色尼沒有財產自己,而不是房子或奴隸或農場,也沒有成群牛羊,但在共同舉行的一切,他們已經或獲取; ,他們要么追求農業,或傾向於他們的牛羊,或蜂箱,或從事一些手工藝品。 Their earnings, he continues, are given in charge of an elected steward, who at once buys the food for their meals and whatever is necessary for life.他們的收入,他繼續下去,有負責一個民選的管家,一旦誰在購買食品的膳食和一切必要的生活。 Every day they have their meals together; they are contented with the same food because they love frugality and despise extravagance as a disease of body and soul. They also have their dress in common, a thick cloak in winter and a light mantle in summer, each one being allowed to take whichever he chooses.每天,他們一起吃飯,他們心滿意足相同的食品,因為他們喜歡節儉,鄙視奢侈作為一種疾病的身體和靈魂。他們也有他們的禮服是共同的,厚的外衣在冬季和一個輕型地幔的夏天,每一個被允許採取以他選擇。 If any one be sick, he is cured by medcines from the common stock, receiving the care of all.如果任何一個生病,他是治愈medcines從普通股股票,接受照顧所有。 Old men, if they happen to be childless, end their lives as if they were blessed with many and well-trained children, and in the most happy state, being treated with a respect which springs from spontaneous attachment rather than from kinship.老年男性,如果他們正好是孩子,結束自己的生命,好像他們是擁有許多受過良好訓練的兒童,並在最快樂的國家,正在接受治療的尊重泉水從自發的附件,而不是從血緣關係。 Especially do they reject that which would dissolve their fellowship, namely, marriage, while they practise continence in an eminent degree, for no one of the Essæi takes a wife.尤其是,他們拒絕接受將解散其金,即結婚,雖然他們在實踐可控一位傑出的程度,因為沒有一個Essæi需要一個妻子。 (What follows regarding the character of women probably reflects the misogynous opinion of the writer, not of the Essenes.) Philo concludes with a repetition of the remark that mighty kings have admired and venerated these men and conferred honors upon them. (以下關於婦女的性格可能反映了misogynous意見的作家,而不是愛色尼) 。斐羅最後重複這句話有強大的國王欽佩和崇敬這些男人和授予榮譽給他們。

Josephus' Account.約瑟夫'帳戶。

In his "Antiquities" (xiii. 5, § 9), Josephus speaks of the Essenes as a sect which had existed in the time of the Maccabees, contemporaneously with the Pharisees and Sadducees, and which teaches that all things are determined by destiny (εἱμαρμένη), and that nothing befalls men which has not been foreordained; whereas the Pharisees make allowance for free will, and the Sadducees deny destiny altogether.在他的“古物” ( xiii. 5 ,第9 ) ,約瑟夫談到愛色尼節作為一個已存在的時間的馬加比, contemporaneously與法利賽和撒都該人,並教導我們,一切事物都是確定的命運( εἱμαρμένη ) ,並沒有什麼befalls男子尚未注定;而法利使津貼的自由意志,並撒都該人完全否定的命運。 This refers not so much to the more or less absolute belief in Providence (comp. the saying, "Ha-kol hi-yede shamayim" = " All is in the hands of God": Ket. 30a; Ber. 33b; and R. Akiba's words, "Everything is foreseen, but free will is given," Abot iii. 15), which the Sadducees scarcely denied, as to the foreknowledge of future (political) events, which the Essenes claimed (comp. Josephus, "Ant." xv. 10, § 5, et al.); the Pharisees were more discreet, and the Sadducees treated such prophecies with contempt.這是指不是要或多或少絕對相信普羅維登斯( comp.的說, “哈科爾高科技yede shamayim ” = “一切都掌握在上帝” :氯胺酮。 30a ;蘇貝等。 33B條;和R 。秋葉的話來說, “一切都預見到,但自由意志是” Abot三。 15人) ,其中撒都該人幾乎沒有否認,就預知未來的(政治)事件,而愛色尼人( comp.約瑟夫, “螞蟻。 “十五。 10日,第5條,等。 ) ;的法利賽人更為隱蔽,而且這種治療撒都該人預言蔑視。 In "Ant."在“螞蟻” 。 xviii.十八。 1, §§ 2-6, Josephus dwells at somewhat greater length on what he assumes to be the three Jewish philosophical schools. 1 , § § 2-6 ,約瑟夫居住在某種程度上更大的長度,他要承擔的三個猶太哲學學校。 Of the Essenes he says that they ascribe all things to God, that they teach the immortality of the soul, and that the reward of righteousness must be fought for (by martyrdom).(comp. Strabo, vii. 33).愛色尼的,他說,他們所有的東西歸咎於上帝,他們教不死的靈魂,而且獎勵的正義鬥爭必須為(按殉難) 。 ( comp.斯特拉波,七。 33 ) 。

"When they send gifts to the Temple they do not offer sacrifices because of the different degrees of purity and holiness they claim; therefore they keep themselves away from the common court of the Temple and bring offerings [vegetable sacrifices] of their own. [This certainly does not mean that they opposed animal sacrifices on principle, but that they brought no free-will offerings for reasons of their own; see above.] They excel all men in conduct, and devote themselves altogether to agriculture. Especially admirable is their practise of righteousness, which, while the like may have existed among Greeks or barbarians for a little while, has been kept up by them from ancient days [ἐκ παλαιον]; for they, like the Spartans of old and others, have still all things in common, and a rich man has no more enjoyment of his property than he who never possessed anything. There are about 4,000 men who live in such manner. They neither marry, nor do they desire to keep slaves, as they think the latter practise leads to injustice [comp. Abot ii. 7: "Many men servants, much theft"], and the former brings about quarrels; but, living to themselves, they serve one another. They elect good men ["ṭobim"; See Charity] to receive the wages of their labor and the produce of the soil, and priests for the preparation [consecration?] of their bread and meat. They all live alike, and resemble most the [holy unmarried] city-builders [pioneers] of the Dacæ" “當他們發送禮物的廟,他們不提供的犧牲,因為不同程度的純潔和神聖,他們要求;因此他們自己保持遠離普通法院聖殿,使產品[蔬菜犧牲]自己。 [這當然並不意味著他們反對動物犧牲原則,但他們帶來任何自由意志產品出於自己;見上文。 ]他們善於所有男人的行為,並完全投身農業。尤其令人欽佩的是他們的執業正義,其中,雖然可能有像之間存在著希臘人或野蠻人的一點時間,一直由他們從古代天[ ἐκ παλαιον ] ;因為他們一樣,舊的斯巴達和其他人,還有所有的東西常見,富人沒有更多的享受他的財產誰比他從未擁有任何東西。大約有4000人誰生活在這樣的方式進行。他們既不結婚,也不希望保持奴隸,因為他們認為,導致後者執業不公正[補償。 Abot二。 7 : “許多男人公務員,許多盜竊” ] ,和前帶來的爭吵,但是對自己的生活,他們互相提供服務。他們選出好男人[ “ ṭobim ” ;見慈善]得到的工資和他們的勞動生產的土壤,和神父準備[神聖? ]他們的麵包和肉。他們都住一樣,和最相似的[神聖的未婚]城市建設者[先鋒]的Dacæ “

The chief information concerning the Essenes is given in "De Bello Judaico" (ii. 8, §§ 2-13).負責有關愛色尼給出了“德略Judaico ” (白介素8 , § § 2-13 ) 。 But this account seems to have been taken from another source and worked over, as the description preserved in Hippolytus' "Refutatio Omnium Hæresium" (ix. 18-28) presents a version which, unobserved by most writers, differs in many respects from that of Josephus, being far more genuinely Jewish, and showing greater accuracy in detail and none of the coloring peculiar to Josephus (see Duncker's ed., Göttingen, 1859, p. 472, note).但是,此帳戶似乎已經從另一個來源和工作的,因為說明保存在西波呂“ Refutatio Omnium公司Hæresium ” ( ix. 18日至28日)提出了一個版, unobserved大多數作家,在許多方面不同於這的約瑟夫,是遠遠真正的猶太人,而且顯示出了更加準確,詳細,沒有著色特有的約瑟夫(見鄧克爾的版。 ,哥廷根, 1859年,第472頁,注) 。 The following is Hippolytus' version, the variations in Josephus' being indicated by brackets with the letter J:以下是西波呂'版本,約瑟夫的變化,正在表明括號內的文字記者:

Hippolytus' Description Compared with Josephus'.(comp. Eccl. ix. 8) "There are three divisions [sects, αἱρετίσται = "philosophical divisions"] among them [the Jews]: the Pharisees and Sadducees and the Essenes. These [last] practise a holier life [J: "Jews by birth"] in their display of love for one another and of continence [comp. Ẓenu'im, above]; they abstain from every act of covetousness [J: "pleasure as an evil deed"] and avoid even listening to conversation concerning such things. They renounce matrimony, but they take children of strangers [J: "when they are still easily instructed"; but comp. Abraham in Gen. R. xxxix. and Targ. Yer. to Deut. xxiii. 17], and treat them as their own, training them in their own customs; but they do not forbid them to marry. Women, however, though they may be inclined to join the same mode of life, they do not admit, as they by no means place the same confidence in women."西波呂'說明與約瑟夫。 ( comp.傳道書。九。 8 ) “有三個司[教派, αἱρετίσται = ”哲學部門“ ]其中[猶太人] :在法利賽和撒都該人和愛色尼。這些[最後]實行神聖生命[記者: “猶太人的誕生” ]在其顯示的愛和彼此的可控[補償。 Ẓenu'im ,高於] ;他們都棄權的行為垂涎[記者: “很高興作為一個邪惡公“ ] ,並避免甚至聽談話有關此類的事情。他們放棄婚姻,但他們考慮兒童的陌生人[記者: ”當他們仍然很容易指示“ ,但補償。亞伯拉罕在將軍河三十九。與Targ 。層。以Deut 。二十三。 17 ] ,以及對待他們自己的,培訓他們自己的習俗,但他們並不禁止他們結婚。婦女然而,儘管他們可能傾向於加入同一模式的生活,他們不承認,因為他們絕不相同的地方在婦女的信任。 “ [This referssimply to questions of Levitical holiness and to the mysteries entrusted to the Ẓenu'im. [這referssimply問題的利未聖潔和神秘委託Ẓenu'im 。 Josephus has this sentence twisted into the following crude and unjust statement: "They do not forbid marriage and the procreation of children, but they guard against the lasciviousness of women and are persuaded that none preserves fidelity to one man."] Hippolytus continues: "They despise wealth, and do not refrain from sharing what they have with those in need; in fact, none among them is richer than the other; for the law with them is that whosoever joins their order must sell his possessions and hand the proceeds over to the common stock [Josephus adds here remarks of his own]; and the head [archon] distributes it to all according to their need. The overseers who provide for the common wants are elected by them. They do not use oil, as they regard anointing as a defilement, probably from fear that the oil was not kept perfectly pure. They always dress in white garments".約瑟夫這句話已經扭曲成以下原油和不公正的聲明說: “他們不禁止結婚和生育的兒童,但他們防範lasciviousness的婦女,並說服了,沒有任何保留忠實於一個男人。 ” ]西波呂繼續說: “他們鄙視財富,不要不要分享他們與那些有需要的,事實上,它們之間沒有富裕比其他;法律與他們的是,無論誰加入他們的秩序必須出售其財產和手的收益超過對普通股[約瑟夫說這裡是他自己的] ;和頭部[執政官]分發到所有根據自己的需要。監督員誰提供的共同希望是由他們選出的。他們不使用石油,因為它們關於anointing作為一個污辱,也許是擔心,油價沒有保存完美的純潔。他們總是穿著白色服裝。 “

Essenes Travel Constantly.愛色尼旅行不斷。

"They have no special city of their own, but live in large numbers in different cities, and if any of their followers comes from a strange city everything they have is considered as belonging equally to the newcomer; those who were never known before are received as kindred and friends." “他們已經沒有特別的城市自己的,但生活在大批在不同的城市,如果任何他們的追隨者來自一個陌生的城市他們都被認為是屬於同樣的新人,這些人誰不知道收到之前作為親屬和朋友。 “ "They traverse their native land [as "sheluḥe miẓwah," sent for charitable and for politico-religious purposes (comp. Apostles)], and whenever they go on a journey they carry nothing except arms. They find in every city an administrator of the collective funds, who procures clothing and food for them. “他們穿過他們的土地[作為” sheluḥe miẓwah “ ,為慈善發出的政治和宗教目的( comp.使徒) ] ,只要他們動身,他們除了攜帶任何武器。他們發現在每一個城市的管理員集體資金,誰採購的衣服和食物為他們。

Prayers and Meals.祈禱和伙食費。

"Their way of dressing and their general appearance are decorous; but they possess neither two cloaks nor two pairs of shoes [comp. Matt. x. 10, and parallels]. At early dawn they rise for devotion and prayer, and speak not a word to one another until they have praised God in hymns. [Josephus has here: "They speak not a word about profane things before the rising of the sun, but they offer up the prayers they have received from their fathers facing the sun as if praying for its rising"; comp. the Watiḳim, above.] Thus they go forth, each to his work until the fifth hour, when, having put on linen aprons to conceal their privy parts [comp. Ber. 24b], they bathe in cold water and then proceed to breakfast, none being allowed to enter the house who does not share their view or mode of holiness [see Ḥag. iii. 2]. Then, having taken their seats in order amid silence, each takes a sufficient portion of bread and some additional food; but none eats before the benediction has been offered by the priest, who also recites the grace after the meal; both at the beginning and at the close they praise God in hymns [comp. Ber. 21a, 35a, in regard to the saying of grace; see, M. Ḳ. 28b; Meg. 28a]. After this they lay aside their sacred linen garments used at their meal, put on their working garments left in the vestibule, and betake themselves to their labor until the evening, when they take supper. “他們的更衣室和他們一般外觀端莊,但他們都擁有兩個外衣,也沒有兩對鞋[補償。馬特。十, 10和平行] 。早日到來在上升,他們的奉獻和祈禱,並沒有說話詞彼此,直到他們都稱讚上帝的讚美詩。 [約瑟夫已在這裡: “他們說沒有一個字的世俗的東西之前,上升的太陽,但他們提供了祈禱他們已經收到來自他們的父親所面臨的太陽,猶如祈禱的崛起“ ;補償。了Watiḳim ,以上。 ]因此,他們去了,每到他的工作,直到第五個小時,當時就提出了亞麻的停機坪,以掩蓋其樞密院部分[補償。蘇貝等。 24b ] ,他們洗澡在冷水中,然後開始早餐,但沒有被允許進入房子誰不分享他們的觀點或模式的神聖[見魔女。三。 2 ] 。然後,採取了自己的座位上,以便在保持沉默,每個需要有足夠部分麵包和一些額外的食物;但沒有吃的祝福之前已提供的神父,誰也叨唸寬限期後,吃飯;在開始和結束時,他們讚美上帝的聖歌[補償。蘇貝等。 21A條, 35A條,對於說的寬限期;見先生K表。 28B款;梅格。 54 ] 。後,他們放下自己的神聖用亞麻服裝在其吃飯,把他們的工作服裝留在前廳,和自己betake他們的勞動,直到傍晚時分,當他們採取晚飯。

The Law and the Prophets.[comp.法律和先知。 [補償。 Wisdom vii.智慧七。 20] 20 ]

"There are no loud noise and vociferation heard [at their assembly]; they speak gently and allow the discourse to flow with grace and dignity, so that the stillness within impresses outsiders with a sense of mystery. They observe sobriety and moderation in eating and drinking. All pay due attention to the president, and whatever he orders they obey as law. Especial zeal they manifest in offering sympathy and succor to those in distress. [Josephus here adds a sentence of his own.] Above all they refrain from all forms of passion and anger as leading to mischief [see Anger]. No one among them swears; a word is regarded as more binding than an oath; and one who swears is despised as one not deserving of confidence. They are very solicitous in regard to the reading aloud of the Law and the Prophets [J: "the writings of the ancient ones"], and of any [apocalyptic?] scroll they have of the Faithful Ones [comp. Tan., Wa'era, ed. Buber, 4; and Eschatology; J: "and they select such as are for the salvation of soul and body"]. Especially do they investigate the magic powers of plants and stones. “有沒有巨響和vociferation聽到[在其裝配] ;他們說話輕輕地,並允許流動話語與風度和尊嚴,使寂靜的印象與外界的神秘感。他們觀察清醒和節制飲食和飲用水。所有給予應有的重視,總統,不管他的命令,他們服從法律。特殊的熱情,他們表現在產品的同情和救助那些處於困境。 [約瑟夫在這裡增添了一句自己。 ]最重要的是,他們避免一切形式的激情和憤怒會導致惡作劇[見憤怒] 。沒有人其中發誓;一個字被視為更具約束力超過宣誓;和一個誰是鄙視發誓作為一個不值得信任的。他們非常殷勤方面在朗讀的法律和先知[記者: “著作古代的” ] ,以及任何[世界末日? ]滾動他們的忠實一[補償。火炭。 , Wa'era ,編輯。布伯, 4 ;和末世論;記者: “他們選擇,如用於拯救靈魂和身體” ] 。尤其是他們進行調查的權力的魔力的植物和石頭。

"To those desirous of becoming disciples they do not deliver their traditions [παραδόσεις; comp. Cabala] until they have tested them. Accordingly they set before the aspirant the same kind of food, outside the main hall, where he remains for a whole year after having received a mattock, a linen apron, and a white robe [as symbols of Ẓeni'ut (Essene, modesty and purity)]. After having given proof of self-control during this period, he is advanced and his ablutions are of a higher degree of purity, but he is not allowed to partake of the common meal until, after a trial of two years more, he has proved worthy to be admitted into membership. Then oaths of an awful character are administered to him: he swears to treat with reverence whatever is related to the Divinity [compare Blasphemy and God, Names of]; that he will observe righteousness toward men and do injustice to none; that he will not hate any one who has done him injustice, but will pray for his enemies [comp. Matt. v. 45]; that he will always side with the righteous in their contests [this proves, if anything, that the Essenes were fighters rather than mere quietists]; that he will show fidelity to all and particularly to those in authority; for, say they, without God's decree no one is given power to rule [this refers not to political rulers, as has been claimed with reference to "Ant." xv. 10, § 5, but to the head of the order, whose election is not made without the guidance of the Holy Spirit (Sifre, Num. 92: Ber. 58a, "min ha-shamayim"; comp. Didascalia, in Jew. Encyc. iv. 590a)]; that, if himself appointed to be ruler, he will not abuse his authority, nor refuse to submit to the rules, nor ornament himself beyond what is customary; that he will ever love the truth and reprove him who is guilty of falsehood; that he will neither steal nor pollute his conscience for the sake of gain; that he will neither conceal anything from the members of the order nor disclose anything to outsiders, even though tortured to death. He swears besides that he will not communicate the doctrines differently from the manner in which he received them himself. [Here Josephus has two conditions omitted in Hippolytus: "that he will abstain from robbery (which in this connection probably refers to the teachings which might be misappropriated and claimed for oneself; the rabbinical rule, which has, therefore, an Essene coloring, being: "He who tells a saying in the name of the author brings about the redemption," Abot vi. 6, based upon Esth. ii. 22), and "that he will with equal care guard the books of the order and the names of the angels." “對於那些渴望成為門徒他們沒有提供他們的傳統[ παραδόσεις ;補償。 Cabala ]直到他們測試他們。因此他們面前的野心同樣的食物,外面的大廳,在那裡他仍然一整年之後收到了鶴嘴鋤,亞麻圍裙,和白色長袍[作為象徵Ẓeni'ut (厄色尼,謙遜和純潔性) ] 。經過證明的自我控制,在此期間,他是先進的,他是浴室程度更高的純度,但他是不允許參與的共同吃飯,直到審判後兩年多,他已經證明值得被接納為成員。然後咒罵的可怕性質的管理對他說:他發誓治療與崇敬無論是有關神[比較褻瀆上帝,名稱] ; ,他將遵守對正義的男人和這樣的不公正, 0票反對; ,他將不會恨任何一個誰做了他的不公正,但會祈禱他的敵人[補償。馬特。訴45 ] ; ,他將永遠一方正義的競賽[這證明,如果有的話,該愛色尼是戰士,而不是僅僅quietists ] ; ,他將表明高保真所有,特別是對那些在權力;的表示,他們沒有上帝的法令,任何人都不能給予的權力規則[這不是指政治統治者,象有人所說的那樣參照“螞蟻。 ”十五。 10日,第5 ,但頭部的命令,他的當選是沒有的指導下聖靈( Sifre ,數量。 92 :蘇貝等。 58a , “民公頃, shamayim ” ;補償。 Didascalia ,在猶太人。 Encyc 。四。 590a ) ] ;說如果他獲委任為統治者,他不會濫用他的權力,也拒絕向規則,也沒有超出自己的裝飾是什麼習慣; ,他將永遠熱愛真理和責備他誰是有罪的謊言; ,他將既不偷,也不污染他的良心,為了增益; ,他不會隱瞞任何成員的命令,也沒有透露任何外人,即使折磨致死。之外,他發誓,他將不會溝通的理論不同的方式他在收到他們自己。 [約瑟夫在這裡有兩個條件省略西波呂: “說,他將投棄權票來自搶劫(其中在這方面可能指的教誨可能是挪用,並聲稱為自己;猶太教規則,這已因此,厄色尼著色,是: “誰告訴話說的作者名稱帶來的贖回, ” Abot六。 6 ,根據Esth 。二。 22歲) ,和“ ,他將與平等的照顧看守書籍的秩序和姓名的天使。 “ These oaths give a better insight into the character and purpose of the Essene brotherhood than any other description, as will be shown later.]這些宣誓更好地洞察的性質和宗旨的兄弟厄色尼比其他任何說明,也將可能出現的。 ]

Discipline of the Essene Order.紀律厄色尼階。

"If any of them be condemned for any transgression, he is expelled from the order, and at times such a one dies a terrible death [see Anathema and Didascalia], for inasmuch as he is bound by the oaths taken and by the rites adopted, he is no longer at liberty to partake of the food in use among others. [Here Josephus: "and being compelled to eat herbs, he famishes his body until he perishes."] Occasionally they pity those exposed to dissolution ["shammata"], considering punishment unto death sufficient. In their judicial decisions they are most accurate and just; they do not pass sentence unless in company with one hundred persons [this is possibly a combination of the higher court of seventy-two ("Sanhedrin gedolah") and the smaller court of twenty-three ("Sanhedrin ḳeṭannah")], and what has been decided by them is unalterable. After God they pay the highest homage to the legislator (that is to say, to the Law of Moses), and if any one is guilty of blasphemy against him (that is, against the Law), he is punished [J: "with death"]. They are taught to obey the rulers and elders [J: "the majority"]. “如果任何人受到譴責任何侵,他驅逐出境的命令,有時這樣的一個模具一個可怕的死亡[見詛咒和Didascalia ] ,對,因為他是受宣誓,並通過儀式他不再是自由參加的糧食在使用等等。 [這裡約瑟夫: “和被強迫吃中藥,他famishes他的身體,直到他perishes 。 ” ]有時他們憐憫那些暴露在解散[ “ shammata ” ] ,考慮懲罰祂死亡足夠了。在其司法決定他們是最準確和公正;他們沒有判決,除非在公司100人[這可能是結合上級法院的72 ( “公會gedolah ” )和小法庭23 ( “公會ḳeṭannah ” ) ] ,並已決定他們是不可改變的。上帝之後,他們付出最高的敬意立法者(也就是說,該法的摩西) ,如果任何一個犯有褻瀆罪對他(也就是對法) ,他是懲罰[記者: “死亡” ] 。教他們服從統治者和長者[記者: “大多數” ] 。

Sabbath Observance.遵守安息日。

"When ten [the number necessary to constitute a holy congregation; See Minyan] sit together deliberating, no one speaks without permission of the rest [the rabbinical term is "reshut"; see the Talmudic dictionaries, sv ]. They avoid spitting into the midst of them [Ḥag. 5a; Ber. 62b], or toward the right [the right hand is used for swearing; see Brand, "Mandäische Religion," 1889, pp. 110 et seq.]. "In regard to Sabbath rest they are more scrupulous than other Jews, for they not only prepare their meals one day previously so as not to touch fire, but they do not even remove any utensil [rabbinical term, "muḳẓah"]; see Sabbath]; nor do they turn aside to ease nature. “當10 [必要的數量構成一個神聖的教會;見彥]一起坐下來討論,任何人未經允許說話,其餘[猶太教術語是” reshut “ ;看到塔木德詞典,希沃特] 。他們避免隨地吐痰的他們之中[女巫。 5A型;蘇貝等。 62b ] ,或對權利[右手用於宣誓就職;見品牌“ , Mandäische宗教” , 1889年,頁。 110起。 ] 。 “關於安息日休息他們更嚴格地比其他猶太人,因為他們不僅準備外出一天以前,以便不觸摸火災,但他們甚至不刪除任何器具[猶太教來說, “ muḳẓah ” ] ;見安息日] ;也不反過來除了以緩解性質。 Some do not even rise from their couch [comp.有些甚至沒有引起他們的沙發[補償。 Targ. Targ 。 to Ex.當然。 xvi.十六。 27; Mek., Beshallaḥ, 5], while on other days they observe the law in Deut. 27 ;機械。 , Beshallaḥ , 5 ] ,而在其他日子,他們遵守法律, Deut 。 xxiii.二十三。 13. 13 。 After the easement they wash themselves, considering the excrement as defiling [comp.地役權後,他們自己洗,考慮到排泄物的褻瀆[補償。 Yoma iii.山脈三。 3]. 3 ] 。 They are divided, according to their degree of holy exercises, into four classes."他們分成,根據其程度的神聖演習,分為四個班。 “

The following paragraph, omitted by Josephus, is alluded to, in his "Ant."下面的段落,省略了約瑟夫,是提到,在他的“螞蟻” 。 xviii.十八。 1, § 6, as "the philosophy of a fourth sect founded by Judas the Galilean." 1 ,第6條,因為“哲學的第四次節創辦的猶大的加利利。 ”

Zealots Also Essenes.愛色尼還狂熱。

"For some of these observe a still more rigid practise in not handling or looking at a coin which has an image, nor will they even enter a city at the gates of which statues are erected [comp. Yer. 'Ab. Zarah iii. 42b, 43b]. Others again threaten to slay any Gentile taking part in a discourse about God and His Law if he refuses to be circumcised [comp. Sanh. 59a, Ex.R. xxxiii.]. From this they were called 'Zealots' [Ḳanna'im] by some, 'Sicarii' by others. Others again will call no one lord except God, even though they be tortured or killed. “對於其中的一些觀察更加嚴格的執業不處理或尋求硬幣其中有一個形象,也不會進入他們甚至在一個城市的大門,這是豎立雕像[補償。層。抗體。 Zarah三。 42b ,第43條B ] 。其他人再次威脅要殺死任何詹蒂萊參加了話語對上帝和他的律師,如果他拒絕割禮[補償。 Sanh 。 8軟, Ex.R.三十三。 ] 。從這個被稱為'痴迷者[ Ḳanna'im ]一些, ' Sicarii '別人。還有一些人將沒有一個大人,除非上帝,即使他們受到酷刑或死亡。

"Those of a lower degree of discipline [holiness] are so inferior to those of the higher degree that the latter at once undergo ablution when touched by the former, as if touched by a Gentile. [These are the four degrees of holiness mentioned in Ḥag. ii. 7: "ma'aser," "terumah," "ṭohorot," and "ḥaṭṭat," or "most holy." Another division is: κοινόβια = = "common meal," and "ṭohorot" = "priestly meal Tosef., Dem. “這些低等程度的紀律[神聖]如此不如程度較高,後者在一次接受沐浴時,談到前,彷彿觸及了詹蒂萊。 [這是四度的聖德中提到女巫。二。 7 : “ ma'aser ” , “ terumah ” , “ ṭohorot ”和“ ḥaṭṭat ”或“最神聖的。 ”另一部是: κοινόβια = = “普通餐”和“ ṭohorot ” = “祭司餐Tosef 。 ,老撾。 ii.二。 11.] Most of them enjoy longevity; many attain an age of more than a hundred years. 11 。 ]其中大多數享受長壽;許多實現的年齡超過百年。 They declare that this is owing to their extreme piety [comp.他們宣布這是由於他們的極端虔誠[補償。 the frequent question: "Ba-meh ha'arakta yamim" (By what merit didst thou attain an old age? Meg. 27b, 28)] and to their constant exercise of self-control.頻繁的問題: “鋇苯ha'arakta yamim ” (根據什麼值得你實現didst的高齡?梅格。 27B款, 28 ) ] ,並不斷實行自我控制。 [Josephus instead rationalizes.] They despise death, rejoicing when they can finish their course with a good conscience, they willingly undergo torment or death rather than speak ill of the Law or eat what has been offered to an idol." (Here Josephus adds something of his own experience in the Roman war.) [約瑟夫不是合理化。 ]他們瞧不起死亡,歡欣鼓舞時,他們可以完成他們的課程與良知,他們心甘情願地接受折磨或死亡,而不是褒貶的法律或吃什麼提供了一個偶像。 “ (以下約瑟夫增加有他自己的經驗,在羅馬的戰爭。 )

This leads Hippolytus, exactly as in the "Didascalia," to the Essene view of the future life, a view in which, contrary to the romantic picture given by Josephus, the belief in Resurrection is accentuated:這導致西波呂,正是因為在“ Didascalia , ”向厄色尼認為今後的生活,以期在其中,這違背了浪漫的圖片由約瑟夫,相信在復活是加劇:

Essene View of Resurrection.厄色尼觀的復活。

"Particularly firm is their doctrine of Resurrection; they believe that the flesh will rise again and then be immortal like the soul, which, they say, when separated from the body, enters a place of fragrant air and radiant light, there to enjoy rest-a place called by the Greeks who heard [of this doctrine] the 'Isles of the Blest.' But," continues the writer, in a passage characteristically omitted by Josephus, "there are other doctrines besides, which many Greeks have appropriated and given out as their own opinions. For their disciplinary life [ἄσκησις] in connection with the things divine is of greater antiquity than that of any other nation, so that it can be shown that all those who made assertions concerning God and Creation derived their principles from no other source than the Jewish legislation. [This refers to the Ḥasidean "ma'aseh'merkabah" and "ma'aseh bereshit."] Among those who borrowed from the Essenes were especially Pythagoras and the Stoics; their disciples while returning from Egypt did likewise [this casts new light on Josephus' identification of the Essenes with the Pythagoreans: "Ant." xv. 10, § 4]; for they affirm that there will be a Judgment Day and a burning up of the world, and that the wicked will be eternally punished.(comp. Horwitz, "Baraita di Nidda," i. 2). “特別是他們的堅定的理論復活;他們認為肉體將再次上升,然後像不朽的靈魂,而他們說,當脫離身體,進入了一個地點芬芳空氣和光輻射,有享受休息一個地方所謂的希臘人誰聽到[這種理論]的'島的Blest 。 '但是, “繼續的作家,在一個典型的通過省略了約瑟夫, ”還有其他學說之外,許多希臘人都撥出和給出了自己的意見。對於他們的紀律生活[ ἄσκησις ]與神聖的東西更多的是古代比任何其他國家,因此,它可以表明,所有這些斷言誰提出關於上帝和他們的創作原則推導從沒有比其他來源的猶太人的立法。 [這是指Ḥasidean “ ma'aseh'merkabah ”和“ ma'aseh bereshit 。 ” ]在這些誰借用愛色尼人特別是畢達哥拉斯和Stoics ;他們的弟子,而回國埃及也同樣[此投下新的眼光對約瑟夫的身份的愛色尼與Pythagoreans : “螞蟻。 ”十五。 10 § 4 ] ;因為他們肯定將有一個審判日和一個燃燒的世界,這惡人將永遠受到懲罰。 ( comp.霍維茨, “ Baraita娣Nidda , ”島2 ) 。

"Also prophecy and the foretelling of future events are practised by them. [Josephus has in addition: "For this purpose they are trained in the use of holy writings, in various rites of purification, and in prophetic (apocalyptic?) utterances; and they seldom make mistakes in their predictions."] Then there is a section of the Essenes who, while agreeing in their mode of life, differ in regard to marriage, declaring that those who abstain from marrying commit an awful crime, as it leads to the extinction of the human race. But they take wives only after having, during three years' observation of their course of life, been convinced of their power of child-bearing, and avoid intercourse during pregnancy, as they marry merely for the sake of offspring. The women when undergoing ablutions are arrayed in linen garments like the men in order not to expose their bodies to the light of day" “又預言和預示未來事件是他們所奉行。 [約瑟夫已經此外: ”為此目的,他們都受過使用神聖的著作,在不同的淨化儀式,並預言(啟示? )話語;和他們很少犯錯誤的預測。 “ ]接下來是一段愛色尼誰,雖然同意在他們的生活模式,不同方面的婚姻,宣布棄權者誰結婚犯下可怕的罪行,因為它導致滅絕的人類。但他們採取的妻子後,僅在3年觀察其球場的生活,一直相信自己的力量生育,並避免在懷孕期間性交,因為他們結婚,只是為了後代。婦女正在浴室時,排列在亞麻成衣一樣的男人為了不暴露自己的身體向陽光“

Purpose of the Essene Brotherhood.目的厄色尼兄弟。

A careful survey of all the facts here presented shows the Essenes to have been simply the rigorists among the Pharisees, whose constant fear of becoming contaminated by either social or sexual intercourse led them to lead an ascetic life, but whose insistence on maintaining the highest possible standard of purity and holiness had for its object to make them worthy of being participants of "the Holy Spirit," or recipients of divine revelations, and of being initiated into the mysteries of God and the future.經過仔細調查,所有的事實表明這裡提出的愛色尼已不僅僅是rigorists之間的法利賽,其持續的恐懼成為污染由社會或性交導致他們帶領苦行生活,但他們堅持保持盡可能高標準的純潔和神聖了其對象,使他們值得參加的“聖靈” ,或接受神的啟示,並正在發起的奧秘上帝和未來。 "Wo to the wives of these men!" “我的妻子,這些男人! ” exclaimed Zipporah, the wife of Moses, when she heard that Eldad and Medad had become prophets, for this meant cessation of conjugal intercourse (Sifre, Num. 99).驚叫Zipporah的妻子摩西,當她聽說伊利達和Medad已成為先知,因為這意味著停止夫妻性交( Sifre ,數量。 99 ) 。 Abstinence from whatever may imply the use of unrighteous Mammon was another condition of initiation into the mystery of the Holy Name (Yer. Yoma iii. 40d; comp. Ḥul. 7b; Phinehas b. Jair; Midr. Teh. xxiv. 4, cxxviii. 2; Ḥul. 44b, with reference to Prov. xv. 27).禁慾從一切可能意味著使用義瑪蒙是另一個狀況開始進入神秘的聖名( Yer.山脈三。 40d ;補償。豪。 7B條; Phinehas灣睚珥; Midr 。的。 24 。 4 , cxxviii 。 2 ;豪。 44b ,參照省。十五。 27 ) 。 The purpose of their ablutions before every meal as well as before morning prayers, which practise gave them the name of "Ṭobele Shaḥarit" ( = Morning Baptists, Ἡμεροβαπτισταῖ), was to insure the pronunciation of the Name and the eating of holy things in a state of purity (Tosef., Yad. ii. 20; Ber. 2b, 22a).的目的之前,他們的每一個浴室餐以及前晨禱,這給他們信奉“的名義Ṭobele Shaḥarit ” ( =上午浸信會, Ἡμεροβαπτισταῖ ) ,是為了保證發音的名稱和食用神聖的東西在國家的純度( Tosef. ,亞德瓦。二。 20 ;蘇貝等。 2b干擾素,為22A ) 。 The existence of large numbers of Levites (Yeb. xv. 7) and Aaronites, the original teachers of the Law, whose holy food had to be eaten in holiness, was instrumental in the creation of a state of communism such as the Law prescribes for each seventh year (Peah vi. 1).存在大量的利( Yeb.十五。 7 )和Aaronites ,原來的教師法,其神聖的食品,必須食用的聖潔,是有助於建立一個共產主義國家,如法律規定的每個第七個年頭( Peah六。 1 ) 。 Fear of defilement led Judas Maccabeus as Ḥasidean leader to live only on herbs (II Macc. v. 27). A glance at the Essene oath of initiation confirms the statement of Philo that love of God, or reverence for His Name, love of man, or pursuit of righteousness and benevolence, and love of virtue, or humility and chastity, were the chief aims of the Essene brotherhood.怕污辱了猶大Maccabeus作為Ḥasidean生活領導人不僅對中藥(二排雷協委會。訴27 ) 。一瞥的厄色尼宣誓開始證實了聲明斐羅認為上帝的愛,或敬畏他的名字,愛的人,或追求正義和仁慈,和愛的美德,或謙遜和貞操,是主要目的的厄色尼兄弟情誼。 Successors to the ancient Ḥasidim who instituted the liturgy (Midr. Teh. xvii. 4: "ḥasidim ha-rishonim"), they laid all possible stress on prayer and devotion, opposing the priesthood in the Temple out of mistrust as to their state of holiness and purity rather than out of aversion to sacrifice (Tosef., Ned. i. 1; Ker. 25a).繼承古代Ḥasidim誰提起的禮儀( Midr.的。十七。 4 : “ ḥasidim公頃, rishonim ” ) ,他們規定所有可能的壓力祈禱和奉獻精神,反對神職人員在廟的不信任他們的狀態神聖和純潔,而不是出厭惡的犧牲( Tosef. ,內德。島1 ;蛋。 25A條) 。 They claimed to possess by tradition from the founders of the Synagogue ("anshe keneset ha-gedolah") the correct pronunciation and the magic spell of the Holy Name (Midr. Teh. xxxvi. 8, xci. 8), and with it they achieved miracles like the men of old (Midr. Teh. lxxviii. 12, xci. 2).他們聲稱擁有從傳統的創始國會堂( “ anshe keneset公頃, gedolah ” )的正確發音和拼寫的神奇的聖名( Midr.的。三十六。 8 xci 。 8 ) ,而與他們實現奇蹟的男子一樣的舊( Midr.的。 lxxviii 。 12 xci 。 2 ) 。 They taught Jews and Gentiles alike to cleanse themselves in living streams from their impurity of sin, and return to God in repentance and prayer (Sibyllines, iv. 164; Luke iii. 3; comp. Tan., ed. Buber, Introduction, 153).他們告訴猶太人和外邦人都清洗自己的生活流從他們的雜質的罪孽,並返回到上帝的懺悔和祈禱( Sibyllines ,四。 164 ;盧克三。 3 ;補償。火炭。主編。布伯,導言, 153 ) 。 Ever alert and restless while in hope of the Messianic time, they formed a strong political organization scattered through the Holy Land; and, in constant touch with one another, they traveled far and wide to organize Jewish communities and provide them with the three elements of Judaism: instruction, worship, and charity (Abot i. 2); and they were especially assiduous in pursuit of benevolent work (Ab. RN iii., viii.).以往任何時候都警覺和不安,而在希望的救世主的時候,他們組成了一個強有力的政治組織通過分散的聖地; ,並在不斷的聯繫,他們去廣泛地組織猶太人社區,並為他們提供的三要素猶太教:指示,崇拜,以及慈善機構( Abot島2 ) ; ,他們特別刻苦追求慈善工作( Ab.考試三。 ,八。 ) 。 Each community had its seven good men, called "the Good Brotherhood of the Town" (Ḥeber 'Ir be-Ṭobaḥ: "Ant." iv. 8, § 14; Meg. 27a; Tosef., Peah, iv. 16; Sheb. vii. 9).每個社區有7個好人,所謂的“好兄弟城” (赫柏'銥即將Ṭobaḥ : “螞蟻。 ”四。 8日,第14條;梅格。 27A條; Tosef 。 , Peah ,四。 16 ;帥。七。 9 ) 。

Types of Essenes.愛色尼的類型。

Standing under the direction of the "mishmar," or "ma'amad" (the district authority: Tosef., Peah, iv. 7), the Essenes claimed, as direct successors to the Ḥasidim, Mosaic origin for their brotherhood (see Philo and Josephus, lc, in reference to Ex. xviii. 21; comp. Targ. Yer.; BM 30b; Mek., Yitro, 2).常委會領導下的“米甚馬爾”或“ ma'amad ” (區依據: Tosef 。 , Peah ,四。 7 ) ,愛色尼聲稱,作為直接接班人Ḥasidim ,馬賽克原產地為他們兄弟(見斐洛和約瑟夫,立法會,在參照前。十八。 21 ;補償。 Targ 。層。 ;骨髓30B條;機械。 , Yitro , 2 ) 。 Whatever their real connection with the Rechabites (Jer. xxxv.) was, they beheld in Jonadab, the founder of the sect of the "Water-Drinkers," as well as in Jabez (I Chron. ii. 55, iv. 10; see Targ.) and in Jethro the Kenite, prototypes, and possibly founders, of the Jericho colony (Mek., Yitro, 2; Sifre, Num. 78; Sheḳ. v. 48c; Nilus, "De Monastica Exercitatione,"iii.; "JQR" v. 418); likewise in Jesse, the father of David, regarded as sinless and deathless in their tradition (Shab. 55b; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa i.); and in Obed, Boaz, and his father Salma (Tan., Wayeḥi, ed. Buber, 4; Targ. to I Chron. ii. 54 et seq., iv. 22 et seq.).無論他們的實際結合Rechabites ( Jer.三十五。 )是,他們在Jonadab看見的創始人,該教派的“水醉酒” ,以及在老闆(一專欄。二。 55 ,四。 10 ;見Targ 。 )和Jethro的Kenite ,原型,並可能創始人,在傑里科的殖民地( Mek. , Yitro , 2 ; Sifre ,數量。 78 ;石。訴48c ; Nilus , “德Monastica Exercitatione , ”三。 “ JQR ”訴418 ) ;同樣在傑西的父親戴維,被視為無罪和不死他們的傳統( Shab. 55b ;德里克埃雷茲茹塔島) ;和奧貝德,波阿斯,和他的父親薩爾瑪(譚。 , Wayeḥi ,編輯。布伯, 4 ; Targ 。至I慢性。二。 54起。 ,四。 22起。 ) 。 In this manner Ahijah and Ahithophel became types of Essenes (Midr. Teh. v. 8), as well as King Saul, as mentioned above; but, above all, the Patriarchs and protoplasts.通過這種方式Ahijah和Ahithophel成為類型的愛色尼( Midr.的。訴8 ) ,以及國王掃羅,如上所述,但是最重要的是,始祖和原生質體。 Other Essenic types were Abraham, called "Watiḳ," the prototype of the Anawim and Ḥasidim because "he rose early" for prayer (Ber. 6b, after Gen. xix. 27; Shab. 105a; Gen. R. liii.); Shem-Melchizedek as teacher of benevolence and true worshiper of God (Midr. Teh. xxxvii. 1, lxxvi. 3); Job as philanthropist and as teacher of mystic lore (BB 15a, b; see Kohler, "Testament of Job," in Kohut Memorial Volume, pp. 265 et seq.); Enoch (see Enoch, Books of); and Adam ('Er. 78b; Pirḳe R. El. xx.).其他Essenic類型亞伯拉罕,所謂的“ Watiḳ , ”原型的Anawim和Ḥasidim ,因為“他站起身早”祈禱( Ber.型後,將軍19 。 27 ;沙巴。 105a ;將軍河liii 。 ) ;閃,麥基洗德作為教師的善和真正的崇拜者上帝( Midr.的。三十七。 1 , lxxvi 。 3 ) ;工作作為慈善家和教師的神秘傳說(白殭菌第15A , B組;看到科勒“ ,全書的工作, ”胡特在紀念卷,頁。 265起。 ) ;伊諾克(見伊諾克,圖書)和亞當( '呃。 78b ; Pirḳe河薩爾瓦多。二十。 ) 。 A passage in the Tanḥuma reads: "Only when Abraham separated from Lot and Jacob from Laban did God communicate with them as perushim" (Wayeẓe, ed. Buber, 21).一段在Tanḥuma寫道: “只有當亞伯拉罕分開地段和雅各從拉班沒有上帝與他們溝通的perushim ” ( Wayeẓe ,編輯。布伯, 21 ) 。 The claim of antiquity for Essene tradition is, accordingly, not the invention of Pliny or Philo; it is essential to the Essene traditional lore.索賠古代的厄色尼傳統,因此,沒有發明普利尼或斐羅,它是必不可少的厄色尼傳統知識。 In truth, Abraham, as "'Anaw" (= "the humble one"), and all doers of works of benevolence, learned it from God, "their Father in heaven" (see Yalḳ. Mekiri to Ps. xviii. 36; Yalḳ. to II Sam. xxii. 36; comp. Sifre, Deut. 49).事實上,亞伯拉罕,作為“ Anaw ” ( = “之一的謙卑” ) ,和所有行動者的作品,善,教訓它從上帝, “他們的父親在天堂” (見Yalḳ 。 Mekiri到PS 。十八。 36 ; Yalḳ 。以二山姆。二十二。 36 ;補償。 Sifre , Deut 。 49 ) 。 They are "the lovers of God" (BB 8b; Yoma 28a).他們是“上帝的愛” (體8B條;山脈54 ) 。 God unites with the brotherhoods of the humble ("ḥaburot ha-nemukin": Tan., Wa'era, ed. Buber, 3).上帝團結與兄弟會的謙卑( “ ḥaburot公頃, nemukin ” :譚。 , Wa'era ,編輯。布伯, 3 ) 。 He provides each day's food for them as He provided the manna for Israel (Mek., Beshalalḥ, 2, ed. Weiss, pp. 56 [note] et seq.; Sifre, Deut. 42; Ḳid. 82b; Matt. vi. 25).他規定每天的食物,它們作為他提供了甘露,以色列( Mek. , Beshalalḥ , 2版。韋斯頁。 56 [說明]及以下。 ; Sifre , Deut 。 42 ;孩子。 82b ;馬特。六。 25 ) 。 "When men ceased to hate men's gifts [the Essene] longevity ceased" (Soṭah 47b, based on Prov. xv. 27). “當男人不再恨男人的禮物[的厄色尼]長壽停止” ( Soṭah 47b的基礎上,省。十五。 27 ) 。

In regard to Sabbath observance the rabbinical tradition traced the more rigid laws, comprising even the removal of utensils, to Nehemiah's time, that is, to the ancient Ḥasidim (Shab. 123b), and the Book of Jubilees (1. 8-12) confirms the antiquity of the Essene view.關於遵守安息日猶太教的傳統追查更嚴格的法律,甚至包括清除用具,以尼希米記的時間,這就是古老的Ḥasidim ( Shab. 123b ) ,以及圖書Jubilees ( 1 。 8-12 )證實了古代的厄色尼的看法。 As the best characteristic of the Essene view the saying of Phinehas ben Jair, the last Essene of note, may be quoted: "The Torah leads to conscientiousness; this to alertness ["zerizut"] for holy work; this to blamelessness ["neḳiyyut"]; this to 'perishut' [Pharisaic separation from common things]; this to purity; this to 'ḥasidut' [Essene piety?]; this to humbleness; this to fear of sin; this to holiness, or to the possession' of the Holy Spirit; and this finally to the time of the Resurrection; but ḥasidut is the highest grade" ('Ab. Zarah 20b).作為最好的特點,鑑於厄色尼的說法Phinehas本睚珥,最後厄色尼的注意,可引用: “在聖經導致的自覺性;這種警覺[ ” zerizut “ ]為神聖的工作;這blamelessness [ ” neḳiyyut “ ] ;這' perishut ' [ Pharisaic脫離共同的東西] ;這純度;這' ḥasidut ' [厄色尼虔誠? ] ;這種謙遜;這種恐懼的罪孽;這聖潔,或擁有'聖靈,這最後的時間復活,但ḥasidut是最高等級“ ( '抗體。 Zarah 20B條) 。

Traces of Essenism and Anti-Essenism.痕跡Essenism和反Essenism 。

Essenism as well as Ḥasidism represents that stage of religion which is called "otherworldliness." Essenism以及Ḥasidism代表那個階段的宗教這是所謂的“ otherworldliness 。 ” It had no regard for the comfort of home life; woman typified only the feebleness and impurity of man. In their efforts to make domestic and social life comfortable and cheerful, the Pharisees characterized the Essene as "a fool who destroys the world" (Soṭah iii. 4), and their ethics assumed an anti-Essene character (see Ethics).它沒有考慮到舒適的家庭生活;婦女典型只有弱智和雜質的人。在努力使家庭和社會生活的舒適和愉快的法利賽人的厄色尼的特點是“傻瓜誰破壞了世界” ( Soṭah三。 4 ) ,他們的道德承擔的反厄色尼性質(見倫理) 。 Exceptionally, some tannaim, such as R. Eliezer b.在例外情況下,一些tannaim ,如河埃利澤灣 Hyrcanus (Shab. 153a; Ned. 20b) and Jose ben Ḥalafta (Shab. 118b), favored the ascetic view in regard to conjugal life, while some amoraim and tannaim gave evidence of Essene practise or special Essene knowledge (see Frankel in "Monatsschrift," ii. 72 et seq.). Hyrcanus ( Shab. 153a ;內。 20B條)和何塞本Ḥalafta ( Shab. 118b ) ,主張禁慾主義的觀點,關於夫妻生活,而一些amoraim和tannaim了證據,厄色尼執業或特殊厄色尼知識(見弗蘭克爾在“月刊“二。 72起。 ) 。 Traces of Essenism, or of tendencies identical with it, are found throughout the apocryphal and especially the apocalyptic literature (see Kohler, "Pre-Talmudic Haggada," in "JQR" v. 403 et seq.; Jellinek, "BH" ii., Introduction, vii., xviii., et al.), but are especially noticeable in the Tanna debe Eliyahu, above all in the Targum Yerushalmi, where the Essenic colonies of Jericho and of the City of Palms are mentioned as inhabited by the disciples of Elijah and Elisha (Deut. xxxiv. 3); the sons of Levi are singled out as forming brotherhoods for the service of God (Gen. xxix. 34); Joseph, Kohath, Amram, and Aaron, as well as the Patriarchs, are called "Ḥasidim" (Targ. Yer. on Gen. xxix. 13, xlix. 22; Ex. vi. 18, 20; Num. xxi. 1); priest-like and angelic holiness is enjoined upon Israel (Ex. xxii. 30; Lev. xx. 7; Num. xvi. 40); angels are expelled from heaven for having disclosed divine mysteries (Gen. xxvii. 12); the Holy Name and the Holy Spirit play throughout a prominent rôle; and God's own time, like that of the Essenes, appears as divided between studying the Law, sitting in judgment, and providing for the world's support and for the maintenance of the race (Deut. xxxii. 4). Essenism的痕跡,或傾向與它相同的,被發現在整個未經特別是世界末日的文獻(見科勒, “預Haggada塔木德” ,在“ JQR ”訴403起。 ;耶利內克, “波黑”二。 ,導言,七。 ,十八。 ,等。 ) ,但尤其顯著塔納島登貝埃利亞胡,尤其是在根•耶路莎米,那裡的Essenic殖民地和傑里科市的棕櫚提到的是居住的門徒對以利亞和以利沙(申命記三十四。 3 ) ;的兒子列維是挑出來作為團的形成服務的上帝(將軍二十九。 34 ) ;約瑟夫Kohath ,阿姆拉姆,和亞倫,以及始祖,被稱為“ Ḥasidim ” ( Targ.層。上將軍二十九。 13 xlix 。 22 ;惠。六。 18日, 20日;數。 21 。 1 ) ;牧師類和天使般的聖潔是責成呼籲以色列(出22 。 30 ;列夫。二十。 7 ;數。十六。 40 ) ;被驅逐的天使從天上披露了神聖的奧秘(創二十七。 12 ) ;羅馬教廷的名稱和聖靈各地發揮了突出作用;和上帝的時間,象愛色尼,似乎分為學習法,坐在判決,並為世界的支持和為維護比賽(申命記三十二。 4 ) 。

The Essenes seem to have originally consisted, on the one hand, of rigorous Zealots, such as the Book of Jubilees looks for, and such as were under the leadership of men like Abba Taḥna Ḥasida and Abba Sicara (Eccl. R. ix. 7); and, on the other hand, of mild-tempered devotees of the Law, such as were the Essenes at En Gedi (Yer. Soṭah ix. 24c; Pliny, lc) and the Therapeutæ of Egypt.在愛色尼似乎原先由,一方面,嚴格的狂熱,如圖書Jubilees期待和等人的領導下,男人想阿爸Taḥna Ḥasida和阿巴Sicara ( Eccl.河九。七日) ; ,並在另一方面,溫和的脾氣信徒的法律,如愛色尼是在恩蓋迪( Yer. Soṭah九。 24c條;普利尼,立法會)和Therapeutæ埃及。 Rabbinical tradition knows only that under the persecution of Rome (Edom) the Essenes wandered to the south (Darom: Gen. R. lxxvi.; comp. Pes. 70b; Yeb. 62b; Midr. Teh. xix. 2), and occasionally mention is made of "the brethren" ("ḥabbarayya"), with reference to the Essene brotherhood (Lam. R. iv. 1; see also Levy, "Neuhebr. Wörterb." sv and ; Geiger's "Jüd. Zeit." vi. 279; Brüll's "Jahrb." i. 25, 44).猶太教的傳統只知道,在迫害的羅馬(以東)的愛色尼流浪到南部(達羅姆:將軍河lxxvi 。 ;補償。瘟。 70b ; Yeb 。 62b ; Midr 。的。十九。 2 ) ,偶爾提到的“兄弟” ( “ ḥabbarayya ” ) ,並提及厄色尼兄弟( Lam.河四。 1 ;又見利維, “ Neuhebr 。 Wörterb 。 ” SV及;蓋格的“珠德。時代。 ”六。 279 ; Brüll的“ Jahrb 。 ”島25日, 44 ) 。 It is as charitable brotherhoods that the Essenic organization survived the destruction of the nation.它是作為慈善團的組織存活Essenic破壞的國家。

Relation of Essenism to Christianity.關係Essenism基督教。

John the Baptist seems to have belonged to the Essenes, but in appealing to sinners to be regenerated by baptism, he inaugurated a new movement, which led to the rise of Christianity.施洗約翰似乎已屬於愛色尼,但在呼籲罪人是再生的洗禮,他開始一個新的運動,使崛起的基督教。 The silence of the New Testament about the Essenes is perhaps the best proof that they furnished the new sect with its main elements both as regards personnel and views.沉默的新約的愛色尼也許是最好的證明,他們提供了新的節,其主要內容是關於雙方人員和看法。 The similarity in many respects between Christianity and Essenism is striking: There were the same communism (Acts iv. 34-35); the same belief in baptism or bathing, and in the power of prophecy; the same aversion to marriage, enhanced by firmer belief in the Messianic advent; the same system of organization, and the same rules for the traveling brethrendelegated to charity-work (see Apostle and Apostleship); and, above all, the same love-feasts or brotherly meals (comp. Agape; Didascalia).相似在許多方面與基督教和Essenism是驚人的:有相同的共產主義(使徒四。 34-35 ) ;同一信念的洗禮,或洗澡,並在權力的預言;相同的厭惡婚姻,加強了堅實的相信彌賽亞降臨;在同一個系統的組織,和同樣的規則,旅遊brethrendelegated給慈善機構的工作(見使徒和Apostleship ) ;和最重要的是,同樣的愛情節日或兄弟餐( comp.摯愛; Didascalia ) 。 Also, between the ethical and the apocalyptic teachings of the Gospels and the Epistles and the teachings of the Essenes of the time, as given in Philo, in Hippolytus, and in the Ethiopic and Slavonic Books of Enoch, as well as in the rabbinic literature, the resemblance is such that the influence of the latter upon the former can scarcely be denied.此外,之間的倫理和啟示教義的福音和書信和教誨的愛色尼的時間,作為中斐羅,在西波呂,並在埃塞俄比亞和斯拉夫書伊諾克,以及在拉比文獻的相似性是如此的影響,後者對前者簡直是不可否認的。 Nevertheless, the attitude of Jesus and his disciples is altogether anti-Essene, a denunciation and disavowal of Essene rigor and asceticism; but, singularly enough, while the Roman war appealed to men of action such as the Zealots, men of a more peaceful and visionary nature, who had previously become Essenes, were more and more attracted by Christianity, and thereby gave the Church its otherworldly character; while Judaism took a more practical and worldly view of things, and allowed Essenism to live only in tradition and secret lore (see Clementina; Ebionites; Gnosticism).然而,耶穌的態度和他的弟子是完全反厄色尼,譴責和否定的厄色尼嚴肅性和禁慾主義; ,但奇異不夠的,而戰爭的羅馬呼籲男性的行動,如狂熱,男人一個更加和平和有遠見的性質,誰曾成為愛色尼,越來越多的吸引了基督教,從而使教會其空想的性質;而猶太教採取了更加實際和世俗的看法外,並允許Essenism只生活在傳統和秘密的傳說(看到克萊門;以便尼派;諾斯替主義) 。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
Frankel, Die, Essäer, in Zeitschrift für die Religiösen Interessen des Judenthums, 1846, pp.弗蘭克爾,模具, Essäer ,在模具雜誌Religiösen利益之Judenthums , 1846年,頁。 441-461; idem, Die Essäer nach Talmudischen Quellen, in Monatsschrift, 1853, pp. 441-461 ;同上,模具Essäer班上Talmudischen Quellen ,在月刊, 1853年,頁。 30-40, 61-73; J. 30-40 , 61-73 ;學者 Böhmer, Kitbe Yisrael Böhmer, Warsaw, 1849 (Hebrew); NL Weinstein, Beiträge zur Gesch.博默, Kitbe以色列博默,華沙, 1849年(希伯來文) ;聯斯坦, Beiträge楚Gesch 。 der Essäer, Vienna, 1892; Mitwoch, Essäer, in Zeit.德國Essäer ,維也納, 1892年; Mitwoch , Essäer ,在特。 für Assyr.獻給Assyr 。 1902; Grätz, Gesch. 1902年,格拉茨, Gesch 。 iii.三。 91 et seq., 697-703; Jost, Gesch. 91及以下。 , 697-703 ;喬斯特, Gesch 。 des Judenthums und Seiner Sekten, i.萬Judenthums與Seiner Sekten島 207-214. Derenbourg, Hist. 207-214 。 Derenbourg ,組織胺。 1867, pp. 1867年,頁。 166-175, 460 et seq.; L. 166-175 , 460及以下。 ;研究 Herzfeld, Gesch.赫茲費爾德, Gesch 。 des Volkes Israel, iii.萬Volkes以色列,三。 368, 388, 509 et seq.; CD Ginsburg, The Essenes, Their History and Their Doctrines, London, 1864 (with summary of previous literature); idem, in Kitto's Dict. 368 , 388 , 509及以下。 ;裁談會金斯伯格,在愛色尼,他們的歷史和他們的學說,倫敦, 1864年(與總結以往的文獻) ;同上,在Kitto的辭典。 of the Bible, and in Smith-Wace, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities; Geiger, Jüd.聖經,並在史密斯Wace ,詞典的基督教古蹟;革,珠德。 Zeit, 1871, pp.特, 1871年,頁。 30-56; M. 30-56 ;先生 Friedländer, Zur Entstehungsgesch.德蘭德,論Entstehungsgesch 。 des Christenthums, 1894, pp. 98-142; Kohler, The Essene Brotherhood, in Reform Advocate, anniversary number, 1894, pp.萬Christenthums , 1894年,頁。 98-142 ;科勒,在厄色尼兄弟,在改革的倡導者,週年號碼, 1894年,頁。 15-19; JD Lightfoot, St. Paul's Epistles to the Colassians, 1876, pp. 349-419; Wellhausen, IJG 1895, pp. 15-19 ;第納爾娜萊,聖保祿書信的Colassians , 1876年,頁。 349-419 ;威爾, IJG 1895年,頁。 292-296; Lucius, Der Essenismus in Seinem Verhältniss zum Judenthum; Schürer, Gesch. 292-296 ;路,明鏡Essenismus在Seinem Verhältniss zum Judenthum ; Schürer , Gesch 。 ii.二。 556-584; Hilgenfeld, Ketzergesch. 556-584 ; Hilgenfeld , Ketzergesch 。 des Urchristenthums, 1884, pp. Urchristenthums萬, 1884年,頁。 87-149; FC Conybeare, in Hastings, Dict. 87-149 ;隊科尼比爾,在黑斯廷斯,快譯通。 Bible; Philo, De Vita Contemplativa, ed.聖經;斐羅,德簡歷Contemplativa ,編輯。 Conybeare, Oxford, 1895.K.科尼比爾,牛津, 1895.K.


Also, see:此外,見:
Pharisees 法利
Essenes 愛色尼
Sadducees 撒都該人

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