Saint Paul, Saul聖保羅,掃羅

General Information 一般信息

Saint Paul, also called Saul in Hebrew (Acts 7-13), was a leader of the early Christian movement and was instrumental in its spread throughout the Greco-Roman world.聖保羅,也稱為希伯來文索爾(使徒7-13 ) ,是一個領導者的早期基督教運動,並在其遍布希臘羅馬世界。 He was born in Tarsus of Cilicia in Anatolia probably between AD 1 and 10.他出生在西里西亞塔爾蘇斯的阿納多盧中之間可能公元1年到公元10 。 Thirteen New Testament letters have been attributed to him, many of which show him adjusting Jewish ideas and traditions to new circumstances and measuring Old Testament laws by their relevance to Jesus Christ. The Book of Acts presents him as the apostle to the Gentiles and the most prominent early Christian leader next to Saint Peter. 13新約全書信件被歸因於他,其中許多是他的調整表明猶太人的思想和傳統,新情況,新舊約測量其法律相關的耶穌基督。 圖書的行為提出了他的使徒的外邦人和最著名的早期基督教領袖旁邊的聖彼得。

Paul was born a Jew and trained to be a Pharisee, that is, a learned and strict observer of religious law.保羅生於一個猶太人和訓練是一個法利賽人,這是一個教訓,並嚴格觀察員的宗教法。 The New Testament records how he actively tried to suppress the early Christian movement through persecution (Gal. 1:13-14) until he was converted to Christianity by a visionary encounter with the risen Jesus while on the road to Damascus about AD 36 (Gal. 1:15-16; Acts 9:1-31; 22; 26). Because of this vision, Paul held that he, too, had met Jesus and was therefore qualified to be called an Apostle (1 Cor. 9:1).新約全書記錄他如何積極地試圖壓制了早期基督教運動通過迫害( Gal. 1:13-14 ) ,直到他皈依基督教的一個有遠見遇到的上升,而耶穌的道路上,大馬士革約公元36 (半乳糖。 1:15-16 ;行為9:1-31 ; 22 ; 26 ) 。由於這種遠見,保羅舉行,他也會晤了耶穌,因此有資格被稱為使徒( 1肺心病。 9:1 ) 。 After being instructed and receiving Christian baptism in Damascus, Paul went to "Arabia" (probably the desert of Transjordan) for a short time; he then returned to Damascus for 3 years until he was driven out to Tarsus, probably in 40.後指示和接收基督教的洗禮在大馬士革,保羅去“沙特阿拉伯” (大概是沙漠Transjordan )很短的時間,他隨後返回大馬士革為3年,直到他被逐出到塔爾蘇斯,很可能在40 。 Several years later Barnabas brought Paul to Antioch in Syria (Acts 11), where they ministered together for a year.幾年後巴拿巴保羅到了安提阿,敘利亞(使徒11 ) ,在那裡他們一起ministered一年。

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Paul spent the following 10 years on 3 lengthy missionary journeys to Anatolia and Greece.保羅花了10年以下3漫長的傳教行程,土耳其和希臘。 The second journey included an 18-month stay in Corinth and the third, 2-3 years in Ephesus on the Aegean Sea.第二次旅程包括一名18個月留在科林斯和第三,在2-3年內以弗所的愛琴海。 During this time Paul wrote letters to churches he had previously founded and could not visit in person.在這段時間裡保羅寫信給教會他曾創立,不能訪問的人。 Some of these letters have been preserved in the New Testament.其中的一些信件已經保存在新約全書。 Paul was especially concerned that he protect his understanding of the life and teachings of Jesus from alteration toward Jewish practices or toward Hellenistic religious and philosophical ideas.保羅特別關注,他保護他的理解的生活和教義的耶穌從改變對猶太人的做法或對希臘宗教和哲學思想。 He instructed the Christian communities he founded in ethical behavior by correcting their failings and offering advice. The Book of Acts describes the typical pattern of Paul's ministry: he began by preaching in a synagogue but was soon expelled as a rabble-rouser; then, with a small number of Jewish adherents, Paul turned to the Gentiles, converting large numbers and occasionally encountering trouble with civil authorities.他指示他的基督教社團成立於道德行為的糾正他們的缺點,並提供諮詢意見。圖書的行為說明了典型的保羅部:他一開始就宣揚在一座猶太教堂,但很快被驅逐出境的烏合之眾,喚醒者,然後與少量的猶太信徒,保羅轉向外邦人,轉化大批偶爾遇到的麻煩與民間當局。

The different accounts of Paul's visit to Jerusalem to settle the controversy over how much of the Jewish Law Gentile Christians were required to keep (Gal. 2; Acts 15) have never been fully reconciled.不同賬戶的保羅訪問耶路撒冷定居的爭論有多少猶太人法詹蒂萊基督徒必須保持( Gal. 2 ;行為15 )從來沒有充分核對。 Years later (c.58), Paul brought a collection to Jerusalem for the city's poor Christians (Acts 21), but he was arrested.多年後( c.58 ) ,保羅把收集到耶路撒冷城的窮人基督徒(使徒21 ) ,但他被警方拘捕。 After 2 years in prison he used his right as a Roman citizen to appeal to the emperor and was sent to Rome for trial. 2年後在監獄中,他用自己的權利,作為一個羅馬公民呼籲皇帝,被送往羅馬接受審判。 The Book of Acts ends with Paul under house arrest (c.63), still preaching about Jesus.書行為的目的與保羅被軟禁( c.63 ) ,仍對耶穌講道。 Clement of Rome and Eusebius of Caesarea report that Paul was eventually acquitted and traveled to Spain but was arrested again and martyred in Rome under Nero, c.67.克萊門特的羅馬和優西比烏的愷撒報告說,保羅最終被無罪釋放,並前往西班牙,但再次被捕和犧牲在羅馬尼祿下, c.67 。 Feast day: June 29 (with Saint Peter).盛宴一天: 6月29日(與聖彼得) 。

Anthony J. Saldarini安東尼Saldarini

Bibliography 目錄
Beker, J. Christian, Paul the Apostle (1980); Bornkamm, Gunther, Paul, trans.貝克,美國基督教,保羅使徒( 1980年) ; Bornkamm ,京,保,反。 by DMG Stalker (1971); Davies, WD, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, 2d ed.由DMG馬來西亞斯托克( 1971年) ;戴維斯,西部,保羅和拉比猶太教, 2版。 (1955); Fitzmeyer, JA, Pauline Theology (1967); Grant, Michael, Saint Paul (1976); Gunther, John J., Paul (1972); Jewett, Robert, Christian Tolerance: Paul's Message for the Modern World (1982); Keck, Leander E., Paul and His Letters, 2d rev. ( 1955年) ; Fitzmeyer ,茉莉,保神學( 1967年) ;格蘭特,邁克爾,聖保羅( 1976年) ;岡瑟,約翰保羅( 1972年) ;朱,羅伯特,基督教寬容:保羅的消息的現代世界( 1982年) ;凱克,利安德大腸桿菌,保羅和他的信函,一口恢復。 ed.版。 (1988); Meeks, Wayne A., The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (1982; repr. 1984); Pollock, John C., The Apostle (1969); Ridderbos, HM, Paul (1975); Sandmel, Samuel, The Genius of Paul (1958); Wiles, MF, The Divine Apostle (1967). ( 1988年) ;米克斯,韋恩a.段,第一城市基督徒:社會世界的使徒保羅( 1982年; repr 。 1984年) ;波洛克,約翰C ,使徒( 1969年) ; Ridderbos ,陛下,保羅( 1975年) ; Sandmel ,薩穆埃爾,天才保羅( 1958年) ;懷爾斯,物流,神聖使徒( 1967年) 。


Saint Paul聖保羅

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Paul, (qv) was born about the same time as our Lord.保羅( qv )出生大約在同一時間作為我們的上帝。 His circumcision-name was Saul, and probably the name Paul was also given to him in infancy "for use in the Gentile world," as "Saul" would be his Hebrew home-name.他的割禮的名稱是掃羅,也許保羅的名字也給他在嬰兒期“ ,用於詹蒂萊世界” ,為“索爾”將是他希伯來語在家的名稱。 He was a native of Tarsus, the capital of Cilicia, a Roman province in the south-east of Asia Minor.他是一個土生土長的塔爾蘇斯,資本的西里西亞,羅馬省東南部的小亞細亞。 That city stood on the banks of the river Cydnus, which was navigable thus far; hence it became a centre of extensive commercial traffic with many countries along the shores of the Mediterranean, as well as with the countries of central Asia Minor.該市站在河岸Cydnus ,這是迄今為止通航,因此它成為一個中心,廣泛的商業交通與許多國家沿著地中海沿岸,以及同中亞各國的小調。 It thus became a city distinguished for the wealth of its inhabitants.因此,它成為一個城市尊敬的財富的居民。 Tarsus was also the seat of a famous university, higher in reputation even than the universities of Athens and Alexandria, the only others that then existed.塔爾蘇斯還所在地的著名大學,信譽高,甚至比大學的雅典和亞歷山大,只有他人,然後存在。

Here Saul was born, and here he spent his youth, doubtless enjoying the best education his native city could afford.索爾是在這裡出生,在這裡他度過了青年,毫無疑問,享受最好的教育他的城市可以負擔得起的。 His father was of the straitest sect of the Jews, a Pharisee, of the tribe of Benjamin, of pure and unmixed Jewish blood (Acts 23:6; Phil. 3:5).他的父親是的straitest節的猶太人,一個法利賽人,該部落的本傑明,純粹的猶太人和純血(使徒23時零六;菲爾。 3時05分) 。 We learn nothing regarding his mother; but there is reason to conclude that she was a pious woman, and that, like-minded with her husband, she exercised all a mother influence in moulding the character of her son, so that he could afterwards speak of himself as being, from his youth up, "touching the righteousness which is in the law, blameless" (Phil. 3:6).我們學習任何關於他的母親,但人們有理由斷定,她是一個虔誠的女人,而且,志同道合的丈夫,她盡了一切的母親在塑造影響力的性質,她的兒子,以便他能說話後本人作為,從他的青年了, “觸摸這是正義的法律,無可指責” ( Phil. 3時06分) 。 We read of his sister and his sister's son (Acts 23:16), and of other relatives (Rom. 16:7, 11, 12).我們讀到的他的姐姐和他的妹妹的兒子(使徒23:16 ) ,以及其他親屬(羅馬書十六時07分,十一,十二) 。 Though a Jew, his father was a Roman citizen.雖然猶太人,他的父親是一個羅馬公民。 How he obtained this privilege we are not informed.他是如何獲得這一特權,我們沒有得到通知。 "It might be bought, or won by distinguished service to the state, or acquired in several other ways; at all events, his son was freeborn. “這可能是買入,或獲得傑出服務的狀態,或獲得其他幾個途徑;在所有的事件,他的兒子是弗里伯恩。

It was a valuable privilege, and one that was to prove of great use to Paul, although not in the way in which his father might have been expected to desire him to make use of it." Perhaps the most natural career for the youth to follow was that of a merchant. "But it was decided that .它是一種寶貴的特權,這就是一個證明具有使用保羅,雖然不是在以何種方式他的父親可能已經預計他希望利用它。 “也許是最自然的職業生涯的青年後續是一個商人。 “但它已決定。 . . he should go to college and become a rabbi, that is, a minister, a teacher, and a lawyer all in one." According to Jewish custom, however, he learned a trade before entering on the more direct preparation for the sacred profession. The trade he acquired was the making of tents from goats' hair cloth, a trade which was one of the commonest in Tarsus. His preliminary education having been completed, Saul was sent, when about thirteen years of age probably, to the great Jewish school of sacred learning at Jerusalem as a student of the law. Here he became a pupil of the celebrated rabbi Gamaliel, and here he spent many years in an elaborate study of the Scriptures and of the many questions concerning them with which the rabbis exercised themselves.他應該去大學,並成為拉比,這是,一名部長,一名教師和一名律師在同一個。 “根據猶太習俗,然而,他學到了貿易才能進入的更直接的準備神聖的職業。貿易是他後天作出的帳篷從山羊的頭髮布,貿易是一種常見的塔爾蘇斯。了他的初步教育已經完成,掃羅被送往時,大約有13歲以下的可能,向偉大的猶太學校神聖的學習在耶路撒冷作為一名學生,該法。在這裡,他成為了學生的慶祝拉比加馬利亞,在這裡,他花了很多年的精心研究聖經和許多問題,他們的拉比行使自己。

During these years of diligent study he lived "in all good conscience," unstained by the vices of that great city.這些年來的勤奮學習他住“在一切有良知, ” unstained的惡習這個偉大的城市。 After the period of his student-life expired, he probably left Jerusalem for Tarsus, where he may have been engaged in connection with some synagogue for some years.期滿後,他的學生生活過期,他可能離開耶路撒冷的塔爾蘇斯,在那裡他可能已經參與了與一些猶太教了好幾年。 But we find him back again at Jerusalem very soon after the death of our Lord.但是,我們找到他再次在耶路撒冷很快去世後,我們的上帝。 Here he now learned the particulars regarding the crucifixion, and the rise of the new sect of the "Nazarenes."在這裡,現在他學會了有關詳情十字架,並增加新的節的“ Nazarenes 。 ” For some two years after Pentecost, Christianity was quietly spreading its influence in Jerusalem.對於一些兩年後聖靈降臨節,基督教正在悄然蔓延其影響力在耶路撒冷。 At length Stephen, one of the seven deacons, gave forth more public and aggressive testimony that Jesus was the Messiah, and this led to much excitement among the Jews and much disputation in their synagogues.在長度斯蒂芬之一,七個執事,提出了更多的公共和侵略性的證詞,耶穌是彌賽亞,這導致太多的激動間猶太教徒和許多爭論的猶太教堂。 Persecution arose against Stephen and the followers of Christ generally, in which Saul of Tarsus took a prominent part.對發生的迫害斯蒂芬和基督信徒一般,其中索爾的塔爾蘇斯了突出的部分。 He was at this time probably a member of the great Sanhedrin, and became the active leader in the furious persecution by which the rulers then sought to exterminate Christianity.他是在這個時候可能是一個成員國的偉大公會,並成為活躍的領導者憤怒的迫害,其中然後的統治者試圖消滅基督教。

But the object of this persecution also failed.但是,這一目標也未能迫害。 "They that were scattered abroad went everywhere preaching the word." “他們是分散在國外到處鼓吹詞。 ” The anger of the persecutor was thereby kindled into a fiercer flame. Hearing that fugitives had taken refuge in Damascus, he obtained from the chief priest letters authorizing him to proceed thither on his persecuting career.憤怒的迫害者,因此點燃成一個更加激烈的火焰。聽說逃犯避難在大馬士革,他從祭司長信授權他著手那兒迫害他的職業生涯。 This was a long journey of about 130 miles, which would occupy perhaps six days, during which, with his few attendants, he steadily went onward, "breathing out threatenings and slaughter." But the crisis of his life was at hand.這是一個漫長的旅途大約130英里,這將可能佔據6天,在這期間,他的幾個服務員,他穩定了以後, “呼吸了threatenings和屠殺。 ”危機,但他的生活是唾手可得。 He had reached the last stage of his journey, and was within sight of Damascus.他已經到了最後階段,他的旅程,並接近大馬士革。 As he and his companions rode on, suddenly at mid-day a brilliant light shone round them, and Saul was laid prostrate in terror on the ground, a voice sounding in his ears, "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?"正如他和他的同伴乘坐,突然中旬一天,一個光輝照輪,並掃羅奠定拜倒在恐怖在地面上,有一個聲音在他的冠冕堂皇的耳朵, “掃羅,掃羅,你為什麼persecutest我嗎? ” The risen Saviour was there, clothed in the vesture of his glorified humanity.復活的救主在那裡,衣服籠罩在他的讚美人類。 In answer to the anxious inquiry of the stricken persecutor, "Who art thou, Lord?"在回答焦慮的調查受災迫害者, “誰藝術你,上帝? ” he said, "I am Jesus whom thou persecutest" (Acts 9:5; 22:8; 26:15).他說, “我耶穌你persecutest人” (使徒9點05分; 22點08 ; 26:15 ) 。

This was the moment of his conversion, the most solemn in all his life.這是他目前的轉換,最莊嚴的所有他的生命。 Blinded by the dazzling light (Acts 9:8), his companions led him into the city, where, absorbed in deep thought for three days, he neither ate nor drank (9:11).利令智昏,耀眼的光(使徒9點08分) ,他的同伴,他進入城市,在那裡,沉浸在深思3天,他既不吃也不喝(九時11分) 。 Ananias, a disciple living in Damascus, was informed by a vision of the change that had happened to Saul, and was sent to him to open his eyes and admit him by baptism into the Christian church (9:11-16).阿納尼亞斯,弟子居住在大馬士革,獲悉了視覺的變化已經發生掃羅,被送往他打開他的眼睛和承認他的洗禮的基督教教堂( 9:11-16 ) 。 The whole purpose of his life was now permanently changed.整個目的,他的生命是永久現已改變。 Immediately after his conversion he retired into the solitudes of Arabia (Gal. 1:17), perhaps of "Sinai in Arabia," for the purpose, probably, of devout study and meditation on the marvellous revelation that had been made to him.之後立即轉換到他退休的solitudes的沙特阿拉伯( Gal. 1點17分) ,或許“在西奈半島,阿拉伯”的目的,可能的虔誠的學習和思考奇妙的啟示已經向他提出。 "A veil of thick darkness hangs over this visit to Arabia. Of the scenes among which he moved, of the thoughts and occupations which engaged him while there, of all the circumstances of a crisis which must have shaped the whole tenor of his after-life, absolutely nothing is known. 'Immediately,' says St. Paul, 'I went away into Arabia.' “面紗厚黑暗籠罩這次訪問沙特阿拉伯。現場其中他感動,思想和從事的職業,而他那裡,所有的情況危機,必須形成整個男高音歌唱家,他後生活,絕對沒有人知道。緊接著,聖保祿說, '我走了到沙特阿拉伯。

The historian passes over the incident [comp.歷史學家經過這一事件[補償。 Acts 9:23 and 1 Kings 11: 38, 39].行為9:23和列王紀上11 : 38 , 39 ] 。 It is a mysterious pause, a moment of suspense, in the apostle's history, a breathless calm, which ushers in the tumultuous storm of his active missionary life." Coming back, after three years, to Damascus, he began to preach the gospel "boldly in the name of Jesus" (Acts 9:27), but was soon obliged to flee (9:25; 2 Cor. 11:33) from the Jews and betake himself to Jerusalem. Here he tarried for three weeks, but was again forced to flee (Acts 9:28, 29) from persecution. He now returned to his native Tarsus (Gal. 1:21), where, for probably about three years, we lose sight of him. The time had not yet come for his entering on his great life-work of preaching the gospel to the Gentiles. At length the city of Antioch, the capital of Syria, became the scene of great Christian activity.這是一個神秘的暫停,時刻懸念,在使徒的歷史,一個氣喘吁籲平靜,這開創了動盪的風暴,他積極傳教的生活。 “回來了,三年後,前往大馬士革,他開始宣講福音”大膽的名義耶穌“ (使徒9時27分) ,但很快就不得不逃離( 9:25 , 2肺心病。 11:33 )由猶太人和betake自己的耶路撒冷。 tarried在這裡,他三個星期,但再次被迫逃離(使徒9點28 , 29 )以避免迫害。現在他回到他的塔爾蘇斯( Gal. 1時21分) ,在那裡,大概為三年,我們看不到他。時間尚未他進入他的偉大的生命的工作,宣揚福音的外邦人。長度在市的安提阿,在敘利亞首都,成為現場的偉大基督教活動。

There the gospel gained a firm footing, and the cause of Christ prospered.有福音贏得了堅實的基礎,以及事業的基督繁榮。 Barnabas (qv), who had been sent from Jerusalem to superintend the work at Antioch, found it too much for him, and remembering Saul, he set out to Tarsus to seek for him.巴拿巴( qv ) ,誰被派往來自耶路撒冷的監督工作在安提阿,發現太多的他,想起掃羅,他開始塔爾蘇斯尋求他。 He readily responded to the call thus addressed to him, and came down to Antioch, which for "a whole year" became the scene of his labours, which were crowned with great success.他隨時回答這樣的要求給他,並延續到安提阿,其中“整整一年”成為他的現場勞動,這是取得巨大成功。 The disciples now, for the first time, were called "Christians" (Acts 11:26).現在的弟子,第一次,被稱為“基督徒” (使徒11:26 ) 。 The church at Antioch now proposed to send out missionaries to the Gentiles, and Saul and Barnabas, with John Mark as their attendant, were chosen for this work.教會在安提阿現在提議派遣傳教士外邦人,並掃羅和巴拿巴,與約翰標記為隨之而來的,被選為這項工作。 This was a great epoch in the history of the church.這是一項偉大的劃時代歷史上的教堂。 Now the disciples began to give effect to the Master's command: "Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature."現在的弟子開始,以落實主的命令: “去把你們所有的世界,並宣揚福音每一個動物。 ” The three missionaries went forth on the first missionary tour.這三個傳教士提出了在第一傳教訪問。 They sailed from Seleucia, the seaport of Antioch, across to Cyprus, some 80 miles to the south-west.他們航行的塞琉西亞,海港的安提阿,跨越到塞浦路斯,約80英里的西南方。 Here at Paphos, Sergius Paulus, the Roman proconsul, was converted, and now Saul took the lead, and was ever afterwards called Paul.這裡在帕福斯,塞爾吉烏斯保盧斯,羅馬proconsul ,轉換,現在索爾帶頭,是以往任何時候都要求保羅之後。

The missionaries now crossed to the mainland, and then proceeded 6 or 7 miles up the river Cestrus to Perga (Acts 13:13), where John Mark deserted the work and returned to Jerusalem.現在的傳教士越過大陸,然後進行6或7英里的河流Cestrus以Perga (使徒13:13 ) ,在那裡空無一人約翰馬克的工作,回到耶路撒冷。 The two then proceeded about 100 miles inland, passing through Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia.這兩個接著約100英里的內陸,通過潘菲利亞,彼西底的安提阿,並Lycaonia 。 The towns mentioned in this tour are the Pisidian Antioch, where Paul delivered his first address of which we have any record (13:16-51; comp. 10:30-43), Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe.城鎮中提到此行是Pisidian安提阿,在那裡保羅發表首份施政報告中,我們有任何記錄( 13:16-51 ;補償。 10:30-43 ) , Iconium , Lystra ,並Derbe 。 They returned by the same route to see and encourage the converts they had made, and ordain elders in every city to watch over the churches which had been gathered.他們返回同樣的路線看到,並鼓勵他們轉換了,而且注定長老每一個城市觀看的教堂已聚集。 From Perga they sailed direct for Antioch, from which they had set out.從Perga他們直接航行安提阿,從這些規定了。

After remaining "a long time", probably till AD 50 or 51, in Antioch, a great controversy broke out in the church there regarding the relation of the Gentiles to the Mosaic law.之後剩下的“很長一段時間” ,也許直到公元50或51歲,在安提阿,一個極大的爭議發生在那裡的教堂方面的關係外邦人的鑲嵌法。 For the purpose of obtaining a settlement of this question, Paul and Barnabas were sent as deputies to consult the church at Jerusalem.為了獲得解決這個問題,保羅和巴拿巴被作為人大代表徵求教會在耶路撒冷。 The council or synod which was there held (Acts 15) decided against the Judaizing party; and the deputies, accompanied by Judas and Silas, returned to Antioch, bringing with them the decree of the council.安理會或主教這是那裡舉行(使徒15日)決定對猶太黨和人大代表的陪同下,猶大和西拉斯,返回安提阿,使他們的法令理事會。 After a short rest at Antioch, Paul said to Barnabas: "Let us go again and visit our brethren in every city where we have preached the word of the Lord, and see how they do."經過短暫休息,安提阿,保羅說,巴拿巴: “讓我們再次訪問我們的兄弟在每一個城市,我們有這個詞宣揚的上帝,並看到他們如何做。 ” Mark proposed again to accompany them; but Paul refused to allow him to go.馬克提議再次陪他們,但保羅拒絕讓他去。 Barnabas was resolved to take Mark, and thus he and Paul had a sharp contention.巴拿巴是決心採取馬克,因此,他和保羅了急劇的論點。 They separated, and never again met.他們分離,永遠不會再滿足。

Paul, however, afterwards speaks with honour of Barnabas, and sends for Mark to come to him at Rome (Col. 4:10; 2 Tim.4:11).保羅然而,此後說話有幸巴拿巴,並為馬克發送到他在羅馬(上校4時10分, 2 Tim.4 : 11 ) 。 Paul took with him Silas, instead of Barnabas, and began his second missionary journey about AD 51.保羅在他的西拉斯,而不是巴拿巴,並開始了他的第二次宣教旅程約公元51 。 This time he went by land, revisiting the churches he had already founded in Asia.這一次,他去的土地,重新教會他已經在亞洲成立。 But he longed to enter into "regions beyond," and still went forward through Phrygia and Galatia (16:6).但他渴望進入“區域以外, ”還提出了通過Phrygia和加拉太(十六時06分) 。 Contrary to his intention, he was constrained to linger in Galatia (qv), on account of some bodily affliction (Gal. 4: 13, 14).相反,他打算,他被限制留在加拉太( qv ) ,考慮到一些身體疾病( Gal. 4 : 13日, 14日) 。 Bithynia, a populous province on the shore of the Black Sea, lay now before him, and he wished to enter it; but the way was shut, the Spirit in some manner guiding him in another direction, till he came down to the shores of the AEgean and arrived at Troas, on the north-western coast of Asia Minor (Acts 16:8).螺,一個人口眾多的省海岸黑海,現在躺在他面前,他希望將它輸入,但道路被關閉,本著以某種方式指導他在另一個方向,直到他到海岸愛琴海抵達Troas ,西北海岸的小亞細亞(使徒16點08分) 。

Of this long journey from Antioch to Troas we have no account except some references to it in his Epistle to the Galatians (4:13).這個漫長的旅途由Antioch ,以Troas我們有沒有考慮到除了一些提到在他的書加拉太( 4時13分) 。 As he waited at Troas for indications of the will of God as to his future movements, he saw, in the vision of the night, a man from the opposite shores of Macedonia standing before him, and heard him cry, "Come over, and help us" (Acts 16:9).正如他在等待Troas的跡象表明,上帝的意志作為他未來的運動,他認為,在視覺的夜晚,一名男子從對面海岸的馬其頓站在他面前,並聽到他哭, “來了,幫助我們“ (使徒16:9 ) 。 Paul recognized in this vision a message from the Lord, and the very next day set sail across the Hellespont, which separated him from Europe, and carried the tidings of the gospel into the Western world. In Macedonia, churches were planted in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Berea.保羅承認這一設想的訊息從主,和第二天乘輪船經過Hellespont ,其中失散他來自歐洲,並進行了消息的福音融入西方世界。在馬其頓,教堂被種植在立,塞薩洛尼卡,並貝雷亞。

Leaving this province, Paul passed into Achaia, "the paradise of genius and renown."離開這個省,保羅進入亞該亞, “天堂的天才和聲譽。 ” He reached Athens, but quitted it after, probably, a brief sojourn (17:17-31).他到達雅典,但離開後,也許短暫逗留( 17:17-31 ) 。 The Athenians had received him with cold disdain, and he never visited that city again.在雅典收到了他的冷蔑視,他從未訪問過這個城市了。 He passed over to Corinth, the seat of the Roman government of Achaia, and remained there a year and a half, labouring with much success.他交給科林斯,所在地的羅馬政府的亞該亞,並在那裡停留了一年半,勞動與成功。 While at Corinth, he wrote his two epistles to the church of Thessalonica, his earliest apostolic letters, and then sailed for Syria, that he might be in time to keep the feast of Pentecost at Jerusalem.雖然科林斯,他寫道他的兩個書信教堂的薩洛尼卡,他最早的使徒的信件,然後對敘利亞的航行,他可能會在時間保持聖靈降臨節在耶路撒冷。 He was accompanied by Aquila and Priscilla, whom he left at Ephesus, at which he touched, after a voyage of thirteen or fifteen days.他是伴隨著雕和陳慧嫻,他留在以弗所,他在會議上談到,經過航程13或15天。 He landed at Caesarea, and went up to Jerusalem, and having "saluted the church" there, and kept the feast, he left for Antioch, where he abode "some time" (Acts 18:20-23).他降落在該撒利亞,並上升到耶路撒冷,並有“讚揚教會” ,並保持了宴席,他離開的安提阿,在那裡他居留權“一段時間” (使徒18:20-23 ) 。

He then began his third missionary tour.然後,他開始了他的第三個傳教站。 He journeyed by land in the "upper coasts" (the more eastern parts) of Asia Minor, and at length made his way to Ephesus, where he tarried for no less than three years, engaged in ceaseless Christian labour.他journeyed的土地“上海岸” (更東部地區)的小亞細亞,並在長度作了方式以弗所,在那裡他tarried不少於3年,從事不懈基督教勞動。 "This city was at the time the Liverpool of the Mediterranean. It possessed a splendid harbour, in which was concentrated the traffic of the sea which was then the highway of the nations; and as Liverpool has behind her the great towns of Lancashire, so had Ephesus behind and around her such cities as those mentioned along with her in the epistles to the churches in the book of Revelation, Smyrna, Pergamos, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea. “這個城市當時利物浦的地中海。它擁有燦爛的海港,其中主要集中在交通海上當時高速公路的國家;和利物浦她身後的偉大城鎮的蘭開夏郡,所以以弗所了後面,在她這樣的城市提到的那些與她的書信的教會在這本書的啟示,士麥那, Pergamos , Thyatira ,撒狄,費城,和老底嘉。

It was a city of vast wealth, and it was given over to every kind of pleasure, the fame of its theatres and race-course being world-wide" (Stalker's Life of St. Paul). Here a "great door and effectual" was opened to the apostle. His fellow-labourers aided him in his work, carrying the gospel to Colosse and Laodicea and other places which they could reach. Very shortly before his departure from Ephesus, the apostle wrote his First Epistle to the Corinthians (qv). The silversmiths, whose traffic in the little images which they made was in danger (see DEMETRIUS), organized a riot against Paul, and he left the city, and proceeded to Troas (2 Cor. 2:12), whence after some time he went to meet Titus in Macedonia.這是一個巨大的城市財富,它給了每一種樂趣,對名利的劇院和比賽過程正在全世界範圍內“ (潛行者的生命聖保羅) 。這裡的”大門口及作用“開放的倡導者。他的同胞勞動者資助他的工作,進行福音,以Colosse和老底嘉和其他地方,他們可以達到。甚高前不久他離開以弗所,使徒寫下第一書的科林蒂安( qv ) 。的銀器,其流量的小圖像,他們提出的危險(見德梅) ,舉辦了防暴對保羅,他離開了城市,並著手Troas ( 2肺心病。 2時12分) ,經過一些何處當時他去滿足提圖斯在馬其頓。

Here, in consequence of the report Titus brought from Corinth, he wrote his second epistle to that church.在這裡,因此該報告泰特斯來自科林斯,他寫他的第二次書信該教堂。 Having spent probably most of the summer and autumn in Macedonia, visiting the churches there, specially the churches of Philippi, Thessalonica, and Berea, probably penetrating into the interior, to the shores of the Adriatic (Rom. 15:19), he then came into Greece, where he abode three month, spending probably the greater part of this time in Corinth (Acts 20:2).大概花費了大部分的夏季和秋季在馬其頓訪問的教堂存在,特別是教會立,薩洛尼卡和伯里亞,可能滲透到內地,到海岸的亞得里亞海(羅馬書15:19 ) ,然後他進入希臘,他在那裡居住3個月,花費可能更大的一部分,這一次是在科林斯(使徒二十點零二) 。 During his stay in this city he wrote his Epistle to the Galatians, and also the great Epistle to the Romans.訪問期間,他這個城市他寫他的書給加拉太,也是偉大的書羅馬。 At the end of the three months he left Achaia for Macedonia, thence crossed into Asia Minor, and touching at Miletus, there addressed the Ephesian presbyters, whom he had sent for to meet him (Acts 20:17), and then sailed for Tyre, finally reaching Jerusalem, probably in the spring of AD 58.在結束3個月他離開亞該亞的馬其頓共和國,然後進入小亞細亞,並在米利感人,有處理以弗所長老,他已派人與他會面(使徒20:17 ) ,然後航行輪胎,耶路撒冷的最終達成,可能在春天的AD 58 。 While at Jerusalem, at the feast of Pentecost, he was almost murdered by a Jewish mob in the temple.雖然在耶路撒冷,在聖靈降臨節,他幾乎是被殺害的猶太暴徒在廟裡。

Rescued from their violence by the Roman commandant, he was conveyed as a prisoner to Caesarea, where, from various causes, he was detained a prisoner for two years in Herod's praetorium (Acts 23:35).獲救的暴力羅馬司令官,他轉達了作為一個囚犯撒利亞,在那裡,來自不同的原因,他被關押的囚犯兩年希律王的praetorium (使徒23:35 ) 。 "Paul was not kept in close confinement; he had at least the range of the barracks in which he was detained. There we can imagine him pacing the ramparts on the edge of the Mediterranean, and gazing wistfully across the blue waters in the direction of Macedonia, Achaia, and Ephesus, where his spiritual children were pining for him, or perhaps encountering dangers in which they sorely needed his presence. It was a mysterious providence which thus arrested his energies and condemned the ardent worker to inactivity; yet we can now see the reason for it. Paul was needing rest. After twenty years of incessant evangelization, he required leisure to garner the harvest of experience. . . . During these two years he wrote nothing; it was a time of internal mental activity and silent progress" (Stalker's Life of St. Paul). “保羅是不是保持著密切禁閉;他至少在一系列的軍營,他被拘留。因此,我們可以想像他的起搏的城牆邊的地中海,並若有所思地望著整個藍色大海的方向馬其頓,亞該亞,和以弗所,在那裡他的精神孩子們想念他,或者遇到危險,他們迫切需要他的存在。這是一個神秘的普羅維登斯從而逮捕他的精力和強烈譴責工人無所事事,但我們現在可以見的原因。保羅是需要休息。經過20多年的不斷的福,他需要休閒獲得豐收的經驗。 。 。 。在這兩年裡他寫什麼,這是一個時間的內部心理活動和無聲的進展“ (潛行者的生命聖保羅) 。

At the end of these two years Felix (qv) was succeeded in the governorship of Palestine by Porcius Festus, before whom the apostle was again heard.在結束這兩年費利克斯( qv )是成功的省長巴勒斯坦Porcius費之前,使徒的人再次聽到。 But judging it right at this crisis to claim the privilege of a Roman citizen, he appealed to the emperor (Acts 25:11). Such an appeal could not be disregarded, and Paul was at once sent on to Rome under the charge of one Julius, a centurion of the "Augustan cohort."但是,判斷它有權在這場危機中聲稱有幸羅馬公民,他呼籲天皇(使徒25:11 ) 。這種呼籲不能忽視,和保羅是在上一次發送到羅馬的負責人朱利葉斯,一個百夫長的“奧古斯都隊列。 ” After a long and perilous voyage, he at length reached the imperial city in the early spring, probably, of AD 61.經過長時間的和危險的航行,他終於達到了帝國城市的初春,也許反傾銷61 。 Here he was permitted to occupy his own hired he was permitted to occupy his own hired house, under constant military custody.在這裡,他被獲准佔用自己聘請他獲准佔用僱用自己的房子,在不斷的軍事拘留。 This privilege was accorded to him, no doubt, because he was a Roman citizen, and as such could not be put into prison without a trial.這種特權是給予他的,毫無疑問,因為他是一個羅馬市民,因此無法付諸監獄未經審判。 The soldiers who kept guard over Paul were of course changed at frequent intervals, and thus he had the opportunity of preaching the gospel to many of them during these "two whole years," and with the blessed result of spreading among the imperial guards, and even in Caesar's household, an interest in the truth (Phil. 1:13).誰的士兵守衛保持保羅當然改變頻繁,因此他有機會宣揚福音他們中的許多人在這些“兩整年, ”與幸福的結果之間的傳播帝國主義守衛,並即使是在凱撒的家庭,有興趣的真相( Phil. 1:13 ) 。

His rooms were resorted to by many anxious inquirers, both Jews and Gentiles (Acts 28:23, 30, 31), and thus his imprisonment "turned rather to the furtherance of the gospel," and his "hired house" became the centre of a gracious influence which spread over the whole city.他的房間訴諸許多急於查詢,猶太人和外邦人(使徒28:23 , 30 , 31 ) ,因此他的監禁“ ,而拒絕對促進福音, ”和他的“僱用之家”成為中心1親切的影響力遍及整個城市。 According to a Jewish tradition, it was situated on the borders of the modern Ghetto, which has been the Jewish quarters in Rome from the time of Pompey to the present day.根據猶太傳統,這是地處邊境的現代猶太人區,已四分之三的猶太人在羅馬時,龐培到今天。 During this period the apostle wrote his epistles to the Colossians, Ephesians, Philippians, and to Philemon, and probably also to the Hebrews.在此期間,他寫使徒書信的歌羅西書,以弗所書,腓利,並腓利門書,大概也希伯來人。 This first imprisonment came at length to a close, Paul having been acquitted, probably because no witnesses appeared against him.這是第一個出現在監禁長度結束時,保羅已被無罪釋放,這可能是因為沒有證人出庭對他。 Once more he set out on his missionary labours, probably visiting western and eastern Europe and Asia Minor.他再次闡述他的傳教勞動,可能來訪的西部和東部歐洲和亞洲的小調。 During this period of freedom he wrote his First Epistle to Timothy and his Epistle to Titus.在此期間的自由,他寫下第一書霍震霆和他的書泰特斯。 The year of his release was signalized by the burning of Rome, which Nero saw fit to attribute to the Christians.這一年,他被釋放的信號焚燒羅馬,這尼祿看到合適的屬性的基督徒。

A fierce persecution now broke out against the Christians.阿激烈的迫害,現在爆發了反對基督徒。 Paul was siezed, and once more conveyed to Rome a prisoner.保羅被扣押,並再次轉達給羅馬的囚犯。 During this imprisonment he probably wrote the Second Epistle to Timothy, the last he ever wrote.在此監禁,他可能寫了第二書霍震霆,最後他以往任何時候都寫道。 "There can be little doubt that he appered again at Nero's bar, and this time the charge did not break down. In all history there is not a more startling illustration of the irony of human life than this scene of Paul at the bar of Nero. On the judgment-seat, clad in the imperial purple, sat a man who, in a bad world, had attained the eminence of being the very worst and meanest being in it, a man stained with every crime, a man whose whole being was so steeped in every nameable and unnameable vice, that body and soul of him were, as some one said at the time, nothing but a compound of mud and blood; and in the prisoner's dock stood the best man the world possessed, his hair whitened with labours for the good of men and the glory of God. “毫無疑問,他再次appered Nero的酒吧,這一次的指控沒有打破。在所有歷史上沒有一個更驚人的例子諷刺人的生命比這場面保羅在酒吧的尼祿。論判斷座位,穿著紫色的帝國,坐了男人誰,在一個壞的世界,達到了至高無上的最嚴重的和卑鄙的中,一名男子染色,每一個犯罪,一名男子正在其整個就這樣沉浸在每一個nameable和unnameable副總裁,該機構和靈魂,他的,因為有些人說的時候,只是一個複合泥漿和血液;和囚犯的基座為最好的人擁有世界上,他的頭髮白與勞動的好男人和榮耀上帝。

The trial ended: Paul was condemned, and delivered over to the executioner.審判結束:保羅譴責,並交付給劊子手。 He was led out of the city, with a crowd of the lowest rabble at his heels.他領導的城市,與一群烏合之眾的最低點在他的高跟鞋。 The fatal spot was reached; he knelt beside the block; the headsman's axe gleamed in the sun and fell; and the head of the apostle of the world rolled down in the dust" (probably AD 66), four years before the fall of Jerusalem.現場的致命達成了,他跪旁邊的塊;的劊子手的斧閃爍的陽光和下跌;和團長的使徒的世界滾下中的灰塵“ (可能是公元66 ) ,四年前的秋天耶路撒冷。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓畫報詞典)


St. Paul聖保祿

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

I. PRELIMINARY QUESTIONS一,初步問題

A. Apocryphal Acts of St. Paul字母a.未經證實的行為聖保祿

Professor Schmidt has published a photographic copy, a transcription, a German translation, and a commentary of a Coptic papyrus composed of about 2000 fragments, which he has classified, juxtaposed, and deciphered at a cost of infinite labour ("Acta Pauli aus der Heidelberger koptischen Papyrushandschrift Nr. 1", Leipzig, 1904, and "Zusatze" etc., Leipzig, 1905).施密特教授出版了攝影複製,轉錄,德國翻譯和評注的科普特紙組成的約2000碎片,他已歸類,並列,並破譯的費用無限勞動( “學報聖保利澳大利亞之海德堡koptischen Papyrushandschrift序號。 1 “ ,萊比錫, 1904年,和” Zusatze “等,萊比錫, 1905年) 。 Most critics, whether Catholic (Duchesne, Bardenhewer, Ehrhard etc.), or Protestant (Zahn, Harnack, Corssen etc.), believe that these are real "Acta Pauli", although the text edited by Schmidt, with its very numerous gaps, represents but a small portion of the original work.大多數批評者,無論是天主教(杜申, Bardenhewer , Ehrhard等) ,或新教(贊恩,哈納克, Corssen等) ,認為這些是真正的“利學報” ,雖然文字編輯的施密特,它非常很多差距,代表,但一小部分原來的工作。 This discovery modified the generally accepted ideas concerning the origin, contents, and value of these apocryphal Acts, and warrants the conclusion that three ancient compositions which have reached us formed an integral part of the "Acta Pauli" viz.這一發現改變了普遍接受的觀念的起源,內容和價值,這些未經證實的行為,和認股權證的結論是,三個古老的成分已達到我們的一個組成部分的“利學報”即。 the "Acta Pauli et Theclae", of which the best edition is that of Lipsius, ("Acta Apostolorum apocrypha", Leipzig, 1891, 235-72), a "Martyrium Pauli" preserved in Greek and a fragment of which also exists in Latin (op. cit., 104-17), and a letter from the Corinthians to Paul with the latter's reply, the Armenian text of which was preserved (cf. Zahn, "Gesch. des neutest. Kanons", II, 592-611), and the Latin discovered by Berger in 1891 (d. Harnack, "Die apokryphen Briefe des Paulus an die Laodicener und Korinther", Bonn, 1905).在“學報聖保利等Theclae ” ,其中最好的版本是Lipsius , ( “偽經宗徒學報” ,萊比錫, 1891年, 235-72 ) ,一個“ Martyrium聖保利”保存在希臘和片段,其中還存在著拉丁美洲(同前。 , 104-17 ) ,以及信保科林蒂安與後者的答复,亞美尼亞文本保存(參見贊恩, “ Gesch 。沙漠neutest 。 Kanons ” ,二, 592 - 611 ) ,和拉丁美洲伯傑發現於1891年(草哈納克, “模具apokryphen書信萬保盧斯的模具Laodicener與Korinther ” ,波恩, 1905年) 。 With great sagacity Zahn anticipated this result with regard to the last two documents, and the manner in which St. Jerome speaks of the periodoi Pauli et Theclae (De viris ill., vii) might have permitted the same surmise with regard to the first.懷著極大的遠見卓識贊恩預計這一結果對最後兩個文件,並以何種方式聖杰羅姆談到periodoi聖保利等Theclae (德viris生病。 ,七)可能會允許在同一猜測關於第一。

Another consequence of Schmidt's discovery is no less interesting.另一個後果施密特的發現是不感興趣。 Lipsius maintained -- and this was hitherto the common opinion -- that besides the Catholic "Acts" there formerly existed Gnostic "Acts of Paul", but now everything tends to prove that the latter never existed. Lipsius保持-這是迄今為止的共同見解-除了天主教“行為”有諾斯底以前存在的“保行為”,但現在一切都趨於證明,後者根本不存在。 In fact Origen quotes the "Acta Pauli" twice as an estimable writing ("In Joann.", xx, 12; "De princip.", II, i, 3); Eusebius (Hist. eccl., III, iii, 5; XXV, 4) places them among the books in dispute, such as the "Shepherd" of Hermas, the "Apocalypse of Peter", the "Epistle of Barnabas", and the "Teaching of the Apostles".事實上奧利引號的“保利學報”作為一個兩次估書面形式( “在脫掉。 ” XX條,第12條; “德原理。 ” ,二,一, 3 ) ;優西比烏( Hist.傳道書。 ,三,三,五;二十五, 4 )使它們之間的爭端的書籍,如“牧羊人”書的“彼得的啟示”的“巴拿巴書”和“教學中的使徒” 。 The stichometry of the "Codex Claromontanus" (photograph in Vigouroux, "Dict. de la Bible", II, 147) places them after the canonical books.該stichometry的“法典Claromontanus ” (照片Vigouroux , “快譯通。德拉魯阿聖經” ,二147 )的地方後,他們典型的書籍。 Tertullian and St. Jerome, while pointing out the legendary character of this writing, do not attack its orthodoxy.德爾圖良和聖杰羅姆,同時指出傳奇的性質,寫作,不要攻擊它的正統。 The precise purpose of St. Paul's correspondence with the Corinthians which formed part of the "Acts", was to oppose the Gnostics, Simon and Cleobius.確切的目的聖保祿書信與科林蒂安斯的組成部分的“行為” ,是反對Gnostics ,西蒙和Cleobius 。 But there is no reason to admit the existence of heretical "Acts" which have since been hopelessly lost, for all the details given by ancient authors are verified in the "Acts" which have been recovered or tally well with them.但是,我們沒有理由承認存在的邪教“行為” ,因為這是無可救藥了,所有的細節給予的古代作者核實的“行為”已被收回或統計以及他們。

The following is the explanation of the confusion: The Manicheans and Priscillianists had circulated a collection of five apocryphal "Acts", four of which were tainted with heresy, and the fifth were the "Acts of Paul".以下是解釋的混亂:該Manicheans和Priscillianists散發了收集五個未經“行為” ,其中4個被污染的邪說,第五是“行為的保羅” 。 The "Acta Pauli", owing to this unfortunate association, are suspected of heterodoxy by the more recent authors such as Philastrius (De haeres., 88) and Photius (Cod., 114).在“泡學報” ,由於這個不幸的結社,被懷疑旁門左道的作者更近,如Philastrius (德haeres 。 , 88 )和Photius ( Cod. , 114 ) 。 Tertullian (De baptismo, 17) and St. Jerome (De vir. ill., vii) denounce the fabulous character of the apocryphal "Acts" of Paul, and this severe judgment is amply confirmed by the examination of the fragments published by Schmidt.德爾圖良(德baptismo , 17歲)和聖杰羅姆(德病毒。虐待。 ,七)譴責神話般性質的未經證實“行為”的保羅,這嚴重的判斷是充分證實了考試的碎片發表的施密特。 It is a purely imaginative work in which improbability vies with absurdity.這是一個純粹的富有想像力的工作,這不大可能vies與荒唐。 The author, who was acquainted with the canonical Acts of the Apostles, locates the scene in the places really visited by St. Paul (Antioch, Iconium, Myra, Perge, Sidon, Tyre, Ephesus, Corinth, Philippi, Rome), but for the rest he gives his fancy free rein.該文件的作者,誰是熟悉典型使徒行傳,位於現場的地方真的訪問聖保羅(安提阿, Iconium ,邁拉, Perge ,西頓,輪胎,以弗所,科林斯,立,羅馬) ,但其餘他給他的花式放任自流。 His chronology is absolutely impossible. Of the sixty-five persons he names, very few are known and the part played by these is irreconcilable with the statements of the canonical "Acts".他的年表是絕對不可能的。其中65人,他的名字,只有極少數已知和所起的作用是不可調和的這些與報表的規範“行為” 。 Briefly, if the canonical "Acts" are true the apocryphal "Acts" are false.簡單地說,如果規範“行為”是真正的未經證實“行為”是錯誤的。 This, however, does not imply that none of the details have historical foundation, but they must be confirmed by an independent authority.然而,這並不意味著沒有細節的歷史基礎,但他們必須確認由一個獨立的權威。

B. Chronology灣年表

If we admit according to the almost unanimous opinion of exegetes that Acts 15 and Galatians 2:1-10, relate to the same fact it will be seen that an interval of seventeen years - or at least sixteen, counting incomplete years as accomplished - elapsed between the conversion of Paul and the Apostolic council, for Paul visited Jerusalem three years after his conversion (Galatians 1:18) and returned after fourteen years for the meeting held with regard to legal observances (Galatians 2:1: "Epeita dia dekatessaron eton").如果我們承認根據幾乎一致認為exegetes行為15和加拉太2:1-10 ,涉及同一事實可以看到,間隔十七年-或至少1 6,計數不來完成-過去了之間的轉換保羅和使徒理事會,保羅訪問耶路撒冷三年之後,他的轉換(加拉太1:18 ) ,回到14年後,為舉行關於法律紀念活動(加拉太2:1 : “ Epeita直徑dekatessaron伊頓“ ) 。 It is true that some authors include the three years prior to the first visit in the total of fourteen, but this explanation seems forced.誠然,一些作者包括前三年的首次訪問中共有14個,但這個解釋似乎強迫。 On the other hand, twelve or thirteen years elapsed between the Apostolic council and the end of the captivity, for the captivity lasted nearly five years (more than two years at Caesarea, Acts 24:27, six months travelling, including the sojourn at Malta, and two years at Rome, Acts 28:30); the third mission lasted not less than four years and a half (three of which were spent at Ephesus, Acts 20:31, and one between the departure from Ephesus and the arrival at Jerusalem, 1 Corinthians 16:8; Acts 20:16, and six months at the very least for the journey to Galatia, Acts 18:23); while the second mission lasted not less than three years (eighteen months for Corinth, Acts 18:11, and the remainder for the evangelization of Galatia, Macedonia, and Athens, Acts 15:36-17:34).另一方面, 12或13年過去了使徒之間的理事會和年底圈養,為圈養歷時近五年(兩年多來在該撒利亞,行為24:27 , 6個月旅行,其中包括在馬耳他逗留,兩年在羅馬,行為28:30 ) ;第三任務持續不低於四年半(其中三個被用於在以弗所,行為20:31 ,一名之間的背離以弗所和到達耶路撒冷,哥林多前書16點08分;行為20點16分,和6個月內至少為旅程加拉太,行為18:23 ) ;而第二個任務持續不少於三年( 18個月的科林斯, 18行為: 11 ,其餘的福音加拉太,馬其頓,與雅典,行為15:36-17:34 ) 。 Thus from the conversion to the end of the first captivity we have a total of about twenty-nine years. Now if we could find a fixed point that is a synchronism between a fact in the life of Paul and a certainly dated event in profane history, it would be easy to reconstruct the Pauline chronology.因此,從轉換到年底的第一次圈養我們有一個共約二十九年。現在,如果我們能夠找到一個固定點,這是同步的事實之間生活中的保羅和肯定月活動褻瀆歷史,很容易重建保年表。 Unfortunately this much wished-for mark has not yet been indicated with certainty, despite the numerous attempts made by scholars, especially in recent times.不幸的是這麼多的希望為標誌尚未肯定地表示,儘管多次試圖所作的學者,特別是在最近的時間。 It is of interest to note even the abortive attempts, because the discovery of an inscription or of a coin may any day transform an approximate date into an absolutely fixed point.這是興趣地注意到甚至企圖失敗,因為發現的題詞或硬幣可能任何一天變換一個近似日期到一個絕對的不動點。 These are這些都是

the meeting of Paul with Sergius Paulus, Proconsul of Cyprus, about the year 46 (Acts 13:7) the meeting at Corinth with Aquila and Priscilla, who had been expelled from Rome, about 51 (Acts 18:2) the meeting with Gallio, Proconsul of Achaia, about 53 (Acts 18:12) the address of Paul before the Governor Felix and his wife Drusilla about 58 (Acts 24:24).會議的保羅與塞爾吉烏斯保盧斯, Proconsul塞浦路斯,一年約46 (使徒13時07分)的會議上與科林斯和普里西拉雕,誰被逐出羅馬,約51 (使徒18:2 )會見加利奧, Proconsul的亞該亞,約53 (使徒18:12 )的地址保羅總督之前,費利克斯和他的妻子Drusilla約58 (使徒24:24 ) 。

All these events, as far as they may be assigned approximate dates, agree with the Apostle's general chronology but give no precise results.所有這些事件,就因為它們可能被分配大致日期,同意使徒的一般性年表,但也沒有確切的結果。 Three synchronisms, however, appear to afford a firmer basis:三synchronisms然而,似乎提供了堅實的基礎:

(1) The occupation of Damascus by the ethnarch of King Aretas and the escape of the Apostle three years after his conversion (2 Corinthians 11:32-33; Acts 9:23-26). ( 1 )佔領大馬士革的ethnarch國王Aretas和逃避的使徒三年之後,他的轉換(哥林多後書11:32-33 ;行為9:23-26 ) 。 -- Damascene coins bearing the effigy of Tiberius to the year 34 are extant, proving that at that time the city belonged to the Romans. -鑲嵌硬幣帶有肖像的留到3 4個是現存的,這證明當時的城市屬於羅馬。 It is impossible to assume that Aretas had received it as a gift from Tiberius, for the latter, especially in his last years, was hostile to the King of the Nabataeans whom Vitellius, Governor of Syria, was ordered to attack (Joseph., "Ant.", XVIII, v, 13); neither could Aretas have possessed himself of it by force for, besides the unlikelihood of a direct aggression against the Romans, the expedition of Vitellius was at first directed not against Damascus but against Petra.這是不可能的假設, Aretas已收到它作為禮物留,對於後者,尤其是在他最後幾年,是敵對的國王Nabataeans人Vitellius ,敘利亞總督,下令攻擊( Joseph. “螞蟻。 “十八,五, 13 ) ;既可以擁有Aretas有它自己的力量,除了不可能直接侵略羅馬,加快Vitellius是第一次不是針對敘利亞,而是針對佩特拉。 It has therefore been somewhat plausibly conjectured that Caligula, subject as he was to such whims, had ceded it to him at the time of his accession (10 March, 37).因此它在某種程度上振振有辭推測,古拉問題,他對這種衝動,它已經割讓給他時,他加入( 3月10日, 37 ) 。 As a matter of fact nothing is known of imperial coins of Damascus dating from either Caligula or Claudius.事實上沒有人知道帝國錢幣大馬士革約會從古拉或克勞狄斯。 According to this hypothesis St. Paul's conversion was not prior to 34, nor his escape from Damascus and his first visit to Jerusalem, to 37.根據這一假說聖保祿不轉換之前, 34歲,還是他擺脫大馬士革和他第一次訪問耶路撒冷, 37 。

(2) Death of Agrippa, famine in Judea, mission of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem to bring thither the alms from the Church of Antioch (Acts 11:27-12:25). ( 2 )死亡阿格里帕,飢荒在朱迪亞,使命,保羅和巴拿巴到耶路撒冷,使那兒的施捨從安提阿教會(使徒11:27-12:25 ) 。 -- Agrippa died shortly after the Pasch (Acts 12:3, 12:19), when he was celebrating in Caesarea solemn festivals in honour of Claudius's recent return from Britain, in the third year of his reign, which had begun in 41 (Josephus, "Ant.", XIX, vii, 2). -阿格里帕去世後不久, P asch(使徒1 2點0 3分, 1 2時十九分) ,當時他在該撒利亞慶祝節日的莊嚴紀念克勞狄斯最近從英國返回,在第三個年頭的他的統治,它已經開始在4 1個(約瑟夫, “螞蟻。 ”十九,七, 2 ) 。 These combined facts bring us to the year 44, and it is precisely in this year that Orosius (Hist., vii, 6) places the great famine which desolated Judea.這些合併的事實使我們今年44歲,正是在這一年Orosius ( Hist. ,七,六)地方的大飢荒而荒蕪朱迪亞。 Josephus mentions it somewhat later, under the procurator Tiberius Alexander (about 46), but it is well known that the whole of Claudius's reign was characterized by poor harvests (Suet., "Claudius", 18) and a general famine was usually preceded by a more or less prolonged period of scarcity.約瑟夫提到有點後,根據檢察留亞歷山大(約46 ) ,但眾所周知,整個托勒密時代的特點是歉收( Suet. “托勒密” , 18歲)和普遍的飢荒,通常先或多或少長時間缺水。 It is also possible that the relief sent in anticipation of the famine foretold by Agabus (Acts 11:28-29) preceded the appearance of the scourge or coincided with the first symptoms of want.也有可能是救濟預計發送的飢荒預言的Agabus (使徒11:28-29 )之前出現的禍害,或正好與第一個症狀的希望。 On the other hand, the synchronism between the death of Herod and the mission of Paul can only be approximate, for although the two facts are closely connected in the Acts, the account of the death of Agrippa may be a mere episode intended to shed light on the situation of the Church of Jerusalem about the time of the arrival of the delegates from Antioch.另一方面,之間的同步死亡的希律王和使命保羅只能近似,因為儘管這兩個事實是密切相連的行為,到了死亡的阿格里帕可能僅僅是一個插曲旨在揭示在教會的局勢,耶路撒冷的時間到達的代表由Antioch 。 In any case, 45 seems to be the most satisfactory date.在任何情況下, 45似乎是最令人滿意的日期。

(3) Replacing of Felix by Festus two years after the arrest to Paul (Acts 24:27). ( 3 )更換費的費兩年後逮捕保羅(使徒24:27 ) 。 -- Until recently chronologists commonly fixed this important event, in the year 60-61. -直到最近c hronologists常見的固定這一重要事件,在6 0-61歲。 Harnack, 0.哈納克, 0 。 Holtzmann, and McGiffert suggest advancing it four or five years for the following reasons: Holtzmann ,並提出推進麥吉弗特它四年或五年,理由如下:

(1) In his "Chronicon", Eusebius places the arrival of Festus in the second year of Nero (October, 55-October, 56, or if, as is asserted, Eusebius makes the reigns of the emperors begin with the September after their accession, September, 56-September, 57). ( 1 )在他的“ Chronicon ” ,優西比烏地方的到來費在第二年的尼祿( 10月55日, 56歲,或者如果那樣,斷言,優西比烏使得統治的皇帝開始的9月後加入, 9月56日, 57 ) 。 But it must be borne in mind that the chroniclers being always obliged to give definite dates, were likely to guess at them, and it may be that Eusebius for lack of definite information divided into two equal parts the entire duration of the government of Felix and Festus.但必須記住,永遠編年史正在有義務給予明確的日期,有可能在他們猜測,這可能是優西比烏因缺乏明確的信息分為兩個相等的部分的全部期間,政府的費利克斯和費。

(2) Josephus states (Ant., XX, viii, 9) that Felix having been recalled to Rome and accused by the Jews to Nero, owed his safety only to his brother Pallas who was then high in favour. ( 2 )約瑟夫州( Ant. ,第二十條,八,九日)表示,費利克斯回顧了羅馬和被告的猶太人尼祿,欠他的安全只能給他的弟弟帕拉斯誰當時高贊成票。 But according to Tacitus (Annal., XIII, xiv-xv), Pallas was dismissed shortly before Britannicus celebrated his fourteenth anniversary, that is, in January, 55.但是,根據塔西圖( Annal. ,十三,十四,十五) ,帕拉斯被開除前不久Britannicus慶祝自己14週年之際,也就是在1月份, 55 。 These two statements are irreconcilable; for if Pallas was dismissed three months after Nero's accession (13 October, 54) he could not have been at the summit of his power when his brother Felix, recalled from Palestine at the command of Nero about the time of Pentecost, arrived at Rome.這兩個聲明是不可調和的;如果帕拉斯被駁回後三個月Nero的加入( 10月13日, 54歲) ,他不能一直在首腦會議上他的權力時,他的弟弟費利克斯,回顧從巴勒斯坦在命令的尼祿的時間聖靈降臨節,抵達羅馬。

Possibly Pallas, who after his dismissal retained his wealth and a portion of his influence, since he stipulated that his administration should not be subjected to an investigation, was able to be of assistance to his brother until 62 when Nero, to obtain possession of his goods, Nero had him poisoned. The advocates of a later date bring forward the following reasons:可能是蝮蛇,誰被解僱後,他保留他的財富和部分他的影響力,因為他規定,他的政府不應受到了調查,是能夠幫助他的弟弟,直到62時,尼祿,以獲取擁有他貨物,尼祿他毒死了。主張稍後的日期提前的原因如下:

(1) Two years before the recall of Felix, Paul reminded him that he had been for many years judge over the Jewish nation (Acts 24:10-27). ( 1 )前兩年召回的費利克斯,保羅提醒他,他已多年法官的猶太國家(使徒24:10-27 ) 。 This can scarcely mean less than six or seven years, and as, according to Josephus who agrees with Tacitus, Felix was named procurator of Judea in 52, the beginning of the captivity would fall in 58 or 59.這意味著幾乎不能少於6或7年,並根據約瑟夫誰同意佗,費利克斯被任命為檢察官的朱迪亞在52歲,開始圈養將下降58或59 。 It is true that the argument loses its strength if it be admitted with several critics that Felix before being procurator had held a subordinate position in Palestine.誠然,論點就失去了力量,如果被接納與一些評論家認為費利克斯被檢察院舉行了從屬地位在巴勒斯坦。

(2) Josephus (Ant., XX, viii, 5-8) places under Nero everything that pertains to the government of Felix, and although this long series of events does not necessarily require many years it is evident that Josephus regarded the government of Felix as coinciding for the most part with the reign of Nero, which began on 13 October, 54. ( 2 )約瑟夫( Ant. ,第二十條,第八, 5-8 )地方Nero的一切涉及到政府的費利克斯,儘管這一長期系列活動並不一定需要多年顯而易見的是,約瑟夫認為政府費利克斯的同時,大部分與尼祿統治的開始, 10月13日, 54 。

In fixing as follows the chief dates in the life of Paul all certain or probable data seem to be satisfactorily taken into account: Conversion, 35; first visit to Jerusalem, 37; sojourn at Tarsus, 37-43; apostolate at Antioch, 43-44; second visit to Jerusalem, 44 or 45; first mission, 45-49; third visit to Jerusalem, 49 or 50; second mission, 50-53; (1 and 2 Thessalonians), 52; fourth visit to Jerusalem, 53; third mission, 53-57; (1 and 2 Corinthians; Galatians), 56; (Romans), 57; fifth visit to Jerusalem, arrest, 57; arrival of Festus, departure for Rome, 59; captivity at Rome, 60-62; (Philemon; Colossians; Ephesians; Philippians), 61; second period of activity, 62-66; (1 Timothy; Titus), second arrest, 66; (2 Timothy), martyrdom, 67.在確定如下日期首席生活中的保羅某些或所有可能的數據似乎是令人滿意的考慮:轉換, 35條;第一次訪問耶路撒冷, 37 ;逗留在塔爾蘇斯, 37-43 ;牧靈在安提阿, 43 - 44 ;第二次訪問耶路撒冷, 44或45 ;第一項任務, 45-49 ;第三次訪華,耶路撒冷, 49或50 ;第二次訪問, 50-53 ; ( 1和帖撒羅尼迦後書) , 52 ;第四次訪問耶路撒冷, 53 ;第三次訪問, 53-57 ; ( 1和哥林多後書;加拉太) , 56 (羅馬) , 57 ;第五次訪問耶路撒冷,逮捕, 57 ;抵達費,離開羅馬, 59歲;囚禁在羅馬, 60-62 (腓利門書;歌羅西書;以弗所書;腓利) , 61 ;第二階段的活動, 62-66 ; (提摩太前書;泰特斯) ,第二次被捕, 66 ; (提摩太后書) ,烈士, 67 。 (See Turner, "Chronology of the New Testament" in Hastings, "Dict. of the Bible" Hönicke, "Die Chronologie des Lebens des Ap. Paulus", Leipzig, 1903. (見特納, “年表新約”的黑斯廷斯“快譯通。聖經” Hönicke “模具Chronologie沙漠生命之鴨。保” ,萊比錫, 1903年。

II.二。 LIFE AND WORK OF PAUL生活和工作的鄭明

A. Birth and Education字母a.出生和教育

From St. Paul himself we know that he was born at Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts 21:39), of a father who was a Roman citizen (Acts 22:26-28; cf. 16:37), of a family in which piety was hereditary (2 Timothy 1:3) and which was much attached to Pharisaic traditions and observances (Philippians 3:5-6). St.從聖保祿自己,我們知道,他出生在塔爾蘇斯在西里西亞(使徒21:39 ) ,父親誰是羅馬公民(使徒22:26-28 ;比照。 16點37分) ,一個家庭在其中孝道是遺傳(提摩太后書1:3 )和遠重視Pharisaic傳統和紀念活動(腓3:5-6 ) 。街 Jerome relates, on what ground is not known, that his parents were natives of Gischala, a small town of Galilee and that they brought him to Tarsus when Gischala was captured by the Romans ("De vir. ill.", v; "In epist. ad Phil.", 23).杰羅姆涉及什麼理由不知道,他的父母是土生土長的Gischala ,小城鎮的加利利湖,他們帶來了他塔爾蘇斯時Gischala是被古羅馬人( “德病毒。虐待。 ” ,第五章“在epist 。廣告菲爾。 “ , 23 ) 。 This last detail is certainly an anachronism, but the Galilean origin of the family is not at all improbable.這最後的細節肯定是不合時宜,但伽利略來源的家庭是不是在所有難以置信。

As he belonged to the tribe of Benjamin he was given at the time of his circumcision the name of Saul, which must have been common in that tribe in memory of the first king of the Jews (Philippians 3:5).由於他屬於部落的本傑明,他是在他割禮的名字索爾,必須已共同在這部落記憶的第一位國王的猶太人(腓三時05分) 。 As a Roman citizen he also bore the Latin name of Paul.作為一個羅馬公民,他還承擔拉丁美洲名稱保羅。 It was quite usual for the Jews of that time to have two names, one Hebrew, the other Latin or Greek, between which there was often a certain assonance and which were joined together exactly in the manner made use of by St. Luke (Acts 13:9: Saulos ho kai Paulos).這是很平常的猶太人,當時有兩個名字,一個希伯來文,其他拉丁美洲或希臘之間,其中往往有一定的諧音而被聯手完全相同的方式使用的聖盧克(使徒十三時09分: Saulos浩凱保羅斯) 。 See on this point Deissmann, "Bible Studies" (Edinburgh, 1903, 313-17.) It was natural that in inaugurating his apostolate among the Gentiles Paul should have adopted his Roman name, especially as the name Saul had a ludicrous meaning in Greek. As every respectable Jew had to teach his son a trade, young Saul learned how to make tents (Acts 18:3) or rather to make the mohair of which tents were made (cf. Lewin, "Life of St. Paul", I, London, 1874, 8-9).見在這一點上Deissmann , “聖經研究” (愛丁堡, 1903年, 313-17 。 )這是自然的,在開創自己的牧靈外邦人之間的保羅應該通過他的羅馬名字,尤其是在索爾的名字了可笑的含義在希臘。作為每一個受人尊敬的猶太人不得不教他的兒子貿易,年輕的索爾學會了如何使帳篷(使徒18時03分)或相當,使馬海毛的帳篷發了言(見溫, “生命的聖保祿”一,倫敦, 1874年,第8-9頁) 。 He was still very young when sent to Jerusalem to receive his education at the school of Gamaliel (Acts 22:3).他還很年輕時,發送到耶路撒冷接受他的教育在學校的加馬(使徒22點03分) 。 Possibly some of his family resided in the holy city; later there is mention of the presence of one of his sisters whose son saved his life (Acts 23:16).可能還有一些他的家人住在聖城;後來有提及在場的情況下他的一個妹妹的兒子救了他的命(使徒23:16 ) 。

From that time it is absolutely impossible to follow him until he takes an active part in the martyrdom of St. Stephen (Acts 7:58-60; 22:20).從那時起,這是絕對不可能的後續他,直到他積極參加殉難聖士提反(使徒7:58-60 ; 22:20 ) 。 He was then qualified as a young man (neanias), but this was very elastic appellation and might be applied to a man between twenty and forty.然後,他被定性為一名年輕男子( neanias ) ,但這是非常彈性的稱謂,並可以適用於一個男人之間的第二十三和第四十一。

B. Conversion and early Labours灣轉換和早期勞動力

We read in the Acts of the Apostles three accounts of the conversion of St. Paul (9:1-19; 22:3-21; 26:9-23) presenting some slight differences, which it is not difficult to harmonize and which do not affect the basis of the narrative, which is perfectly identical in substance.我們讀到的使徒行傳三個賬戶的轉換聖保祿( 9:1-19 ; 22:3-21 ; 26:9-23 )提出了一些略有不同,它不是難以協調,並不影響基礎上的說明,這完全是相同的物質。 See J. Massie, "The Conversion of St. Paul" in "The Expositor", 3rd series, X, 1889, 241-62.見J. Massie “的轉換聖保祿”中的“ Expositor該”第三系列,十, 1889年, 241-62 。 Sabatier, agreeing with most independent critics, has well said (L'Apotre Paul, 1896, 42):薩巴蒂爾,同意最獨立的批評,具有良好的說, (歐萊雅Apotre保羅, 1896年, 42歲) :

These differences cannot in any way alter the reality of the fact; their bearing on the narrative is extremely remote; they do not deal even with the circumstances accompanying the miracle but with the subjective impressions which the companions of St. Paul received of these circumstances.這些差異不能以任何方式改變現實的事實;其影響的敘述是極其遙遠;他們並不即使協議的情況下伴隨的奇蹟,但主觀印象的同伴聖保羅收到這些情況。 . . . To base a denial of the historical character of the account upon these differences would seem therefore a violent and arbitrary proceeding.基地否認的歷史性質的帳戶後這些差異似乎因此,暴力和任意程序。

All efforts hitherto made to explain without a miracle the apparition of Jesus to Paul have failed.迄今為止的所有努力作出解釋沒有一個奇蹟的幻影耶穌的保羅都失敗了。 Naturalistic explanations are reduced to two: either Paul believed that he really saw Christ, but was the victim of an hallucination, or he believed that he saw Him only through a spiritual vision, which tradition, recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, later erroneously materialized.自然的解釋是減少到兩個:要么保羅認為,他真的看到基督,但受害者的一個幻覺,或者他認為他看到他只能通過一種精神理想,其中的傳統,記錄在使徒行傳後來誤實現。 Renan explained everything by hallucination due to disease brought on by a combination of moral causes such as doubt, remorse, fear, and of physical causes such as ophthalmia, fatigue, fever, the sudden transition from the torrid desert to the fresh gardens of Damascus, perhaps a sudden storm accompanied by lightning and thunder.雷南解釋一切的幻覺由於疾病所帶來的相結合的道德原因,如懷疑,悔恨,恐懼和身體原因,如眼炎,疲勞,發燒,突然過渡到熱帶沙漠的新花園大馬士革,也許是突然風暴伴隨閃電和雷聲。 All this combined, according to Renan's theory, to produce a cerebral commotion, a passing delirium which Paul took in good faith for an apparition of the risen Christ.所有這一切結合起來,根據任南的理論,產生腦騷動,路過的譫妄其中保羅了真誠的幽靈的復活的基督。

The other partisans of a natural explanation while avoiding the word hallucination, eventually fall back on the system of Renan which they merely endeavour to render a little less complicated.其他黨派的自然解釋,同時避免一詞幻覺,最終回落系統的雷南他們只是努力使少複雜。 Thus Holsten, for whom the vision of Christ is only the conclusion of a series of syllogisms by which Paul persuaded himself that Christ was truly risen.因此Holsten ,對他們的遠見基督是唯一締結了一系列syllogisms其中保羅說服自己,基督是真正上升。 So also Pfleiderer, who however, causes the imagination to play a more influential part:所以也弗萊德爾,誰然而,原因想像力發揮更具影響力的一部分:

An excitable, nervous temperament; a soul that had been violently agitated and torn by the most terrible doubts; a most vivid phantasy, occupied with the awful scenes of persecution on the one hand and on the other by the ideal image of the celestial Christ; in addition the nearness of Damascus with the urgency of a decision, the lonely stillness, the scorching and blinding heat of the desert -- in fact everything combined to produce one of those ecstatic states in which the soul believes that it sees those images and conceptions which violently agitate it as if they were phenomena proceeding from the outward world (Lectures on the influence of the Apostle Paul on the development of Christianity, 1897, 43).一種興奮,緊張的氣質;的靈魂已經激動和粗暴的蹂躪最可怕的懷疑,一個最生動的幻想,被佔領的可怕景象的迫害,一方面和其他的理想形象的天體基督;此外,在貼近大馬士革的緊迫性決定的,孤獨的寂靜,在烈日和致盲熱的沙漠-事實上都結合起來產生其中的狂喜狀態,其中的靈魂認為,它認為這些圖像和概念這劇烈攪動它,就好像這些現象從外向世界(講座的影響力使徒保羅對基督教的發展, 1897年, 43歲) 。

We have quoted Pfleiderer's words at length because his "psychological" explanation is considered the best ever devised.我們已經引用弗萊德爾的話,長度,因為他的“心理”的解釋被認為是有史以來最佳設計。 It will readily be seen that it is insufficient and as much opposed to the account in the Acts as to the express testimony of St. Paul himself.這將容易看出,這是不夠的,因為許多反對該帳戶的行為,以明確的證詞聖保祿自己。

Paul is certain of having "seen" Christ as did the other Apostles (1 Corinthians 9:1); he declares that Christ "appeared" to him (1 Corinthians 15:8) as He appeared to Peter, to James, to the Twelve, after His Resurrection.保羅是某些有“看到”基督一樣的其他使徒(哥林多前書9:1 ) ;他宣布,基督“似乎”給他(哥林多前書15時08分)作為他似乎彼得,詹姆斯,到12之後,他的復活。

He knows that his conversion is not the fruit of his reasoning or thoughts, but an unforeseen, sudden, startling change, due to all-powerful grace (Galatians 1:12-15; 1 Corinthians 15:10).他知道,他的轉換是不是他的水果推理或想法,而是一種不可預見的,突發性,驚人的變化,由於所有強大的寬限期(加拉太1:12-15 ;哥林多前書15:10 ) 。

He is wrongly credited with doubts, perplexities, fears, remorse, before his conversion.他是錯誤地記入與疑慮,困惑,恐懼,悔恨,在他的轉換。 He was halted by Christ when his fury was at its height (Acts 9:1-2); it was "through zeal" that he persecuted the Church (Philippians 3:6), and he obtained mercy because he had acted "ignorantly in unbelief" (1 Timothy 1:13).他是基督中止時,他憤怒處於高潮(使徒9:1-2 ) ;這是“通過的熱情” ,他迫害教會(腓利3點06分) ,他得到憐憫,因為他是“無知的不信教“ (提摩太前書1:13 ) 。

All explanations, psychological or otherwise, are worthless in face of these definite assertions, for all suppose that it was Paul's faith in Christ which engendered the vision, whereas according to the concordant testimony of the Acts and the Epistles it was the actual vision of Christ which engendered faith. After his conversion, his baptism, and his miraculous cure Paul set about preaching to the Jews (Acts 9:19-20).所有解釋,心理或其他方式,毫無價值在面對這些明確的說法,所有猜想,這是保羅在基督信仰而產生的遠見,而根據證詞一致的行為和書信,這是實際的設想基督而產生的信念。轉換後,他的洗禮,他的靈丹妙藥保羅開始傳道的猶太人(使徒9:19-20 ) 。 He afterwards withdrew to Arabia -- probably to the region south of Damascus (Galatians 1:17), doubtless less to preach than to meditate on the Scriptures.他後來撤回了對沙特阿拉伯-也許該地區南部的大馬士革(加拉太1點1 7分) ,無疑少鼓吹,而不是沉思的聖經。 On his return to Damascus the intrigues of the Jews forced him to flee by night (2 Corinthians 11:32-33; Acts 9:23-25).在他返回大馬士革的陰謀猶太人迫使他逃離夜間(哥林多後書11:32-33 ;行為9:23-25 ) 。 He went to Jerusalem to see Peter (Galatians 1:18), but remained only fifteen days, for the snares of the Greeks threatened his life.他到耶路撒冷見彼得(加拉太1:18 ) ,但仍只有15天,為的圈套希臘人危及他的生命。 He then left for Tarsus and is lost to sight for five or six years (Acts 9:29-30; Galatians 1:21).然後,他離開塔爾蘇斯和丟失看見的五年或六年(使徒9:29-30 ;加拉太1時21分) 。 Barnabas went in search of him and brought him to Antioch where for a year they worked together and their apostolate was most fruitful (Acts 11:25-26).巴拿巴去尋找他,使他在那裡安了一年,他們一起工作和牧靈是最富有成果的(使徒11:25-26 ) 。 Together also they were sent to Jerusalem to carry alms to the brethren on the occasion of the famine predicted by Agabus (Acts 11:27-30).他們還一起被送往耶路撒冷進行施捨的兄弟之際,飢荒預測Agabus (使徒11:27-30 ) 。 They do not seem to have found the Apostles there; these had been scattered by the persecution of Herod.他們似乎並沒有發現有使徒;這些已分散的希律迫害。

C. Apostolic Career of Paul角使徒保羅的職業生涯

This period of twelve years (45-57) was the most active and fruitful of his life.這個為期12年( 45-57 )是最積極和富有成效的生命。 It comprises three great Apostolic expeditions of which Antioch was in each instance the starting-point and which invariably ended in a visit to Jerusalem.它包括三個偉大的使徒探險的安提阿是在每個實例的出發點和必然結束訪問耶路撒冷。

(1) First mission (Acts 13:1-14:27) ( 1 )第一項任務(使徒13:1-14:27 )

Set apart by command of the Holy Ghost for the special evangelization of the Gentiles, Barnabas and Saul embark for Cyprus, preach in the synagogue of Salamina, cross the island from east to west doubtless following the southern coast, and reach Paphos, the residence of the proconsul Sergius Paulus, where a sudden change takes place.集除了指揮的聖靈特別福音的外邦人,巴拿巴和索爾開始對塞浦路斯,鼓吹在猶太教堂薩拉米納,跨島從東到西無疑後,南部海岸,並達成帕福斯的住所proconsul塞爾吉烏斯的保盧斯,而突然的變化發生。 After the conversion of the Roman proconsul, Saul, suddenly become Paul, is invariably mentioned before Barnabas by St. Luke and manifestly assumes the leadership of the mission which Barnabas has hitherto directed.轉換後的羅馬proconsul ,掃羅,突然變成保羅,總是前面提到巴拿巴的聖盧克和明顯的領導承擔的任務巴拿巴迄今指示。

The results of this change are soon evident.結果,這一變化很快很明顯。 Paul, doubtless concluding that Cyprus, the natural dependency of Syria and Cilicia, would embrace the faith of Christ when these two countries should be Christian, chose Asia Minor as the field of his apostolate and sailed for Perge in Pamphylia, eighth miles above the mouth of the Cestrus.保羅,無疑得出結論認為,塞浦路斯,自然的依賴,敘利亞和基利家,將接受基督的信仰時,這兩個國家應該是基督教,選擇了小亞細亞的領域,他的牧靈和航行在潘菲利亞Perge ,第八屆英里的高空口的Cestrus 。 It was then that John Mark, cousin of Barnabas, dismayed perhaps by the daring projects of the Apostle, abandoned the expedition and returned to Jerusalem, while Paul and Barnabas laboured alone among the rough mountains of Pisidia, which were infested by brigands and crossed by frightful precipices.當時,約翰馬克,表弟巴拿巴,沮喪的也許大膽項目的門徒,被遺棄的考察,返回耶路撒冷,而保羅和巴拿巴之間的辛勤僅粗山區彼西底的安提阿,這是由土匪出沒,並越過了可怕的懸崖。 Their destination was the Roman colony of Antioch, situated a seven day's journey from Perge.他們的目的地是羅馬殖民地的安提阿,位於七一天的旅程從Perge 。 Here Paul spoke on the vocation of Israel and the providential sending of the Messias, a discourse which St. Luke reproduces in substance as an example of his preaching in the synagogues (Acts 13:16-41).保羅在這裡談到的使命以色列和天賜派遣弭賽亞,一個話語的聖盧克轉載的實質內容作為一個例子,他鼓吹的猶太教堂(使徒13:16-41 ) 。 The sojourn of the two missionaries in Antioch was long enough for the word of the Lord to be published throughout the whole country (Acts 13:49). When by their intrigues the Jews had obtained against them a decree of banishment, they went to Iconium, three or four days distant, where they met with the same persecution from the Jews and the same eager welcome from the Gentiles.在逗留的兩個傳教士在安提阿是足夠長的話上帝將出版全國各地(使徒13:49 ) 。當其陰謀的猶太人獲得了對他們的一項法令,流放,他們來到Iconium ,三,四天遙遠,他們在那裡會見了同樣的迫害猶太人和相同的熱切歡迎外邦人。 The hostility of the Jews forced them to take refuge in the Roman colony of Lystra, eighteen miles distant.敵視猶太人迫使他們採取避難在羅馬的殖民地Lystra ,十八英里遙遠。 Here the Jews from Antioch and Iconium laid snares for Paul and having stoned him left him for dead, but again he succeeded in escaping and this time sought refuge in Derbe, situated about forty miles away on the frontier of the Province of Galatia.在這裡,猶太人從安提阿和Iconium奠定圈套保羅,並用石頭砸死他離開他死了,但他再次成功逃脫,這一次尋求避難Derbe ,位於40英里以外的邊疆省加拉太。 Their circuit completed, the missionaries retraced their steps in order to visit their neophytes, ordained priests in each Church founded by them at such great cost, and thus reached Perge where they halted to preach the Gospel, perhaps while awaiting an opportunity to embark for Attalia, a port twelve miles distant.其電路完成後,傳教士收復其步驟,以便進行訪問的新手,祝聖司鐸在每個教會他們創立的這種巨大代價,從而達到Perge他們停止宣揚福音,或許在等待一個機會,開始為Attalia港口12英里遙遠。 On their return to Antioch in Syria after an absence of at least three years, they were received with transports of joy and thanksgiving, for God had opened the door of faith to the Gentiles.在他們返回安提阿後,在敘利亞沒有至少三年,他們共收到與運輸的喜悅和感恩,看在上帝打開了大門信仰的外邦人。

The problem of the status of the Gentiles in the Church now made itself felt with all its acuteness.這個問題的地位外邦人在教會現在覺得自己同其所有尖銳。 Some Judeo-Christians coming down from Jerusalem claimed that the Gentiles must be submitted to circumcision and treated as the Jews treated proselytes.一些猶太教和基督教今後從耶路撒冷聲稱,外邦人必須提交割禮和對待猶太人的處理proselytes 。 Against this Paul and Barnabas protested and it was decided that a meeting should be held at Jerusalem in order to solve the question.在此保羅和巴拿巴抗議,並決定會議應在耶路撒冷舉行,以解決這一問題。 At this assembly Paul and Barnabas represented the community of Antioch.在本屆大會保羅和巴拿巴代表了社會的安提阿。 Peter pleaded the freedom of the Gentiles; James upheld him, at the same time demanding that the Gentiles should abstain from certain things which especially shocked the Jews.彼得認罪的自由外邦人;詹姆斯維護他,在同一時間要求外邦人應避免某些事情,尤其是震驚了猶太人。

It was decided, first, that the Gentiles were exempt from the Mosaic law. Secondly, that those of Syria and Cilicia must abstain from things sacrificed to idols, from blood, from things strangled, and from fornication.會議決定,首先,外邦人都不能免除鑲嵌法。其次,那些敘利亞和基利家必須避免的事情犧牲的偶像,來自血液,來自東西勒死,並從私通。 Thirdly, that this injunction was laid upon them, not in virtue of the Mosaic law, but in the name of the Holy Ghost.第三,這一禁令是奠定他們,而不是憑藉鑲嵌法,但在名稱的聖靈。 This meant the complete triumph of Paul's ideas. The restriction imposed on the Gentile converts of Syria and Cilicia did not concern his Churches, and Titus, his companion, was not compelled to be circumcised, despite the loud protests of the Judaizers (Galatians 2:3-4).這意味著徹底的勝利保羅的想法。限制對詹蒂萊轉換敘利亞和基利家並不關心他的教會,並泰特斯,他的同伴,沒有強迫被割禮,儘管大聲抗議Judaizers (加拉太2 : 3-4 ) 。 Here it is to be assumed that Galatians 2 and Acts 15 relate to the same fact, for the actors are the same, Paul and Barnabas on the one hand, Peter and James on the other; the discussion is the same, the question of the circumcision of the Gentiles; the scenes are the same, Antioch and Jerusalem; the date is the same, about AD 50; and the result is the same, Paul's victory over the Judaizers. However, the decision of Jerusalem did not do away with all difficulties.在這裡必須假定加拉太2 ,行為的15個涉及同一事實,對演員是相同的,保羅和巴拿巴一方面,彼得和詹姆斯的其他;的討論是相同的,問題的割禮的外邦人;的場面是相同的,安提阿和耶路撒冷;的日期是相同的,約公元50 ;和結果是一樣的,保羅戰勝Judaizers 。然而,耶路撒冷的決定並未消除一切困難。 The question did not concern only the Gentiles, and while exempting them from the Mosaic law, it was not declared that it would not have been counted meritorious and more perfect for them to observe it, as the decree seemed to liken them to Jewish proselytes of the second class.這個問題不僅僅涉及外邦人,同時使他們免受鑲嵌法,它不是宣布,它將沒有計入立功和更完善的為他們遵守,因為該法令似乎比喻他們的猶太proselytes第二類。 Furthermore the Judeo-Christians, not having been included in the verdict, were still free to consider themselves bound to the observance of the law.此外,猶太教和基督教,沒有被列入判決,仍然自由地認為自己有義務遵守法律。 This was the origin of the dispute which shortly afterwards arose at Antioch between Peter and Paul.這是起源的爭端,不久之後出現在安提阿之間的彼得和保羅。 The latter taught openly that the law was abolished for the Jews themselves.後者講授公開表示,該法廢除了猶太人自己。 Peter did not think otherwise, but he considered it wise to avoid giving offence to the Judaizers and to refrain from eating with the Gentiles who did not observe all the prescriptions of the law.彼得沒有想到其他,但他認為這是明智的,避免給犯罪的Judaizers ,不要吃的外邦人誰不遵守所有處方的法律。 As he thus morally influenced the Gentiles to live as the Jews did, Paul demonstrated to him that this dissimulation or opportuneness prepared the way for future misunderstandings and conflicts and even then had regrettable consequences.因此,正如他在道義上影響了外邦人生活的猶太人那樣,保羅向他表明,這種異化或opportuneness編寫的方式為今後的誤解和衝突,甚至當時令人遺憾的後果。 His manner of relating this incident leaves no room for doubt that Peter was persuaded by his arguments (Galatians 2:11-20).他的方式,有關這一事件使人們毫不懷疑,彼得是說服他的論點(加拉太2:11-20 ) 。

(2) Second mission (Acts 15:36-18:22) ( 2 )第二次訪問(使徒15:36-18:22 )

The beginning of the second mission was marked by a rather sharp discussion concerning Mark, whom St. Paul this time refused to accept as travelling companion.年初的第二次訪問的特點是相當鮮明討論馬克,其中聖保羅這個時候拒絕接受作為旅行的同伴。 Consequently Barnabas set out with Mark for Cyprus and Paul chose Silas or Silvanus, a Roman citizen like himself, and an influential member of the Church of Jerusalem, and sent by it to Antioch to deliver the decrees of the Apostolic council.因此巴拿巴規定馬克塞浦路斯和保羅西拉斯或選擇Silvanus ,羅馬公民本人一樣,一個有影響力的成員教會的耶路撒冷,並派出由它提供安法令使徒理事會。 The two missionaries first went from Antioch to Tarsus, stopping on the way in order to promulgate the decisions of the Council of Jerusalem; then they went from Tarsus to Derbe, through the Cilician Gates, the defiles of Tarsus, and the plains of Lycaonia.這兩個傳教士首先來到由Antioch ,以塔爾蘇斯,制止的方式命令,頒布安理會的決定耶路撒冷,然後他們就從大數到Derbe ,通過Cilician蓋茨,弄髒的塔爾蘇斯,以及平原Lycaonia 。 The visitation of the Churches founded during his first mission passed without notable incidents except the choice of Timothy, whom the Apostle while in Lystra persuaded to accompany him, and whom he caused to be circumcised in order to facilitate his access to the Jews who were numerous in those places.探望教會成立時通過的第一項任務沒有顯著的事件,但選擇的霍震霆,他的使徒在Lystra同時說服陪他,和他造成的割禮以便利其訪問的猶太人有很多誰在這些地方。

It was probably at Antioch of Pisidia, although the Acts do not mention that city, that the itinerary of the mission was altered by the intervention of the Holy Ghost.這可能是在安提阿的彼西底的安提阿,雖然行為沒有提到這個城市的參訪行程的任務是改變的干預聖靈。 Paul thought to enter the Province of Asia by the valley of Meander which separated it by only three day's journey, but they passed through Phrygia and the country of Galatia, having been forbidden by the Holy Ghost to preach the word of God in Asia (Acts 16:6).保羅認為,進入省亞洲的山谷彎曲的分離它只有三天的旅程,但他們通過Phrygia和國家的加拉太,被禁止的聖靈宣揚上帝的話,在亞洲(行為16時06分) 。 These words (ten phrygian kai Galatiken choran) are variously interpreted, according as we take them to mean the Galatians of the north or of the south (see GALATIANS).這些話( 10 phrygian偕Galatiken choran )是不同的解釋,根據我們把他們帶到意味著加拉太北方或南方(見加拉太書) 。 Whatever the hypothesis, the missionaries had to travel northwards in that portion of Galatia properly so called of which Pessinonte was the capital, and the only question is as to whether or not they preached there.無論假設,傳教士向北旅行在這部分加拉太妥善所謂的Pessinonte就是資本,唯一的問題是他們是否有宣揚。 They did not intend to do so, but as is known the evangelization of the Galatians was due to an accident, namely the illness of Paul (Galatians 4:13); this fits very well for Galatians in the north.他們不打算這樣做,而是作為已知的福傳的加拉太是由於意外事故,即患病的保羅(加拉太4點13分) ;這符合得很好加拉太在北方。 In any case the missionaries having reached the upper part of Mysia (kata Mysian), attempted to enter the rich Province of Bithynia, which lay before them, but the Holy Ghost prevented them (Acts 16:7).在任何情況下,傳教士達到了上部Mysia (字Mysian ) ,試圖進入省豐富的螺,它奠定面前,但聖靈阻止他們(使徒16時07分) 。 Therefore, passing through Mysia without stopping to preach (parelthontes) they reached Alexandria of Troas, where God's will was again made known to them in the vision of a Macedonian who called them to come and help his country (Acts 16:9-10). Paul continued to follow on European soil the method of preaching he had employed from the beginning.因此,通過Mysia不中途停下來宣揚( parelthontes )達成的Troas亞歷山大,在那裡天意再次被告知他們的遠景馬其頓誰要求他們來,並幫助他的國家(使徒16:9-10 ) 。保羅繼續按照歐洲土壤的方法,鼓吹他曾僱用的開端。 As far as possible he concentrated his efforts in a metropolis from which the Faith would spread to cities of second rank and to the country districts.至於他可能集中在他的努力都會從信仰會蔓延到城市的第二級和國家地區。 Wherever there was a synagogue he first took his stand there and preached to the Jews and proselytes who would consent to listen to him.只要有一個猶太教堂,他第一次他站在那裡,並鼓吹為猶太人和proselytes誰會同意給他聽。 When the rupture with the Jews was irreparable, which always happened sooner or later, he founded a new Church with his neophytes as a nucleus.當破裂的猶太人是無法彌補的,它總是發生的遲早,他成立了一個新的教會與他的新手作為一個核心。 He remained in the same city until persecution, generally aroused by the intrigues of the Jews, forced him to retire.他仍然在同一城市,直到迫害,引起普遍的陰謀詭計的猶太人,迫使他退出。 There were, however, variations of this plan.但是,也有變異的這一計劃。 At Philippi, where there was no synagogue, the first preaching took place in the uncovered oratory called the proseuche, which the Gentiles made a reason for stirring up the persecution.在腓立比,那裡沒有猶太教堂,第一次宣講發生在小禮拜堂發現所謂的proseuche ,這外邦人提出了理由挑起的迫害。 Paul and Silas, charged with disturbing public order, were beaten with rods, imprisoned, and finally exiled.保羅和西拉,被控擾亂公共秩序,被毆打的燃料棒,被監禁,並最終流放。 But at Thessalonica and Berea, whither they successively repaired after leaving Philippi, things turned out almost as they had planned.但在薩洛尼卡和伯里亞,何處,他們先後修復後離開立,原來的事情幾乎因為他們計劃。

The apostolate of Athens was quite exceptional.在牧靈雅典是很不尋常。 Here there was no question of Jews or synagogue, Paul, contrary to his custom, was alone (1 Thessalonians 3:1), and he delivered before the areopagus a specially framed discourse, a synopsis of which has been preserved by Acts 17:23-31 as a specimen of its kind. He seems to have left the city of his own accord, without being forced to do so by persecution.這裡是毫無疑問的猶太人或猶太會堂,保羅相反,他的習慣,獨自(帖撒羅尼迦前書3:1 ) ,他之前交付areopagus制定一個專門的論述,概括了一直保存行為17:23 -31作為一個標本的實物。他似乎已經離開了這裡,他自己,而不被強迫這樣做的迫害。 The mission to Corinth on the other hand may be considered typical.訪問團科林斯另一方面可視為典型。 Paul preached in the synagogue every Sabbath day, and when the violent opposition of the Jews denied him entrance there he withdrew to an adjoining house which was the property of a proselyte named Titus Justus.保羅鼓吹的猶太教安息日每一天,當暴力反對猶太人不讓他進入,他撤回到毗鄰的房子是財產的proselyte命名泰特斯賈斯特斯。 He carried on his apostolate in this manner for eighteen months, while the Jews vainly stormed against him; he was able to withstand them owing to the impartial, if not actually favourable, attitude of the proconsul, Gallio.他對他進行牧靈以這種方式為18個月,而徒勞地衝進猶太人對他的,他是能夠承受,因為他們的公正,如果不是實際上有利的,態度proconsul了,加利奧。 Finally he decided to go to Jerusalem in fulfillment of a vow made perhaps in a moment of danger.最後,他決定去耶路撒冷完成了許願也許是在危險的時刻。 From Jerusalem, according to his custom, he returned to Antioch.從耶路撒冷,根據他的習慣,他回到安提阿。 The two Epistles to the Thessalonians were written during the early months of his sojourn at Corinth.這兩個書信的尼迦期間寫的最初幾個月,他逗留在科林斯。 For occasion, circumstances, and analysis of these letters see THESSALONIANS.對於當時的情況,並分析這些信件見尼迦。

(3) Third mission (Acts 18:23-21:26) ( 3 )第三次訪問(使徒18:23-21:26 )

Paul's destination in his third journey was obviously Ephesus.保羅的目的地在其第三次旅程顯然是以弗所。 There Aquila and Priscilla were awaiting him, he had promised the Ephesians to return and evangelize them if it were the will of God (Acts 18:19-21), and the Holy Ghost no longer opposed his entry into Asia.有雕和普里西拉正在等待他,他答應以弗所書返回和福音,如果這是上帝的意志(使徒18:19-21 ) ,以及聖靈不再反對他進入亞洲。 Therefore, after a brief rest at Antioch he went through the countries of Galatia and Phrygia (Acts 18:23) and passing through "the upper regions" of Central Asia he reached Ephesus (19:1).因此,經過短暫休息,安提阿,他通過了國家的加拉太和Phrygia (使徒18:23 ) ,並通過“上游地區的”中亞達成他以弗所( 19:1 ) 。 His method remained the same.他的方法是相同的。 In order to earn his living and not be a burden to the faithful he toiled every day for many hours at making tents, but this did not prevent him from preaching the Gospel.為了贏得他的生活,而不是一種負擔,他忠實地辛勤每天幾個小時,使帳篷,但這並沒有阻止他宣揚福音。 As usual he began with the synagogue where he succeeded in remaining for three months.像往常一樣,他開始與猶太教堂,他成功地在剩下的3個月。 At the end of this time he taught every day in a classroom placed at his disposal by a certain Tyrannus "from the fifth hour to the tenth" (from eleven in the morning till four in the afternoon), according to the interesting addition of the "Codex Bezae" (Acts 19:9).在結束這一次,他教每天在一間教室放置在他掌握了一定的Tyrannus “從第五小時,第十屆” (由11個在四個從早到晚在下午) ,根據此外有趣的“法典Bezae ” (使徒19時09分) 。 This lasted two years, so that all the inhabitants of Asia, Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord (Acts 19:20).這種情況持續兩年,以使所有居民的亞洲,猶太人和希臘人,聽到這個詞的主(使徒19:20 ) 。

Naturally there were trials to be endured and obstacles to be overcome.當然有審判要忍受和障礙需要克服。 Some of these obstacles arose from the jealousy of the Jews, who vainly endeavoured to imitate Paul's exorcisms, others from the superstition of the pagans, which was especially rife at Ephesus.其中的一些障礙而產生的嫉妒的猶太人,誰是徒勞的努力模仿保羅的exorcisms ,另從迷信的異教徒,這是特別盛行於以弗所。 So effectually did he triumph over it, however, that books of superstition were burned to the value of 50,000 pieces of silver (each piece about a day's wage).因此,他有效地戰勝它,然而,迷信的圖書被燒毀的價值50000件銀(每件約一天的工資) 。 This time the persecution was due to the Gentiles and inspired by a motive of self-interest.這一次的迫害是由於外邦人和激勵的動機,自身利益的考慮。 The progress of Christianity having ruined the sale of the little facsimiles of the temple of Diana and statuettes of the goddess, which devout pilgrims had been wont to purchase, a certain Demetrius, at the head of the guild of silversmiths, stirred up the crowd against Paul.的進展毀了基督教的銷售傳真機的小廟宇的戴安娜和雕像的女神,這虔誠的朝聖者已習慣購買,一定德梅,在團長協會銀器,激起了觀眾對保羅。 The scene which then transpired in the theatre is described by St. Luke with memorable vividness and pathos (Acts 19:23-40).現場交接,然後在戰區所描述的是聖盧克與難忘的生動和感傷(使徒19:23-40 ) 。 The Apostle had to yield to the storm.使徒不得不屈服的風暴。 After a stay at Ephesus of two years and a half, perhaps more (Acts 20:31: trietian), he departed for Macedonia and thence for Corinth, where he spent the winter.後留在以弗所兩年半,甚至更多(使徒20:31 : trietian ) ,他離開馬其頓和那裡的科林斯,在那裡他度過了冬天。 It was his intention in the following spring to go by sea to Jerusalem, doubtless for the Pasch; but learning that the Jews had planned his destruction, he did not wish, by going to sea, to afford them an opportunity to attempt his life.他打算在第二年春天去海上耶路撒冷,無疑為Pasch ,但學習的猶太人計劃的破壞,他不希望,進入大海,向他們提供一個機會,嘗試他的生命。 Therefore he returned by way of Macedonia. Numerous disciples divided into two groups, accompanied him or awaited him at Troas.因此,他回到方式的馬其頓共和國。眾多弟子分為兩組,陪同他或他在等待Troas 。 These were Sopater of Berea, Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe, Timothy, Tychicus and Trophimus of Asia, and finally Luke, the historian of the Acts, who gives us minutely all the stages of the voyage: Philippi, Troas, Assos, Mitylene, Chios, Samos, Miletus, Cos, Rhodes, Patara, Tyre, Ptolemais, Caesarea, Jerusalem.這些Sopater的伯里亞,阿里斯和Secundus的薩洛尼卡,蓋的Derbe ,霍震霆, Tychicus和Trophimus亞洲,最後盧克,歷史學家的行為,誰給我們仔細的所有階段的航程:立, Troas ,阿索斯, Mitylene ,希俄斯,薩摩斯,米利,成本,羅茲,帕塔拉,輪胎,托勒梅斯,該撒利亞,耶路撒冷。

Three more remarkable facts should be noted in passing.三個顯著的事實,更應該指出的傳遞。 At Troas Paul resuscitated the young Eutychus, who had fallen from a third-story window while Paul was preaching late into the night.保羅在Troas復甦的年輕Eutychus ,誰已經從第三層的窗口,而保羅是鼓吹到深夜。 At Miletus he pronounced before the ancients of Ephesus the touching farewell discourse which drew many tears (Acts 20:18-38).他在米利宣判前古人的以弗所告別的動人話語引起許多眼淚(使徒20:18-38 ) 。 At Caesarea the Holy Ghost by the mouth of Agabus, predicted his coming arrest, but did not dissuade him from going to Jerusalem. St.在愷撒的聖靈的Agabus口,預計今後逮捕他,但沒有阻止他前往耶路撒冷。街 Paul's four great Epistles were written during this third mission: the first to the Corinthians from Ephesus, about the time of the Pasch prior to his departure from that city; the second to the Corinthians from Macedonia, during the summer or autumn of the same year; that to the Romans from Corinth, in the following spring; the date of the Epistle to the Galatians is disputed.保羅的四個偉大的書信寫在這第三個任務:第一次是在從以弗所書,約的時間Pasch之前,他離開這個城市;第二的科林蒂安斯來自馬其頓,在夏季或秋季同年; ,為羅馬人從科林斯,在第二年春天;的日期書信的加拉太是有爭議的。 On the many questions occasioned by the despatch and the language of these letters, or the situation assumed either on the side of the Apostle or his correspondents, see EPISTLES TO THE CORINTHIANS; EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS; EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS.在許多問題所引起的派遣和語言的這些信件,或假定的情況或者一方的使徒或他的記者,看到書信向科林蒂安;書的加拉太;書羅馬。

D. Captivity (Acts 21:27-28:31) D.籠養(使徒21:27-28:31 )

Falsely accused by the Jews of having brought Gentiles into the Temple, Paul was ill-treated by the populace and led in chains to the fortress Antonia by the tribune Lysias.誣告的猶太人帶來了外邦人到寺,保羅被虐待的民眾,並導致連鎖堡壘安東尼的論壇Lysias 。 The latter having learned that the Jews had conspired treacherously to slay the prisoner sent him under strong escort to Caesarea, which was the residence of the procurator Felix.後者獲悉,猶太人合謀殺死奸詐囚犯送他強有力的護送下,以愷撒,這是居住的費利克斯檢察院。 Paul had little difficulty in confounding his accusers, but as he refused to purchase his liberty.保羅沒有什麼困難,原告混淆了,但他拒絕購買他的自由。 Felix kept him in chains for two years and even left him in prison in order to please the Jews, until the arrival of his successor, Festus.費利克斯讓他在鏈為兩年,甚至讓他在監獄中為了討好猶太人,直到抵達他的繼任者費。 The new governor wished to send the prisoner to Jerusalem there to be tried in the presence of his accusers; but Paul, who was acquainted with the snares of his enemies, appealed to Caesar.新總督希望向囚犯到耶路撒冷有審判當著他的指控,但保羅,誰是熟悉的圈套他的敵人,呼籲凱撒。 Thenceforth his cause could be tried only at Rome.此後他的事業可以嘗試只在羅馬舉行。 This first period of captivity is characterized by five discourses of the Apostle: The first was delivered in Hebrew on the steps of the Antonia before the threatening crowd; herein Paul relates his conversion and vocation to the Apostolate, but he was interrupted by the hostile shouts of the multitude (Acts 22:1-22).這第一期圈養的特點是五個論述的使徒:第一次是在希伯來文提供的步驟安東尼的威脅面前的人群;此處保羅與他的轉換和使命的使徒,但他被打斷的敵對吶喊在眾多(使徒22:1-22 ) 。 In the second, delivered the next day, before the Sanhedrin assembled at the command of Lysias, the Apostle skillfully embroiled the Pharisees with the Sadducees and no accusation could be brought.第二,交付了第二天,前公會聚集在指揮Lysias ,使徒巧妙地捲入了法利與撒都該人並沒有指控可以帶來。 In the third, Paul, answering his accuser Tertullus in the presence of the Governor Felix, makes known the facts which had been distorted and proves his innocence (Acts 24:10-21).第三,保羅,他的回答原告Tertullus在場的總督費利克斯,使已知的事實被扭曲了,並證明自己的清白(使徒24:10-21 ) 。 The fourth discourse is merely an explanatory summary of the Christian Faith delivered before Felix and his wife Drusilla (Acts 24:24-25).第四話語僅僅是一個簡要的解釋基督教信仰費交付前和他的妻子Drusilla (使徒24:24-25 ) 。 The fifth, pronounced before the Governor Festus, King Agrippa, and his wife Berenice, again relates the history of Paul's conversion, and is left unfinished owing to the sarcastic interruptions of the governor and the embarrassed attitude of the king (Acts 26).第五,突出總督之前,費,金阿格里帕,和他的妻子Berenice ,又涉及歷史的保羅的轉換,並留下未完成的原因是挖苦中斷省長和尷尬的態度國王(使徒26 ) 。

The journey of the captive Paul from Caesarea to Rome is described by St. Luke with an exactness and vividness of colours which leave nothing to be desired. For commentaries see Smith, "Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul" (1866); Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen" (London, 1908).旅程的俘虜保羅從愷撒到羅馬所描述的是聖盧克的正確性和生動的顏色留下什麼理想。對於評注見史密斯, “天空之旅和聖保羅” ( 1866年) ;拉姆齊“聖保羅旅行者和羅馬公民” (倫敦, 1908年) 。 The centurion Julius had shipped Paul and his fellow-prisoners on a merchant vessel on board which Luke and Aristarchus were able to take passage.朱利葉斯的百夫長已發運保羅和他的同事戰俘的商船上的盧克和阿里斯能夠採取通行。 As the season was advanced the voyage was slow and difficult.隨著賽季是先進的航程是緩慢而艱難。 They skirted the coasts of Syria, Cilicia, and Pamphylia.他們沿著海岸敘利亞,基利家,並潘菲利亞。 At Myra in Lycia the prisoners were transferred to an Alexandrian vessel bound for Italy, but the winds being persistently contrary a place in Crete called Goodhavens was reached with great difficulty and Paul advised that they should spend the winter there, but his advice was not followed, and the vessel driven by the tempest drifted aimlessly for fourteen whole days, being finally wrecked on the coast of Malta.在邁拉在利西亞的囚犯被轉移到了亞歷山大的船隻駛往意大利,但風正在堅持相反的地方在克里特所謂Goodhavens達成了極大的困難和保羅告知,他們應該過冬,但他的建議是沒有遵循,以及該船的推動下,暴風雨漂流漫無目的地的整個14天,終於被破壞的海岸馬耳他。 The three months during which navigation was considered most dangerous were spent there, but with the first days of spring all haste was made to resume the voyage.三個月的航行期間,被認為是最危險的花費了,但與第一天的春季所有倉促了恢復航行。 Paul must have reached Rome some time in March.保羅必須達到羅馬一段時間在3月。 "He remained two whole years in his own hired lodging . . . preaching the kingdom of God and teaching the things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, without prohibition" (Acts 28:30-31). “他仍然是整個年兩次在自己僱用住宿。 。 。宣揚上帝的王國和教學的事情,關切地主耶穌基督,所有的信心,沒有禁止” (使徒28:30-31 ) 。 With these words the Acts of the Apostles conclude.隨著這些話的使徒行傳結束。

There is no doubt that Paul's trial terminated in a sentence of acquittal, for毫無疑問,保羅的審判終止判處無罪,對於

the report of the Governor Festus was certainly favourable as well as that of the centurion. The Jews seem to have abandoned their charge since their co-religionists in Rome were not informed of it (Acts 28:21). The course of the proceedings led Paul to hope for a release, of which he sometimes speaks as of a certainty (Philippians 1:25; 2:24; Philemon 22). The pastorals, if they are authentic, assume a period of activity for Paul subsequent to his captivity.報告總督費肯定是有利的,以及,在百夫長。猶太人似乎已經放棄了收費,因為它們共同教友在羅馬沒有被告知它(使徒28:21 ) 。訴訟過程中導致保羅希望能釋放,他有時講作為一個確定性(腓利1時25分; 2時24 ;腓利門書22 ) 。 pastorals的,如果他們是真實的,假設一個時期的活動保羅隨後他囚禁。 The same conclusion is drawn from the hypothesis that they are not authentic, for all agree that the author was well acquainted with the life of the Apostle.同樣的結論是取自假設,即它們不是真實的,因為大家都同意,作者是熟悉的生活使徒。 It is the almost unanimous opinion that the so-called Epistles of the captivity were sent from Rome.這是幾乎一致認為,所謂的書信的圈養被送往羅馬。 Some authors have attempted to prove that St. Paul wrote them during his detention at Caesarea, but they have found few to agree with them.有些作者試圖證明,聖保祿寫道他們在被拘留期間在該撒利亞,但他們已經發現少數人同意。 The Epistles to the Colossians, the Ephesians, and Philemon were despatched together and by the same messenger, Tychicus.在書信的歌羅西書,在以弗所書,並腓利門書被派遣在一起,由同一送信, Tychicus 。 It is a matter of controversy whether the Epistle to the Philippians was prior or subsequent to these, and the question has not been answered by decisive arguments (see EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS; EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS; EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS; EPISTLE TO PHILEMON).這是一個有爭議的問題是否書信的腓利是事前或事後對這些,問題沒有得到解答了決定性的論點(見書的腓利;書的書,書的歌羅西;書費利蒙) 。

E. Last Years過去幾年體育

This period is wrapped in deep obscurity for, lacking the account of the Acts, we have no guide save an often uncertain tradition and the brief references of the Pastoral epistles.這一時期是裹在深默默無聞的,缺乏帳戶的行為,我們沒有任何指導保存往往不確定的傳統和簡要提及的教牧書信。 Paul had long cherished the desire to go to Spain (Romans 15:24, 28) and there is no evidence that he was led to change his plan.保羅已久的願望珍惜去西班牙(羅馬書15:24 , 28歲)和沒有證據表明他領導的改變自己的計劃。 When towards the end of his captivity he announces his coming to Philemon (22) and to the Philippians (2:23-24), he does not seem to regard this visit as immediate since he promises the Philippians to send them a messenger as soon as he learns the issue of his trial; he therefore plans another journey before his return to the East.當年底,他囚禁,他宣布他即將腓利門書( 22 )和腓利( 2:23-24 ) ,他似乎並沒有關於這次訪問,立即承諾,因為他的腓利向他們盡快信使因為他知道這個問題對他的審判,因此他計劃的另一個旅程之前,他返回東。 Finally, not to mention the later testimony of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Epiphanius, St. Jerome, St. Chrysostom, and Theodoret, the well-known text of St. Clement of Rome, the witness of the "Muratorian Canon", and of the "Acta Pauli" render probable Paul's journey to Spain.最後,更不用提以後的證詞聖西里爾耶路撒冷,聖埃皮法尼烏斯,聖杰羅姆,金口街,並Theodoret ,眾所周知的案文聖克萊門特的羅馬,證人的“佳能穆拉多利” ,和“泡學報”可能使保羅的旅程西班牙。 In any case he can not have remained there long, for he was in haste to revisit his Churches in the East.在任何情況下,他不能保持長期存在,因為他匆忙重溫他的教會在東。 He may have returned from Spain through southern Gaul if it was thither, as some Fathers have thought, and not to Galatia, that Crescens was sent later (2 Timothy 4:10).他可能已經返回通過從西班牙南部高盧如果是對岸的,因為有些父親認為,不加拉太,這Crescens被送往後來(提摩太后書4時10分) 。 We may readily believe that he afterwards kept the promise made to his friend Philemon and that on this occasion he visited the churches of the valley of Lycus, Laodicea, Colossus, and Hierapolis.我們可以隨時相信,他事後不斷作出的承諾,以他的朋友腓利門書,並在此之際,他訪問了教堂的山谷Lycus ,老底嘉,巨像,並希拉波利斯。

The itinerary now becomes very uncertain, but the following facts seem indicated by the Pastorals: Paul remained in Crete exactly long enough to found there new churches, the care and organization of which he confided to his fellow-worker Titus (Titus 1:5).現在的行程變得非常不確定,但以下事實似乎表明的Pastorals :保羅留在克里特島完全足夠長的時間,以發現新的教會,照顧和安排,他吐露他的同胞工人泰特斯(泰特斯1:5 ) 。 He then went to Ephesus, and besought Timothy, who was already there, to remain until his return while he proceeded to Macedonia (1 Timothy 1:3).隨後他去了以弗所,並央求霍震霆,誰已經擺在那裡,繼續,直到他返回,而他接著馬其頓(提摩太前書1:3 ) 。 On this occasion he paid his promised visit to the Philippians (Philippians 2:24), and naturally also saw the Thessalonians. The letter to Titus and the First Epistle to Timothy must date from this period; they seem to have been written about the same time and shortly after the departure from Ephesus.在此之際,他答應付給他訪問了腓利(腓利2時24分) ,當然也看到了尼迦。信泰特斯和第一書之日起蒂莫必須從這一時期,他們似乎已經寫在同一時間和後不久離開以弗所。 The question is whether they were sent from Macedonia or, which seems more probable, from Corinth.現在的問題是他們是否來自馬其頓或者,這似乎更有可能,從科林斯。 The Apostle instructs Titus to join him at Nicopolis of Epirus where he intends to spend the winter (Titus 3:12).使徒指示泰特斯加入他的伊皮魯斯Nicopolis他打算在那裡度過冬季(泰特斯3時12分) 。 In the following spring he must have carried out his plan to return to Asia (1 Timothy 3:14-15).在第二年春天,他必須履行了他的計劃,返回亞洲(提摩太前書3:14-15 ) 。 Here occurred the obscure episode of his arrest, which probably took place at Troas; this would explain his having left with Carpus a cloak and books which he needed (2 Timothy 4:13).在這裡發生的事件掩蓋了他的被捕,這可能發生在Troas ;這將解釋他的離開與腕骨斗篷和書籍,他需要(提摩太后書4時13分) 。 He was taken from there to Ephesus, capital of the Province of Asia, where he was deserted by all those on whom he thought he could rely (2 Timothy 1:15).他被帶到從那裡以弗所,資本的省亞洲,他在那裡被遺棄的所有的人,他覺得他可以依靠(提摩太后書1:15 ) 。 Being sent to Rome for trial he left Trophimus sick at Miletus, and Erastus, another of his companions, remained at Corinth, for what reason is not clear (2 Timothy 4:20).被送往羅馬接受審判,他離開Trophimus在米利病假,並伊拉斯塔斯,另一名同伴,留在科林斯,對於什麼原因目前尚不清楚(提摩太后書4時20分) 。 When Paul wrote his Second Epistle to Timothy from Rome he felt that all human hope was lost (4:6); he begs his disciple to rejoin him as quickly as possible, for he is alone with Luke.當保羅寫他的第二次書蒂莫從羅馬他認為,所有人類的希望是失去了( 4:6 ) ;他迴避他的弟子回到他盡快,因為他是單獨與盧克。 We do not know if Timothy was able to reach Rome before the death of the Apostle.我們不知道霍震霆是能夠達到羅馬之前死亡的使徒。

Ancient tradition makes it possible to establish the following points:古老的傳統使我們能夠建立了以下幾點:

Paul suffered martyrdom near Rome at a place called Aquae Salviae (now Tre Fontane), somewhat east of the Ostian Way, about two miles from the splendid Basilica of San Paolo fuori le mura which marks his burial place. The martyrdom took place towards the end of the reign of Nero, in the twelfth year (St. Epiphanius), the thirteenth (Euthalius), or the fourteenth (St. Jerome). According to the most common opinion, Paul suffered in the same year and on the same day as Peter; several Latin Fathers contend that it was on the same day but not in the same year; the oldest witness, St. Dionysius the Corinthian, says only kata ton auton kairon, which may be translated "at the same time" or "about the same time". From time immemorial the solemnity of the Apostles Peter and Paul has been celebrated on 29 June, which is the anniversary either of their death or of the translation of their relics.保羅遭受犧牲在羅馬附近一個叫水丹參(現知馮塔納) ,有些東部的Ostian路,約兩英里的輝煌大殿聖保羅fuori樂村這標誌著他的埋葬地點。殉難發生在年底在尼祿統治,在12年(聖埃皮法尼烏斯) ,第十三( Euthalius ) ,或第十四(聖杰羅姆) 。根據最常見的見解,受到保羅在同年的同一天彼得;幾個拉丁美洲父親認為,這是在同一天,但不是在同一年;最古老的證人,聖修斯的科林斯說,只字auton kairon噸,這可能是翻譯“在同一時間”或“有關同一時間“ 。從遠古時期以來,在莊嚴的使徒彼得和保羅已經慶祝6月29日,這是紀念他們要么死亡或翻譯的文物。

Formerly the pope, after having pontificated in the Basilica of St. Peter, went with his attendants to that of St. Paul, but the distance between the two basilicas (about five miles) rendered the double ceremony too exhausting, especially at that season of the year.以前的教皇之後, pontificated在大殿的聖彼得,他與他的服務員到聖保羅,但之間的距離兩個大教堂(約5英里)提供的雙重儀式也用盡,尤其是在那個賽季的一年。 Thus arose the prevailing custom of transferring to the next day (30 June) the Commemoration of St. Paul.因此,產生普遍的習俗,轉移到第二天( 6月30日)紀念牌坊。 The feast of the Conversion of St. Paul (25 January) is of comparatively recent origin.節日的轉換聖保祿( 1月25日)是相對最近的原產地。 There is reason for believing that the day was first observed to mark the translation of the relics of St. Paul at Rome, for so it appears in the Hieronymian Martyrology.人們有理由相信,今天是第一次觀察到商標翻譯的遺跡聖保祿在羅馬,因此它的出現在Hieronymian Martyrology 。 It is unknown to the Greek Church (Dowden, "The Church Year and Kalendar", Cambridge, 1910, 69; cf. Duchesne, "Origines du culte chrétien", Paris, 1898, 265-72; McClure, "Christian Worship", London, 1903, 277-81).這是未知的希臘教堂( Dowden , “教會年和日曆” ,劍橋, 1910年, 69歲;比照。杜申, “起源都culte克雷蒂安” ,巴黎, 1898年, 265-72 ;竹, “基督教崇拜” ,倫敦, 1903年, 277-81 ) 。

F. Physical and Moral Portrait of St. Paul樓身體和道德的畫像聖保祿

We know from Eusebius (Hist. eccl., VII, 18) that even in his time there existed paintings representing Christ and the Apostles Peter and Paul.我們知道從優西比烏( Hist.傳道書。 ,七, 18歲) ,即使在他的時間存在著畫代表基督和使徒彼得和保羅。 Paul's features have been preserved in three ancient monuments:保羅的功能已被保存在三個古蹟:

A diptych which dates from not later than the fourth century (Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul", 1874, frontispiece of Vol. I and Vol. II, 210). A large medallion found in the cemetery of Domitilla, representing the Apostles Peter and Paul (Op. cit., II, 411). A glass dish in the British Museum, depicting the same Apostles (Farrara, "Life and Work of St. Paul", 1891, 896).阿diptych日期由不得遲於4世紀(溫說: “生活和書信的聖保祿” , 1874年, frontispiece的成交量。 I和Vol 。二, 210頁) 。大勳章發現在墓地的蒂拉,代表使徒彼得和保羅(同前。 ,二, 411 ) 。玻璃盤在大英博物館,展示相同的使徒( Farrara , “生活和工作聖保祿” , 1891年, 896 ) 。

We have also the concordant descriptions of the "Acta Pauli et Theelae", of Pseudo-Lucian in Philopatris, of Malalas (Chronogr., x), and of Nicephorus (Hist. eccl., III, 37).我們還描述了一致的“學報聖保利等Theelae ” ,偽呂西安在Philopatris的Malalas ( Chronogr. , x )的,以及Nicephorus ( Hist.傳道書。 ,三, 37歲) 。

Paul was short of stature; the Pseudo-Chrysostom calls him "the man of three cubits" (anthropos tripechys); he was broad-shouldered, somewhat bald, with slightly aquiline nose, closely-knit eyebrows, thick, greyish beard, fair complexion, and a pleasing and affable manner.保羅很短的地位;偽金口叫他“該名男子的三個肘” ( anthropos tripechys ) ;他被廣泛肩,有點禿,略鷹鼻子,緊密團結的眉毛,厚,灰鬍子,皮膚白晢和愉悅,以及和藹可親的舉止。 He was afflicted with a malady which is difficult to diagnose (cf. Menzies, "St. Paul's Infirmity" in the Expository Times", July and Sept., 1904), but despite this painful and humiliating infirmity (2 Corinthians 12:7-9; Galatians 4:13-14) and although his bearing was not impressive (2 Corinthians 10:10), Paul must undoubtedly have been possessed of great physical strength to have sustained so long such superhuman labours (2 Corinthians 11:23-29). Pseudo-Chrysostom, "In princip. apostol.他患有的疾病是很難診斷(參見孟席斯, “聖保祿老弱”的闡述時報“ , 7月和9月, 1904年) ,但儘管這一痛苦和羞辱體弱(哥林多後書12點07分- 9 ;加拉太4:13-14 ) ,儘管他同時沒有令人印象深刻(哥林多後書10:10 ) ,保羅必須毫無疑問已擁有巨大的體力已經持續這麼長時間這種超人的勞動(哥林多後書11:23-29 ) 。偽金口: “在原理。 apostol 。 Petrum et Paulum" (in PG, LIX, 494-95), considers that he died at the age of sixty-eight after having served the Lord for thirty-five years. The moral portrait is more difficult to draw because it is full of contrasts. Its elements will be found: in Lewin, op. cit., II, xi, 410-35 (Paul's Person and Character); in Farrar, op. cit., Appendix, Excursus I; and especially in Newman, "Sermons preached on Various Occasions", vii, viii. Petrum等Paulum “ (中前列腺素,螺旋, 494-95 ) ,認為他去世,享年68後擔任主為三十五年。道義畫像更難以吸引,因為它是充分的反差。及其要素將發現:在溫,同前。前。 ,二,十一, 410-35 (保羅的個人和性格) ;在法拉,同前。前。 ,附錄,附錄一; ,尤其是在紐曼, “布道鼓吹在各種場合“ ,七,八。

III.三。 THEOLOGY OF ST.神學的ST 。 PAUL鄭明

A. Paul and Christ字母a.保羅和基督

This question has passed through two distinct phases.這個問題已通過兩個不同的階段。 According to the principal followers of the Tübingen School, the Apostle had but a vague knowledge of the life and teaching of the historical Christ and even disdained such knowledge as inferior and useless.根據主要追隨者的蒂賓根大學學院,使徒了,但一個模糊的知識,生活和教學的歷史基督,甚至鄙視這種知識看成低人一等,毫無用處。 Their only support is the misinterpreted text: "Et si cognovimus secundum carnem Christum, sed nunc jam novimus" (2 Corinthians 5:16).他們唯一的支持是誤解的文字: “ ET外星人市cognovimus孔型carnem Christum ,基於novimus孔培養果醬” (哥林多後書5時16分) 。 The opposition noted in this text is not between the historical and the glorified Christ, but between the Messias such as the unbelieving Jews represented Him, such perhaps as he was preached by certain Judaizers, and the Messias as He manifested Himself in His death and Resurrection, as He had been confessed by the converted Paul.反對黨指出,這不是文字之間的歷史和榮耀基督,但之間的弭賽亞如不信的猶太人代表他,例如也許因為他所宣揚的某些Judaizers ,並弭賽亞表現為他本人在死亡和復活,因為他已供認了轉換保羅。 It is neither admissible nor probable that Paul would be uninterested in the life and preaching of Him, Whom he loved passionately, Whom he constantly held up for the imitation of his neophytes, and Whose spirit he boasted of having.這既不是受理,也沒有可能是保羅將不感興趣的生活和他的說教,他喜歡熱情,他不斷地舉行了模仿他的新手,他們的精神,他吹噓了。 It is incredible that he would not question on this subject eyewitnesses, such as Barnabas, Silas, or the future historians of Christ, Sts.令人難以置信的是,他不會的問題就這個問題目擊者說,如巴拿巴,西拉斯,或未來的歷史學家的基督,街。 Mark and Luke, with whom he was so long associated.馬克和盧克,同他就這樣長期聯繫。 Careful examination of this subject has brought out the three following conclusions concerning which there is now general agreement:仔細研究這個問題提出了以下三個結論,其中有現在普遍同意:

There are in St. Paul more allusions to the life and teachings of Christ than would be suspected at first sight, and the casual way in which they are made shows that the Apostle knew more on the subject than he had the occasion, or the wish to tell. These allusions are more frequent in St. Paul than the Gospels. From Apostolic times there existed a catechesis, treating among other things the life and teachings of Christ, and as all neophytes were supposed to possess a copy it was not necessary to refer thereto save occasionally and in passing.有在聖保羅典故更多的生命和基督的教誨比將涉嫌乍一看,以及休閒方式,他們提出表明,使徒知道更多的關於這個問題比他有機會,或者希望告訴。這些典故都更頻繁地在聖保羅比福音。從使徒時代存在一個理,治療除其他事項外的生命和基督的教誨,並作為所有新手人應該擁有一份沒有必要提及偶爾有保存和傳遞。

The second phase of the question is closely connected with the first.第二階段的問題是緊密聯繫在一起的第一個。 The same theologians, who maintain that Paul was indifferent to the earthly life and teaching of Christ, deliberately exaggerate his originality and influence. According to them Paul was the creator of theology, the founder of the Church, the preacher of asceticism, the defender of the sacraments and of the ecclesiastical system, the opponent of the religion of love and liberty which Christ came to announce to the world.同樣的神學家,誰堅持認為,保羅是冷漠的塵世生活和教學中的基督,蓄意誇大其原創性和影響力。根據保羅是他們的創造神學的創始人,教會,傳道的禁慾主義的捍衛者在聖禮和教會制度,反對宗教的愛和自由基督來到宣布向世界。 If, to do him honour, he is called the second founder of Christianity, this must be a degenerate and altered Christianity since it was at least partially opposed to the primitive Christianity.如果做他的榮譽,他被稱為第二個基督教的創始人,這必須是一個退化和改變基督教,因為它至少部分地反對原始的基督教。 Paul is thus made responsible for every antipathy to modern thought in traditional Christianity.保羅因此,負責每反感現代思想傳統的基督教。

This is to a great extent the origin of the "Back to Christ" movement, the strange wanderings of which we are now witnessing.這在很大程度上是原產地的“回到基督”運動,奇怪的流浪,我們現在正目睹。 The chief reason for returning to Christ is to escape Paul, the originator of dogma, the theologian of the faith.主要原因返回基督是擺脫保羅,發端的教條,對神學的信仰。 The cry "Zuruck zu Jesu" which has resounded in Germany for thirty years, is inspired by the ulterior motive, "Los von Paulus".該哭“ Zuruck祖耶穌”已響徹在德國三十年,靈感是來自於不可告人的動機, “洛杉磯馮保盧斯。 ” The problem is: Was Paul's relation to Christ that of a disciple to his master?問題是:原價保羅的關係是基督信徒,以他的主人? or was he absolutely autodidactic, independent alike of the Gospel of Christ and the preaching of the Twelve?或者是他絕對autodidactic ,獨立同樣的福音基督和鼓吹十二? It must be admitted that most of the papers published shed little light on the subject.必須承認,大多數論文下跌輕小的問題。 However, the discussions have not been useless, for they have shown that the most characteristic Pauline doctrines, such as justifying faith, the redeeming death of Christ, the universality of salvation, are in accord with the writings of the first Apostles, from which they were derived.然而,討論已沒有無用的,因為他們已經表明,最具特色的保學說,如有理由信仰,挽救死亡的基督,普遍性的救星,是符合著作的第一使徒,他們從得出。 Julicher in particular has pointed out that Paul's Christology, which is more exalted than that of his companions in the apostolate, was never the object of controversy, and that Paul was not conscious of being singular in this respect from the other heralds of the Gospel. Julicher特別指出,保羅的基督,這是更崇高的比他的同伴在牧靈工作,從來沒有對象的爭議,保羅沒有意識到被奇異在這方面與其他預示著福音。 Cf.比照。 Morgan, "Back to Christ" in "Dict. of Christ and the Gospels", I, 61-67; Sanday, "Paul", loc.摩根, “回到基督”中的“快譯通。基督和福音” ,我61-67 ;桑迪, “保羅” ,同上。 cit., II, 886-92; Feine, "Jesus Christus und Paulus" (1902); Goguel, "L'apôtre Paul et Jésus-Christ" (Paris, 1904); Julicher, "Paulus und Jesus" (1907).前。 ,二, 886-92 ; Feine , “基督耶穌與保羅” ( 1902年) ; Goguel , “歐萊雅apôtre保羅等耶穌,基督” (巴黎, 1904年) ; Julicher , “保盧斯和耶穌” ( 1907年) 。

B. The Root Idea of St. Paul's Theology灣的根本思想聖保祿神學

Several modern authors consider that theodicy is at the base, centre, and summit of Pauline theology.一些現代的作者認為theodicy是在基地,中心和首腦會議的保神學。 "The apostle's doctrine is theocentric, not in reality anthropocentric. What is styled his 'metaphysics' holds for Paul the immediate and sovereign fact of the universe; God, as he conceives Him, is all in all to his reason and heart alike" (Findlay in Hastings, "Dict. of the Bible", III, 718). “使徒的理論theocentric ,而不是在現實中人類。什麼是他的風格'形而上學'擱置保羅立即和主權的事實對宇宙的上帝,他設想他,是在所有對他的理由和心臟都” (芬德利在黑斯廷斯, “快譯通。聖經” ,第三章, 718 ) 。 Stevens begins the exposition of his "Pauline Theology" with a chapter entitled "The doctrine of God".史蒂文斯開始闡述他的“保神學”一章題為“學說的上帝” 。 Sabatier (L'apotre Paul, 1896, 297) also considers that "the last word of Pauline theology is: "God all in all", and he makes the idea of God the crown of Paul's theological edifice. But these authors have not reflected that though the idea of God occupies so large a place in the teaching of the Apostle, whose thought is deeply religious like that of all his compatriots, it is not characteristic of him, nor does it distinguish him from his companions in the apostolate nor even from contemporary Jews.薩巴蒂爾(歐萊雅apotre保羅, 1896年, 297 )也認為, “最後一個字的波利娜神學是: ”上帝所有的一切“ ,和他的想法,上帝的皇冠保羅的神學大廈。但是,這些作者有沒有反映,雖然上帝的想法佔據這麼大的地方教學中的使徒,其思想是深刻的宗教一樣,所有他的同胞,這不是他的特點,也沒有區分他從他的同伴在牧靈甚至也不從當代猶太人。

Many modern Protestant theologians, especially among the more or less faithful followers of the Tübingen School, maintain that Paul's doctrine is "anthropocentric", that it starts from his conception of man's inability to fulfill the law of God without the help of grace to such an extent that he is a slave of sin and must wage war against the flesh.許多現代基督教神學,尤其是在或多或少的忠實追隨者的蒂賓根大學學院,堅持認為,保羅的學說是“人類” ,這從他的觀念的人無法履行的法律沒有上帝的幫助下,寬限期這樣一個某種程度上,他是一個奴隸的罪惡,必須發動戰爭的血肉。 But if this be the genesis of Paul's idea it is astonishing that he enunciates it only in one chapter (Romans 7), the sense of which is controverted, so that if this chapter had not been written, or it had been lost, we would have no means of recovering the key to his teaching.但如果這是成因保羅的想法是驚人的,他闡述它只有在一章(羅馬7人) ,感覺這是controverted ,所以說,如果本章沒有書面的,或者它已經失去,我們將有沒有辦法恢復的關鍵,他的教學。 However, most modern theologians now agree that St. Paul's doctrine is Christocentric, that it is at base a soteriology, not from a subjective standpoint, according to the ancient prejudice of the founders of Protestantism who made justification by faith the quintessence of Paulinism, but from the objective standpoint, embracing in a wide synthesis the person and work of the Redeemer.然而,最現代的神學家一致認為,現在聖保羅理論Christocentric ,這是在基地soteriology ,而不是從主觀的角度來看,按照古老的偏見新教的創立者提出的理由誰的信仰的精髓Paulinism ,但從客觀的角度來看,包括在範圍廣泛的綜合個人和工作的救世主。 This may be proved empirically by the statement that everything in St. Paul converges towards Jesus Christ, so much so, that abstracting from Jesus Christ it becomes, whether taken collectively or in detail, absolutely incomprehensible.這可能是經驗證明的聲明,一切都在聖保祿收斂對耶穌基督,所以,即從抽象耶穌基督成為,無論是集體或詳細,絕對不可理解的。 This is proved also by demonstrating that what Paul calls his Gospel is the salvation of all men through Christ and in Christ.這是證明也表明,什麼保羅呼籲他的福音是拯救所有的人通過基督,在基督。 This is the standpoint of the following rapid analysis:這是角度的快速分析如下:

C. Humanity without Christ人類無角基督

The first three chapters of the Epistle to the Romans shows us human nature wholly under the dominion of sin.前三個章節的書,羅馬人告訴我們人類的本性完全統治下的罪惡。 Neither Gentiles nor Jews had withstood the torrent of evil.外邦人也沒有猶太人經受住了邪惡。 The Mosaic Law was a futile barrier because it prescribed good without importing the strength to do it.鑲嵌法是徒勞的障礙,因為它沒有訂好進口的實力做到這一點。 The Apostle arrives at this mournful conclusion: "There is no distinction [between Jew and Gentile]; for all have sinned, and do need the glory of God" (Romans 3:22-23).使徒到達這個悲哀的結論: “沒有區別[和猶太人之間的詹蒂萊] ;為所有有犯過罪,而且確實需要的榮耀上帝” (羅馬書3:22-23 ) 。 He subsequently leads us back to the historical cause of this disorder: "By one man sin entered into this world, and by sin death; and so death passed upon all men, in whom all have sinned" (Romans 5:12).隨後,他使我們回到歷史的原因,這種病: “到一名男子罪孽進入這個世界,並罪孽死亡;死亡和通過的所有男子,他們都犯過罪” (羅馬書5時12分) 。 This man is obviously Adam, the sin which he brought into the world is not only his personal sin, but a predominating sin which entered into all men and left in them the seed of death: "All sinned when Adam sinned; all sinned in and with his sin" (Stevens, "Pauline Theology", 129).這名男子顯然是亞當的罪惡,他帶進世界不僅是他個人的罪過,但主要的罪過而進入所有男人和留在它們的種子死亡: “所有犯過罪時,亞當;所有罪和他的罪惡“ (史蒂文斯, ”波林神學“ , 129 ) 。

It remains to be seen how original sin, which is our lot by natural generation, manifests itself outwardly and becomes the source of actual sins. This Paul teaches us in chapter 7, where describing the contest between the Law assisted by reason and human nature weakened by the flesh and the tendency to evil, he represents nature as inevitably vanquished: "For I am delighted with the law of God, according to the inward man: But I see another law in my members fighting against the law of my mind, and captivating me in the law of sin" (Romans 7:22-23).這仍有待觀察如何原罪,這是我們的很多自然生成,表面上表現出來,並成為消息來源的實際罪孽。這項保羅教導我們在第7章,其中介紹了競賽法之間的協助下理智和人性的削弱由肉體和邪惡的傾向,他所代表的性質不可避免地征服: “對於我很高興與上帝的法律,根據外來男子:但是我看到另一種法律在我的成員打擊的法律我看來,和迷人的箱法的罪惡“ (羅馬書7:22-23 ) 。 This does not mean that the organism, the material substratus, is evil in itself, as some theologians of the Tübingen School have claimed, for the flesh of Christ, which was like unto ours, was exempt from sin, and the Apostle wishes that our bodies, which are destined to rise again, be preserved free from stain.這並不意味著生物,材料substratus ,是邪惡的本身,因為一些神學的蒂賓根大學學院都聲稱,在基督的肉,這是想告訴我們的,免於罪過,和使徒的願望,我們的機構,這是注定要再度上升,保持無污點。 The relation between sin and the flesh is neither inherent nor necessary; it is accidental, determined by an historical fact, and capable of disappearing through the intervention of the Holy Ghost, but it is none the less true that it is not in our power to overcome it unaided and that fallen man had need of a Saviour.之間的關係罪惡和肉體的既不是固有的,也沒有必要,它是偶然的,確定的一個歷史事實,並能夠通過消失的干預聖靈,但它是沒有真正的少,這不是我們的力量克服它無助和下降男子需要一個救世主。

Yet God did not abandon sinful man.然而,上帝沒有拋棄有罪的人。 He continued to manifest Himself through this visible world (Romans 1:19-20), through the light of a conscience (Romans 2:14-15), and finally through His ever active and paternally benevolent Providence (Acts 14:16; 17:26).他繼續表現出自己通過這個有形世界(羅馬書1:19-20 ) ,通過光線的良心(羅馬書2:14-15 ) ,最後通過他以往任何時候都積極和善意的普羅維登斯paternally (使徒14:16 ; 17 : 26 ) 。 Furthermore, in His untiring mercy, He "will have all men to be saved, and to come to the knowledge of the truth" (1 Timothy 2:4).此外,在他的不懈憐憫,他“將所有的人得到挽救,並且來了解真相” (提摩太前書2:4 ) 。 This will is necessarily subsequent to original sin since it concerns man as he is at present.這將必然是以後的原罪,因為它涉及的人,他是目前。 According to His merciful designs God leads man step by step to salvation.根據他的仁慈的上帝設計導致男子一步一步來救亡。 To the Patriarchs, and especially to Abraham, He gave his free and generous promise, confirmed by oath (Romans 4:13-20; Galatians 3:15-18), which anticipated the Gospel.向始祖,特別是亞伯拉罕,他把自己的自由和慷慨的許諾,證實了宣誓(羅馬書4:13-20 ;加拉太3:15-18 ) ,其中預計福音。 To Moses He gave His Law, the observation of which should be a means of salvation (Romans 7:10; 10:5), and which, even when violated, as it was in reality, was no less a guide leading to Christ (Galatians 3:24) and an instrument of mercy in the hands of God.摩西他給他的法,觀察應該是一種手段,拯救(羅馬書7:10 ; 10點05 ) ,其中,即使受到侵犯,因為它是在現實中,也同樣的指導,導致基督(加拉太3時24分)和工具的擺佈手中的上帝。 The Law was a mere interlude until such time as humanity should be ripe for a complete revelation (Galatians 3:19; Romans 5:20), and thus provoked the Divine wrath (Romans 4:15).該法僅僅是一個插曲,直到人類的應該是成熟一個完整的啟示(加拉太3點19分;羅馬5點20分) ,從而挑起了神聖的憤怒(羅馬書4:15 ) 。 But good will arise from the excess of evil and "the Scripture hath concluded all under sin, that the promise, by the faith of Jesus Christ, might be given to them that believe" (Galatians 3:22).但良好的意願產生多餘的罪惡和“聖經上帝下完成了所有罪孽,即許諾,由信仰耶穌基督,可能會給予他們相信” (加拉太3時22分) 。 This would be fulfilled in the "fullness of the time" (Galatians 4:4; Ephesians 1:10), that is, at the time set by God for the execution of His merciful designs, when man's helplessness should have been well manifested. Then "God sent his Son, made of a woman, made under the law: that he might redeem them who were under the law: that we might receive the adoption of sons" (Galatians 4:4).這將是完成了“豐滿的時間” (加拉太4點04分;以弗所書1:10 ) ,就是在規定的時間上帝為執行他的仁慈的設計,當人的無奈應該得到很好體現。然後, “上帝派他的兒子,做的一個女人,作出法律規定:他可能兌現他們誰是法律規定:我們可能獲得通過的兒子” (加拉太4點04分) 。

D. The Person of the Redeemer d.在人的救世主

Nearly all statements relating to the person of Jesus Christ bear either directly or indirectly on His role as a Saviour.幾乎所有的報表有關的人承擔耶穌基督直接或間接地對他的作用作為一個救世主。 With St. Paul Christology is a function of soteriology.隨著聖保祿基督是一個功能soteriology 。 However broad these outlines, they show us the faithful image of Christ in His pre-existence, in His historical existence and in His glorified life (see F. Prat, "Théologie de Saint Paul").然而這些廣泛的概述,他們向我們展示形象的忠實基督在他的前存在,在他的歷史存在和在他的榮耀的生活(見樓寶, “神學聖保” ) 。

(1) Christ in His pre-existence ( 1 )基督在他的前存在

(a) Christ is of an order superior to all created beings (Ephesians 1:21); He is the Creator and Preserver of the World (Colossians 1:16-17); all is by Him, in Him, and for Him (Colossians 1:16). (一)基督是上級的命令向所有創建人(以弗所書1時21分) ;他是造物主和保存世界(歌羅西書1:16-17 ) ;是由他,對他,對他(歌羅西書1點16分) 。

(b) Christ is the image of the invisible Father (2 Corinthians 4:4; Colossians 1:15); He is the Son of God, but unlike other sons is so in an incommunicable manner; He is the Son, the own Son, the well-Beloved, and this He has always been (2 Corinthians 1:19; Romans 8:3, 8:32; Colossians 1:13; Ephesians 1:6; etc.). (二)基督的形象,無形之父(哥林多後書4時零四;歌羅西書1:15 ) ;他是上帝的兒子,但不像其他的兒子是在一個incommunicable方式;他是兒子,自己的兒子,以及寵兒,這個他一直(哥林多後書一點19分;羅馬書八時03分, 8時32分;歌羅西書1:13 ;以弗所書1:6 ;等) 。

(c) Christ is the object of the doxologies reserved for God (2 Timothy 4:18; Romans 16:27); He is prayed to as the equal of the Father (2 Corinthians 12:8-9; Romans 10:12; 1 Corinthians 1:2); gifts are asked of Him which it is in the power of God alone to grant, namely grace, mercy, salvation (Romans 1:7; 16:20; 1 Corinthians 1:3; 16:23; etc. before Him every knee shall bow in heaven, on earth, and under the earth (Philippians 2:10), as every head inclines in adoration of the majesty of the Most High. (三)基督的對象doxologies留給上帝(提摩太后書4點18 ;羅馬書16:27 ) ;他祈禱作為平等的父親(哥林多後書12:8-9 ;羅馬書10:12 ;哥林多前書1:2 ) ;禮物是他問它的力量,只有上帝給予,即恩典,憐憫,拯救(羅馬書一時07分; 16:20 ;哥林多前書1:3 ; 16:23 ;等一切在他面前低頭膝蓋應在天上,在地球上,並根據地球(腓二時十) ,如每頭傾向於在朝拜的陛下最高級。

(d) Christ possesses all the Divine attributes; He is eternal, since He is the "first born of every creature" and exists before all ages (Colossians 1:15-17); He is immutable, since He exists "in the form of God" (Philippians 2:6); He is omnipotent, since He has the power to bring forth being from nothingness (Colossians 1:16); He is immense, since He fills all things with His plenitude (Ephesians 4:10; Colossians 2:10); He is infinite since "the fullness of the Godhead dwells in Him" (Colossians 2:9). (四)基督擁有所有神的屬性;他是永恆的,因為他是“第一次出生的每一個動物” ,並存在所有年齡之前(歌羅西書1:15-17 ) ;他是不可改變的,因為他存在“的形式上帝“ (腓二時06分) ;他是萬能的,因為他有權力帶來正從虛無(歌羅西書1時16分) ;他是巨大的,因為他所有的東西填補與他的豐足(以弗所書4時10分;歌羅西書2點10分) ;他是無限的,因為“在豐滿的神體談到他的” (歌羅西書2點09 ) 。 All that is the special property of the God belongs of right to Him; the judgment seat of God is the judgment seat of Christ (Romans 14:10; 2 Corinthians 5:10); the Gospel of God is the Gospel of Christ (Romans 1:1, 1:9, 15:16, 15:19, etc.); the Church of God is the Church of Christ (1 Corinthians 1:2 and Romans 16:16 sqq.); the Kingdom of God is the Kingdom of Christ (Ephesians 5:5), the Spirit of God is the Spirit of Christ (Romans 8:9 sqq.).所有這一切都特別財產的神權屬於他的審判席上帝是審判席基督(羅馬書14:10 ;哥林多後書5時10分) ;福音是上帝的福音的基督(羅馬書1:1 , 1時09分, 15:16 , 15:19 ,等等) ;上帝的教會是基督教會(哥林多前書1:2和羅馬16:16 sqq 。 ) ;上帝王國的是英國基督(以弗所書5點05分) ,上帝的聖靈是基督的精神(羅馬書8時09 sqq 。 ) 。

(e) Christ is the one Lord (1 Corinthians 8:6); He is identified with Jehovah of the Old Covenant (1 Corinthians 10:4, 10:9; Romans 10:13; cf. 1 Corinthians 2:16; 9:21); He is the God who has purchased the Church with his own blood" (Acts 20:28); He is our "great God and Saviour Jesus Christ" (Titus 2:13); He is the "God over all things" (Romans 9:5), effacing by His infinite transcendency the sum and substance of created things. (戊)基督是一個上帝(哥林多前書8時06分) ;他是確定耶和華舊盟約(哥林多前書10時04分, 10點09分;羅馬書10:13 ;比照。哥林多前書2點16 9 : 21 ) ;他是上帝誰購買了教會自己的血“ (使徒20:28 ) ;他是我們的”偉大的上帝和救世主耶穌基督“ (泰特斯2點13分) ;他是”上帝的所有東西“ (羅馬9點05分) ,他的謙遜的無限超越的總和和實質創造的東西。

(2) Jesus Christ as Man ( 2 )耶穌基督滿

The other aspect of the figure of Christ is drawn with no less firm a hand. Jesus Christ is the second Adam (Romans 5:14; 1 Corinthians 15:45-49); "the mediator of God and men" (1 Timothy 2:5), and as such He must necessarily be man (anthropos Christos Iesous).其他方面的數字是基督得出不堅定的手。耶穌基督是第二個亞當(羅馬書5時14分;哥林多前書15:45-49 ) ; “調解上帝和男人” (提摩太前書第2 : 5 ) ,因此他必須是男子( anthropos赫里斯托Iesous ) 。 So He is the descendant of the Patriarchs (Romans 9:5; Galatians 3:16), He is "of the seed of David, according to the flesh)" (Romans 1:3), "born of a woman" (Galatians 4:4), like all men; finally, He is known as a man by His appearance, which is exactly similar to that of men (Philippians 2:7), save for sin, which He did not and could not know (2 Corinthians 5:21).因此,他是子孫的始祖(羅馬9點05分;加拉太3時16分) ,他是“種子大衛,根據肉) ” (羅馬書1:3 ) , “天生一個女人” (加拉太4時04分) ,像所有男人;最後,他被稱為一個人的外表,這也正是類似的男子(腓利2時07分) ,保存為罪惡,他沒有也不可能知道( 2科林蒂安斯5時21分) 。 When St. Paul says that "God sent His Son in the likeness of sinful flesh" (Romans 8:3), he does not mean to deny the reality of Christ's flesh, but excludes only sinful flesh.當聖保祿說, “上帝派他的兒子在罪孽深重的相似的肉” (羅馬書8點03 ) ,他並不意味著否定現實的基督的肉,但不包括只罪孽深重的肉體。

Nowhere does the Apostle explain how the union of the Divine and the human natures is accomplished in Christ, being content to affirm that He who was "in the form of God" took "the form of a servant" (Philippians 2:6-7), or he states the Incarnation in this laconic formula: "For in him dwelleth all the fullness of the Godhead corporeally" (Colossians 2:9).最不使徒解釋如何工會的神聖和人類本性是在基督內完成,正在內容申明,他是誰“的形式上帝”了“的形式,一個僕人” (腓2:6-7 ) ,或他國道成肉身在這個簡潔的公式: “對於他的dwelleth所有的豐滿的神體物質” (歌羅西書2點09分) 。 What we see clearly is that there is in Christ a single Person to whom are attributed, often in the same sentence, qualities proper to the Divine and the human nature, to the pre-existence, the historical existence, and the glorified life (Colossians 1:15-19; Philippians 2:5-11; etc.).我們清楚地看到是,在基督一個人的原因,往往是在同一句中,素質適當的神和人的性質,預先存在的,歷史的存在,以及美化生活(歌羅西書1:15-19 ;腓利2:5-11 ;等) 。 The theological explanation of the mystery has given rise to numerous errors.神學解釋的神秘引起了許多錯誤。 Denial was made of one of the natures, either the human (Docetism), or the Divine (Arianism), or the two natures were considered to be united in a purely accidental manner so as to produce two persons (Nestorianism), or the two natures were merged into one (Monophysitism), or on pretext of uniting them in one person the heretics mutilated either the human nature (Apollinarianism), or the Divine, according to the strange modern heresy known as Kenosis.有人拒絕之一的天性,無論是人權(幻影說) ,或神( Arianism ) ,或兩個性質被認為是團結在一個純粹偶然的方式,以便產生兩個人(景教) ,或兩個天性合而為一(基督一性) ,或藉口把他們團結在一個人的異教徒殘害無論是人類的本性(亞波里拿留派) ,或神聖,按照現代奇怪的異端稱為Kenosis 。

The last-mentioned requires a brief treatment, as it is based on a saying of St.最後提到的需要一個簡短的治療,因為它是基於一種說法聖 Paul "Being in the form of God . . . emptied himself (ekenosen eauton, hence kenosis) taking the form of a servant" (Philippians 2:6-7).保羅“作為形式的上帝。 。 。掏空自己( ekenosen eauton ,因此kenosis )採取的形式是一個僕人” (腓2:6-7 ) 。 Contrary to the common opinion, Luther applied these words not to the Word, but to Christ, the Incarnate Word.相反,共同的見解,路德運用了這些字不是字,而是基督,降生的Word 。 Moreover he understood the communicatio idiomatus as a real possession by each of the two natures of the attributes of the other. According to this the human nature of Christ would possess the Divine attributes of ubiquity, omniscience, and omnipotence.此外,他理解通信idiomatus作為一個真正擁有這兩個性質的屬性其他。根據這一人性基督將擁有神聖的屬性,無處不在,全知,並無所不能。 There are two systems among Lutheran theologians, one asserting that the human nature of Christ was voluntarily stripped of these attributes (kenosis), the other that they were hidden during His mortal existence (krypsis).有兩個系統之間的信義宗神學家,一個主張人性基督自願剝奪了這些屬性( kenosis ) ,其他,他們隱藏在他的致命存在( krypsis ) 。

In modern times the doctrine of Kenosis, while still restricted to Lutheran theology, has completely changed its opinions.在現代理論Kenosis ,同時仍然限制在路德神學,已經完全改變自己的意見。 Starting with the philosophical idea that "personality" is identified with "consciousness", it is maintained that where there is only one person there can be only one consciousness; but since the consciousness of Christ was truly human consciousness, the Divine consciousness must of necessity have ceased to exist or act in Him.從哲學思想“個性”是確定“意識” ,這是堅持認為,那裡只有一個人只能有一個意識;但自從基督意識的真正人類的意識,神聖意識必須的必要性已不復存在或他的行為。 According to Thomasius, the theorist of the system, the Son of God was stripped, not after the Incarnation, as Luther asserted, but by the very fact of the Incarnation, and what rendered possible the union of the Logos with the humanity was the faculty possessed by the Divinity to limit itself both as to being and activity.據托馬修斯的理論家系統,上帝的兒子被剝奪,而不是體現在,作為路德斷言,但事實本身的體現,以及如何盡可能使工會的理性與人類系擁有的神來限制本身既是對福利和活動。 The other partisans of the system express themselves in a similar manner.其他黨派的制度表達自己以同樣的方式。 Gess, for instance, says that in Jesus Christ the Divine ego is changed into the human ego. Gess ,例如說,在耶穌基督的神聖自我變成人類的自我。 When it is objected that God is immutable, that He can neither cease to be, nor limit Himself, nor transform Himself, they reply that this reasoning is on metaphysical hypotheses and concepts without reality.當它是反對,認為上帝是永恆的,他既不能停止,也不能限制自己,也改變自己,他們的答复是,這種推理是形而上學的假設和概念,而不現實。 (For the various forms of Kenosis see Bruce, "The Humiliation of Christ", p. 136.) (對於各種形式的布魯斯Kenosis看到, “侮辱基督” ,第136頁。 )

All these systems are merely variations of Monophysitism.所有這些系統都只是變化的基督一性。 Unconsciously they assume that there is in Christ but a single nature as there is but a single person.不知不覺中,他們承擔的是,在基督,但一個單一的性質,但有一個人。 According to the Catholic doctrine, on the contrary, the union of the two natures in a single person involves no change in the Divine nature and need involve no physical change of the human nature of Christ.根據理論天主教,相反,工會的兩個性質的一人不涉及改變神聖的性質和需要涉及任何物理變化的人性基督。 Without doubt Christ is the Son and is morally entitled even as man to the goods of His Father, viz.毫無疑問,耶穌是聖子和道義上是有權的人甚至對貨物的父親,即。 the immediate vision of God, eternal beatitude, the state of glory.眼前的設想上帝,永恆的beatitude ,國家的榮譽。 He is temporarily deprived of a portion of these goods in order that he may fulfill His mission as Redeemer.他是暫時失去一部分這些貨物,以便他可以完成他的任務是為救世主。 This is the abasement, the annihilation, of which St. Paul speaks, but it is a totally different thing from the Kenosis as described above.這是自卑,毀滅,其中聖保羅講,但它是一個完全不同的東西從Kenosis如上所述。

E. The Objective Redemption as the Work of Christ體育的目的贖回的工作基督

We have seen that fallen man being unable to arise again unaided, God in His mercy sent His Son to save him.我們已經看到,下降男子無法再次出現外援,上帝在他的擺佈派他的兒子救他。 It is an elementary and often repeated doctrine of St. Paul that Jesus Christ saves us through the Cross, that we are "justified by His blood", that "we were reconciled to God by the death of his Son" (Romans 5:9-10).這是一個小學和經常反复強調理論聖保祿耶穌基督拯救我們通過紅十字會,我們是“有道理的他的血” ,說: “我們是上帝調和的死亡他的兒子” (羅馬書5時09分-10 ) 。 What endowed the blood of Christ, His death, His Cross, with this redeeming virtue?是什麼賦予了基督的血,他的逝世,他的交叉,這種補償價值? Paul never answers this question directly, but he shows us the drama of Calvary under three aspects, which there is danger in separating and which are better understood when compared:保羅從來沒有回答這個問題直接,但他告訴我們的戲劇髑髏以下三個方面的原因,是危險的分離和這是更好地理解比較:

(a) at one time the death of Christ is a sacrifice intended, like the sacrifice of the Old Law, to expiate sin and propitiate God. (一)在同一時間死亡的基督是打算犧牲一樣,犧牲的老法,以贖罪惡和和解的上帝。 Cf.比照。 Sanday and Headlam, "Romans", 91-94, "The death of Christ considered as a sacrifice".桑迪和Headlam , “羅馬” 91-94 “ ,死亡的基督視為犧牲” 。 "It is impossible from this passage (Romans 3:25) to get rid of the double idea: (1) of a sacrifice; (2) of a sacrifice which is propitiatory . . . Quite apart from this passage it is not difficult to prove that these two ideas of sacrifice and propitiation lie at the root of the teaching not only of St. Paul but of the New Testament generally." “這是不可能從這個通道(羅馬書3時25分) ,以擺脫雙重的想法: ( 1 )犧牲; ( 2 )犧牲這是和解。 。 。且不說這一段不難證明,這兩種思想的犧牲和和解根源的教學不僅是聖保羅,但新約一般。 “ The double danger of this idea is, first to wish to apply to the sacrifice of Christ all the mode of action, real or supposed, of the imperfect sacrifices of the Old Law; and second, to believe that God is appeased by a sort of magical effect, in virtue of this sacrifice, whereas on the contrary it was He Who took the initiative of mercy, instituted the sacrifice of Calvary, and endowed it with its expiatory value.雙重危險的這一想法是,首先要適用於基督犧牲所有的行動模式,真正的或假定的,不完善的犧牲舊法;第二,認為上帝是姑息的一種神奇的效果,在憑藉本犧牲,而與此相反正是他採取主動,憐憫,提起犧牲各各他,並賦予它與expiatory價值。

(b) At another time the death of Christ is represented as a redemption, the payment of a ransom, as the result of which man was delivered from all his past servitude (1 Corinthians 6:20; 7:23 [times egorasthete]; Galatians 3:13; 4:5 [ina tous hypo nomon exagorase]; Romans 3:24; 1 Corinthians 1:30; Ephesians 1:7, 14; Colossians 1:14 [apolytrosis]; 1 Timothy 2:6 [antilytron]; etc.) This idea, correct as it is, may have inconveniences if isolated or exaggerated. ( b )在其他時間死亡的基督派贖回,支付了贖金,由於這名男子提供的所有他過去奴役(哥林多前書6:20 ; 7時23分[倍egorasthete ] ;加拉太3時13分, 4時05分[那托斯低nomon exagorase ] ;羅馬3點24分;哥林多前書1:30 ;以弗所書1時07分, 14個;歌羅西書1時14分[ apolytrosis ] ;提摩太前書2時06分[ antilytron ] ;等)的這種想法,正確的,因為它是有可能的不便,如果孤立的或誇大的。 By carrying it beyond what was written, some of the Fathers put forth the strange suggestion of a ransom paid by Christ to the demon who held us in bondage.通過實施它超越了書面,一些父親提出了建議,奇怪的贖金支付的基督惡魔舉行了我們誰在勞役。 Another mistake is to regard the death of Christ as having a value in itself, independent of Christ Who offered it and God Who accepted it for the remission of our sins.另一個錯誤是把基督的死亡具有本身的價值,獨立的基督是誰提供和接受上帝為緩解我們的罪孽。

(c) Often, too, Christ seems to substitute Himself for us in order to undergo in our stead the chastisement for sin. (三) ,往往也似乎基督代替我們自己,以便接受我們的責罰之而起的罪孽。 He suffers physical death to save us from the moral death of sin and preserve us from eternal death.他患有人身死亡,拯救我們從道義上死亡的罪惡和維護我們從永恆的死亡。 This idea of substitution appealed so strongly to Lutheran theologians that they admitted quantitative equality between the sufferings really endured by Christ and the penalties deserved by our sins.這個想法替代呼籲如此強烈,以路德神學家,他們承認定量之間的平等真正的苦難耶穌基督所遭受的處罰值得我們的罪孽。 They even maintained that Jesus underwent the penalty of loss (of the vision of God) and the malediction of the Father. These are the extravagances which have cast so much discredit on the theory of subsitution.他們甚至認為,耶穌接受處罰的損失(遠見的上帝)和詛咒的父親。這些都是extravagances鑄有這麼多詆毀理論的subsitution 。 It has been rightly said that the transfer of a chastisement from one person to another is an injustice and a contradiction, for the chastisement is inseparable from the fault and an undeserved chastisement is no longer a chastisement.它已被正確地說,轉讓的責罰從一個人到另一個是不公正的和矛盾,為責罰是分不開的過失和不當的責罰不再是一個責罰。 Besides, St. Paul never said that Christ died in our stead (anti), but only that he died for us (hyper) because of our sins.此外,聖保羅從來沒有說,基督在我們的死亡之而起的(反) ,而只是說他死於對我們(超) ,因為我們的罪孽。

In reality the three standpoints considered above are but three aspects of the Redemption which, far from excluding one another, should harmonize and combine, modifying if necessary all the other aspects of the problem.在現實中的三個角度考慮,但上述三個方面的贖回其中,遠離彼此不應該統一和結合起來,如果有必要修改的所有其他方面的問題。 In the following text St. Paul assembles these various aspects with several others. We are "justified freely by his grace, through the Redemption, that is in Christ Jesus, whom God hath proposed to be a propitiation, through faith in his blood, to the shewing of his [hidden] justice, for the remission of former sins, through the forbearance of God, for the shewing of his justice in this time; that of himself may be [known as] just, and the justifier of him, who is in the faith of Jesus Christ" (Romans 3:24-26).在下面的文字聖保祿這些組裝的各個方面與其他幾個。我們是“合理的自由,他的寬限期,通過贖回,這是在基督耶穌,上帝其中提議是一個和解,通過信念,他的血液,以在他的shewing [隱藏]正義,為緩解前的罪孽,通過寬容的上帝,對他的shewing正義在這個時間;認為自己可能是[稱為]公正,和justifier他,誰在信仰耶穌基督“ (羅馬書3:24-26 ) 。 Herein are designated the part of God, of Christ, and of man:在這裡被指定部分的上帝,基督,以及男子:

God takes the initiative; it is He who offers His Son; He intends to manifest His justice, but is moved thereto by mercy.上帝採取主動,這是他誰提供他的兒子,他打算體現他的正義,但經搬到手軟。 It is therefore incorrect or more or less inadequate to say that God was angry with the human race and that He was only appeased by the death of His Son. Christ is our Redemption (apolytrosis), He is the instrument of expiation or propitiation (ilasterion), and is such by His Sacrifice (en to autou aimati), which does not resemble those of irrational animals; it derives its value from Christ, who offers it for us to His Father through obedience and love (Philippians 2:8; Galatians 2:20). Man is not merely passive in the drama of his salvation; he must understand the lesson which God teaches, and appropriate by faith the fruit of the Redemption.因此,不正確或有或多或少的不足地說,上帝是憤怒的人類,而且他只是安撫了死亡的他的兒子。基督是我們的救贖( apolytrosis ) ,他是文書的補償或和解( ilasterion ) ,是由他的這種祭祀( en以autou aimati ) ,這並不象那些不合理的動物,它的價值來自基督,誰提供這對我們來說他的父親通過服從和愛情(腓利2點08 ;加拉太2點20分) 。人不只是被動的在他的戲劇救亡,他必須明白的教訓上帝教導,並適當的信念,水果的贖回。

F. The Subjective Redemption樓的主觀贖回

Christ having once died and risen, the Redemption is completed in law and in principle for the whole human race.基督有一次死亡,上升,贖回完成在法律和原則為整個人類。 Each man makes it his own in fact and in act by faith and baptism which, by uniting him with Christ, causes him to participate in His Divine life.每個人使自己在事實上和行為的信仰和洗禮的,他的團結與基督,原因他參加他的神聖的生命。 Faith, according to St. Paul, is composed of several elements; it is the submission of the intellect to the word of God, the trusting abandonment of the believer to the Saviour Who promises him assistance; it is also an act of obedience by which man accepts the Divine will.誠信,據聖保羅,是由幾個要素,它是提交的智慧,以上帝的話, ,信任放棄信仰的救世主是誰承諾,他的援助;它也是一個服從的行為,其中男子接受了神聖的意志。 Such an act has a moral value, for it "gives glory to God" (Romans 4:20) in the measure in which it recognizes its own helplessness.這種行為的道德價值,因為它“使榮耀上帝” (羅馬4時20分)的措施,它認識到自己的無助。 That is why "Abraham believed God, and it was reputed to him unto justice" (Romans 4:3; Galatians 3:6).這就是為什麼“亞伯拉罕相信上帝,這是他的聲譽祂正義” (羅馬書4:3 ;加拉太三時06分) 。 The spiritual children of Abraham are likewise "justified by faith, without the works of the law" (Romans 3:28; cf. Galatians 2:16).精神亞伯拉罕的子孫同樣是“有道理的信念,沒有工作的法律” (羅馬書3時28分;比照。加拉太2點16分) 。 Hence it follows:因此,如下:

That justice is granted by God in consideration of faith. That, nevertheless, faith is not equivalent to justice, since man is justified "by grace" (Romans 4:6). That the justice freely granted to man becomes his property and is inherent in him.這正義是天賜審議的信念。那,但是,信仰並不等於正義的,因為人是有道理的“的寬限期” (羅馬書4:6 ) 。這種司法自由給予人成為他的財產和固有他。

Protestants formerly asserted that the justice of Christ is imputed to us, but now they are generally agreed that this argument is unscriptural and lacks the guaranty of Paul; but some, loth to base justification on a good work (ergon), deny a moral value to faith and claim that justification is but a forensic judgment of God which alters absolutely nothing in the justified sinner.新教徒前斷言,正義的基督是歸咎於我們,但現在他們普遍認為,這一論點是unscriptural和缺乏擔保的保羅;但一些, loth基地理由一個良好的工作( ergon ) ,拒絕道德價值信仰和索賠的理由是,但法醫的判斷上帝的改變絕對沒有任何理由在罪人。 But this theory is untenable, for:但是,這個理論是站不住腳的,因為:

even admitting that "to justify" signifies "to pronounce just", it is absurd to suppose that God really pronounces just anyone who is not already so or who is not rendered so by the declaration itself. Justification is inseparable from sanctification, for the latter is "a justification of life" (Romans 5:18) and every "just man liveth by faith" (Romans 1:17; Galatians 3:11).即使承認“證明”意味著“宣判公正” ,這是荒謬的假設,上帝真的宣布任何人誰不是已經做或誰不是如此作出的聲明本身。理由是不可分割的神聖,後者是“一個理由的生活” (羅馬書5時18分)和每一個“公正的人liveth的信仰” (羅馬書1點17分;加拉太3時11分) 。

By faith and baptism we die to the "old man", our former selves; now this is impossible without beginning to live as the new man, who "according to God, is created in justice and holiness" (Romans 6:3-5; Ephesians 4:24; 1 Corinthians 1:30; 6:11).由信仰和洗禮,我們死的“老人” ,我們以前的自我,現在這是不可能的生活開始作為新的人,誰“根據上帝,是建立在正義和聖潔” (羅馬書6:3-5 ;以弗所書4時24分;哥林多前書1:30 ; 6時11分) 。 We may, therefore, establish a distinction in definition and concept between justification and sanctification, but we can neither separate them nor regard them as separate.我們可能,因此,建立一個區分的定義和概念之間的理由和神聖,但我們不能將它們分開,也不把他們分開。

G. Moral Doctrine灣道德學說

A remarkable characteristic of Paulinism is that it connects morality with the subjective redemption or justification.顯著的特點Paulinism是,它連接的道德與主觀贖回或理由。 This is especially striking in chapter 6 of the Epistle to the Romans.這一點尤其突出的第6章中的使徒的羅馬。 In baptism "our old man is crucified with [Christ] that, the body of sin may be destroyed, to the end that we may serve sin no longer" (Romans 6:6).在洗禮“我們的老人是釘在十字架上與[基督]說,該機構的罪過可摧毀,最終,我們可以不再罪惡” (羅馬書6點06分) 。 Our incorporation with the mystical Christ is not only a transformation and a metamorphosis, but a real reaction, the production of a new being, subject to new laws and consequently to new duties.我們的註冊與神秘的基督不僅是一個變革和變態,但真正的反應,生產的一個新的,但以新的法律,因此新的職責。 To understand the extent of our obligations it is enough for us to know ourselves as Christians and to reflect on the various relations which result from our supernatural birth: that of sonship to God the Father, of consecration to the Holy Ghost, of mystical identity with our Saviour Jesus Christ, of brotherly union with the other members of Christ.要了解的程度我們的義務是足以讓我們知道自己是基督徒和反映的各種關係,這是由我們的超自然的誕生:即sonship以聖父,對神聖的聖靈,在與神秘的身份我們的救主耶穌基督,兄弟工會與其他成員的基督。 But this is not all.但是,這還不是全部。 Paul says to the neophytes:保羅說的新手:

"Thanks be to God, that you were the servants of sin, but have obeyed from the heart unto that form of doctrine, into which you have been delivered. . . . But now being made free from sin, and become servants to God, you have your fruit unto sanctification, and the end life everlasting (Romans 6:17, 22). “由於是上帝,你是僕人的罪孽,但服從發自內心你們這種形式的學說,把你已經交付。 。 。 。但是現在正在擺脫罪孽,並成為公務員上帝,你有水果祂神聖和永恆的生命結束時(羅馬6時17分, 22人) 。

By the act of faith and by baptism, its seal, the Christian freely makes himself the servant of God and the soldier of Christ.該法案所信仰和洗禮,其印章,基督教自由作出自己的公僕上帝和基督的士兵。 God's will, which he accepts in advance in the measure in which it shall be manifested, becomes thenceforth his rule of conduct.天意,他提前接受的措施,它應體現,成為此後他的行為規則。 Thus Paul's moral code rests on the one hand on the positive will of God made known by Christ, promulgated by the Apostles, and virtually accepted by the neophyte in his first act of faith, and on the other, in baptismal regeneration and the new relations which it produces.因此,保羅的道德準則在於,一方面積極的意願,上帝創造了著名的基督,所頒布的使徒,幾乎接受了新手在第一次信仰,另一方面,在洗禮再生和新的關係它生產。 All Paul's commands and recommendations are merely applications of these principles.所有保羅的命令和建議僅僅是應用這些原則。

H. Eschatology閣下末世論

(1) The graphic description of the Pauline parousia (1 Thessalonians 4:16-17; 2 Thessalonians 1:7-10) has nearly all its main points in Christ's great eschatological discourse (Matthew 24, Mark 13, Luke 21). ( 1 )生動描述了寶臨(帖撒羅尼迦前書4:16-17 ;帖撒羅尼迦後書1:7-10 )已經幾乎所有的要點在基督的偉大末世論的話語(馬太24日,馬克13日,盧克21 ) 。 A common characteristic of all these passages is the apparent nearness of the parousia.一個共同的特點,所有這些通道是明顯貼近的再臨。 Paul does not assert that the coming of the Saviour is at hand.保羅不斷言,在未來的救世主是手。 In each of the five epistles, wherein he expresses the desire and the hope to witness in person the return of Christ, he at the same time considers the probability of the contrary hypothesis, proving that he had neither revelation nor certainty on the point.在每個五年書信,其中他表示的願望和希望看到的人返回的基督,他同時認為,概率的假設相反,這證明他既不肯定也不啟示的一點。 He knows only that the day of the lord will come unexpectedly, like a thief (1 Thessalonians 5:2-3), and he counsels the neophytes to make themselves ready without neglecting the duties of their state of life (2 Thessalonians 3:6-12).他知道只有這一天上帝會出乎意料的是,像一個小偷(帖撒羅尼迦前書5:2-3 ) ,和他律師的新手,使他們願意在不忽視的職責,他們的生活(帖撒羅尼迦後書3時06 -12 ) 。 Although the coming of Christ will be sudden, it will be heralded by three signs:雖然未來的基督將是突然之間,這將是預示著由三個標誌:

general apostasy (2 Thessalonians 2:3), the appearance of Antichrist (2:3-12), and the conversion of the Jews (Romans 11:26).一般叛教(帖撒羅尼迦後書2:3 ) ,外觀的反基督( 2:3-12 ) ,和轉換的猶太人(羅馬書11:26 ) 。

A particular circumstance of St. Paul's preaching is that the just who shall be living at Christ's second advent will pass to glorious immortality without dying [1 Thessalonians 4:17; 1 Corinthians 15:51 (Greek text); 2 Corinthians 5:2-5].一個特別的情況下聖保祿鼓吹的是,到底誰應生活在基督的第二次來臨將傳遞給光榮不死不死亡[帖撒羅尼迦前書4時17分;哥林多前書15:51 (希臘文) ;哥林多後書五點02分- 5 ] 。

(2) Owing to the doubts of the Corinthians Paul treats the resurrection of the just at some length. ( 2 )由於懷疑科林蒂安保羅把復活的只是一些長度。 He does not ignore the resurrection of the sinners, which he affirmed before the Governor Felix (Acts 24:15), but he does not concern himself with it in his Epistles.他不忽視復活的罪人,他肯定總督之前,費利克斯(使徒24:15 ) ,但他並不擔心自己在他的書信。 When he says that "the dead who are in Christ shall rise first" (proton, 1 Thessalonians 4:16, Greek) this "first" offsets, not another resurrection of the dead, but the glorious transformation of the living.當他說: “死者是誰在基督首先應增加” (質子,帖撒羅尼迦前書4時16分,希臘)這個“第一”的補償,而不是另一個復活的死了,但是光榮的改造生活。 In like manner "the evil" of which he speaks (tou telos, 1 Corinthians 15:24) is not the end of the resurrection, but of the present world and the beginning of a new order of things.同樣的方式“邪惡”的,他說話(頭telos ,哥林多前書15:24 )沒有結束的復活,但當今世界,並開始了一個新秩序的事情。 All the arguments which he advances in behalf of the resurrection may be reduced to three: the mystical union of the Christian with Christ, the presence within us of the Spirit of Holiness, the interior and supernatural conviction of the faithful and the Apostles.所有的論點,他的進步代表復活可能會減少三:神秘聯盟的基督教與基督,存在在我們精神的聖潔,內政和超自然的信念,忠實和使徒。 It is evident that these arguments deal only with the glorious resurrection of the just.很顯然,這些論點,而只處理光榮復活的公正。 In short, the resurrection of the wicked does not come within his theological horizon.總之,復活的邪惡並不在他的神學視野。 What is the condition of the souls of the just between death and resurrection?是什麼條件的靈魂的正義之間的死亡與復活? These souls enjoy the presence of Christ (2 Corinthians 5:8); their lot is enviable (Philippians 1:23); hence it is impossible that they should be without life, activity, or consciousness.這些靈魂得到在場的基督(哥林多後書5時08分) ;他們的命運是令人羨慕的(腓利1點23分) ;因此,它是不可能的,他們應該沒有生命,活動,或意識。

(3) The judgment according to St. Paul as according to the Synoptics, is closely connected with the parousia and the resurrection. ( 3 )判決根據聖保祿作為根據Synoptics ,是緊密聯繫在一起的臨和復活。 They are the three acts of the same drama which constitute the Day of the Lord (1 Corinthians 1:8; 2 Corinthians 1:14; Philippians 1:6, 10; 2:16).他們是三個行為同樣構成戲劇節主(哥林多前書1:8 ;哥林多後書1時14分;腓利1:6 , 10 ; 2時16分) 。 "For we must all be manifested before the judgment seat of Christ, that every one may receive the proper things of the body, according as he hath done, whether it be good or evil" (2 Corinthians 5:10). “對於我們都必須表現出前審判席基督,即每個人都可能會收到適當的事情的機構,根據上帝,他這樣做,無論是好或邪惡” (哥林多後書五時10 ) 。

Two conclusions are derived from this text:兩個結論源於此文字:

(1) The judgment shall be universal, neither the good nor the wicked shall escape (Romans 14:10-12), nor even the angels (1 Corinthians 6:3); all who are brought to trial must account for the use of their liberty. ( 1 )判決應是普遍的,既不好也不應惡人逃脫(羅馬書14:10-12 ) ,甚至也不天使(哥林多前書6點03 ) ;所有誰是審判必須考慮使用他們的自由。

(2) The judgment shall be according to works: this is a truth frequently reiterated by St. Paul, concerning sinners (2 Corinthians 11:15), the just (2 Timothy 4:14), and men in general (Romans 2:6-9). ( 2 )判決應根據工程:這是一個真理往往重申了聖保羅,關於罪人(哥林多後書11:15 ) ,公正(提摩太后書4點14分) ,和男人一般(羅馬2 : 6-9 ) 。 Many Protestants marvel at this and claim that in St. Paul this doctrine is a survival of his rabbinical education (Pfleiderer), or that he could not make it harmonize with his doctrine of gratuitous justification (Reuss), or that the reward will be in proportion to the act, as the harvest is in proportion to the sowing, but that it will not be because of or with a view to the act (Weiss).許多新教徒驚嘆於這一點,並聲稱,在聖保祿這一理論是他生存的猶太教教育(弗萊德爾) ,或者說,他無法讓他的統一理論的無端的理由(羅伊斯) ,或該獎勵將在比例的行為,因為收成的比例播種,但它不會因為或以該行為(魏斯) 。 These authors lose sight of the fact that St. Paul distinguishes between two justifications, the first necessarily gratuitous since man was then incapable of meriting it (Romans 3:28; Galatians 2:16), the second in conformity to his works (Romans 2:6: kata ta erga), since man, when adorned with sanctifying grace, is capable of merit as the sinner is of demerit. Hence the celestial recompense is "a crown of justice which the Lord the just judge will render" (2 Timothy 4:8) to whomsoever has legitimately gained it.這些作者不能忽視這樣一個事實,即聖保祿區分兩個理由,第一個必然,因為男子無端當時無法值得它(羅馬書3時28分;加拉太2時16 ) ,第二次在符合他的作品(羅馬第2 : 6 :字大普遍) ,因為男子,當點綴sanctifying寬限期,能夠值得的罪人是記過處分。因此,天體的補償是“皇冠上的司法公正勳爵法官將使” (提摩太后書4時08分) ,以何人已經合法取得它。

Briefly, St. Paul's eschatology is not so distinctive as it has been made to appear.簡單地說,聖保祿末世論並非如此獨特,因為它已出現。 Perhaps its most original characteristic is the continuity between the present and the future of the just, between grace and glory, between salvation begun and salvation consummated.也許它最原始的特徵是連續性之間的現在和未來的正義之間,寬限期和榮耀,拯救之間開始和拯救完善。 A large number of terms, redemption, justification, salvation, kingdom, glory and especially life, are common to the two states, or rather to the two phases of the same existence linked by charity which "never falleth away".大量的條款,贖回,理由,拯救,英國,光榮,尤其是生活,是常見的兩個國家,或者更確切地說,以兩個階段的同時存在聯繫慈善機構“從來沒有falleth離開。 ”

Publication information Written by F. Prat.出版信息撰稿:樓寶。 Transcribed by Donald J. Boon. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.轉錄的唐納德J文。天主教百科全書,卷席。 Published 1911. 1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat二月一日1911 。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約


Saul of Tarsus索爾的塔爾蘇斯

Jewish Viewpoint Information 猶太觀資料

The actual founder of the Christian Church as opposed to Judaism; born before 10 CE; died after 63.實際創始人,基督教教會,而不是猶太教; 10日前出生的CE認證;後死亡63 。 The records containing the views and opinions of the opponents of Paul and Paulinism are no longer in existence; and the history of the early Church has been colored by the writers of the second century, who were anxious to suppress or smooth over the controversies of the preceding period, as is shown in the Acts of the Apostles and also by the fact that the Epistles ascribed to Paul, as has been proved by modern critics, are partly spurious (Galatians, Ephesians, I and II Timothy, Titus, and others) and partly interpolated.這些記錄包含的觀點和意見反對保羅和Paulinism已不再存在;和歷史的早期教會已色的作家的第二個世紀,誰急於制止或順利的爭論的前一個時期,這表現在使徒行傳還的事實是,書信歸因於保羅,因為已經證明了現代的批評,部分是虛假的(加拉太,以弗所書,我和二霍震霆,泰特斯,和其他人)部分插。

Not a Hebrew Scholar; a Hellenist.不是希伯來語學者,一個Hellenist 。

Saul (whose Roman cognomen was Paul; see Acts xiii. 9) was born of Jewish parents in the first decade of the common era at Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts ix. 11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3).索爾(其羅馬cognomen是保羅;見行為十三。九日)出生的猶太父母在第一個十年的共同時代塔爾蘇斯在西里西亞(使徒九。 11 , 21 。 39 , 22 。 3 ) 。 The claim in Rom.索賠在ROM 。 xi.十一。 1 and Phil. 1 ,菲爾。 iii.三。 5 that he was of the tribe of Benjamin, suggested by the similarity of his name with that of the first Israelitish king, is, if the passages are genuine, a false one, no tribal lists or pedigrees of this kind having been in existence at that time (see Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." i. 7, 5; Pes. 62b; M. Sachs, "Beiträge zur Sprach- und Alterthumsforschung," 1852, ii. 157).五,他是該部落的本傑明,所建議的相似他的名字與第一Israelitish國王表示,如果是真正的通道,一種虛假的,沒有部落名單或家系的這種已存在那個時候(見優西比烏“ ,組織胺。傳道書。 ”島7日, 5 ;瘟。 62b ;先生高盛, “ Beiträge集語言,與Alterthumsforschung , ” 1852年,二。 157 ) 。 Nor is there any indication in Paul's writings or arguments that he had received the rabbinical training ascribed to him by Christian writers, ancient and modern; least of all could he have acted or written as he did had he been, as is alleged (Acts xxii. 3), the disciple of Gamaliel I., the mild Hillelite.也沒有任何跡象表明在保羅的著作或論點,他收到了猶太教培訓歸因於他的基督教作家,古代和現代;至少所有可能,他已採取行動或書面像他那樣,他已經被作為指控(使徒22 。 3 ) ,弟子加馬利亞一,輕度Hillelite 。 His quotations from Scripture, which are all taken, directly or from memory, from the Greek version, betray no familiarity with the original Hebrew text.他引用聖經,都是採取直接或從內存中,來自希臘的版本,背叛與不熟悉的原始希伯來文。 The Hellenistic literature, such as the Book of Wisdom and other Apocrypha, as well as Philo (see Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," ii. 18-27; Siegfried, "Philo von Alexandria," 1875, pp. 304-310; Jowett, "Commentary on the Thessalonians and Galatians," i. 363-417), was the sole source for his eschatological and theological system. Notwithstanding the emphatic statement, in Phil.在古希臘文學,如圖書的智慧和其他偽經,以及斐羅(見Hausrath , “ Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte , ”二。 18-27 ;齊格弗里德, “斐洛馮亞歷山德里亞, ” 1875年,頁。 304-310 ;喬伊特“評述尼迦和加拉太, ”島363-417 ) ,是唯一的來源,他的末世論和神學體系。雖有強烈的聲明,在菲爾。 iii.三。 5, that he was "a Hebrew of the Hebrews"-a rather unusual term, which seems to refer to his nationalistic training and conduct (comp. Acts xxi. 40, xxii. 2), since his Jewish birth is stated in the preceding words "of the stock of Israel"-he was, if any of the Epistles that bear his name are really his, entirely a Hellenist in thought and sentiment. 5 ,他是一個“希伯來希伯來人的”不尋常的任期,這似乎是指他的訓練和民族的行為( comp.行為21 。 40 , 22 。 2 ) ,因為他是猶太人出生在前面改為“股票以色列”他是誰,如果任何書信而承受他的名字是真的他,完全是一個Hellenist在思想和情緒。 As such he was imbued with the notion that "the whole creation groaneth" for liberation from "the prison-house of the body," from this earthly existence, which, because of its pollution by sin and death, is intrinsically evil (Gal. i. 4; Rom. v. 12, vii. 23-24, viii. 22; I Cor. vii. 31; II Cor. v. 2, 4; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," iii. 75; idem, "De Vita Mosis," iii. 17; idem, "De Ebrietate," § 26; and Wisdom ii.24).因此,他充滿了概念,即“整個創造groaneth ”解放“從監獄內部的機構, ”從這個塵世的存在,由於其污染的罪惡和死亡,本質上是邪惡的( Gal.島4 ;光盤。訴12日,七。 23-24日,八。 22日,我肺心病。七。 31 ;二肺心病。訴2日, 4日;補償。斐洛, “德Allegoriis專攻, ”三。 75 ;同上, “德簡歷Mosis , ”三。 17 ;同上, “德Ebrietate , ”第26條;與智慧二.24 ) 。 As a Hellenist, also, he distinguished between an earthly and a heavenly Adam (I Cor. xv. 45-49; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," i. 12), and, accordingly, between the lower psychic.作為一個Hellenist ,同時,他區分了人間和天上的亞當(我肺心病。十五。 45-49 ;補償。斐洛, “德Allegoriis專攻, ”島12 ) ,並據此,降低之間的心靈。 life and the higher spiritual life attained only by asceticism (Rom. xii. 1; I Cor. vii. 1-31, ix. 27, xv. 50; comp. Philo, "De Profugis," § 17; and elsewhere).生活和精神生活更高的實現只有通過苦行(羅馬書十二。一日,我肺心病。七。 1月31日,九。 27日,十五。 50 ;補償。斐洛, “德Profugis , ”第17條;和其他地方) 。 His whole state of mind shows the influence of the theosophic or Gnostic lore of Alexandria, especially the Hermes literature recently brought to light by Reizenstein in his important work "Poimandres," 1904 (see Index, sv "Paulus," "Briefe des Paulus," and "Philo"); hence his strange belief in supernatural powers (Reizenstein, lc pp. 77, 287), in fatalism, in "speaking in tongues" (I Cor. xii.-xiv.; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 58; Dieterich, "Abraxas," pp. 5 et seq.; Weinel, "Die Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister," 1899, pp. 72 et seq.; I Cor. xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-6; Eph. iii. 3), and in mysteries or sacraments (Rom. xvi. 25; Col. i. 26, ii. 2, iv. 3; Eph. i. 9, iii. 4, vi. 19)-a term borrowed solely from heathen rites.他整個的心理狀態表明影響theosophic或諾斯底傳說亞歷山大,尤其是愛馬仕文學最近揭露的Reizenstein在他的重要工作“ Poimandres , ” 1904年(見指數,希沃特“保” , “書信萬保, “和”哲學“ ) ;因此,他奇怪的信念,神通( Reizenstein ,液相色譜頁。 77 , 287 ) ,在宿命論,在”講的舌頭“ (我肺心病。 xii. - 14 。 ;補償。 Reizenstein ,液晶58 ;迪特里希, “衛矛尺, ”頁。五日起。 ;魏耐耳, “模具Wirkungen精神與德國Geister ” , 1899年,頁。 72起。我肺心病。十五。 8 ;二肺心病。十二。 1-6 ;厄。三。 3 ) ,並在神秘或聖禮(羅馬書十六。 25 ;上校島26日,二。 2 ,四。 3 ;厄。島9日,三。 4 ,六。 19 )一長期借款單從異教徒的儀式。

His Epilepsy.他的癲癇症。

There is throughout Paul's writings an irrational or pathological element which could not but repel the disciples of the Rabbis. Possibly his pessimistic mood was the result of his physical condition; for he suffered from an illness which affected both body and mind.目前整個保羅的著作不合理或病理因素不能不擊退弟子的拉比。也許他的悲觀情緒是由於他的身體狀況,因為他患有一種疾病而影響到身體和精神。 He speaks of it as "a thorn in the flesh," and as a heavy stroke by "a messenger of Satan" (II Cor. xii. 7), which often caused him to realize his utter helplessness, and made him an object of pity and horror (Gal. iv. 13).他講的是“眼中釘,肉中刺” ,並作為一個沉重的中風由“撒旦信使” (二肺心病。十二。 7 ) ,這往往使他實現他完全無助,和他的對象憐憫和恐懼( Gal.四。 13 ) 。 It was, as Krenkel ("Beiträge zur Aufhellung der Geschichte und Briefe des Apostels Paulus," 1890, pp. 47-125) has convincingly shown, epilepsy, called by the Greeks "the holy disease," which frequently put him into a state of ecstasy, a frame of mind that may have greatly impressed some of his Gentile hearers, but could not but frighten away and estrange from him the Jew, whose God is above all the God of reason (comp. II Cor. v. 13; x. 10; xi. 1, 16; xii. 6).這是,作為Krenkel ( “ Beiträge楚Aufhellung之歷史與書信萬Apostels保盧斯, ” 1890年,頁。 47-125 )令人信服地表明,癲癇,所謂的希臘人“神聖的疾病” ,常常把他變成了一個國家狂喜的心情,可能留下深刻印象他的一些詹蒂萊聽眾,但不能不嚇跑和疏遠他的猶太人,他們的上帝是最重要的是上帝的原因( comp.二肺心病。訴13人;十10 ;喜。 1 , 16 ;十二。 6 ) 。 The conception of a new faith, half pagan and half Jewish, such as Paul preached, and susceptibility to its influences, were altogether foreign to the nature of Jewish life and thought.的概念,一個新的信仰,一半一半異教徒和猶太人,如保羅鼓吹和易感性的影響,共有外國的性質猶太人生活和思想。 For Judaism, religion is the hallowing of this life by the fulfilment of its manifold duties (see Judaism): Paul shrank from life as the domain of Satan and all his hosts of evil; he longed for redemption by the deadening of all desires for life, and strove for another world which he sawin his ecstatic visions.對於猶太教,宗教是hallowing這一生命履行其多方面的職責(見猶太教) :保羅減少從生活領域的撒旦和他的所有主機的邪惡,他渴望贖回的隔音材料的所有慾望生活,並竭力為另一個世界,他sawin他欣喜若狂的看法。 The following description of Paul is preserved in "Acta Pauli et Theclæ," an apocryphal book which has been proved to be older and in some respects of greater historic value than the canonical Acts of the Apostles (see Conybeare, "Apollonius' Apology and Acts, and Other Monuments of Early Christianity," pp. 49-88, London, 1894): "A man of moderate stature, with crisp [scanty] hair, crooked legs, blue eyes, large knit brows, and long nose, at times looking like a man, at times like an angel, Paul came forward and preached to the men of Iconium: 'Blessed are they that keep themselves chaste [unmarried]; for they shall be called the temple of God. Blessed are they that mortify their bodies and souls; for unto them speaketh God. Blessed are they that despise the world; for they shall be pleasing to God. Blessed be the souls and bodies of virgins; for they shall receive the reward of their chastity.'"下面的說明保羅是保存在“學報聖保利等Theclæ , ”一個未經證實的書,已被證明是老年人和在某些方面更大的歷史價值比典型使徒行傳(見科尼比爾, “阿波羅尼奧斯'道歉和行為和其他古蹟的早期基督教“ ,頁。 49-88 ,倫敦, 1894年) : ”一名男子溫和的地位,與脆[稀少]頭髮,彎曲的腿,藍眼睛,大針織眉毛,鼻子長,有時看起來像一個人,有時像一個天使,保羅挺身而出,宣揚的男子Iconium : '祝福他們,使自己的貞潔[未婚] ;對他們應被稱為上帝的廟宇。有福,他們認為他們的腐壞身體和靈魂;為你們這些speaketh上帝。有福,他們是瞧不起的世界;對他們應令人高興的上帝。有福的靈魂和機構的處女;對他們應得到獎勵的貞操。 “

It was by such preaching that "he ensnared the souls of young men and maidens, enjoining them to remain single "(Conybeare, lc pp. 62, 63, 67; comp. ib. pp. 24-25; Gal. iii. 38; I Cor. vii. 34-36; Matt. xix. 12; Clement of Rome, Epistle ii. § 12).這是這種鼓吹“他陷入靈魂的青年男子和少女,責令他們留單” (科尼比爾,液相色譜頁。 62 , 63 , 67 ;補償。興業。頁。 24-25 ;半乳糖。三。 38我肺心病。七。 34-36 ;馬特。十九。 12 ;克萊門特的羅馬,書二。 § 12 ) 。

Anti-Jewish Attitude.反猶太人的態度。

Whatever the physiological or psychological analysis of Paul's temperament may be, his conception of life was not Jewish.無論生理或心理分析的保羅的氣質可能是,他的人生觀是不是猶太人。 Nor can his unparalleled animosity and hostility to Judaism as voiced in the Epistles be accounted for except upon the assumption that, while born a Jew, he was never in sympathy or in touch with the doctrines of the rabbinical schools.也不能把他無與倫比的仇恨和敵視猶太教作為表示在書信被佔後,除非假設,而出生的猶太人,他從來沒有同情或接觸理論的猶太教學校。 For even his Jewish teachings came to him through Hellenistic channels, as is indicated by the great emphasis laid upon "the day of the divine wrath" (Rom. i. 18; ii. 5, 8; iii. 5; iv. 15; v. 9; ix. 22; xii. 19; I Thess. i. 10; Col. iii. 6; comp. Sibyllines, iii. 309 et seq., 332; iv. 159, 161 et seq.; and elsewhere), as well as by his ethical monitions, which are rather inconsistently taken over from Jewish codes of law for proselytes, the Didache and Didascalia.甚至他的猶太教教義來他通過古希臘的渠道,如所指出的高度重視賦予“之日起神聖的憤怒” (羅馬書島18 ;二。 5日, 8日;三。 5 ;四。 15 ;訴9 ;九。 22 ;十二。 19日,我洛尼基。島10 ;上校三。 6 ;補償。 Sibyllines ,三。 309起。 , 332 ;四。 159 , 161及以下。 ;和其他地方) ,以及他的道德monitions ,這是相當不一致接管猶太法典的法律proselytes的十二使徒遺訓和Didascalia 。 It is quite natural, then, that not only the Jews (Acts xxi. 21), but also the Judæo-Christians, regarded Paul as an "apostate from the Law" (see Eusebius, lc iii. 27; Irenæus, "Adversus Hæreses," i. 26, 2; Origen, "Contra Celsum," v. 65; Clement of Rome, "Recognitiones," i. 70. 73).這是很自然的,那麼,不僅是猶太人(使徒21 。 21 ) ,而且還Judæo基督徒,認為保羅作為一個“變節者從法” (見優西比烏,立法會三。 27 ;依“ , Adversus Hæreses “島26日, 2 ;奧利, ”魂斗羅Celsum , “訴65 ;克萊門特的羅馬” , Recognitiones , “島70 。 73 ) 。

His Personality.他的個性。

To judge from those Epistles that have all the traits of genuineness and give a true insight into his nature, Paul was of a fiery temper, impulsive and impassioned in the extreme, of ever-changing moods, now exulting in boundless joy and now sorely depressed and gloomy. Effusive and excessive alike in his love and in his hatred, in his blessing and in his cursing, he possessed a marvelous power over men; and he had unbounded confidence in himself.為了判斷這些書信的所有性狀的真實性,並真正深入了解他的性質,保羅是一個火熱的脾氣,衝動和激情在極端的情況下,對不斷變化的情緒,現在exulting在無限喜悅和現在非常沮喪和暗淡。熱情洋溢和過度都在他的愛和他的仇恨,在他的祝福,並在他的罵,他擁有神奇力量男子和他無限的信任自己。 He speaks or writes as a man who is conscious of a great providential mission, as the servant and herald of a high and unique cause.他說話或寫入作為一個男人意識到誰是一位偉大的天賜的使命,僕人和先驅高和獨特的原因。 The philosopher and the Jew will greatly differ from him with regard to every argument and view of his; but both will admit that he is a mighty battler for truth, and that his view of life, of man, and of God is a profoundly serious one.哲學家和猶太人將大大不同於他對每一個論點,並認為他的,但都將承認自己是一支強大的battler真理,他的人生觀,對人,上帝是一個深刻嚴重一個。 The entire conception of religion has certainly been deepened by him, because his mental grasp was wide and comprehensive, and his thinking bold, aggressive, searching, and at the same time systematic.整個概念宗教無疑加深了他,因為他的心理把握是廣泛的,全面的,他的思想大膽,積極的,搜查,並在同一時間系統。 Indeed, he molded the thought and the belief of all Christendom.事實上,他塑造的思想和信仰基督教的一切。

Jewish Proselytism and Paul.猶太宗教信仰和保羅。

Before the authenticity of the story of the so-called conversion of Paul is investigated, it seems proper to consider from the Jewish point of view this question: Why did Paul find it necessary to create a new system of faith for the admission of the Gentiles, in view of the fact that the Synagogue had well-nigh two centuries before opened its door to them and, with the help of the Hellenistic literature, had made a successful propaganda, as even the Gospels testify?之前的真實性的故事所謂的轉換保羅是調查,看來適當考慮從猶太人的角度來看這個問題:為什麼保羅認為有必要建立一個新的制度的信念,接納外邦人鑑於這一事實,即猶太教堂有良好的近兩百年前開設了大門,他們的幫助下,在古希臘文學,取得了一個成功的宣傳,因為即使福音作證? (Matt. xxiii. 15; see Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 102-135, 420-483; J. Bernays, "Gesammelte Abhandlungen," 1885, i. 192-282, ii. 71-80; Bertholet, "Die Stellung der Israeliten und Juden zu den Fremden," 1896, pp. 257-302.) Bertholet (lc pp. 303-334; but see Schürer, lci 126) and others, in order that they may reserve the claim of universality for Christianity, deny the existence of uncircumcised proselytes in Judaism, and misconstrue plain Talmudic and other statements referring to God-fearing Gentiles (Bertholet, lc pp. 338-339); whereas the very doctrine of Paul concerning the universal faith of Abraham (Rom. iv. 3-18) rests upon the traditional interpretation of Gen. xii. (瑪特泰二十三。 15 ;見Schürer , “ Gesch 。 ”三維版。 ,三。 102-135 , 420-483 ;學者伯奈斯, “ Gesammelte Abhandlungen ” , 1885年,島192-282 ,二。 71-80 ; Bertholet , “模具Stellung之Israeliten與猶太人祖登Fremden , ” 1896年,頁。 257-302 ) 。 Bertholet (信用證頁。 303-334 ;但看到Schürer ,國際獅子總會126 )和其他人,使他們可在保留索賠的普遍性的基督教,否認存在proselytes猶太人在猶太教和誤解平原塔木德和其他報表提到敬畏上帝外邦人( Bertholet ,液相色譜頁。 338-339 ) ;而非常學說的保羅有關的普遍信仰亞伯拉罕(羅馬書四。 3-18 )取決於傳統的解釋,將軍十二。 3 (see Kuenen, "Prophets and Prophecy in Israel," pp. 379, 457) and upon the traditional view which made Abraham the prototype of a missionary bringing the heathen world under the wings of the Shekinah (Gen. R. xxxix., with reference to Gen. xii. 5; see Abraham; Judaism; Proselyte). 3 (見Kuenen , “先知和預言在以色列, ”頁。 379 , 457 ) ,經傳統的觀點提出亞伯拉罕的原型傳教士把異教徒世界的翅膀下的Shekinah (將軍河三十九。 ,參照將軍十二。 5 ;見亞伯拉罕;猶太教; Proselyte ) 。 As a matter of fact, only the Jewish propaganda work along the Mediterranean Sea made it possible for Paul and his associates to establish Christianity among the Gentiles, as is expressly recorded in the Acts (x. 2; xiii. 16, 26, 43, 50; xvi. 14; xvii. 4, 17; xviii. 7); and it is exactly from such synagogue manuals for proselytes as the Didache and the Didascalia that the ethical teachings in the Epistles of Paul and of Peter were derived (see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 1-44).事實上,只有猶太人宣傳工作沿著地中海,使保羅和他的同事建立基督教之間的外邦人,這是明確記錄的行為(十2 ;十三。 16 , 26 , 43 , 50 ;十六。 14 ;十七。 4 , 17 ;十八。 7 ) ;和正是從這些猶太教堂手冊proselytes的十二使徒遺訓和Didascalia的道德教義的書信保羅和彼得得出(見西貝爾格“明鏡Katechismus之Urchristenheit ” , 1903年,頁。保護及控制) 。

The answer is supplied by the fact that Jewish proselytism had the Jewish nation as its basis, as the names "ger" and "ger toshab" for "proselyte" indicate.答案是所提供的事實,即猶太人改了猶太民族為基礎,因為姓名“格”和“航站樓toshab ”為“ proselyte ”說明。 The proselyte on whom the Abrahamic rite was not performed remained an outsider.該proselyte的人亞伯拉罕沒有禮儀表演仍然是一個局外人。 It was, therefore, highly important for Paul that those who became converted to the Church should rank equally with its other members and that every mark of distinction between Jew and Gentile should be wiped out in the new state of existence in which the Christians lived in anticipation. The predominating point of view of the Synagogue was the political and social one; that of the Church, the eschatological one.因此,非常重要的保羅,這些誰成為轉換為教會應該平等地同職級的其他成員,每一個標誌區分猶太人和詹蒂萊應消滅在新的存在狀態,其中基督教徒居住在期待。為主的的觀點來看,猶太教堂是政治和社會之一; ,在教會,末世論之一。 May such as do not bear the seal of Abraham's covenant upon their flesh or do not fulfil the whole Law be admitted into the congregation of the saints waiting for the world of resurrection? 5月,如不承擔印章的亞伯拉罕的盟約其肉,或不履行法律的整個被接納進入教會的聖人等待世界的復活? This was the question at issue between the disciples of Jesus and those of Paul; the former adhering to the view of the Essenes, which was also that of Jesus; the latter taking an independent position that started not from the Jewish but from the non-Jewish standpoint.這是問題之間的問題,耶穌的門徒和保羅;前堅持認為,愛色尼,這也是耶穌說,後者以一個獨立的立場,即不是從開始的猶太人,而是來自於非猶太人的觀點。 Paul fashioned a Christ ofhis own, a church of his own, and a system of belief of his own; and because there were many mythological and Gnostic elements in his theology which appealed more to the non-Jew than to the Jew, he won the heathen world to his belief.保羅塑造了自己的基督ofhis ,教堂自己,和一個系統的信仰自己的; ,因為有許多神話和諾斯底元素在他的神學的呼籲更多的非猶太人,而不是猶太人,他獲得了異教徒的世界,他相信。

Paul's Christ.保羅的基督。

In the foreground of all of Paul's teaching stands his peculiar vision of Christ, to which he constantly refers as his only claim and title to apostleship (I Cor. ix. 1, xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-7; Phil. iii. 9; Gal. i. 1, 12, 16, on which see below).在前台的所有保羅的教學站在他的獨特眼光基督,他不斷地提到他的唯一要求和所有權apostleship (我肺心病。九。 1 ,十五。 8 ;二肺心病。十二。 1-7 ;菲爾。三。 9 ;半乳糖。島1 , 12 , 16 ,上見下文) 。 The other apostles saw Jesus in the flesh; Paul saw him when, in a state of entrancement, he was carried into paradise to the third heaven, where he heard "unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter" (II Cor. xii. 2-4).其他使徒看見耶穌在肉體;保羅見到他時,在一個國家的entrancement ,他被帶進天堂第三天堂,在那裡他聽取了“無法形容的話,它是不合法的一名男子說出” (二肺心病。十二。 2-4 ) 。 Evidently this picture of Christ must have occupied a prominent place in his mind before, just as Meṭaṭron (Mithra) and Akteriel did in the minds of Jewish mystics (see Angelology; Merkabah).顯然,這張照片的基督必須佔據了突出位置在他的內心,就像Meṭaṭron (米特拉神)和Akteriel沒有頭腦中的猶太神秘主義者(見天使; Merkabah ) 。 To him the Messiah was the son of God in a metaphysical sense, "the image of God" (II Cor. iv. 4; Col. i. 15), "the heavenly Adam" (I Cor. xv. 49; similar to the Philonic or cabalistic Adam Ḳadmon), the mediator between God and the world (I Cor. viii. 6), "the first-born of all creation, for by him were all things created" (Col. i. 15-17), identical also with the Holy Spirit manifested in Israel's history (I Cor. x. 4; II Cor. iii. 17; comp. Wisdom x. 1.-xii. 1; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat," § 30; see also Jew. Encyc. x. 183b, sv Preexistence of the Messiah).他彌賽亞是上帝的兒子在一個形而上的意義上說, “形象的上帝” (二肺心病。四。 4 ;上校島15日) , “天上的亞當” (我肺心病。十五。 49 ;相似在Philonic或cabalistic亞當Ḳadmon )之間的調解人上帝和世界的(我肺心病。八。 6 ) , “第一次出生的所有創作,由他的一切事物創造” (中校島15日至17日) ,也有相同的聖靈體現在以色列的歷史(我肺心病。十4 ;二肺心病。三。 17 ;補償。智慧十1. - 12 。 1 ;斐洛, “德禦寧獄吏Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat ” § 30 ;又見猶太人。 Encyc 。十, 183b ,希沃特前世的彌賽亞) 。

It is, however, chiefly as "the king of glory" (I Cor. ii. 8), as ruler of the powers of light and life eternal, that Christ is to manifest his cosmic power.然而,主要為“國王的榮耀” (我肺心病。二。 8 ) ,作為統治者的權力,輕和生命永恆的,基督是表現他的宇宙力量。 He has to annihilate Satan or Belial, the ruler of this world of darkness and death, with all his hosts of evil, physical and moral (I Cor. xv. 24-26).他已經消滅或惡魔撒旦的統治者,這個世界的黑暗和死亡,他的所有主機的邪惡,身體和道德(我肺心病。十五。 24-26日) 。 Paul's "gnosis" (I Cor. viii. 1, 7; II Cor. ii. 14; I Tim. vi. 20) is a revival of Persian dualism, which makes of all existence, whether physical, mental, or spiritual, a battle between light and darkness (I Thess. v. 4-5; Eph. v. 8-13; Col. i. 13), between flesh and spirit (I Cor. xv. 48; Rom. viii. 6-9), between corruption and life everlasting (I Cor. xv. 50, 53).保羅的“直覺” (我肺心病。八。 1日, 7日;二肺心病。二。 14日,我添。六。二十日)是一個復興的波斯的二元論,這使得所有的存在,無論是身體,心理,或精神的,一個戰鬥之間的光明與黑暗(一洛尼基。訴4-5 ;厄。訴8-13 ;上校島13日)之間,肉體和精神(我肺心病。十五。 48 ;光盤。八。 6-9 ) ,腐敗與生命永恆的(我肺心病。十五。 50 , 53 ) 。 The object of the Church is to obtain for its members the spirit, the glory, and the life of Christ, its "head," and to liberate them from the servitude of and allegiance to the flesh and the powers of earth.該物體的教會是獲得其成員的精神,榮耀,和基督的生命,其“頭部” ,並以解放他們的奴役和效忠肉體和權力的地球。 In order to become participants in the salvation that had come and the resurrection that was nigh, the saints were to cast off the works of darkness and to put on the armor of light, the breastplate of love, and the helmet of hope (Rom. xiii. 12; II Cor. x. 4; Eph. vi. 11. I Thess. v. 8; comp. Wisdom v. 17-18; Isa. lix. 17; "the weapons of light of the people of Israel," Pesiḳ, R. 33 [ed. Buber, p. 154]; Targ. Yer. to Ex. xxxiii. 4; "the men of the shields" ["ba'ale teresin"], a name for high-ranking Gnostics, Ber. 27b; also "the vestiture of light" in Mandæan lore, "Jahrbuch für Protestantische Theologie," xviii. 575-576).為了成為與會者拯救了來復活這是近,聖人是擺脫黑暗的作品,並放在輕型裝甲,在腹甲的愛情,以及頭盔的希望(羅馬書十三。 12 ;二肺心病。十4 ;厄。六。 11日。我洛尼基。訴8 ;補償。智慧訴17-18 ;伊薩。螺旋。 17 ; “的武器,鑑於以色列人民, “ Pesiḳ ,河33 [版。布伯,第154 ] ; Targ 。層。以惠。三十三。 4 ; ”男人的盾牌“ [ ” ba'ale teresin “ ] ,一個名稱高層Gnostics ,蘇貝等。 27B款;也是“ vestiture輕”的曼達傳說, “年鑑獻給新教神學, ”十八。 575-576 ) 。

The Crucified Messiah.彌賽亞的十字架。

How then can this world of perdition and evil, of sin and death, be overcome, and the true life be attained instead?那麼如何才能使這一世界的毀滅和邪惡,罪惡和死亡,加以克服,並真正實現生活呢? This question, which, according to a Talmudic legend (Tamid 32a), Alexander the Great put to the wise men of the South, was apparently the one uppermost also in the mind of Paul (see Kabisch,"Die Eschatologie des Paulus," 1893); and in the form of a vision of the crucified Christ the answer came to him to "die in order to live."這個問題,因為據傳說塔木德( Tamid 32A條) ,亞歷山大大帝把智者的南方,顯然是一個上層還考慮到保羅(見Kabisch , “模具Eschatologie萬保盧斯, ” 1893年) ;和形式的設想,基督釘在十字架上的答案來他“死在為了生活。 ” This vision, seen in his ecstatic state, was to him more than a mere reality: it was the pledge ("'erabon" of the resurrection and the life of which he was in quest. Having seen "the first-born of the resurrection" (I Cor. xv. 20-24; the Messiah is called "the first-born" also in Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxxix. 28, and in Ex. R. xix. 7), he felt certain of the new life which all "the sons of light" were to share. No sooner had the idea taken hold of him that the world of resurrection, or "the kingdom of God," had come, or would come with the speedy reappearance of the Messiah, than he would invest with higher powers "the elect ones" who were to participate in that life of the spirit. There can be no sin or sensual passion in a world in which the spirit rules. Nor is there need of any law in a realm where men live as angels (comp. "The dead is free from all obligations of the Law," Shab. 30a, 151b; Niddah 61b). To bring back the state of paradise and to undo the sin of Adam, the work of the serpent, which brought death into the world-this seems to have been the dream of Paul. The baptism of the Church, to which sinners and saints, women and men, Jews and Gentiles, were alike invited, suggested to him the putting off of the earthly Adam and the putting on of the heavenly Adam (Rom. vi.). He was certain that by the very power of their faith, which performed all the wonders of the spirit in the Church (I Cor. xii., xv.), would the believers in Christ at the time of his reappearance be also miraculously lifted to the clouds and transformed into spiritual bodies for the life of the resurrection (I Thess. iv.; I Cor. xv.; Rom. viii.). These are the elements of Paul's theology-a system of belief which endeavored to unite all men, but at the expense of sound reason and common sense.這一設想,認為在他的興奮狀態,是他不僅僅是一個現實:這是質押( “ erabon ”的復活和生命,他是在追求。看到“第一次出生的復活“ (我肺心病。十五。 20-24 ;彌賽亞被稱為”第一胎“也Midr 。的。到PS 。 lxxxix 。 28日,在惠。河19 。 7 ) ,他認為某些新的生命,所有“兒子的光”是分享。遲早有任何的想法佔據了他的世界復活,或“上帝的王國” ,現在,或將迅速重現彌賽亞,比他將投資具有較高的權力“的選舉的”誰是參與生命的精神。不能有罪孽或感官激情的世界中,規則的精神。也沒有任何需要的法律中境界男子生活的天使( comp. “死者是免費的所有義務法” ,沙巴。 30a , 151b ; Niddah 61b ) 。帶回的狀態天堂和撤消的罪惡亞當的工作的蛇,它帶來死亡融入世界,這似乎一直是保羅的夢想。洗禮的教堂,其中的罪人和聖人,婦女和男子,猶太人和外邦人,都邀請了,建議他推遲對亞當和人世間的把天上的亞當(羅馬書六) 。 。他肯定,非常的力量他們的信仰,這一切表現的奇蹟的精神在教會(我肺心病。十二。 ,十五。 )的話,在基督信徒的時候他也重現奇蹟般地解除對雲層和精神轉化為機構的生命復活(一洛尼基。四。我肺心病。十五。 ;光盤。八。 ) 。這些要素的保羅神學,一個系統的信仰而努力團結所有的人,但以犧牲良好的理智和常識。

Paul's Conversion.保羅的轉換。

There is possibly a historical kernel to the story related in the Acts (vii. 58-ix. 1-31, xxii. 3-21, xxvi. 10-19), that, while on the road to Damascus, commissioned with the task of exterminating the Christian movement antagonistic to the Temple and the Law (ib. vi. 13), Paul had a vision in which Jesus appeared to him, saying, "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?"有可能是一個歷史性內核的故事有關的行為( vii. 58九。 1月31日, 22 。 3-21 , 26 。 10-19 ) ,雖然道路上的大馬士革,與委託的任務滅絕基督教運動對立的寺和法( ib.六。 13 ) ,保羅曾設想在耶穌顯現給他,說: “掃羅,掃羅,你為什麼persecutest我嗎? ” (comp. I Sam. xxvi. 18); that in consequence of this vision he became, with the aid of Ananais, one of the Christian seers, "a chosen vessel unto me [Christ], to bear my name before the Gentiles." ( comp.我山姆。二十六。 18 ) ; ,在後果這一設想,他成為借助Ananais之一的基督教預言家“ ,選定船隻祂箱[基督] ,承擔我的名字前的外邦人。 “ According to the Acts (vii. 58; ix. 2; xxii. 5; xxv. 1, 10-12), Paul was a young man charged by the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem with the execution of Stephen and the seizure of the disciples of Jesus.根據行為( vii. 58 ;九。 2 ; 22 。 5 ; 25 。 1 , 10-12 ) ,保羅是一名年輕男子所收取的公會耶路撒冷與執行斯蒂芬,並檢獲的耶穌門徒。 The statement, however (ib. xxii. 8-9), that, being a zealous observer of the law of the Fathers, "he persecuted the Church unto death," could have been made only at a time when it was no longer known what a wide difference existed between the Sadducean high priests and elders, who had a vital interest in quelling the Christian movement, and the Pharisees, who had no reason for condemning to death either Jesusor Stephen.該聲明,但( ib. 22 。 8-9 ) ,這是一個熱心的觀察員法的父親, “他教會的迫害祂死亡, ”本來只時,它已不再稱為什麼是廣泛存在的差異之間的Sadducean高牧師和長老,誰的切身利益鎮壓基督教運動,和法利賽,誰沒有理由譴責死刑或者Jesusor斯蒂芬。 In fact, it is derived from the Epistle to the Galatians (i. 13-14), the spuriousness of which has been shown by Bruno Baur, Steck, and most convincingly by Friedrich Maehliss ("Die Unechtheit des Galaterbriefs," 1891).事實上,這是來自使徒的加拉太(島13日至14日) ,在spuriousness已表明了布魯諾鮑爾, Steck ,最令人信服的弗里德里希Maehliss ( “模具Unechtheit萬Galaterbriefs ” , 1891年) 。 The same is the case with Phil.同樣的情況菲爾。 iii.三。 5. 5 。 Acts xxii.行為22 。 17-18 speaks of another vision which Paul had while in the Temple, in which Jesus told him to depart from Jerusalem and go with his gospel to the Gentiles. 17-18談到另一個設想,保羅在聖殿中,耶穌告訴他離開耶路撒冷,前往他的福音的外邦人。 Evidently Paul entertained long before his vision those notions of the Son of God which he afterward expressed; but the identification of his Gnostic Christ with the crucified Jesus of the church he had formerly antagonized was possibly the result of a mental paroxysm experienced in the form of visions.顯然,保羅受理很久以前他的遠見這些概念的上帝的兒子,他事後表示,但確定他的諾斯底基督同釘在十字架上的耶穌教會他以前可能是拮抗作用的結果,經驗豐富的心理發作的形式願景。

Barnabas and Other Hellenists.巴拿巴和其他Hellenists 。

Whether the Hellenists in Jerusalem, at the head of whom stood Stephen, Philip, and others named in Acts vii.是否Hellenists在耶路撒冷,在負責人站在斯蒂芬,菲利普,和其他人的行為命名為七。 1-5, exerted an influence upon Paul, can not be ascertained: that Barnabas, who was a native of Cyprus, did, may be assumed with certainty. 1-5 ,施加了影響保,不能確定:即巴拿巴,誰是土生土長的塞浦路斯,確實可以假定肯定。 He was Paul's older companion, apparently of a more imposing stature (Acts xiv. 12); and, according to ib.他是保羅的老年伴侶,顯然是一個更強加的地位(使徒十四。 12 ) ; ,根據興業。 ix.九。 27, he introduced Paul to the apostles and induced him (xi. 25) to cooperate with him in the church of Antioch. 27日,他介紹了保羅的使徒和誘導他( xi. 25 )與他合作,在教堂的安提阿。 The two traveled together as collectors of charity for the poor of the Jerusalem church (ib. xi. 30, xv. 2; see Apostle), and as preachers of the gospel (ib. xiii. 3, 7, 13, 14, 43, 46, 50; xiv. 14, 20; xv. 2, 12, 22, 35), Paul soon becoming the more powerful preacher.這兩個一起前往慈善收藏家對窮人的耶路撒冷教會( ib.喜。 30日,十五。 2 ;見使徒) ,並作為傳教士的福音( ib.十三。 3 , 7 , 13 , 14 , 43 , 46 , 50 ;十四。 14日, 20日;十五。 2日, 12日, 22日, 35 ) ,保羅很快成為了更強大的牧師。 Finally, on account of dissensions, probably of a far more serious nature than stated either in Acts xv.最後,考慮到糾紛,可能的一個更為嚴重性質或者超過規定的行為十五。 36-39 or Gal. 36-39或半乳糖。 ii.二。 13, they separated. 13日,他們分開。 That both Paul and Barnabas held views different from those of the other apostles may be learned from I Cor.這兩個保羅和巴拿巴觀點不同於其他使徒的教訓可能是從I肺心病。 ix.九。 6. 6 。 Paul's relation to Apollos also was apparently that of a younger colaborer to an older and more learned one (I Cor. i. 10, iii. 5-23, xvi. 12).保羅的關係阿波羅也顯然是一個年輕的colaborer的老年人和更多的經驗教訓之一(我肺心病。島10日,三。 5-23 ,十六。 12 ) 。

His Missionary Travels.他的傳教旅行。

According to Acts xiii., xiv., xvii-xviii.根據行為的十三。 ,十四。 ,十七,十八。 (see Jew. Encyc. ix. 252-254, sv New Testament), Paul began working along the traditional Jewish line of proselytizing in the various synagogues where the proselytes of the gate and the Jews met; and only because he failed to win the Jews to his views, encountering strong opposition and persecution from them, did he turn to the Gentile world after he had agreed at a convention with the apostles at Jerusalem to admit the Gentiles into the Church only as proselytes of the gate, that is, after their acceptance of the Noachian laws (Acts xv. 1-31). (見猶太人。 Encyc 。九。 252-254 ,希沃特新約) ,保羅開始沿著傳統的猶太行傳教的各種猶太教堂的proselytes大門和猶太人的滿足; ,只因為他未能贏得猶太人他的意見,遇到強烈的反對和迫害他們,但他的之交世界詹蒂萊後,他已同意在公約與使徒在耶路撒冷接納外邦人教會只有proselytes大門,就是後他們接受Noachian法(十五行為。 1月31日) 。 This presentation of Paul's work is, however, incompatible with the attitude toward the Jews and the Law taken by him in the Epistles.這保羅介紹的工作,但是,不符合的態度猶太人和法律所採取他的書信。 Nor can any historical value be attached to the statement in Gal.也不能把任何歷史價值的附加聲明中乳糖。 ii.二。 1-10 that, by an agreement with the seeming pillars of the Church, the work was divided between Peter and Paul, the "gospel of circumcision" being committed to the one, and the "gospel of uncircumcision" to the other; as the bitter and often ferocious attacks against both the Jews and the apostles of the Judæo-Christian Church (in Phil. iii. 2 he calls them "dogs") would then have been uncalled for and unpardonable. 1-10 ,通過協議,似乎支柱的教會,工作分為彼得和保羅的“福音割禮”的承諾之一,而“福音uncircumcision ”對方;作為痛苦和兇猛的攻擊往往針對猶太人和使徒的Judæo基督教教會(在菲爾。三。第二,他呼籲他們“狗” ) ,然後一直沒有道理的和不可原諒的。 In reality Paul had little more than the name of apostle in common with the actual disciples of Jesus.在現實中保羅多的名字在共同使徒的實際耶穌的門徒。 His field of work was chiefly, if not exclusively, among the Gentiles; he looked for a virgin soil wherein to sow the seeds of the gospel; and he succeeded in establishing throughout Greece, Macedonia, and Asia Minor churches in which there were "neither Jews nor Gentiles," but Christians who addressed each other as "brethren" or "saints."他的工作領域主要是,如果不是全部,在外邦人;他期待的拓荒,其中以播種福音,他成功地建立了整個希臘,馬其頓,小亞細亞和教堂,其中有“既不外邦人還是猶太人“ ,但基督徒誰給對方為”兄弟“或”聖人“ 。 Regarding his great missionary journeys as described in the Acts after older documents, see Jew. Encyc.關於他的偉大的傳教旅途中所描述的行為後,舊文件,見猶太人。 Encyc 。 lc pp.立法會頁。 252-254. 252-254 。 As to the chronology, much reliance can not be placed either on Gal.至於年表,依賴不能置於或者半乳糖。 i.字母i. 17-ii. 17二。 3 or on the Acts with its contradictory statements. 3或行為上的矛盾的陳述。

From II Cor.從二肺心病。 xi.十一。 24-32 (comp. ib. vi. 4; I Cor. iv. 11) it may be learned that his missionary work was beset with uncommon hardships. He labored hard day and night as a tent-maker for a livelihood (Acts xviii. 3; I Thess ii. 9; II Thess, iii. 8; I Cor. iv. 12, ix. 6-18). He says (II Cor. ix.) that more frequently than any other apostle he was imprisoned, punished with stripes, and in peril of death on land and sea; five times he received the thirtynine stripes in the synagogue, obviously for some public transgression of the Law (Deut. xxv. 3); three times was he beaten with rods, probably by the city magistrates (comp. Acts xvi. 22); once he was stoned by the people; and thrice he suffered shipwreck, being in the water a night and a day. 24-32 ( 123 comp. 。六。 4 ;我肺心病。四。 11 )可以了解到,他的傳教工作面臨罕見的困難。辛勤努力,他夜以繼日作為一個帳篷製造商為生計(使徒十八。三,我洛尼基二。 9 ;洛尼基二,三。 8日,我肺心病。四。 12日,九。 6-18 ) 。他說, (二肺心病。九。 )表示多於任何其他使徒,他被監禁,懲罰與條紋,並在危險的死亡陸上和海上運輸; 5倍,他收到了thirtynine條紋的猶太教堂,顯然對一些公共侵法(申命記二十五。 3 ) ; 3倍,他毆打棒,可能市治安( comp.行為十六。 22 ) ;一旦他被人投擲石塊的人;和他遭受三次沉船,被水一晚了一天。 In Damascus he was imprisoned by King Aretas at the instigation, not of the Jews, as is stated by modern historians, but of the Jerusalem authorities; and he escaped through being let down in a basket from a window (II Cor. xi. 24-32; comp. Acts xxvii. 41). He was besides this constantly troubled with his disease, which often made him "groan" for deliverance (I Thess. ii. 2, 19-iii. 1; II Cor. i. 8-10, iv. 7-v. 5, xii. 7; Gal. iv. 14).在大馬士革,他被囚禁的國王Aretas在其唆使,而不是猶太人,正如所指出的現代歷史學家,但耶路撒冷當局; ,他逃脫被允許通過在一籃子從一個窗口(二肺心病。喜。 24 -32 ;補償。行為二十七。 41 ) 。他除了這個不斷困擾他的疾病,這往往使他“呻吟”的解脫(我洛尼基。二。 2 , 19三。 1 ;二肺心病。島8日-10 ,四。七日速度。 5 ,十二。 7 ;半乳糖。四。 14 ) 。

In Greece.在希臘。

Corinth and Ephesus, the two great centers of commerce, with their strangely mixed and turbulent as well as immoral population, offered to Paul a large field for his missionary work; and, because the Jews there were few and had little influence, he had free scope and ample opportunity to build up a church according to his plans.科林斯和以弗所,兩個偉大的商業中心,他們奇怪的混合和動盪以及不道德的人口,提供給保羅一個大領域,他的傳教工作; ,因為猶太人很少有和影響不大,他已免費範圍和充分的機會來建立一個教堂根據他的計劃。 He was greatly aided therein by the Roman protection which he enjoyed (Acts xviii. 12-17, xix. 35-40).他是有很大幫助的羅馬保護他喜歡(使徒十八。 12-17 , 19 。 35-40 ) 。 Yet as long as the church at Jerusalem was in his way he found little comfort and satisfaction in his achievements, though he proudly recounted the successes which marked his journeys throughout the lands.然而,只要在耶路撒冷教會在他的方式,他發現小舒適度和滿意度在他的成就,但他自豪地回憶的成功,標誌著他在整個旅途的土地。 It was to Rome that his efforts gravitated.這是羅馬的,他的努力gravitated 。 Not Athens, whose wisdom he decried as "folly" (I Cor. i. 17-24), but Rome's imperial city, whose administrative system he had learned to admire, attracted and fascinated his mind by its world-wide horizon and power.不是雅典,他們的智慧,他譴責為“愚蠢的” (我肺心病。島17-24 ) ,但羅馬帝國的城市,其行政系統他得知欽佩,吸引和迷住了主意由世界各地視野和力量。 Consciously or unconsciously, he worked for a church with its world-center in Rome instead of in Jerusalem.自覺或不自覺地,他工作的一個教堂與世界的中心在羅馬而不是在耶路撒冷。 A prisoner in the years 61-63 (Phil. i. 7, 16), and probably also a martyr at Rome, he laid the foundation of the world-dominion of pagan Christianity.囚犯在61-63歲( Phil.島7日, 16日) ,大概也有殉難者在羅馬,他奠定了基礎的世界統治異教徒基督教。 (For futher biographical details, which form the subject of much dispute among Christians, but are of no special interest for Jewish readers, see the article "Paul" in Hauck,"Real-Encyc.," in Hastings, "Dict. Bible," and similar works.) (如需進一步傳記細節,這形式的主題很多基督教徒之間的糾紛,但都沒有特別感興趣的猶太讀者,請參閱文章“保羅”在克, “實時Encyc 。 , ”在黑斯廷斯, “快譯通。聖經“以及其他類似的工程。 )

Paul's Church versus the Synagogue.聖保羅教堂與猶太教堂。

In order to understand fully the organization and scope of the Church as mapped out by Paul in his Epistles, a comparison thereof with the organization and the work of the Synagogue, including the Essene community, seems quite proper.為了充分了解的組織和範圍教會制定了保羅在他的書信,有比較的組織和工作的猶太教堂,其中包括厄色尼社會,似乎很恰當的。 Each Jewish community when organized as a congregation possessed in, or together with, its synagogue an institution (1) for common worship, (2) for the instruction of young and old in the Torah, and (3) for systematic charity and benevolence.每一個猶太人社區舉辦時,作為一個擁有眾,或連同其猶太教的一個機構( 1 )為共同信仰, ( 2 )的指示年輕人和老年人的聖經, ( 3 )系統的慈善和仁愛。 This threefold work was as a rule placed in charge of men of high social standing, prominent both in learning and in piety.這三個方面的工作作為一項規則放置在負責人高的社會地位,突出在學習和虔誠。 The degree of knowledge and of scrupulousness in the observance of the Torah determined the rank of the members of the Synagogue.程度的知識和認真態度在遵守律法確定職級的成員的猶太教堂。 Among the members of the Essene brotherhood every-day life with its common meals came under special rules of sanctity, as did their prayers and their charities as well as their visits to the sick, the Holy Spirit being especially invoked by them as a divine factor, preparing them also for the Messianic kingdom of which they lived in expectation (see Essenes).各成員之間的兄弟情誼厄色尼日常生活與其共同用餐受到特殊規則的神聖,因為他們的祈禱和他們的慈善機構以及他們的訪問病人,被聖靈所援引尤其是它們作為一個神聖的因素,他們還準備為彌賽亞王國,他們生活在期望(見愛色尼) 。 The Christian Church, in adopting the name and form of the Essene Church (Εκκλησία; see Congregation), lent to both the bath (see Baptism) and the communion meals (see Agape) a new character.基督教會,在通過的名稱和形式的厄色尼教堂( Εκκλησία ;見眾) ,借給了浴(見洗禮)和共融餐(見愛)一個新的特點。

Influence of the Greek Mysteries.影響希臘之謎。

Paul, the Hellenist, however, knowingly or unknowingly, seems to have taken the heathen cult associations as his pattern while introducing new features into the Church (see Anrich, "Das Antike Mysterienwesen in Seinem Einfluss auf das Christenthum," 1894; Wobbermin, "Religionsgeschichtliche Studien zur Frage der Beeinflussung des Urchristenthums Durch das Antike Mysterienwesen," 1896, p. 153; Hatch, "Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church," 1890, pp. 281-296; Cumont, "Die Mysterien des Mithra, Deutsch von Gehrich," 1903, pp. 101, 118-119; Anz, "Ursprung des Gnosticismus," 1897, pp. 98-107; Reizenstein and Kabisch, lc). To him baptism is no longer a symbolic rite suggestive of purification or regeneration, as in Jewish and Judæo-Christian circles (see Baptism), but a mystic rite by which the person that enters the water and emerges again undergoes an actual transformation, dying with Christ to the world of flesh and sin, and rising with him to the world of the spirit, the new life of the resurrection (Rom. vi. 1-10).保羅是Hellenist然而,有意或無意,似乎已採取了異教徒邪教協會,他的模式,而採用新的特點教會(見Anrich , “達斯Antike Mysterienwesen在Seinem Einfluss奧夫之Christenthum , ” 1894年; Wobbermin “ Religionsgeschichtliche Studien楚Frage之Beeinflussung萬Urchristenthums而達之Antike Mysterienwesen “ , 1896年,第153頁;孵化” ,影響希臘思想和用法的基督教會“ , 1890年,頁。 281-296 ; Cumont , ”模具之米特拉神Mysterien ,德語馮Gehrich , “ 1903年,頁。 101 , 118-119 ;安茨, ”起源之Gnosticismus “ , 1897年,頁。 98-107 ; Reizenstein和Kabisch ,立法會) 。對他的洗禮已不再是一個象徵性的禮儀提示淨化或再生,在猶太人和Judæo基督教界(見洗禮) ,而是一個神秘的儀式,其中的人進入了水和再次出現的實際進行改造,死於與基督世界的肉體和罪惡,並上升他對世界的精神,新的生活的復活(羅馬書六。 1-10 ) 。

Still more is the partaking of the bread and the wine of the communion meal, the so-called "Lord's Supper," rendered the means of a mystic union with Christ, "a participation in his blood and body," exactly as was the Mithraic meal a real participation in the blood and body of Mithra (see Cumont, lc).然而更多的是partaking的麵包和酒的共融吃飯,所謂的“上帝的晚餐”的手段提供一個神秘聯盟與基督, “一個參加他的血液和身體, ”是完全一樣的Mithraic一頓真正參與血液和身體的米特拉神(見Cumont ,立法會) 。 To Paul, the Holy Spirit itself is not an ethical but a magic power that works sanctification and salvation.保羅,聖靈本身並不是一種道德,而是神奇的力量,工程成聖和拯救。 It is a mystic substance permeating the Church as a dynamic force, rendering all the members saints, and pouring forth its graces in the various gifts, such as those of prophesying, speaking in tongues, and interpreting voices, and others displayed in teaching and in the administration of charity and similar Church functions (Rom. xii. 4-8; I Cor. xii., xiv.; see Kabisch, lc pp. 261-281).這是一個神秘的物質滲透教會作為一個活躍的力量,使所有成員的聖人,並滔滔不絕其青睞的各種禮物,如預言發言,舌頭和解釋的聲音,和其他顯示在教學中管理的慈善機構和教會的類似於職能(羅馬書十二。 4-8日,我肺心病。十二。 ,十四。見Kabisch ,液相色譜頁。 261-281 ) 。 The Church forms "the body of Christ" not in a figurative sense, but through the same mystic actuality as that by which the participants of heathen cults become, through their mysteries or sacraments, parts of their deities.教會形式的“基督的奧體”不是比喻意義上,而是通過同樣的神秘現狀因為這其中的參與者成為邪教的異教徒,通過其奧秘或聖禮,其部分神明。 Such is the expressed view of Paul when he contrasts the "table of Christ" with the "table of the demons" (I Cor. x. 20-21).就是這樣表達的觀點保羅當他對比了“表基督”與“表的惡魔” (我肺心病。十, 20日至21日) 。 While Paul borrows from the Jewish propaganda literature, especially the Sibyllines, the idea of the divine wrath striking especially those that commit the capital sins of idolatry and incest (fornication) and acts of violence or fraudulence (Rom. i. 18-32; I Thess. iv. 5), and while he accordingly wishes the heathen to turn from their idols to God, with desire of being saved by His son (I Thess. i. 9-10), his Church has by no means the moral perfection of the human race for its aim and end, as has Judaism.雖然保羅借用猶太人的宣傳文學,尤其是Sibyllines的想法神聖的憤怒驚人尤其是那些犯下的罪孽資本的盲目崇拜和亂倫(私通)和暴力行為或欺詐(羅馬書島18-32我洛尼基。四。 5 ) ,而他因此希望把異教徒從他們的偶像上帝,與願望的被保存了他的兒子(我洛尼基。島9-10日) ,他的教會決不是道德完善人類的宗旨和目的,如猶太教。 Salvation alone, that is, redemption from a world of perdition and sin, the attainment of a life of incorruption, is the object; yet this is the privilege only of those chosen and predestined "to be conformed to the image of His [God's] son" (Rom. viii. 28-30).僅救國,就是贖回從世界的毀滅和罪惡,實現生活的廉政,是對象;然而,這是唯一的特權的人選擇和注定“要符合他的形象[上帝]兒子“ (羅馬書八。 28-30日) 。 It is accordingly not personal merit nor the greater moral effort that secures salvation, but some arbitrary act of divine grace which justifies one class of men and condemns the other (ib. ix.).因此,它是不是個人的優點,也沒有更多的道義上的努力,確保得救,但有些武斷行為的神聖恩典這證明一類的男子和譴責其他( ib.九。 ) 。 It is not righteousness, nor even faith-in the Jewish sense of perfect trust in the all-loving and all-forgiving God and Father-which leads to salvation, but faith in the atoning power of Christ's death, which in some mystic or judicial manner justifies the undeserving (Rom. iii. 22, iv., v.; comp. Faith; for the mystic conception of faith, πίστις, in Hellenism alongside of gnosis, see Reizenstein, lc pp. 158-159).這不是正義的,甚至也不信仰的猶太意識完美的信任,所有熱愛和所有寬恕上帝和父親,從而導致得救,但信仰的力量贖罪基督的死,在一些神秘的或司法地證明了不應(羅馬書三。 22日,四。訴;補償。信仰;的神秘觀念信仰, πίστις ,在希臘的直覺一道,見Reizenstein ,液相色譜頁。 158-159 ) 。

The Mystery of the Cross.神秘的十字架上。

Heathen as is the conception of a church securing a mystic union with the Deity by means of sacramental rites, equally pagan is Paul's conception of the crucifixion of Jesus.異教徒的是觀念的一所教堂確保工會的神秘與神的方式聖禮儀式,同樣異教徒是保羅的概念耶穌受難。 While he accepts the Judæo-Christian view of the atoning power of the death of Jesus as the suffering Messiah (Rom. iii. 25, viii. 3), the crucifixion of Jesus as the son of God assumes for him at the very beginning the character of a mystery revealed to him, "a stumbling-block to the Jews and folly to the Greeks" (I Cor. i. 23-ii. 2, ii. 7-10).雖然他接受Judæo基督教認為贖罪的力量死亡的耶穌的苦難彌賽亞(羅馬書三。 25日,八。 3 ) ,耶穌受難的上帝的兒子承擔為他一開始就性質的一個謎透露給他, “絆腳石為猶太人和愚蠢的希臘人” (我肺心病。島23二。 2 ,二。 7-10 ) 。 It is to him a cosmic act by which God becomes reconciled to Himself.這是他的宇宙行為的上帝變成核對本人。 God sent "his own son in the likeness of sinful flesh" in order to have His wrath appeased by his death.上帝發出“自己的兒子在罪孽深重的相似的肉” ,以他的憤怒安撫他的死亡。 "He spared not his own Son, but delivered him up," so that by his blood all men might be saved (Rom. v. 8; viii. 3, 32). “他倖免沒有自己的兒子,但他發表了” ,使他的血液所有的人可能會被保存(羅馬書訴8 ;八。 3 , 32 ) 。 To a Jewish mind trained by rabbinical acumen this is not pure monotheistic, but mythological, thinking.為了銘記一個猶太猶太教訓練的敏銳這不是純粹的一神教,但希臘神話中,思維。 Paul's "Son of God" is, far more than the Logos of Philo, an infringement of the absolute unity of God.保羅的“上帝之子”的,遠遠超過了理性的哲學,是侵犯了絕對統一的上帝。 While the predicate "God" applied to him in Titus ii.雖然上游“上帝”適用於他的泰特斯二。 13 may be put to the account of Paul's school rather than to his own, throughout all the Epistles a share in the divinity is ascribed to Jesus in such a manner as to detract from the glory of God. 5月13日付諸到保羅的學校,而不是自己的,在整個所有的書信分享神原因是耶穌的方式,背離了上帝的榮耀。 He is, or is expected to be, called upon as"the Lord" (I Cor. i. 2; Rom. x. 13; Phil. ii. 10-11).他是,或預計將呼籲為“上帝” (我肺心病。島2 ;光盤。十13 ;菲爾。二。 10:00-11:00 ) 。 Only the pagan idea of the "man-God" or "the second God," the world's artificer, and "son of God" (in Plato, in the Hermes-Tot literature as shown by Reizenstein, lc), or the idea of a king of light descending to Hades, as in the Mandæan-Babylonian literature (Brandt, "Die Mandäische Religion," 1889, pp. 151-156), could have suggested to Paul the conception of a God who surrenders the riches of divinity and descends to the poverty of earthly life in order to become a savior of the human race (I Cor. xv. 28, with ref. to Ps. viii. 6-7; Phil. ii. 6-10).只有異教思想的“人神”或“第二個上帝, ”世界上技工,和“上帝的兒子” (在柏拉圖,在愛馬仕因子文獻表明Reizenstein術) ,或的想法國王的光降,以閻王,如曼,巴比倫文學(勃蘭特, “模具Mandäische宗教” , 1889年,頁。 151-156 ) ,有可能提出的概念保羅的自首誰上帝財富的神和降貧困的人間生活,以便成為一個救世主的人類(我肺心病。十五。 28日,與裁判。到PS 。八。 6-7 ;菲爾。二。 6-10 ) 。 Only from Alexandrian Gnosticism, or, as Reizenstein (lc pp. 25-26; comp. pp. 278, 285) convincingly shows, only from pagan pantheism, could he have derived the idea of the "pleroma," "the fulness" of the Godhead dwelling in Christ as the head of all principality and power, as him who is before all things and in whom all things consist (Col. i. 15-19, ii. 9).只有從亞歷山大諾斯替主義,或者Reizenstein (信用證頁。 25-26 ;補償。頁。 278 , 285 )令人信服地表明,只有從異教徒泛神論,他有可能會產生的想法“ pleroma ” , “在充滿”的在神體住在基督為元首的所有公和權力,作為他誰是以前所有的事情和他們所有的東西包括(上校島15日至19日,二。 9 ) 。

Paul's Opposition to the Law.保羅的反對法。

Paul's attitude toward the Law was by no means hostile from the beginning or on principle, as the interpolated Epistle to the Romans and the spurious one to the Galatians represent it.保羅的態度法絕非敵對從一開始或在原則上,因為插書羅馬和雜散之一的加拉太代表它。 Neither is it the legalistic (nomistic) character of Pharisaic Judaism which he militates against, as Jesus in the Gospels is represented as doing; nor was he prompted by the desire to discriminate between the ceremonial and the moral laws in order to accentuate the spiritual side of religion.無論是在法律條文( nomistic )性質Pharisaic猶太教,他也不反對,因為耶穌在福音派是這樣做也不是他所提示的願望區別對待的禮儀和道德法律,以加重的精神一方宗教。 Still less was he prompted by that allegorizing method of which Philo ("De Migratione Abrahami," § 16) speaks as having led many to the disregard of certain ceremonial laws, such as circumcision (M. Friedländer, "Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Christenthums," pp. 149, 163, Vienna, 1894).更是他所提示的方法allegorizing其中斐羅( “德Migratione Abrahami , ”第16條)講有導致許多人無視法律的某些儀式,如割禮(德蘭德先生, “論Entstehungsgeschichte萬Christenthums ”頁。 149 , 163 ,維也納, 1894年) 。 All such interpretations fail to account for Paul's denunciation of all law, moral as well as ceremonial, as an intrinsic evil (Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," 2d ed., iii. 14).所有這些解釋無法解釋保羅的譴責所有法律,道德以及禮儀,作為一個內在的邪惡( Hausrath , “ Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte , ” 2版。 ,三。 14 ) 。 According to his arguments (Rom. iii. 20, iv. 15, vii-viii.), it is the Law that begets sin and works wrath, because without the Law there is no transgression.根據他的論據(羅馬書三。 20日,四。 15日,七,八。 ) ,這是法產生的作品罪惡和憤怒,因為沒有法,沒有侵。 "I had not known lust, except the Law had said, Thou shalt not covet" (ib. vii. 7). “我不知道慾望,除法律有說,你不應覬覦” ( ib.七。 7 ) 。 He has no faith in the moral power of man: "I know that in me (that is, in my flesh) dwelleth no good thing" (ib. vii. 18).他沒有信心,道德力量的人: “我知道我的(也就是說,在我的肉體) dwelleth沒有好東西” ( ib.七。 18 ) 。 What he is aiming at is that state in which the sinfulness of the flesh is entirely overcome by the spirit of Christ who is "the end of the Law" (ib. x. 4), because he is the beginning of the resurrection.他的目標是,在國家,其中罪孽肉體是完全克服的精神,基督是誰“的結束法” ( ib.十4 ) ,因為他是開始復活。 For Paul, to be a member of the Church meant to be above the Law, and to serve in the newness of the spirit under a higher law (ib. vii. 4-6, 25).保羅,是一個成員教會意味著要凌駕於法律之上,並擔任新奇的精神下更高的法律( ib.七。 4-6 ,第25段) 。 For in Christ, that is, by the acceptance of the belief that with him the world of resurrection has begun, man has become "a new creature: the old things are passed away . . . all things have become new" (II Cor. v. 17).對於在基督,也就是接受,相信與他的世界已經開始復活,人已成為“一個新的動物:舊的事情過去了。 。 。一切事物已成為新的” (二肺心病。訴17 ) 。 For Paul, the world is doomed: it is flesh beset by sin and altogether of the evil one; hence home, family life, worldly wisdom, all earthly enjoyment are of no account, as they belong to a world which passes away (I Cor. vii. 31).對於保羅,世界是注定:這是肉體受到罪惡和完全的罪惡之一,因此家庭,家庭生活,世俗的智慧,所有塵世的享受都沒有考慮,因為它們屬於世界上去世(我肺心病。七。月31日) 。 Having at first only the heathen in view, Paul claims the members of the Church for Christ; hence their bodies must be consecrated to him and not given to fornication (ib. vi. 15).在第一次審議的異教徒只有在認為,保羅要求各成員教會的基督,因此他們的屍體必須奉獻給他,並沒有考慮到私通( ib.六。 15 ) 。 In fact, they ought to live in celibacy; and only on account of Satan's temptation to lust are they allowed to marry (ib. vi. 18-vii. 8).事實上,他們應該生活在獨身,只有考慮到撒旦的誘惑,慾望使他們結婚( ib.六。 18七。 8 ) 。 As regards eating and drinking, especially of offerings to idols, which were prohibited to the proselyte of the gate by the early Christians as well as by the Jews (comp. Acts xv. 29), Paul takes the singular position that the Gnostics, those who possess the higher knowledge ("gnosis"; I Cor. viii. 1, xiii. 2, xiv. 6; II Cor. iv. 6; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 158), are "the strong ones" who care not for clean and unclean things and similar ritualistic distinctions (Rom. xiv. 1-23; I Cor. viii. 1-13).至於飲食,尤其是產品的偶像,這是被禁止的proselyte大門早期基督教徒以及猶太人( comp.行為十五。 29 ) ,保羅以奇異的立場,即Gnostics ,這些誰擁有較高的知識( “直覺” ,我肺心病。八。 1 ,十三。 2 ,十四。 6 ;二肺心病。四。 6 ;補償。 Reizenstein , LCP的158 ) ,是“強有力的”誰不照顧清潔和不清潔的東西和類似的儀式區別(羅馬書十四。 1月23日,我肺心病。八。 1-13 ) 。 Only those that are "weak in faith" do care; and their scruples should be heeded by the others.只有那些“軟弱的信仰”做護理;和他們不惜應該聽取其他人。 The Gnostic principle enunciated by Porphyrius ("De Abstinentia," i. 42), "Food that enters the body can as little defile free man as any impurity cast into the sea can contaminate the ocean, the deep fountain of purity" (comp. Matt. xv. 11), has in Paul's system an eschatological character: "The kingdom of God is not eating and drinking, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost" (Rom. xiv. 17; comp. Ber. 17a; Jew. Encyc, v. 218, sv Eschatology).在諾斯底所闡述的原則Porphyrius ( “德Abstinentia , ”島42 ) , “食物進入人體可以少弄髒自由人任何雜質撒入大海會污染海洋,深海噴泉的純度” ( comp.馬特。十五。 11人) ,在保羅的系統的末世論性質: “上帝王國的不是大吃大喝,而是正義和和平和歡樂的聖靈” (羅馬書十四。 17 ;補償。蘇貝等。 17A條;猶太人。 Encyc ,訴218希沃特末世論) 。 As he stated in I Cor.正如他說,我肺心病。 ix.九。 20-22: "And unto the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews; to them that are under the law, as under the law, that I might gain them that are under the law; to them that are without law, as without law (being not without law to God, but under the law to Christ), that I might gain them that are without law. To the weak became I as weak, that I might gain the weak: I am made all things to all men, that I might by all means save some." 20-22日: “和你們的猶太人我成了作為一個猶太人,我可能獲得的猶太人,他們是根據法律規定,因為根據法律,我可能會獲得他們的法律規定;他們是沒有法律,因為沒有法律(即沒有法律上帝,但根據加拿大的法律基督) ,我可能會獲得他們都沒有法律。弱者成為我作為弱者,我可能獲得的薄弱:我發所有的事情所有的人,我會用一切手段節省一些。 “

The original attitude of Paul to the Law was accordingly not that of opposition as represented in Romans and especially in Galatians, but that of a claimed transcendency.原來的態度,保羅法是不相應的反對派代表在羅馬,尤其是在加拉太,但一個人超越。 He desired "the strong ones" to do without the Law as "schoolmaster" (Gal. iii. 24).他希望“的強烈的”在沒有法律作為“校長” ( Gal.三。 24 ) 。 The Law made men servants: Christ rendered them "sons of God."該法作了男性公務員:基督使他們“上帝的兒子。 ” That is, their nature was transformed into an angelic, if not altogether divine, one (Rom. viii. 14-29; I Cor. vi. 1-3).也就是說,其性質轉變為一個天使,如果不是完全神聖的,一個(羅馬書八。 14-29 ,我肺心病。六。 1-3 ) 。

Law for the Proselyte.法Proselyte 。

Only in admitting the heathen into his church did he follow the traditional Jewish practise of emphasizing at the initiation of proselytes "the law of God," consisting in "Love thy neighbor as thyself," taken from Lev.只有在承認異教徒到他的教會,他按照猶太人的傳統實踐,強調在開展proselytes “法律的上帝, ”組成的“愛你的鄰居為你自己, ”從列夫。 xix. 19 。 18 (Rom. xiii. 8-10 contains no allusion to Jesus' teaching). 18 (羅馬書十三。 8-10不包含任何針對耶穌的教學) 。 Also in the mode of preparing the proselyte-by specifying to him the mandatory and prohibitive commandments in the form of a catalogue of virtues or duties and a catalogue of sins, making him promise to practise the former, and, in the form of a "widdui" (confession of sins), to avoid the latter-Paul and his school followed, in common with all the other apostles, the traditional custom, as may be learned from I Thess. iv.另外,在模式的準備proselyte ,指定給他的強制性和禁止性命令的形式目錄美德或職責和目錄的罪孽,使他的承諾執業前,並在形式的“ widdui “ (懺悔的罪過) ,以避免後者保羅和他的學校後,與所有其他使徒的傳統習俗,可了解到從I洛尼基。四。 1-10; Col. iii. 1-10 ;上校三。 5-14; Rom. 5-14 ;光盤。 i: 29 (comp. J. Rendel Harris, "The Teaching of the Apostles," 1887, pp. 82-84; Gal. v. 13-23, copied from Rom. lc; so also Eph. ii.-vi.; I Peter ii-iii.; I John iii.-iv.; Heb. xiii.; see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 9-22, and Didache).一: 29 ( comp.學者宏道哈里斯說: “教學中的使徒” , 1887年,頁。 82-84 ;半乳糖。訴13-23 ,複製光盤。立法會,因此也厄。 ii.-vi.我彼得第二和第三節。我約翰iii.-iv. ;河北。十三。見西貝爾格, “明鏡Katechismus之Urchristenheit ” , 1903年,頁。 9-22 ,和十二使徒遺訓) 。 A comparison of the "Didascalia"with Paul's various admonitions in the Epistles likewise shows how much he was indebted to Essene teachings (See Jew. Encyc. iv. 588-590, sv Didascalia, where it is shown in a number of instances that the priority rests with the Jewish "Didascalia" and not, as is generally believed, with Paul).的比較“ Didascalia ”與保羅的各種警告的書信同樣顯示多少,他感激厄色尼教義(見猶太人。 Encyc 。四。 588-590 ,希沃特Didascalia ,它表明在一些情況下的重點在於猶太人“ Didascalia ” ,而不是象一般認為,與保羅) 。 Also "turning from darkness to light" (I Thess. v. 4-9; Rom. xiii. 12; Eph. v. 7-11; and elsewhere) is an expression borrowed from Jewish usage in regard to proselytes who "come over from the falsehood of idolatry to the truth of monotheism" (see Philo, "De Monarchia." i. 7; idem, "De Pœnitentia," §§ 1-2; comp. "Epistle of Barnabas," xix. 1-xx. 1).又“轉折點從黑暗走向光” (我洛尼基。訴4-9 ;光盤。十三。 12 ;厄。訴7-11 ;和其他地區)是一個表達借用猶太人的使用方面proselytes誰“過來從虛假的偶像崇拜真理的一神教“ (見斐洛, ”德Monarchia 。 “島7 ;同上, ”德Pœnitentia , “ § § 1-2 ;補償。 ”巴拿巴書“ , 19 。 1 - XX條。 1 ) 。 It is rather difficult to reconcile these moral injunctions with the Pauline notion that, since law begets sin, there should be no law ruling the members of the Church.這是相當困難的調和這些道德禁令的波林的概念,自法律產生罪惡,不應該有法律執政黨成員的教會。 It appears, however, that Paul used frequently the Gnostic term τέλειος= "perfect," "mature" (I Thess. v. 4, 10; Phil. iii. 12, 15; I Cor. ii. 6, xiii. 12 et seq., xiv. 20; Eph. iv. 13; Col. i. 28).不過,看來保羅常用的諾斯底任期τέλειος = “完美” , “成熟” (我洛尼基。訴4日, 10日;菲爾。三。 12日, 15日,我肺心病。二。 6 ,十三。十二等起。 ,十四。 20 ;厄。四。 13 ;上校島28 ) 。 This term, taken from Grecian mysteries (see Light-foot, "Epistles to the Colossians," ad loc.), and used also in Wisdom iv.這個詞,取自希臘奧秘(見光足, “書信的歌羅西書, ”廣告祿。 ) ,並利用在睿智四。 13, ix. 13日,九。 6, suggested an asceticism which in some circles of saints led to the unsexing of man for the sake of fleeing from lust (Wisdom iii. 13-14; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiatur," § 48; Matt. xix. 12; see Conybeare, lcp 24). 6 ,提出了禁慾主義在某些圈子聖人導致unsexing人為了逃避慾望(智慧三。 13-14 ;斐洛, “德禦寧獄吏Deterius Potiori Insidiatur , ”第48 ;馬特。十九。第12條;見科尼比爾, LCP的24 ) 。 For Paul, then, the Christian's aim was to be mature and ready for the day when all would be "caught up in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air" and be with Him forever (I Thess. iv. 16-17).對於保羅,那麼,基督教的目的是將成熟並準備一天都將是“陷入了雲層,以滿足勳爵在空中” ,並跟他在一起永遠(我洛尼基。四。 16-17日) 。 To be with Christ, "in whom dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead," is to become so "complete" as to be above the rule of heavenly bodies, above the "tradition of men," above statutes regarding circumcision, meat and drink, holy days, new moon, and Sabbath, all of which are but "a shadow of the things to come"; it is to be dead to the world and all things of the earth, to mortify the members of the flesh, to "put off the old man" with his deeds and passions, and put on the new man who is ever renewed for the highest knowledge of God (gnosis), so that there is "neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free, but Christ is all and in all" (Col. ii. 9-iii. 11; comp. I Cor. v. 7: "Purge out therefore the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump").要與基督“ ,在其中dwelleth所有豐富的神體, ”是變得如此“完整” ,以高於法治的天體,高於“傳統的男人, ”上述法規關於割禮,肉類和飲料神聖天,新的月亮,和安息日,所有這些都是,但“影子的事情來” ,它是死的世界和一切事物的地球,以腐壞成員的肉體,以“推遲歲的男子“他的事蹟和激情,並提出新的男子誰是以往任何時候都延長知識的最高神(直覺) ,所以有”希臘也沒有猶太人,割禮,也不uncircumcision ,野蠻,西徐亞人,債券,也沒有免費的,但基督是所有的一切“ (中校二。 9三。 11 ;補償。我肺心病。訴7 : ”因此,清除了老曲,你們可能是一個新的一筆“ ) 。

Conflict with Judaism and the Law.衝突與猶太教和法律。

Far then from making antagonism to the Law the starting-point of his apostolic activity, as under the influence of the Epistle to the Romans is assumed by almost all Christian theologians, except the so-called Dutch school of critics (see Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl." sv "Paul and Romans, Epistle to the"), there is intrinsic evidence that Paul's hostile attitude to both the Law and the Jews was the result of his conflicts with the latter and with the other apostles.遠東然後從決策對抗法的出發點,他使徒的活動,作為影響下的書是羅馬人所承擔的幾乎所有基督教神學,但所謂的荷蘭學校的批評(見陳和黑色, “ Encyc 。 Bibl 。 ”希沃特“保羅和羅馬,書信的” ) ,有內在的證據表明,保羅的敵對態度都法和猶太人的原因是他的衝突與後者與其他使徒。 There is no bitter hostility or antagonism to the Law noticeable in I Thessalonians (ii. 14b-16 is a late interpolation referring to the destruction of the Temple), Colossians, I Corinthians (xv. 56 is obviously interpolated), or II Corinthians (where iii. 6-iv. 4, on closer analysis, also proves to be a late addition disturbing the context); and so little opposition to the Law does Paul show in those epistles first addressed to the Gentiles, that in I Cor.沒有痛苦的敵意或對抗法顯,我尼迦(白介素14B條- 16是一個晚插指的是破壞了廟) ,歌羅西書,我科林蒂安( xv. 56顯然是插) ,或二科林蒂安(在三。 6四。 4 ,仔細分析,也證明是一個令人不安的後期除了背景) ;和如此之少反對保羅法並不表明在這些書信第一次給外邦人,在我肺心病。 xiv.十四。 21 he quotes as the "law"-that is, Torah in the sense of Revelation-a passage from Isa. 21日,他引用的“法律” ,也就是聖經意義上的啟示,一個通道由伊薩。 xxviii.二十八。 11; whereas he avoids the term "law" (νόμος) elsewhere, declaring all statutes to be worthless human teaching (Col. ii. 22). 11 ;而他避免了“法律”一詞( νόμος )其他地方一樣,所有的章程,宣布將毫無價值的人教學(上校二。 22 ) 。

Antinomianism and Jew-Hatred. Antinomianism和猶太人,仇恨。

His antinomian theology is chiefly set forth in the Epistle to the Romans, many parts of which, however, are the product of the second-century Church with its fierce hatred of the Jew, eg, such passages as ii.他antinomian主要是神學中所列書羅馬,許多地方,但它是產品的第二個世紀的教會其激烈的仇恨猶太人,例如,這種通道為二。 21-24, charging the Jews with theft, adultery, sacrilege, and blasphemy, or ix. 21日至24日,收費猶太人偷竊,通姦,褻瀆,和褻瀆,或九。 22 and xi. 22日和十一。 28 (comp. iii. 2). 28 ( comp.三。 2 ) 。 The underlying motive of Paul-the tearing down of the partition-wall between Jew and Gentile-is best expressed in Eph.其根本動機是保羅的拆除分區牆之間的猶太人和詹蒂萊,最好是在厄表示。 ii.二。 14-22, where it is declared that the latter are no longer "gerim" and "toshabim" (AV "strangers" and "foreigners"), but "fellow citizens with the saints" of the Church and fully equal members "of the household of God." 14-22 ,在那裡宣布,後者不再是“ gerim ”和“ toshabim ” (視聽“陌生人”和“外國人” ) ,但“公民同胞的聖人”的教會和完全平等成員“的家庭的上帝。 “ In order to accomplish his purpose, he argues that just as little as the heathen escapes the wrath of God, owing to the horrible sins he is urged to commit by his clinging to his idols, so little can the Jew escape by his Law, because "the law worketh sin and wrath" (Rom. iv. 15).為了實現他的目的,他認為,就像小的異教徒越獄的憤怒的上帝,由於可怕的罪孽,他敦促他的承諾抱住他的偶像,所以很少能逃脫猶他法,因為“法律worketh罪惡和憤怒” (羅馬書四。 15 ) 。 Instead, indeed, of removing the germ of death brought into the world by Adam, the Law was given only to increase sin and to make all the greater the need of divine mercy which was to come through Christ, the new Adam (ib. v. 15-20).相反,事實上,消除細菌死亡帶入世界的亞當,該法是不僅要增加罪惡和使所有的更大的需要神聖慈悲的是要通過基督來,新的亞當( ib. v 。 15-20 ) 。 By further twisting the Biblical words taken from Gen. xv.通過進一步扭曲聖經的話從將軍十五。 6, which he interprets as signifying that Abraham's faith became a saving power to him, and from Gen. xvii. 6日,他解釋為這意味著亞伯拉罕的信仰成為節能給他,從將軍十七。 5, which he takes as signifying that Abraham was to be the father of the Gentiles instead of nations, he argues that the saving grace of God lies in faith (that is, blind belief) and not in the works of the Law. 5 ,他作為這意味著是亞伯拉罕的父親外邦人而不是國家,他認為,拯救上帝的恩典在於信仰(即盲目信仰) ,而不是工程法。 And so he declares faith in Jesus' atoning death to be the means of justification and salvation, and not the Law, which demands servitude, whereas the spirit of Christ makes men children of God (Rom. iv.-viii.).於是他宣布信仰耶穌的贖罪死亡,手段的理由和拯救,而不是法,要求奴役,而基督的精神使男女兒童的上帝(羅馬書iv.八。 ) 。 The Pauline Jew-hatred was ever more intensified (see ib. ix.-xi., and comp. ix. 31)-which is clear evidence of a later origin-and culminates in Gal. iii., where, besides the repetition of the argument from Gen. xv.該保的猶太人,仇恨是以往任何時候都更加激烈(見123 。 ix.-xi.和補償。九。月31日)這是明確的證據表明,原產地後,達到最高潮,並在半乳糖。三。 ,在那裡,除了重複論點從將軍十五。 6 and xvii. 6日和17 。 5, the Law is declared, with reference to Deut. 5 ,該法宣布,關於Deut 。 xxviii.二十八。 26 and Hab. 26日和民政事務局。 ii.二。 4 (comp. Rom. i. 17), to be a curse from which the crucified Christ-himself "a curse" according to the Law (Deut. xxi. 23; probably an argument taken up from controversies with the Jews)-was to redeem the believer. 4 ( comp.光盤。島17 ) ,是一個詛咒從基督的十字架上,自稱為“詛咒”依法(申命記21 。 23 ;可能採取的一個論點從爭議的猶太人) ,是贖回的信徒。 Another sophistic argument against the Law, furnished in Gal.另一種詭辯反對該法,在半乳糖家具。 iii.三。 19-24, and often repeated in the second century (Heb. ii. 2; Acts vii. 38, 53; Aristides, "Apologia," xiv. 4), is that the Law was received by Moses as mediator from the angels-a quaint notion based upon Deut. 19-24 ,並經常反复強調在第二世紀(希伯來書二。 2 ;行為七。 38 , 53 ;阿里斯蒂德, “縱容” ,十四。 4 ) ,是該法受到摩西作為調解人的天使, 1古怪的概念為基礎Deut 。 xxxiii.三十三。 2, LXX.; comp. Josephus, "Ant." 2 , LXX 。 ;補償。約瑟夫, “螞蟻” 。 xv.十五。 5, § 3-and that it is not the law of God, which is a life-giving law of righteousness. 5 ,第3和,這不是法律的上帝,這是一個賦予生命的法律正義。 Furthermore the laws of the Jews and the idolatrous practises of the heathen are placed equally low as mere servitude of" the weak and beggarly elements" (="planets"; Gal. iv. 8-11), whereas those that have put on Christ by baptism have risen above alldistinctions of race, of class, and of sex, and have become children of God and heirs of Abraham (ib. iii. 26-29; what is meant by the words" There shall be neither male nor female" in verse 28 may be learned from Gal. v. 12, where eunuchism is advised; see B. Weiss's note ad loc.).此外,法律的猶太人和盲目崇拜的習俗的異教徒被置於同樣低僅僅作為奴役的“弱國和beggarly要素” ( = “行星” ;半乳糖。四。 8-11 ) ,而那些把基督的洗禮已超過alldistinctions種族,階級和性別,並已成為兒童的上帝和亞伯拉罕的繼承人( ib.三。 26-29 ;是什麼意思改為“應既不男性也不女性”在5月28日詩句教訓半乳糖。訴12個,其中eunuchism建議;見B.維斯的說明廣告祿。 ) 。

The Old Testament and the New.舊約和新的。

The Pauline school writing under Paul's name, but scarcely Paul himself, worked out the theory, based upon Jer.波利娜學校的書面保羅的名字,但幾乎保羅本人,制定了理論的基礎上,張哲。 xxxi.三十一。 30-31, that the Church of Christ represents the new covenant (see Covenant; New Testament) in place of the old (Rom. xi. 27; Gal. iv. 24; Heb. viii. 6-13, ix. 15-x. 17; and, following these passages, I Cor. xi. 23-28). 30-31 ,即基督教會的新契約(見公約;新約) ,取代舊的(羅馬書十一。 27 ;半乳糖。四。 24 ;河北。八。 6月13日,九。 15 -十17 ; ,並按照下列段落,我肺心病。喜。 23-28 ) 。 Similarly the interpolator of II Cor.同樣,插的二肺心病。 iii.三。 6-iv. 6四。 4, in connection with ib. 4 ,與興業。 iii.三。 3, contrasts the Old Testament with the New: the former by the letter of the Law offering but damnation and death because "the veil of Moses" is upon it, preventing God's glory from being seen; the latter being the life-giving spirit offering righteousness, that is, justification, and the light of the knowledge (gnosis) of the glory of God as reflected in the face of Jesus Christ. 3 ,對比舊約與新:前有英文字母的法律服務,但詛咒和死亡,因為“面紗摩西”是它,防止上帝的榮耀被看作;後者是賦予生命的精神產品正氣,就是理由,並根據知識(直覺)的上帝的榮耀中所反映的面對耶穌基督。 It is superfluous to state that this Gnostic conception of the spirit has nothing to do with the sound religious principle often quoted from I Cor.這是多餘的狀態,這一概念的諾斯底的精神沒有任何關係的宗教原則健全經常引用從I肺心病。 iii.三。 6: "The letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life." 6 : “信killeth ,但精神giveth生活。 ” The privilege of seeing God's glory as Moses did face to face through a bright mirror held out in I Cor. xiii.有幸看到上帝的榮耀作為摩西沒有面對面通過光明的一面鏡子舉行了,我肺心病。十三。 12 (comp. Suk. 45b; Lev. R. i. 14) to the saints in the future is claimed in II Cor. 12 ( comp.淑。 45b ;列夫。河島14 )的聖人在未來聲稱在二肺心病。 iii.三。 18 and iv. 18日和四。 4 as a power in the actual possession of the Christian believer. 4 ,電源實際佔有的基督教信徒。 The highest hope of man is regarded as realized by the writer, who looks forward to the heavenly habitation as a release from the earthly tabernacle (II Cor. v. 1-8).最高的人希望被看作是實現了作家,誰期待著天上的居住環境作為釋放塵世窩棚(二肺心病。訴1-8 ) 。

Spurious Writings Ascribed to Paul.偽寫作歸功於保羅。

This unhealthy view of life maintained by Paul and his immediate followers was, however, changed by the Church the moment her organization extended over the world.鑑於這種不健康的生活方式保持保羅和他的追隨者立即然而,改變了教會的時刻她的組織擴展到全世界。 Some epistles were written in the name of Paul with the view of establishing more friendly relations to society and government than Paul and the early Christians had maintained.一些書信中寫的名字保羅以期建立更友好的關係,以社會和政府比保羅和早期基督徒一直保持。 While Paul warns his church-members not to bring matters of dispute before "the unjust," by which term he means the Gentiles (I Cor. vi. 1; comp. Jew. Encyc. iv. 590), these very heathen powers of Rome are elsewhere praised as the ministers of God and His avengers of wrong (Rom. xiii. 1-7); and while in I Cor.雖然保羅警告他的教會成員不要把問題的爭端提交“不公正的” ,其中長期他的意思外邦人(我肺心病。六。 1 ;補償。猶太人。 Encyc 。四。 590 ) ,這些非常不信教的權力羅馬是在其他地方被譽為部長上帝和他的復仇者錯誤的(羅馬書十三。 1-7 ) ;同時,我肺心病。 xi.十一。 5 women are permitted to prophesy and to pray aloud in the church provided they have their heads covered, a later chapter, obviously interpolated, states, "Let your women keep silence in the churches" (ib. xiv. 34). 5名婦女被允許的預言,並大聲祈禱的教堂提供它們的首長包括在內,後來章,顯然插,說: “讓你保持沉默的婦女在教堂” ( ib.十四。 34 ) 。 So celibacy (ib. vii. 1-8) is declared to be the preferable state, and marriage is allowed only for the sake of preventing fornication (Eph. v. 21-33), while, on the other hand, elsewhere marriage is enjoined and declared to be a mystery or sacrament symbolizing the relation of the Church as the bride to Christ as the bridegroom (see Bride).因此,獨身( ib.七。 1-8 )被宣布為較好的狀態,婚姻只允許為了防止私通(以弗所書訴21-33 ) ,而另一方面,其他地方的婚姻責成並宣布將一個謎或聖禮象徵的關係,教會作為基督新娘的新郎(見新娘) 。

A still greater change in the attitude toward the Law may be noticed in the so-called pastoral epistles.更大的變化的態度法可發現所謂的田園書信。 Here the Law is declared to be good as a preventive of wrong-doing (I Tim. i. 8-10), marriage is enjoined, and woman's salvation is declared to consist only in the performance of her maternal duty (ib. ii. 12, 15), while asceticism and celibacy are condemned (ib. iv. 3).在這裡,法律被宣布為好作為一種預防性的錯誤,這樣做(我添。島8-10 ) ,婚姻是責成和女人的救恩是宣布只在履行她的母親責任( ib.二。 12日, 15日) ,而禁慾主義和獨身的譴責( ib.四。 3 ) 。 So all social relations are regulated in a worldly spirit, and are no longer treated, as in Paul's genuine epistles, in the spirit of otherworldliness (ib. ii.-vi.; II Tim. ii. 4-6; Titus. ii.-iii.; comp. Didascalia).因此,所有社會關係,規範了世俗的精神,不再處理,如在保羅的書信真正的精神, otherworldliness ( ib. ii.-vi. ;二蒂姆。二。 4-6 ;泰特斯。二。三。 ;補償。 Didascalia ) 。

Whether in collecting alms for the poor of the church on Sundays (I Cor. xvi. 2) Paul instituted a custom or simply followed one of the early Christians is not clear; from the "We" source in Acts xx.無論是在收集施捨窮人的教堂在星期日(我肺心病。十六。 2 )保羅建立了一個自定義或乾脆接著一個早期基督徒是不明確;從“我們”來源第xx行為。 7 it appears, however, that the church-members used to assemble for their communion meal in memory of the risen Christ, the Lord's Supper, on the first day of the week-probably because they held the light created on that day to symbolize the light of the Savior that had risen for them (see the literature in Schürer," Die Siebentägige Woche," in "Zeitschrift für Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft," 1905, pp. 1-2). 7日看來,然而,教會的成員,以用於組裝的共融餐記憶的上升基督,上帝的晚餐,在第一天的一周可能是因為他們舉行了輕創建的這一天象徵鑑於救主已上升為他們(見文獻Schürer , “模具Siebentägige周刊” ,在“雜誌Neutestamentliche科學” , 1905年,頁。 1-2 ) 。 Little value can be attached to the story in Acts xviii. 18 that Paul brought a Nazarite sacrifice in the Temple, since for him the blood of Christ was the only sacrifice to be recognized. Only at a later time, when Pauline and Judean Christianity were merged, was account again taken, contrary to the Pauline system, of the Mosaic law regarding sacrifice and the priesthood; and so the Epistle to the Hebrews was written with the view of representing Jesus as "the high priest after the order of Melchizedek" who atoned for the sins of the world by his own blood (Heb. iv. 14-v. 10, vii.-xiii.).沒有什麼價值可以附加在這個故事的行為十八。 18保羅帶來了Nazarite犧牲的廟,因為他的血基督是唯一的犧牲得到承認。只有在以後的時候,保和朱迪亞基督教合併,是考慮再次,這違背了保系統,鑲嵌法中關於犧牲和牧師; ,所以書希伯來人寫的觀點,代表耶穌的“大祭司的命令後的麥基洗德”誰彌補的罪過的世界他自己的血液(希伯來書四。 14五。 10 vii. - 13 。 ) 。 However, the name of Paul, connected with the epistle by Church tradition, was not attached to it in writing, as was the case with the other epistles.然而,保羅的名稱,與書信的教會的傳統,不重視它以書面形式,如與其他書信。

Paul and Paulinism.保羅和Paulinism 。

How far, after a careful analysis discriminating between what is genuine in Paul's writings and what is spurious and interpolated, he may yet be regarded as "the great religious genius" or the "great organizer" of the Christian Church, can not be a matter for discussion here.有多遠,經過認真分析區分什麼是真正的在保羅的著作,什麼是虛偽的和插,他還可能被視為“偉大的宗教天才”或“偉大的組織者”的基督教教會,不能一個問題今天的討論。 Still the credit belongs to him of having brought the teachings of the monotheistic truth and the ethics of Judaism, however mixed up with heathen Gnosticism and asceticism, home to the pagan world in a form which appealed most forcibly to an age eager for a God in human shape and for some means of atonement in the midst of a general consciousness of sin and moral corruption. Different from Simon Magus, his contemporary, with whom he was at times maliciously identified by his opponents, and in whose Gnostic system sensuousness and profanity predominated, Paul with his austerity made Jewish holiness his watch word; and he aimed after all, like any other Jew, at the establishment of the kingdom of God, to whom also his Christ subordinated himself, delivering up the kingdom to the Father when his task of redemption was complete, in order that God might be all in all (I Cor. xv. 28).儘管如此,信貸屬於他帶來了教義的一神教真理和道德的猶太教,但混雜在一起異教徒諾斯替主義和禁慾主義,家庭的異教世界的形式,呼籲最強行渴望的年齡為上帝形狀與人類的一些手段贖罪處於一般意識的罪惡和道義上的腐敗現象。不同的西蒙空氣,他的當代,同他有時是惡意確定他的對手,並在其諾斯底系統sensuousness和褻瀆為主保羅與他緊縮了猶太人神聖他的手錶字,他旨在畢竟,像任何其他猶太人,在建立王國的上帝,誰也服從他的基督自己,提供了英國的父親時,他的任務贖回已經完成,為了上帝可能是所有的一切(我肺心病。十五。 28 ) 。 He was an instrument in the hand of Divine Providence to win the heathen nations for Israel's God of righteousness.他是一個工具,手神贏得異教徒的國家以色列的上帝的義。

His System of Faith.他的信仰系統。

On the other hand, he construed a system of faithwhich was at the very outset most radically in conflict with the spirit of Judaism: (1) He substituted for the natural, childlike faith of man in God as the ever-present Helper in all trouble, such as the Old Testament represents it everywhere, a blind, artificial faith prescribed and imposed from without and which is accounted as a meritorious act. (2) He robbed human life of its healthy impulses, the human soul of its faith in its own regenerating powers, of its belief in its own self and in its inherent tendencies to goodness, by declaring Sin to be, from the days of Adam, the all-conquering power of evil ingrained in the flesh, working everlasting doom; the deadly exhalation of Satan, the prince of this world, from whose grasp only Jesus, the resurrected Christ, the prince of the other world, was able to save man.另一方面,他解釋系統的faithwhich是在一開始最根本的衝突與猶太教的精神: ( 1 )他代替自然,童稚的信仰上帝的人作為始終存在助手在所有麻煩如舊約它都代表一個盲人,人工明和信仰強加不和這是作為一個佔立功行為。 ( 2 )他搶劫人類生命健康的衝動,人類靈魂的信念,自己的再生的權力,其信仰在其自身,並在其固有的傾向善良,宣布將黃大仙,從天的亞當的無堅不摧的力量邪惡紮根於肉體,工作永恆的厄運;致命的噴流的撒旦,王子的這個世界,從他們的把握只有耶穌,基督的復活,王子的其他世界,是可以節省的人。 (3) In endeavoring to liberate man from the yoke of the Law, he was led to substitute for the views and hopes maintained by the apocalyptic writers the Christian dogma with its terrors of damnation and hell for the unbeliever, holding out no hope whatsoever for those who would not accept his Christ as savior, and finding the human race divided between the saved and the lost (Rom. ii. 12; I Cor. i. 18; II Cor. ii. 15, iv. 3; II Thess. ii. 10). ( 3 )在努力男子從解放的枷鎖法,他是來代替領導的意見,並希望保持世界末日作家基督教教條其恐怖的詛咒和地獄的異教徒,舉行了沒有什麼希望的這些誰不接受他的基督為救世主,並尋找人類之間的分歧和保存的損失(羅馬書二。 12日,我肺心病。島18 ;二肺心病。二。 15日,四。 3 ;二洛尼基。二。 10 ) 。 (4) In declaring the Law to be the begetter of sin and damnation and in putting grace or faith in its place, he ignored the great truth that duty, the divine "command," alone renders life holy; that upon the law of right-cousness all ethics, individual or social, rest. ( 4 )在宣布該法是生產者的罪惡和詛咒,並把寬限期或信仰的地方,他忽略了偉大的真理,責任,神聖的“命令” ,僅使生命神聖; ,根據法律的權利- cousness所有職業道德,個人或社會,休息。 (5) In condemning, furthermore, all human wisdom, reason, and common sense as "folly," and in appealing only to faith and vision, he opened wide the door to all kinds of mysticism and superstition. ( 5 )在譴責,此外,所有人類的智慧,理性,和常識是“愚蠢” ,並呼籲只有信念和理想,他打開門全各種神秘主義和迷信。 (6) Moreover, in place of the love greatly extolled in the panegyric in I Cor. ( 6 )此外,在地方的大力宣揚愛的頌詞,我肺心病。 xiii.-a chapter which strangely interrupts the connection between ch. xiii. ,其中有一章奇怪的中斷之間的聯繫通道。 xii.十二。 and xiv.-Paul instilled into the Church, by his words of condemnation of the Jews as "vessels of wrath fitted for destruction" (Rom. ix. 22; II Cor. iii. 9, iv. 3), the venom of hatred which rendered the earth unbearable for God's priest-people.和xiv.保羅灌輸到教會,他的話譴責猶太人的“憤怒的船隻配備的毀滅” (羅馬書九。 22 ;二肺心病。三。 9日,四。 3 ) ,毒液的仇恨這使地球無法承受上帝的神父人民。 Probably Paul is not responsible for these outbursts of fanaticism; but Paulinism is.也許保羅並不負責這些爆發的狂熱,但Paulinism的。 It finally led to that systematic defamation and profanation of the Old Testament and its God by Marcion and his followers which ended in a Gnosticism so depraved and so shocking as to bring about a reaction in the Church in favor of the Old Testament against the Pauline antinomianism. Protestantism revived Pauline views and notions; and with these a biased opinion of Judaism and its Law took possession of Christian writers, and prevails even to the present (comp., eg, Weber, "Jüdische Theologie," 1897, where Judaism is presented throughout simply as "Nomismus"; Schürer's description of the life of the Jew "under the law" in his "Gesch." 3d ed., ii. 464-496; Bousset, "Religion des Judenthums in Neu-Testamentlichen Zeitalter," 1903, p. 107; and the more popular works by Harnack and others; and see also Schechter in "JQR" iii. 754-766; Abrahams, "Prof. Schürer on Life Under the Jewish Law," ib. xi. 626; and Schreiner, "Die Jüngsten Urtheile über das Judenthum," 1902, pp. 26-34). For other Pauline doctrines see Atonement; Body in Jewish Theology; Faith; Sin, Original.它最終導致的是,蓄意誹謗和褻瀆舊約和上帝的馬吉安和他的追隨者結束了諾斯替主義如此墮落和令人震驚的是帶來一種反應在教會有利於舊約對保antinomianism 。新教恢復波林的看法和觀念; ,並與這些有偏見的意見,猶太教和法律在其擁有的基督教作家,甚至和盛行於本( comp. ,如韋伯, “ Jüdische神學” , 1897年,在猶太教介紹只是作為整個“ Nomismus ” ; Schürer的描述生活的猶太人“法律規定”在他的“ Gesch 。 ”三維版。 ,二。 464-496 ; Bousset , “宗教之Judenthums在神經Testamentlichen時代, ” 1903年,第107頁;和更受歡迎的作品哈納克和其他;和又見Schechter已在“ JQR ”三。 754-766 ;亞伯拉罕, “教授Schürer生活在猶太人法” ,興業。喜。 626 ;和興農, “模具Jüngsten Urtheile尤伯杯之Judenthum ” , 1902年,頁。 26-34 ) 。至於其他保學說見贖罪;機構在猶太神學;信仰;黃大仙,原件。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
Cheyne and Black, Encyc.陳和黑海, Encyc 。 Bibl. Bibl 。 sv Paul, where the main literature is given; Eschelbacher, Das Judenthum und das Wesen des Christenthums, Berlin, 1905; Grätz, Gesch.希保羅,那裡的主要文獻,給出; Eschelbacher ,達斯Judenthum與沙漠的本質Christenthums ,柏林, 1905年;格拉茨, Gesch 。 4th ed., iii.第4版。 ,三。 413-425; Moritz Loewy, Die Paulinische Lehre vom Gesetz, in Monatsschrift, 1903-4; Claude Monteflore, Rabbinic Judaism and the Epistles of Paul, in JQR xiii. 413-425 ;莫里茲洛伊,模具Paulinische教視覺法則,在月刊, 1903-4 ;克勞德Monteflore ,拉比猶太教和保羅書信,在JQR十三。 161.K.


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