Mishnah米示拿

General Information 一般信息

Mishnah, a Hebrew term meaning "repetition" or "study," is the name given to the oldest postbiblical codification of Jewish Oral Law.米示拿,希伯來長期意思是“重複”或“研究”的名稱是考慮到最古老的postbiblical編纂的猶太人口法。 Together with the Gemara (later commentaries on the Mishnah itself), it forms the Talmud.同革馬拉(後來評注米示拿自己) ,它構成了塔木德。

Between 400 BC and the beginning of the Christian Era, the biblical laws (see Torah) were intensively studied, applied to new situations, and supplemented by traditions of popular observance and by precedents established by prominent leaders. This material, long transmitted by word of mouth and known as the Oral Torah, defined the meaning of biblical laws.從公元前400年初的基督教時代,聖經的法律(見聖經)為深入研究,運用新的形勢,並輔以傳統的流行遵守和確立的先例著名領導人。這種材料,長期轉交字嘴和被稱為口腔聖經,界定的意義聖經的法律。 After the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple in 70 AD, the Jewish scholars and teachers called tannaim continued to elaborate and systematize the Oral Torah.淪陷後的耶路撒冷和破壞寺的70則廣告中,猶太學者和教師呼籲tannaim繼續制定和系統化,口腔聖經。 About 200 AD, Rabbi Judah Ha - Nasi promulgated a collection of the most reliable traditions.大約200名反傾銷,猶太拉比哈-納西頒布了一項收集最可靠的傳統。 This work, the Mishnah, became the official text out of which further Jewish legal development occurred.這項工作,米示拿,成為正式文本,其中猶太人的法律進一步發展發生。

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The Mishnah consists of 6 orders (sedarim):米示拿組成的6個命令( sedarim ) :

These sections are divided into 63 treatises.這些部分分為63論文。 The Mishnah includes some nonlegal material, notably the Pirke Avot ("Chapters of the Fathers"), a collection of wise sayings that forms the final treatise of the Neziqin.該米示拿包括一些非法的材料,特別是Pirke Avot ( “章的父親” ) ,收集明智的諺語說的最後形式論文的Neziqin 。

The rabbis cited in the Mishnah were regarded as more authoritative than those of succeeding generations, and they produced several other compilations of law and lore.在猶太教中所引用的米示拿被視為更具權威性比後代,他們生產的其他幾個彙編的法律和知識。

Bernard J Bamberger伯納德J班貝格

Bibliography: 參考書目:
TR Herford, The Ethics of the Talmud: Sayings of the Fathers (1962); The Mishnah (1931); HL Strack, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (1931); J Weingreen, From Bible to Mishna: The Continuity of Tradition (1976).一架TR爾福德,倫理的塔木德:熟語的父親( 1962年) ;的米示拿( 1931年) ; HL施特拉克,介紹塔木德和米德拉士( 1931年) ; J Weingreen ,從聖經米示拿:在傳統的連續性( 1976年) 。


Mishnah米示拿

General Information 一般信息

The Mishnah, the first part of the Talmud, is a codification of the oral law of the Old Testament and of the political and civil laws of the Jews.該米示拿,第一部分的塔木德,是一個編纂的口頭法律和舊約的政治和民事法律的猶太人。 It was compiled and edited (orally) in the last quarter of the 2nd century AD or the first quarter of the 3rd century by Rabbi Judah (circa 135-c. 220), known as ha-Kadosh (Hebrew, "the Saint") or ha-Nasi (Hebrew, "the Prince" or "the Patriarch"), but generally known to devout Jews simply as "Rabbi."這是彙編和編輯(口頭)在最後一個季度的公元二世紀或第一季度的3世紀的猶太拉比(大約135 - C上升。 220 ) ,稱為公頃,卡多什(希伯來文, “聖” )或公頃,納思(希伯來文, “王子”或“主教” ) ,但一般人都知道,以虔誠的猶太人僅僅作為“拉比。 ” He was the patriarch of Palestinian Jewry and grandson of Gamaliel of Jabneh.他是家長的猶太人和巴勒斯坦人的孫子加馬利亞的Jabneh 。 In this final redaction, the Mishnah represents several centuries of evolution.在這最後的編輯,代表的米示拿幾百年的演變。 Among the various earlier collections, the earliest was that of the pupils of Shammai and of Hillel, an ancestor of Rabbi Judah.在各種不同的早期藏品,最早的是學生的Shammai和希勒爾,祖先的猶太拉比。 The Mishnah is written in Hebrew, but it contains a great number of Aramaic and Greek words.米示拿的是希伯來文寫的,但它含有大量的阿拉姆語和希臘語的話。 It is divided into six orders, each subdivided into treatises and chapters.它分為6個訂單,每個分為論文和章節。

The Mishnah presents only a codification of laws; it is followed by the Gemara, or second part of the Talmud, consisting of an elaborate commentary on the Mishnah.該米示拿只提出編纂的法律;其次是革馬拉,或第二部分猶太法典,包括詳細評注米示拿。

Saul Lieberman索爾利伯曼


Mishnah米示拿

Jewish Viewpoint Information猶太觀資料

A noun formed from the verb "shanah," which has the same meaning as the Aramaic "matnita," derived from "teni" or "tena."名詞形成動詞“ shanah , ”具有相同的含義的阿拉姆“ matnita , ”來自“ teni ”或“特納” 。 The verb "shanah," which originally meant "to repeat," acquired in post-Biblical Hebrew the special force of "to teach" and "to learn" that which was not transmitted in writing but only orally; the development of connotation being due to the fact that the retention of teachings handed down by word of mouth was possible only by frequent recitation.動詞“ shanah , ”最初指的是“重複” ,收購後的聖經希伯來文的特殊部隊“教”和“學習”這是不以書面形式轉交只是口頭;發展的內涵是由於這樣的事實,即保留的教導下來的口耳相傳是可能只有通過頻繁的朗誦。

"Mishnah," the derivative of the verb "shanah," means therefore: (1) "instruction," the teaching and learning of the tradition, the word being used in this sense in Ab. “米示拿” ,衍生的動詞“ shanah , ”因此,指: ( 1 ) “教學” ,教學和學習的傳統,這個詞被用來在這個意義上的抗體。 iii.三。 7, 8; and (2) in a concrete sense, the content of that instruction, the traditional doctrine as it was developed down to the beginning of the third century of the common era. 7日, 8日和( 2 )在具體意義上說,這一內容的教學,傳統的理論,因為它是發達國家下降到年初三世紀的共同的時代。 "Mishnah" is frequently used, therefore, to designate the law which was transmitted orally, in contrast to "Miḳra," the law which is written and read (eg, BM 33a; Ber. 5a; Ḥag. 14a; 'Er. 54b; Ḳid. 30a; Yer. Hor. iii. 48c; Pes. iv. 130d; Num. R. xiii.; and many other passages); and the term includes also the halakic midrashim, as well as the Tosefta or explanatory additions to the Mishnah (Ḳid. 49b; see Baraita). “米示拿”是經常使用的,因此,指定的法律是口頭傳播,而相比之下, “ Miḳra , ”法律是書寫和閱讀的(例如,骨髓33a ;蘇貝等。 5A型;女巫。 14A條; '呃。 54b ;孩子。 30a ;層。賀。三。 48c ;瘟。四。 130d ;數。河十三。 ;和其他許多段落) ;和任期也包括halakic米大示,以及Tosefta或解釋性增補在米示拿( Ḳid. 49b ;見Baraita ) 。 In this wider sense the word was known to the Church Fathers, who, however, regarded it as the feminine form of "mishneh," analogous to "miḳneh" and "miḳnah," and supposed that it signified "second teaching" (comp. "'Aruk," sv ), translating it by δευτέρωσις (see the passages in Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., i. 113).在這個更廣泛的意義上的字被稱為教會教父,誰然而,認為這是女性形式的“ mishneh ” ,類似“ miḳneh ”和“ miḳnah ” ,並假定,它標誌著“第二教學” ( comp. “ Aruk , ”希沃特) ,把它的δευτέρωσις (見段落Schürer , “ Gesch 。 ”三維版。島113 ) 。

The Name.名稱。

The term "mishnah" connotes also (3) the sum and substance of the teachings of a single tanna (eg, Giṭ. 67a; Yeb. 49b, 50a: "mishnat R. Eliezer b. Ya'aḳob" = "the teachings of R. Eliezer b. Jacob"; comp. Rashi ad loc.); or it may mean (4) the view of a tanna in regard to some one matter (eg, Men. 18a: "mishnat R. Eliezer" = "the view of R. Eliezer," and the expressions "mishnah rishonah" = "the earlier view," and "mishnah aḥaronah" = "the later view," Ḥag. 2a; Ket. v. 29d; M. Ḳ. iii. 83b).術語“米示拿”的含義也( 3 )的總和和實質內容的教誨,一個單一的tanna (例如, Giṭ 。 67a ; Yeb 。 49b , 50A條: “ mishnat河埃利澤灣Ya'aḳob ” = “的教誨,河埃利澤灣雅各布“ ;補償。 Rashi廣告祿。 ) ;或者它可能意味著( 4 )鑑於tanna方面的一些一件事(例如,男性。 18A條: ” mishnat河埃利澤“ = ”的鑑於埃利澤河“ ,並表示”米示拿rishonah “ = ”以前的觀點, “和”米示拿aḥaronah “ = ”後認為, “女巫。 2A型;氯胺酮。訴29D款;先生K表。三。 83b ) 。 It may furthermore denote (5) a single tenet (eg, BM 33b; Hor. 13b; B. Ḳ. 94b; Shab. 123b), being in this sense parallel to the expression Halakah (on the difference between the two see Frankel, "Hodegetica in Mischnam," p. 8).它可能還意味著( 5 )一個單一的信條(如骨髓33B條;賀。 13B條;灣K表。 94b ;沙巴。 123b ) ,目前在這個意義上的平行表達Halakah (關於兩者之間的差額見弗蘭克爾, “ Hodegetica在Mischnam , ”第8頁) 。 It is used also for (6) any collection of such tenets, being thus applied to the great Mishnaic collections ("Mishnayot Gedolot") of R. Akiba, R. Ḥiyya, R. Hoshaiah, and Bar Ḳappara, in Lam.這是用也( 6 )任何收集這種信條,正因此,適用於偉大的Mishnaic收藏( “ Mishnayot Gedolot ” )的河秋葉, Ḥiyya河,河Hoshaiah ,酒吧Ḳappara ,在藍田。 R., Introduction, and in Cant.河,導言,並在公會。 R. viii.河八。 2 (comp. Yer. Hor. iii. 48c; Eccl. R. ii.). 2 ( comp.層。賀。三。 48c ;傳道書。河二。 ) 。

Finally the name "Mishnah" is applied particularly to (7) the collection of halakot made by R. Judah ha-Nasi I. (generally called "Rabbi"), which constitutes the basis of the Talmud, and which, with many additions and changes, has been transmitted to the present time.最後的名字“米示拿”是特別適用於( 7 )收集halakot所作的河猶太公頃,納西一(一般稱為“拉比” ) ,這是根據猶太法典,其中,有許多補充和的變化,已轉交到現在。 In Palestine this collection was called also "Halakot," as in Yer.在巴勒斯坦這個被稱為收集也“ Halakot , ”在也門里亞爾。 Hor.賀。 iii.三。 48c; Ber. 48c ;蘇貝等。 i.字母i. 53c; Lev. 53C條;列夫。 R. iii.河三。 (comp. Frankel, lcp 8). ( comp.弗蘭克爾,液晶8 ) 。 The designation "Talmud" is likewise applied to R. Judah ha-Nasi's Mishnah (Yer. Shab. v. 1, 7b; Beẓah ii. 1, 61b; Yeb. viii. 9a; comp. also Frankel, lcp 285; OH Schorr in "He-Ḥaluẓ," 1866, p. 42; A. Krochmal in the introduction to "Yerushalayim ha-Benuyah," p. 6; Oppenheim, "Zur Gesch. der Mischna," p. 244). The "Mishnah of R. Judah," however, is not to be regarded as a literary product of the third century, nor R. Judah as its author. It is, on the contrary, a collection which includes almost the entire material of the oral doctrine as developed from the period of the earliest halakic exegesis down to that of the fixed and crystallized halakot of the early third century.指定“塔木德經”也同樣適用於河猶太公頃,納西的米示拿( Yer.沙巴。訴1 , 7B條; Beẓah二。 1 , 61b ; Yeb 。八。 9A條;補償。還弗蘭克爾, LCP的285 ;氫氧斯科爾在“他, Ḥaluẓ , ” 1866年,第42頁的A. Krochmal在介紹“耶路撒冷公頃, Benuyah , ”第6頁;奧本海姆, “論Gesch 。河畔Mischna , ”第244段) 。的“米示拿的河猶大“ ,不過,不是被視為一種文學產品的第三個世紀,也不河猶太作為其作者。這是與此相反,收集,其中包括幾乎整個材料的口頭學說發展期間從最早的halakic註釋到,在固定和結晶halakot早期的第三個世紀。 Judah ha-Nasi, who was the redactor of this work, included in his compilation the largest and most important portion of the earlier collections that he had at hand, and fortunately preserved, for the most part without change, the traditional teachings which he took from older sources and collections; so that it is still possible to distinguish the earlier from the later portions by their form and mode of expression.猶太公頃,納西,誰是redactor這項工作,包括在他編纂的最大和最重要的部分收藏早些時候說,他手頭上,並幸運地保存,在大多數情況下不改變,傳統的教誨,他在從老年人的來源和收藏;如此,仍然有可能區分早些時候從後來的部分由其形式和表達方式。

Development of the Mishnah.發展米示拿。

In order to obtain a correct conception of the Mishnah, as well as of its value and importance, it is necessary to consider its relation to preceding collections of similar content as well as the general development of the oral doctrine from the earliest midrash of the Soferim down to the time when the Halakah received its final form.為了獲得正確的概念米示拿,以及其價值和重要性,有必要考慮其有關前收藏的類似內容以及一般發展理論的口頭從最早的米特拉斯的Soferim到時候, Halakah收到它的最後形式。

According to a reliable tradition, contained in the Letter of Sherira Gaon (Neubauer, "MJC" p. 15) and confirmed by other sources (Hoffmann, "Die Erste Mischna," pp. 6-12), the earliest form of discussion of halakic regulations was the Midrash (see Midrash Halakah); and vestiges of such halakot may still be found in the Mishnah.據可靠的傳統,信中所載Sherira Gaon (紐鮑爾, “ MJC ”第15頁) ,並確認其他來源(霍夫曼, “模具第一次Mischna , ”頁。 6日至12日) ,最早形式的討論halakic條例是米德拉士(見米德拉士Halakah ) ;和遺跡等halakot仍可能發現米示拿。

In addition to this form of the Midrash, which connects the halakic interpretation with the Scriptural passage on which it is based, the independent, definitive Halakah, apart from Scripture, was used in very early times in certain cases, and collections of such halakot were compiled (comp. Hoffmann, lcp 11, note 2).除了這種形式的米德拉士,連接halakic解釋的聖經通過它的基礎,獨立的,明確的Halakah除了聖經,用於在非常早期在某些情況下,收藏有這種halakot彙編( comp.霍夫曼, LCP的11注2 ) 。 As early as the time of the Second Temple the definitive Halakah was used more frequently than the midrashic form, the change having begun, according to geonic accounts, as early as the time of Hillel and Shammai (comp. Hoffmann, lc pp. 12-14).最早的時候,第二聖殿的最終Halakah是更頻繁地使用比midrashic形式的變化已經開始,根據geonic帳戶,儘早的時間希勒爾和Shammai ( comp.霍夫曼,液相色譜頁。 12 - 14 ) 。 Although it can not be assumed that a collection of halakot, arranged in six orders, was undertaken when this change was made, or that Hillel himself edited a Mishnah, as Lerner has attempted to show (Berliner's "Magazin," 1886, pp. 1-20), it is probable that the material of the Mishnah first began to be collected at the time of the "Ziḳne Bet Shammai" and "Ziḳne Bet Hillel," the elder pupils of Shammai and Hillel.雖然不能假設,收集halakot ,安排在6個訂單,進行時,這種變化是,或希勒爾自己編輯了米示拿,因為勒納一直試圖展(柏林的“雜誌” , 1886年,頁。 1 -20 ) ,這是可能的材料,米示拿首次開始收集的時候, “ Ziḳne博彩Shammai ”和“辛貝特希勒爾Ziḳne , ”老學生Shammai和希勒爾。 The beginnings of the present Mishnah may be found in this first mishnah collection, which in the completed text is termed "Mishnah Rishonah" (Sanh. iii. 4; 'Eduy. vii. 2; Giṭ. v. 6; Nazir vi. 1).開始本米示拿可能會發現在這個首次米示拿的收集,在已完成的文本稱為“米示拿Rishonah ” ( Sanh.三。 4 ; ' Eduy 。七。 2 ; Giṭ 。訴6 ;納齊爾卡六。 1 ) 。 A large portion of this first Mishnah is still preserved in its original form, notwithstanding the many changes to which it was subjected by the Tannaim; for many portions can be proved to have been redacted, in the form which they now bear, at the time of the schools of Shammai and Hillel, while the Temple was still standing (comp. Hoffmann, lc pp. 15-20; idem, "Bemerkungen zur Kritik der Mischna," in Berliner's "Magazin," 1881, pp. 170 et seq.).大部分第一米示拿仍保存在其原始形式,儘管有許多變化,它受到的Tannaim ;的許多部分都可以證明已編輯的形式,他們現在承擔的時候學校的Shammai和希勒爾,而廟依然屹立( comp.霍夫曼,液相色譜頁。 15-20 ;同上, “ Bemerkungen楚Mischna批判” ,在柏林的“雜誌” , 1881年,頁。 170起。 ) 。

This first collection of the Mishnah and its separation from the Midrash were intended, on the one hand, to reduce the traditional Halakah to a shorter form, and, on the other, to fix the disputed halakot as such; of these disputed halakot there were then but few. The isolation of the Halakah from the Midrash not only resulted in a shorter and more definite form, but also removed many differences then existing.這是第一個收集的米示拿及其分離米德拉士打算,一方面,以減少對傳統Halakah較短的形式,另一方面,解決有爭議的halakot這樣;這些有爭議halakot有然後,但很少。孤立Halakah從米德拉士不僅造成在較短的和更明確的形式,但也有許多差異拆除現有然後。 Indeed in many cases the divergency had been merely one of form, the proof and the derivation from Scripture being differently stated for the same halakah by different teachers.事實上,在許多情況下,發散已不僅僅是一個形式,證據和派生正在不同的聖經指出同一halakah由不同的教師。 This earliest Mishnah was intended to afford the teachers both a norm for their decisions and a text-book for their classes and discourses, and thus to preserve the uniformity of teaching.這最早的米示拿的目的是讓教師既是一個規範,其決定,並以純文字的圖書類別和論述,從而為維護統一的教學。 It did not accomplish this purpose entirely, however; for when the political disorders and the fall of the Jewish state diverted attention from careful doctrinal studies, many halakot of the Mishnah were forgotten, and their wording became a subject of controversy.它沒有做到這一點的目的完全,但因為當時的政治障礙和秋季這個猶太國家轉移注意力從理論上認真研究,許多halakot的米示拿被遺忘了,他們的措辭成為一個有爭議的問題。 Since, moreover, in addition to these differences each tanna taught the first Mishnah according to his own conception of it, the one Mishnah and the one doctrine developed into many mishnayot and many doctrines (Sanh. 88b; Soṭah 47b).自此外,除了這些分歧每個tanna教導第一米示拿根據自己的觀念是,一米示拿和一個理論發展到許多mishnayot和許多理論( Sanh. 88b ; Soṭah 47b ) 。 This multiplication occurred during the period of the later "Bet Hillel" and "Bet Shammai" (comp. Letterof Sherira Gaon, lc pp. 4, 9; Hoffmann, lcp 49).這乘法期間發生後的“辛貝特希勒爾”和“辛貝特Shammai ” ( comp. Letterof Sherira Gaon ,液相色譜頁。 4日, 9日;霍夫曼, LCP的49 ) 。

The Synod of Jabneh.主教會議的Jabneh 。

To avert the danger which threatened the uniformity of doctrine, the synod of Jabneh was convened (Tosef., 'Eduy. i. 1; comp. Letter of Sherira Gaon, lcp 5; Dünner, "Einiges über Ursprung und Bedeutung des Traktates Eduyot," in "Monatsschrift," 1871, pp. 37 et seq.), and under the presidency of Gamaliel II.為了避免危險,威脅到統一的理論,主教會議的召開Jabneh ( Tosef. , Eduy 。島1 ;補償。信Sherira Gaon , LCP的5 ; Dünner , “ Einiges尤伯杯起源與意義之Traktates Eduyot , “在”月刊“ , 1871年,頁。 37起。 )和主持下加馬二。 and Eleazar b. Azariah it undertook to collect the ancient halakot, to examine and determine their wording, and to discuss and decide their differences; thus there arose the collection 'Eduyot (Ber. 28a). This compilation, that in its original form was much larger than the treatise that now bears its name, included all the halakot which were then known, whether controverted or not, and was in a certain sense a revision of the first Mishnah.和埃萊亞薩灣Azariah它進行收集古代halakot ,審查和決定自己的措辭,並討論和決定他們之間的分歧;因此產生的收集, Eduyot ( Ber. 54 ) 。彙編,在其最初形式是遠遠大於論文,現在有它的名稱,包括所有halakot然後其中已知的,無論是controverted與否,並在一定意義上修訂米示拿第一。 Even in the present form of the treatise there are many "'eduyot" which are expressly said to have modified the earlier Mishnah; and there are many others, not so characterized, which must likewise be regarded as modifications of the Mishnah as redacted for the first time.即使在目前形式的論述有許多“ eduyot ”這是明確表示,已修改了早些時候米示拿,並有許多其他國家一樣,沒有特點,它必須同樣被視為修改米示拿作為編輯的第一次。 But neither the first Mishnah nor its revision, the 'Eduyot collection, was arranged topically or systematically.但無論是第一米示拿或其修訂, ' Eduyot收集,安排局部或系統。 It is true, a geonic responsum, which was printed in "Sha'are Teshubah," No. 187 (Leipsic, 1858) and erroneously ascribed to Sherira (comp. Harkavy, "Einleitung zu den Teschubot Hageonim," pp. x. et seq.), refers to six orders of the Mishnah said to date from the time of Hillel and Shammai, as does also the "Seder Tanna'im we-Amora'im" (ed. Luzzatto, p. 7), but this statement, which is probably based on Ḥag.誠然,一個geonic responsum ,這是印在“ Sha'are Teshubah ” ,第187號( Leipsic , 1858 ) ,並錯誤地歸因於Sherira ( comp. Harkavy , “導論祖登Teschubot Hageonim , ”頁。十等起。 ) ,是指六種命令的米示拿說,從迄今的時間和Shammai希勒爾一樣,也是“我們Seder Tanna'im - Amora'im ” (編輯Luzzatto ,第7頁) ,但這一聲明,這可能是基於女巫。 14a, is untrustworthy. 14A條,是不可信的。

Divisions of Earliest Mishnah.司最早米示拿。

The earliest Mishnah, however, must have been divided in some way, possibly into treatises, although such a division, if it existed, was certainly arranged formally and not topically like the present tractates and orders.最早的米示拿,但必須有被劃分在某種程度上,可能變成論文,但這種分工,如果它存在,當然是正式安排,而不是局部像本tractates和命令。 The several halakot were grouped together by a common introductory phrase, which served as the connecting-link, as may be inferred from various traces of this old method of grouping still to be seen in the Mishnah, especially in the last treatises of the order Mo'ed. halakot的幾個人組合在一起,共同引導語,作為連接鏈路,因為可以推斷從各種痕跡的舊方法,分組仍有待看到米示拿,尤其是在最後論文的命令鉬'版。 These phrases (comp. Oppenheim, lcp 270) referred for the most part to the similarity or the contrast between two or more halakot.這些詞組( comp.奧本海姆,液晶270 )提到,大部分的相似或對比兩個或兩個以上的halakot 。 Moreover, the name of the author or of the transmitter was often used as the connecting-link for the various halakot, as is evident from the treatise 'Eduyot in its present form (Dünner, lc pp. 62-63; A. Krochmal, in "He-Ḥaluẓ," ii. 81-82). The 'Eduyot collection, which now became the basis for the discourses delivered in the schools, was the means of preserving the uniformity of teaching; but, as the mass incorporated in it was difficult to handle, there was a growing need for a methodical arrangement.此外,該名稱的作者或發射機常常被用來作為連接鏈路的各種halakot ,這是顯而易見的論文' Eduyot以其目前的形式( Dünner ,液相色譜頁。 62-63的A. Krochmal ,在“他, Ḥaluẓ , ”二。 81-82段) 。的' Eduyot收集,現已成為基礎的論述交付的學校,是手段,維護統一的教學;但是,正如群眾納入了它很難處理,人們越來越需要一個有條理的安排。 R. Akiba, therefore, undertook a sifting of this traditional material, and made a mishnaic collection which he edited systematically by arranging the different subjects in different treatises, and perhaps also by combining the various treatises into orders.河秋葉忠利,因此,進行了篩選這一傳統材料,並提出了mishnaic他收集編輯系統的安排不同的主題在不同的論文,也許還結合各種論文到訂單。 In the present Mishnah this collection is often mentioned in contradistinction to the first Mishnah (Sanh. iii. 4, and elsewhere; comp. Frankel, lcp 210; Hoffmann, lcp 38).在目前的米示拿此集合往往是對比中提到的第一個米示拿( Sanh.三。 4 ,和其他地方;補償。弗蘭克爾, LCP的210 ;霍夫曼, LCP的38條) 。

The passage Ab.通過抗體。 RN xviii.護士十八。 1 indicates that Akiba arranged his Mishnah according to topics (comp. Oppenheim, lc pp. 237 et seq.); and a like inference is to be drawn from the expression "tiḳḳen" (Yer. Sheḳ. v. 1), which does not mean "to correct," as A. Krochmal supposed ("Yerushalayim ha-Benuyah," pp. 34b-35a), but "to arrange," "to redact," the same word being applied to the work of Judah ha-Nasi in the redaction of his Mishnah (Yeb. 64b). 1表明秋葉安排他的米示拿根據議題( comp.奧本海姆,液相色譜頁。 237起。 ) ;和喜歡推理是取自表達“ tiḳḳen ” ( Yer.石。訴1 ) ,它並不意味著“向正確的, ”作為字母a. Krochmal假定( “耶路撒冷公頃, Benuyah , ”頁。 34b - 35A條) ,但“安排” , “以纂, ”同一個詞被應用到工作的猶太公頃納西的編輯,他米示拿( Yeb.個64位) 。 Similarly the term "sidder," meaning "to arrange," is applied both to Akiba's work (Tosef., Zab. i. 5) and to that of R. Judah ha-Nasi (Yer. Pes. iv. 30d), thus justifying the conclusion that Akiba's method of division and arrangement of the Mishnah was the same as that followed by Judah ha-Nasi.同樣的“ sidder ” ,意思是“安排” ,是適用於秋葉的工作( Tosef. ,扎卜。島5 ) ,到河猶太公頃,納思( Yer.瘟。四。 30d ) ,從而正當的結論是,秋葉的方法,分工和安排,米示拿是一樣其次是猶太公頃,納西。 Two treatises are definitely known to have been included in their present form in Akiba's Mishnah, in which they even bore their present names.兩論文肯定是已知已包括在其現有的形式在秋葉的米示拿,他們甚至承擔其現有的名字。 R. Meïr mentions the treatise 'Uḳẓin by name in Hor.河梅爾的論文中提到' Uḳẓin的名字在賀。 13b; and R. Jose in like manner names the treatise Kelim (Kelim, end): both of these tannaim, who antedated Judah ha-Nasi, undoubtedly designated by these names the treatises Kelim and 'Uḳẓin as included in the Mishnah of their teacher Akiba. 13B條;和R.聖何塞同樣方式名稱論文凱利姆(凱利姆,年底) :這兩個tannaim ,誰antedated猶太公頃,納西,無疑指定的這些名稱的論文凱利姆和' Uḳẓin中所包含米示拿他們的老師秋葉。

Mishnah of R. Akiba.米示拿鋼筋秋葉。

R. Akiba's treatment of the old Mishnah in editing his own Mishnah collection was entirely arbitrary.河秋葉之治療的老編輯米示拿他自己的米示拿收集完全是武斷的。 He excluded many of the halakot contained in the original text; and those which he accepted he endeavored to found upon some text, explaining their phraseology, and tracing their origin, but striving most of all to present the Halakah in short, clear, and explicit form (comp. Tosef., Zab. i. 5).他排除許多halakot中所載的原始文本;和那些他接受,他致力於發現的一些文字,解釋其辭,並追查其來源,但力求最重要的是目前Halakah總之,清楚,明確的形式( comp. Tosef 。 ,扎卜。島5 ) 。 Many halakic sentences which he included called for more detailed explanation.許多halakic判決,他呼籲包括更詳細的解釋。 For the sake of brevity, however, and to aid his pupils in memorizing the Mishnah, he omitted the required explanations and made an additional collection containing the comments to the Mishnah, thus laying the foundation for the Tosefta (comp. Letter of Sherira Gaon, lcp 16; Frankel, lcp 306; Oppenheim, lcp 270).為簡潔起見,然而,以幫助他的學生在記憶力,米示拿,他省略了必要的解釋和作出了額外的收集載有意見,米示拿,從而奠定了基礎Tosefta ( comp.信Sherira Gaon , LCP的16 ;弗蘭克爾, LCP的306 ;奧本海姆, LCP的270 ) 。

Akiba's method, which reduced the halakic collections to an orderly system, soon found imitators; and nearly every tannaitic head of a school, who, in virtue of his position, had a mishnaic collection, sooner or later adopted Akiba's method of dividing and arranging the material.秋葉忠利的方法,從而降低了halakic收藏有秩序地系統,很快就發現模仿;和幾乎每一個tannaitic頭一所學校,誰在憑藉其地位,有mishnaic收集,遲早會通過秋葉的方法劃分和安排材料。 R. Meïr especially followed this system, availing himself of it when the increasing number of new halakot, discovered and established by Akiba's pupils, rendered a new mishnaic collection necessary.河梅爾特別是遵循了這一系統,利用自己的時候越來越多的新halakot ,發現和建立的秋葉的學生,提供一個新的mishnaic收集必要的。 In this compilation he included the larger portion of Akiba's Mishnah, but also drew upon other existing collections, such as that of Abba Saul (comp. Lewy, "Ueber Einige Fragmente aus der Mischna des Abba Saul," Berlin, 1876).在此彙編包括他的大部分秋葉的米示拿,而且還借鑒其他現有的收藏品,如阿巴索爾( comp.路易, “論有的Fragmente澳大利亞之Mischna萬阿巴索爾” ,柏林, 1876年) 。 He likewise incorporated many old halakot known in the schools but excluded by Akiba.他還納入了許多舊halakot稱為學校,但排除了秋葉。 He frequently cited the opinions of Akiba, without naming him, as "setam" and therefore authoritative for halakic decisions; but sometimes, when the opinion of the majority was opposed to Akiba's view, he designated the former as "setam" and binding for the Halakah (comp. Oppenheim, lcp 315).R.他經常提到的意見,秋葉忠利,但他命名為“ setam ” ,因此權威halakic決定;但有時,當多數的意見,反對秋葉忠利認為,他的前指定為“ setam ”和有約束力的Halakah ( comp.奧本海姆, LCP的315 ) 。河 Meïr's collection had a wide circulation, although it was not able to displace the other compilations.梅爾的收集了廣泛流通,但它不能取代其他資料彙編。 As every tanna at the head of a school, however, had, as stated above, his own mishnaic collection in which the halakot of preceding teachers as well as their controversies were differently expounded, the uniformity in teaching which the redactors of the Mishnah had desired and which had almost been attained was again lost; for there were as many different teachings as there were Mishnah collections.作為每一個tanna領導一所學校,但是,如上所述,他自己mishnaic收集其中的前halakot教師以及他們的爭論有不同的闡述,在統一的教學而編纂的米示拿的期望這幾乎已達到再次喪失;的有許多不同的教義作為有米示拿集合。 There was good ground, therefore, for the complaint that the religious world was thrown into disorder by the teachers who gave halakic decisions according to their own mishnaic collections (Soṭah 22a), since a clear and reliable Halakah could not be found in any individual compilation (Shab. 138b, 139a).有良好的地面,因此,對投訴的宗教世界被扔進障礙的教師是誰給halakic決定根據自己的mishnaic收藏( Soṭah為22A ) ,因為一個明確的和可靠的Halakah中找不到任何個人彙編( Shab. 138b , 139a ) 。

R. Judah ha-Nasi.河猶太公頃,納西。

To remedy this evil and to restore uniformity of teaching, Judah ha-Nasi undertook his collection, arrangement, and redaction of the Mishnah, which work has survived to the present time.為了彌補這一邪惡和恢復統一的教學,猶太公頃,納西進行了收集,安排,和編輯的米示拿,該工作已存活到現在。 He followed his own method so far as the selection and presentation of the material were concerned, but adopted the systems of Akiba and Meïr in regard to the division and arrangement.他跟著自己的方法,只要選擇和介紹了有關材料,但通過系統的秋葉和梅爾方面的分工和安排。 This Mishnah was intended to serve practical purposes and to be an authority in deciding religious and legal questions.這米示拿的目的是服務的實際用途,並成為決定權力的宗教和法律問題。 Judah often gives, therefore, the opinion of a single teacher, where he regards it as the correct one, in the name of "the sages" ("ḥakamim") (Ḥul. 85a); and in order that the opinion of a single scholar may prevail as final, he ignores the fact that this view was controverted by many others.猶太常常給人,因此,認為一個單一的教師,他認為這是正確的,在名稱的“聖人” ( “ ḥakamim ” ) ( Ḥul. 85a ) ;和秩序,認為一個單一的學者可能會佔上風最後,他忽略了一個事實,這種看法是controverted了許多其他問題。 At times he, without mentioning his name, quotes his own opinion as "setam," to record it as authoritative (comp. Oppenheim, lcp 347, No. 16). Frequently, too, he explains or limits the earlier Halakah (see Yer. Hor. i. 46a), and endeavors to find a compromise in the case of disputed halakot, or he himself decides the cases in which the halakah is to follow one opinion and in which the other (comp. Frankel, lc pp. 195 et seq.).有時,他不提他的名字,尋獲自己的意見為“ setam ” ,記錄它的權威性( comp.奧本海姆, LCP的347 ,第16號) 。常見,也他解釋或限制早些時候Halakah (見層。賀。島46a ) ,並力圖找到一種折中的情況有爭議的halakot ,或他本人決定在何種情況下的halakah是按照一個見解和在其他( comp.弗蘭克爾,液相色譜頁。 195及以下。 ) 。

In addition to the practical purpose of restoring and preserving uniformity of halakic doctrine and of providing for teachers an authority for their decisions, Judah ha-Nasi had another purely theoretical object in view; namely, the preservation of the teachings of the ancients, except those which he regarded as relatively unimportant or which he considered to have been preserved in some other place in his collection.除了實際目的是恢復和維護統一的halakic理論和為教師提供權威的決定,猶太公頃,納西又純理論的對象認為,即維護教義的古人,除了那些他認為這是相對不重要的或他認為這已經保存在其他一些地方在他的收藏。 This fact explains many peculiarities of the Mishnah, which were regarded as shortcomings by those who considered it a legal code.這一事實說明了許多獨特的米示拿,這被視為缺點的人誰認為這是一個法律的代碼。 The following are some of these peculiarities: Judah ha-Nasi quotes the opinion of a single authority even when invalidated, and he quotes the original view of a scholar even after such scholar had himself retracted it (Ḥul. 32b; comp. Oppenheim, lcp 344).下面是其中一些特點:猶太公頃,納西引號的意見,一個單一的權威,即使無效,他引用了原來的觀點,即使在學者等學者本人收回它( Ḥul. 32b ;補償。奧本海姆,液晶344 ) 。 He quotes also a given halakah in one passage as being controverted ("maḥloket") and in another passage as authoritative ("setam"), or vice versa; and he cites contradictory teachings in different places.他還引用某一halakah在一個通道作為controverted ( “ maḥloket ” )和在另一通道的權威性( “ setam ” ) ,或反之亦然;和他引用的教義矛盾在不同的地方。 All these peculiarities are due to the fact that Judah wished to preserve the ancient teachings; and to attain this object more completely he included in his Mishnah, in addition to the collections of Akiba and Meïr, which formed his chief sources, the major portion of all the other mishnayot (Yer. Shab. xvi. 15c); according to a later account, he used in all thirteen collections (Ned. 41a).所有這些特點是由於這一事實,即猶太希望保持古老的教誨,以及實現這一目標,他更全面地在他的米示拿,除了收藏的秋葉和梅爾,形成他的主要來源,主要部分所有其他mishnayot ( Yer.沙巴。十六。 15c ) ;根據以後的帳戶,他使用的所有13集( Ned. 41a ) 。 He dealt independently with his material; for while he frequently made no changes in the wording or form of the old Mishnah, and even included old halakot which had long since been refuted, he altered various others (comp. Hoffmann, "Bemerkungen zur Kritik der Mischna," in Berliner's "Magazin," 1881, pp. 127 et seq.).他獨立地處理他的材料;的同時,他經常沒有變化的措辭或形式的舊米示拿,甚至包括老halakot這早已被駁斥,他改變了各個國家( comp.霍夫曼, “ Bemerkungen道德批判Mischna , “在柏林的”雜誌“ , 1881年,頁。 127起。 ) 。 He expounded many of the old halakot ('Ar. iv. 2; Sanh. ix. 3; Yer. Sanh. 27a; comp. Oppenheim, lcp 347), following certain rules (Yer. Ter. i. 2, 40c), and endeavoring to determine the text of the old Mishnah (Yer. Ma'as. Sh. v. 1, 55d; comp. Letter of Sherira Gaon, lc pp. 9-10; Frankel, lcp 214).他闡述了許多舊halakot ( '氬氣。四。 2 ; Sanh 。九。 3層。 Sanh 。 27A條;補償。奧本海姆, LCP的347 ) ,下面的一些規則( Yer.之三。島2 , -40 ℃ ) ,和努力,以確定文字的舊米示拿( Yer. Ma'as 。先令。訴1 , 55d ;補償。信Sherira Gaon ,液相色譜頁。 9-10 ;弗蘭克爾, LCP的214 ) 。 The lessknown halakot, as well as those which the pupils of Akiba had propounded, were interpreted by Judah ha-Nasi according to his conception of them.該lessknown halakot ,以及那些學生的秋葉已提出了解釋,猶大公頃,納西根據他的構想他們。 In this way he impressed upon his Mishnah the stamp of uniformity, and gave it the appearance of a work thoroughly revised, if not new; and his compilation displaced its predecessors by its inclusion of the major portion of their contents with the exception of those halakot which appeared to him untenable, or to which he had alluded in some other passage of his Mishnah.他這樣做對他的印象米示拿印花稅的統一性,並賦予它的外觀徹底修訂工作,如果不是新的;和他的彙編流離失所其前身其列入主要部分的內容,除了那些halakot這似乎給他站不住腳的,或者他所提到的在其他一些通過他的米示拿。

The Authoritative Mishnah.米示拿的權威性。

Because of his personal prominence and his dignity as patriarch (comp. JS Bloch, "Einblicke," etc., pp. 59 et seq.), his Mishnah soon became the only one used in the schools, and was known to teachers and students alike, Judah thereby attaining his object of restoring uniform teachings.由於他突出的個人和他的尊嚴,家長( comp.江蘇布洛赫, “ Einblicke ”等,頁。 59起。 ) ,他的米示拿很快成為唯一一個使用的學校,是眾所周知的教師和學生同樣,猶太從而實現他的目標是恢復統一的教義。 Whereas the exposition of the various halakot given by the Tannaim and called "[Tannaitic] Talmud," had been used hitherto in preference to the dry mishnaic collections (comp. Letter of Sherira Gaon, lc pp. 18-19), most of the teachers now resorted to R. Judah's Mishnah, which included both the halakot themselves and the expository tannaitic Talmud (this fact explains the application of the name "Talmud" to his Mishnah; BM 33a; Yer. Shab. xvi. 15c).鑑於博覽會的各種halakot給予Tannaim和所謂的“ [ Tannaitic ]塔木德經” ,已用於迄今優先於幹mishnaic收藏( comp.信Sherira Gaon ,液相色譜頁。 18-19日) ,大部分現在教師訴諸河猶太之米示拿,其中包括兩個halakot自己和說明性tannaitic塔木德(這一事實說明了應用的名稱是“塔木德經” ,以他的米示拿;骨髓33a ;層。沙巴。十六。 15c ) 。 Interest in this work was so highly esteemed that a haggadist said: "The study of the Mishnah is equal to sacrifice" (Lev. R. vii.).利息在這項工作中是如此倍受尊敬,一個haggadist說: “這項研究的米示拿等於犧牲” (利未記河七。 ) 。 Every pupil was supposed, as a matter of course, to be familiar with the Mishnah of R. Judah ha-Nasi; and when any one propounded a sentence which was to be found in it, his hearers exclaimed, "What! do we not learn that ourselves from the Mishnah?" According to R. Joshua b.每個學生被作為理所當然的事,熟悉的米示拿鋼筋猶太公頃,納西;時,任何人提出一個句子是可以找到它,他的聽眾叫道, “什麼!我們不得知自己的米示拿? “根據河光灣 Levi, "The Mishnah is a firm iron pillar"; and none may stray from it (ib. xxi.).列維說: “米示拿是一個堅定的鐵支柱” ,並沒有任何可能偏離它( ib. 21 。 ) 。 "The passage, Num. xv. 31, 'He hath despised the word of the Lord,' denotes him who does not consider the Mishnah" (baraita quoted by Isaac Alfasi in his compendium to Sanh. x.). “的通道,貨號。十五。月31日, '上帝瞧不起他的話上帝'是指他誰不認為米示拿” ( baraita引述艾薩克Alfasi在他的概要Sanh 。十) 。 It was considered the only authority for legal decisions.有人認為,唯一的權威法律問題的決定。 R. Johanan said, "The correct halakic decision is always the one which is declared in the Mishnah to be incontrovertible" ("Halakah ki-setam Mishna"; Yeb. 42b, and parallel passages); and the most conclusive refutation of a sentence was to prove that it was contradicted by the Mishnah.河Johanan說: “正確的決定halakic始終是一所宣布的米示拿是無可爭議的” ( “ Halakah激酶setam米示拿” ; Yeb 。 42b ,和平行通道) ;和最決定性的反駁一句是要證明,這是自相矛盾的米示拿。 If a decision was accidentally made contrary to theMishnah, the decision at once became invalid (Sanh. 6a, 33a; Ket. 84a, 100a).如果決定不小心違反了theMishnah ,決定立即成為無效( Sanh. 6a的, 33a ;氯胺酮。 84a , 100號A ) 。 The Amoraim regarded the Mishnah as the Tannaim did the Scripture; and many of them interpreted and expounded it (comp. Bacher "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 33, note 207 on Rab).該Amoraim認為,米示拿的Tannaim沒有聖經; ,其中許多人的解釋和闡述它( comp.巴切爾“銀。巴布。奧馬爾。 ”第33頁,注207關於饒) 。 Even subsequently, when the collections which were made by the pupils of Judah ha-Nasi were widely used, his Mishnah remained the sole authority.即使後來,當它收藏了學生的猶太公頃,納西被廣泛使用,他的米示拿仍是唯一的權威。 In cases where the Mishnah conflicted with the Baraita, the former was considered decisive (Suk. 19b; B. Ḳ. 96b), while there is but a single example to show that the Gemara preferred the Baraita in such a disputed case (see Jew. Encyc. ii. 516a, sv Baraita).如米示拿抵觸的Baraita ,前者被認為是決定性的( Suk. 19B協助;灣K表。 96b ) ,而只是一個單一的例子表明,革馬拉傾向於Baraita在這樣一個有爭議的案件(見猶。 Encyc 。二。 516a ,希沃特Baraita ) 。 Some amoraim, such as Ilfa and Simeon b. Laḳish, even regarded the later collections as unnecessary and useless, since their entire contents were included by implication in the Mishnah, and all questions could be explained from it without the aid of the subsequent compilations (Yer. Kil. i. 6, 27a; Yer. B. Ḳ. v. 5a; Yer. Ḳid. iii. 64b; Ta'an. 22a; comp. Oppenheim, lc pp. 344-345).一些amoraim ,如Ilfa和Simeon灣Laḳish ,甚至認為以後收藏不必要的和無用的,因為他們的整個內容包括暗示的米示拿,所有的問題可以解釋它的援助,隨後彙編(層。吉。島6 ,第27A條;層。灣K表。訴5A型;層。孩子。三。個64位; Ta'an 。 22A條;補償。奧本海姆,液相色譜頁。 344-345 ) 。 Another sentence, likewise derogatory to these later collections, says: "If Rabbi has not taught it, how does R. Ḥiyya [the collector of the baraitot] know it?"另一句同樣貶損這些藏品後,說: “如果拉比還沒有教它,請問河Ḥiyya [收藏的baraitot ]知道嗎? ”

Modifications of the Text.修改文本。

This Mishnah, however, has not been preserved in the form in which Rabbi redacted it; for, as stated above, it was subjected to many changes, and received numerous additions before it reached its definitive form.這米示拿,但尚未保存的形式拉比編輯它;的,如上面所說,這是受到許多變化,並收到了許多補充之前達到其最終的形式。 Notwithstanding the superiority of Rabbi's Mishnah to its predecessors, it had many defects, some of which may still be seen in the present Mishnah.儘管有優越的拉比的米示拿,以它的前身,它有許多缺陷,其中有些可能仍然被視為在本米示拿。 Though Rabbi himself subsequently renounced many of his Mishnaic opinions, as his views changed in the course of time, he retained such discarded opinions in his Mishnah as he had held them in his younger days (BM 44a; 'Ab. Zarah 52b; Yer. 'Ab. Zarah iv. 44a).雖然拉比後來放棄了自己,他的許多Mishnaic意見,作為他的看法改變的過程中,他保留意見,例如丟棄在他的米示拿他舉行了他們在他年輕的天(骨髓44A條; '抗體。 Zarah 52B電纜;層。 '抗體。 Zarah四。 44A條) 。 Occasionally he recorded one decision as authoritative in one passage of his Mishnah, considering it the correct view, and, deciding later in favor of an opposite opinion, he in another place gave this also as authoritative without retracting or suppressing his former view (Sheb. 4a).有時,他記錄一個權威性的決定,在一個通過他的米示拿,認為這是正確的看法,並決定以後主張相反的意見,他在另一個地方了,這也為權威沒有收回或壓制他的前視圖( Sheb. 4a的) 。 These shortcomings would not have been serious, since Rabbi did not intend to furnish a mere halakic code, if he had not failed to include in his collection many halakot which were taught in his school and which were, therefore, highly important, not only for halakic decision, but also for a knowledge of tradition in general.這些缺點也不會嚴重,因為拉比並不打算提供一個單純halakic代碼,如果他不是沒有包括在他收集許多halakot是在他任教學校,並因此,非常重要,不僅對halakic決定,而且也為傳統知識的一般。 He furthermore excluded his own halakot and the points of divergence between him and his contemporaries.他還排除自己halakot和分歧點之間他和他的同時代人。 These omissions were the most serious defects in his Mishnah for his pupils, since, being a compendium of the entire traditional instruction, it must have seemed incomplete inasmuch as it did not include the teachings of the last tannaim, whose legal decisions should certainly have been incorporated in it if it was to serve as an authoritative code. Rabbi's pupils R. Ḥiyya, R. Hoshaiah, Levi, and Bar Ḳappara began, therefore, even during Rabbi's lifetime and with his knowledge, to make additions and emendations to his Mishnah.這些被遺漏的最嚴重的缺陷,他的米示拿他的學生,這是因為,作為一個簡整個傳統的指令,它必須有似乎不完整的,因為它並不包括教義的最後tannaim ,其法律問題的決定當然應該已納入它如果它是作為一個權威的代碼。拉比的學生Ḥiyya河,河Hoshaiah ,列維和酒吧Ḳappara開始,因此,即使在拉比的一生和他的知識,作出補充和emendations他的米示拿。 Rabbi, who was aware of the deficiencies of his work, probably approved many of these corrections (comp. Oppenheim, lc pp. 344 et seq.), and added some himself (Yer. Ket. iv. 29a, b).拉比,誰知道的缺陷他的工作,很可能批准了許多這些更正( comp.奧本海姆,液相色譜頁。 344起。 ) ,並增加了一些本人(酮Yer. 。四。 29A條, b )項。 Most of the changes, however, were such as were contrary to his views, and were consequently concealed from him by his pupils (see Megillat Setarim; comp. Weiss, "Dor," ii. 191).大多數的變化,但是,如違背了自己的看法,並因此掩蓋他的他的學生(見Megillat Setarim ;補償。魏斯, “多爾, ”二。 191 ) 。

Thus arose new collections by R. Ḥiyya, R. Hoshaiah, and Bar Ḳappara, which were called "Mishnayot Gedolot," since they were more voluminous than Rabbi's collection.因此出現新的收藏品的R. Ḥiyya ,河Hoshaiah ,酒吧Ḳappara ,這被稱為“ Mishnayot Gedolot ” ,因為他們更多的篇幅比拉比的收集。 As these new compilations imperiled the uniformity of teaching, which was possible only through the existence of a Mishnah familiar to all teachers, the "Debe Rabbi" (the scholars of Rabbi's school) undertook a revision of his Mishnah, probably long after his death.隨著這些新彙編危害的統一性教學,這是只有通過存在的米示拿熟悉的所有教師, “登貝拉比” (學者拉比的學校)進行了修訂他的米示拿,也許不久去世。 They made various changes and a large number of additions in agreement with current demands; and in this form the Mishnah has been transmitted to the present time.他們提出的各種變化和大量的補充協議,在當前的需求;並在此形成米示拿已轉交到現在。 The majority of the additions made by the Debe Rabbi betray their later origin, although some of them are known to be supplementary only by statements in the Gemara.大多數新增所作的登貝拉比辜負他們的原籍後,雖然其中一些是已知的唯一的補充發言中革馬拉。 For instance, the discussion between R. Hezekiah and R. Johanan, in Men.舉例來說,討論河Hezekiah和R. Johanan ,在男性。 104b, indicates that the passage in the present Mishnah (Men. xiii. 2), beginning "Rabbi omer," is a later addition of which Hezekiah and Johanan did not know. 104b表明,通過在本米示拿( Men.十三。 2 ) ,開始“拉比奧梅爾, ”是一個後來的Hezekiah和Johanan不知道。 The same is true of Mishnah Sanh.也是如此米示拿Sanh 。 ix.九。 2, since the R. Simeon there mentioned is Rabbi's son, as is shown by Yerushalmi (ad loc. 27a, b). 2 ,自河西梅翁提到的是有拉比的兒子,這是顯示•耶路莎米(廣告祿。 27A條, b )項。 Mishnah 'Ab.米示拿'抗體。 Zarah ii. Zarah二。 6, where a decision of Judah ha-Nasi is quoted, also comes in this category, since it refers to Judah II., grandson of Judah ha-Nasi I., the original redactor of the Mishnah (comp. Tos. 'Ab. Zarah 36a, sv "Asher"). 6 ,如果決定猶太公頃,納西引用,也是這一類,因為它是指猶太二。孫子猶太公頃,納西一,原來的redactor的米示拿( comp.服務條款。抗體。 Zarah 36A條,希沃特“舍” ) 。 In general, all the passages in which something concerning Rabbi is related, or something which he did either alone (Sheb. vi. 4) or together with his colleague (Oh. xviii. 19), must be regarded as later accretions (comp. Frankel, lc pp. 215 et seq.); and the same statement holds good of all the passages in which Rabbi's opinion is quoted after that of other tannaim.總的來說,所有的通道,其中一些關於拉比是相關的,或者他沒有單獨( Sheb.六。 4 )或連同他的同事( Oh.十八。 19 ) ,必須被視為後accretions ( comp.弗蘭克爾,液相色譜頁。 215起。 ) ;和同一聲明中擁有良好的所有通道在拉比的意見後,引用的其他tannaim 。 On the other hand, there are passages concluding with "dibre Rabbi" (the words of Rabbi), which are not necessarily additions; for Rabbi may in such instances have quoted his own opinion anonymously as setam, as he frequently did, and the words "dibre Rabbi" may have been added by later editors.另一方面,有通道的結論與“ dibre拉比” (的話拉比) ,這不一定是補充;的拉比可能在這種情況下引用自己的意見作為setam庫存,因為他經常沒有字,並在“ dibre拉比”可能已經增加了以後編輯。 Various sentences of the Tosefta also found their way into the Mishnah (comp. Hoffmann, lc pp. 156 et seq.).各種刑罰的Tosefta還發現他們進入米示拿( comp.霍夫曼,液相色譜頁。 156起。 ) 。 Many of these are haggadic in nature, such as those at the end of the treatises Makkot, 'Uḳẓin, Ḳinnim, Ḳiddushin, and Soṭah, as well as many sentences in the treatise Abot, which must be regarded as accretions.其中很多haggadic的性質,如在年底論文Makkot , Uḳẓin , Ḳinnim , Ḳiddushin ,並Soṭah ,以及許多句子中的論文Abot ,它必須被視為accretions 。 The later origin of many of these sentences is at once indicated by the name of the author, as in the cases of R. Joshua b. Levi, who belonged to the first generation of Amoraim ('Uḳẓin, end); Simon, son of Judah ha-Nasi (Ab. ii. 2); and Hillel, grandson of Judah ha-Nasi (ib. ii. 4 et seq.; comp. Lipmann Heller in Tos. Yom-Ṭob, ad loc.).後來起源的許多這些句子是一次表明的作者名稱,如在案件的河光灣列維,誰屬於第一代Amoraim ( ' Uḳẓin ,結束) ;西蒙的兒子,猶太公頃,納思( Ab.二。 2 ) ;和希勒爾,孫子猶太公頃,納思( ib.二。 4起。 ;補償。李普曼海勒在服務條款。贖罪,尖,廣告祿。 ) 。 Aside from these additions, the Debe Rabbi emended the phraseology and single words of the Mishnah (comp. Yer. Ḳid. iii. 64c), even as Rabbi himself had done (comp. BM iv. 1; 'Ab. Zarah iv. 4, and the Babylonian and Palestinian Gemaras, ad loc.).除了這些新增的登貝拉比emended的用語和單一的話米示拿( comp.層。孩子。三。 64c ) ,甚至拉比本人做了( comp.骨髓四。 1 ; '抗體。 Zarah四。 4和巴比倫和巴勒斯坦Gemaras ,廣告祿。 ) 。

Babylonian and Palestinian Mishnah.巴比倫和巴勒斯坦米示拿。

Many of Rabbi's own emendations have been preserved in the different readings of Yerushalmi and Babli, although the differences between these two versions are not all due to his changes, as Rapoport assumes ("Kerem Ḥemed," vii. 157-167); for most of the differences not due to philological causes must be ascribed to the different mishnaic schools.許多拉比自己的emendations一直保存在不同的讀數•耶路莎米和Babli ,但之間的差異這兩個版本是不是所有的,因為他的變化,作為拉波波特假設( “凱雷姆Ḥemed , ”七。 157-167 ) ;的大部分分歧不是由於必須引起語文學可歸因於不同的mishnaic學校。 In addition to the Debe Rabbi, later amoraim also emended the Mishnah if the received reading seemed untenable.除了登貝拉比,後來amoraim也emended的米示拿,如果收到的閱讀似乎是站不住腳的。 These emendations were then incorporated into the Mishnah; those made by the Babylonian amoraim into the Mishnah which was taught in the Babylonian schools; and those made by the Palestinian amoraim into the Mishnah as taught in the Palestinian schools.這些emendations ,然後納入米示拿;所作的巴比倫amoraim到米示拿這是教巴比倫學校;和所取得的巴勒斯坦amoraim到米示拿的教導在巴勒斯坦的學校。 Thus, in 'Ab. Zarah i., the Mishnah in the Palestinian Talmud was corrected according to the Gemara (Yer. 'Ab. Zarah i. 39d), while the Mishnah in the Babylonian Talmud retained its original reading.因此,在'抗體。 Zarah島的米示拿在巴勒斯坦塔木德經糾正根據革馬拉( Yer. '抗體。 Zarah島39d ) ,而米示拿的巴比倫塔木德保留了其原來的讀。

Sometimes-curiously enough-the Mishnah of the Palestinian Talmud was corrected to harmonize with the results of the discussion in the Babylonian Talmud, and vice versa (comp. OH Schorr in "HeḤaluẓ," vi. 32-47; Frankel, "Mebo," pp. 19a-22a), although only a few of these emendations, of which there are many in the Talmud-introduced by the phrases "sami mi-kan" = "omit from here," or "ḥasuri miḥasra" = "something missing," or "teni kak" = "teach thus"-found their way into the Mishnah itself.有時,好奇地不夠,在米示拿巴勒斯坦塔木德已得到糾正,協調與討論的結果在巴比倫塔木德,反之亦然( comp.氫氧斯科爾在“ HeḤaluẓ , ”六。 32-47 ;弗蘭克爾, “美寶濕潤燒傷膏, “頁。 19A條, 22A條) ,但只有少數這些emendations ,其中有許多在塔木德,介紹了三句”薩米美館“ = ”省略從這裡“或” ḥasuri miḥasra “ = ”的東西失踪“或” teni隔“ = ”教從而“發現自己進入了米示拿本身。 Many of the amoraim objected to corrections in the Mishnah, holding that the phraseology chosen by the ancients in their mishnaic collections should be retained unchanged (Yer. Nazir i. 51a).許多amoraim反對更正的米示拿,認為選擇的措辭古人在他們應mishnaic收藏保留不變( Yer.納齊爾卡島51A條) 。

The Mishnah is written in a peculiar kind of Hebrew, which is far more different from the Hebrew of the earlier books of the Old Testament than from that of some of the later ones and which is, therefore, correctly designated as "Neo-Hebraic."該米示拿寫的是一種特殊類型的希伯來文,這是遠遠不同於希伯來早期的書籍,比舊約從一些後來的,並因此,正確地指定為“新希伯來。 “ This language was spoken by the people of Palestine as late as the second century of the common era, but was cultivated especially by the scholars; so that it was called "leshon ḥakamim" = "the speech of the wise."這是語言所講的巴勒斯坦人民為已故的第二個世紀的共同的時代,但耕地特別是學者,所以,它被稱為“ leshon ḥakamim ” = “的講話明智的。 ” It contains many old Hebraic terms which were preserved in popular speech, although they are not found in the Bible, as well as numerous foreign elements, especially from Aramaic, Greek, and Latin; the scholars being forced to adopt these loanwords as terms for objects and concepts which were formerly unknown and for which there were no designations in the Hebrew vocabulary.它包含許多老希伯來條款被保存在講話中流行,但他們沒有發現在聖經中,以及眾多的外國勢力,特別是從亞拉姆語,希臘語,和拉丁美洲;學者被迫採取這些詞作為對象的條件和概念,以前未知的,在這方面沒有任何名稱在希伯來文的詞彙。 Foreign words were especially used to designate implements borrowed from foreign peoples (comp. Weiss, "Mishpaṭ Leshon ha-Mishnah," pp. 1-7; A. Geiger, "Lehrbuch zur Sprache der Mischna," pp. 1-3); and these borrowed terms were so Hebraized as to be taken by many for native words.外交部的話尤其是用於指定執行從國外借來的人民( comp.魏斯, “ Mishpaṭ Leshon公頃,米示拿” ,頁。 1-7的A.革, “教科書集語言之Mischna , ”頁。 1-3 ) ;這些借來的條款,以便Hebraized作為將要採取的許多本地話。

The Written Text.書面文字。

From the first there were various opposing opinions regarding the problems when and by whom the Mishnah was reduced to writing. According to the Letter of Sherira Gaon (lc pp. 2, 9, 12), Judah ha-Nasi himself performed this task; and this view is supported by Rabbenu Nissim b.從第一次對這個問題有各種反對意見的問題時,以及由誰來的米示拿減少到寫作。據信Sherira Gaon (信用證頁。 2 9日, 12日) ,猶太公頃,納西自己完成這一任務;和這一觀點得到了Rabbenu Nissim灣 Jacob (in the preface to his "Sefer ha-Mafteaḥ," ed. J. Goldenthal, p. 3a, Vienna, 1847), Samuel Nagid (in his "Mebo ha-Talmud"), Maimonides (in the introduction to his commentary on the Mishnah and in the preface to the Yad ha-Ḥazaḳah), Meïri (in his "Bet ha-Beḥirah"), and a commentary on Pirḳe Abot (pp. 6a, 8b, 9a, Vienna, 1854); and many other medieval authors, as well as some modern scholars (comp. Strack, "Einleitung in den Talmud," p. 54), hold the same opinion.雅各布(序言中他的“之書公頃, Mafteaḥ , ”版。學者高登泰,第3A條,維也納, 1847年) ,塞繆爾Nagid (在他的“美寶濕潤燒傷膏公頃,塔木德經” ) ,邁蒙尼德(在介紹其評關於米示拿,並在序言亞德瓦公頃, Ḥazaḳah ) , Meïri (在他的“賭公頃, Beḥirah ” ) ,並評Pirḳe Abot (第6A條,第8B , 9A條,維也納, 1854年) ;和許多其他中世紀的作者,以及一些現代學者( comp.施特拉克, “導論在大街塔木德經” ,第54頁) ,持有相同的看法。 Rashi, on the other hand (see his commentary on Shab. 13b; 'Er. 62b; BM 33a; Suk. 28b; Ket. 19b), with some tosafists and other medieval and modern authors (comp. Strack, lcp 55), held not only that the Mishnah was not reduced to writing by Rabbi himself, but that even the later amoraim did not have it in written form. Rashi ,另一方面(見他的評注沙巴。 13B條; '呃。 62b ;骨髓33a ;淑。 28B款;氯胺酮。乙) ,與一些tosafists和其他中世紀和現代作家( comp.施特拉克, LCP的55 ) ,不僅舉行的米示拿不減少到書面拉比本人,但即使是後來amoraim沒有在書面形式。 He maintained that it, together with the Gemara, was written by the Saboraim.他認為,同革馬拉,是書面的Saboraim 。 This view is based principally on the passage Giṭ.這種看法主要基於通過Giṭ 。 60b, which declares that it was forbidden to record halakot, as well as on certain other statements of the Amoraim (comp. eg, Tan., Ki Tissa, ed. Buber, pp. 59b et seq.), which draw a distinction between the Bible as being a written doctrine and the Mishnah as a system of teaching which is not and may not be reduced to writing. 60b ,其中宣布,它被禁止紀錄halakot ,以及某些其他報表的Amoraim ( comp.例如,譚。 ,文蒂薩,編輯。布伯,頁。 59b及以下。 ) ,其中區分聖經作為書面理論和米示拿作為一個系統的教學不是不得以書面記錄。 It is, however, extremely unlikely that such a systematized collection, dealing with problems so numerous and so diverse, could have been transmitted orally from generation to generation; and this improbability is increased by the fact that in the Talmud remarks concerning "resha" and "sefa" (the "first" and the "last" cases provided for in a single paragraph) are frequently added to Mishnah quotations, a fact explicable only on the assumption that the text of the Mishnah was definitely fixed in writing.然而,極不可能,這樣一個系統化的收集,處理問題,使眾多和如此多樣化,所以本來可以口頭代代相傳,這不大可能是增加了一個事實,即在塔木德講話關於“ resha ”和“法阿凱” (以下簡稱“第一”和“最後一次”規定的情況在一個單一段)經常加入米示拿的報價,這一事實只能解釋的假設是,文米示拿肯定是固定的書面形式。

It must be assumed, therefore, that Rabbi himself reduced the Mishnah to writing in his old age, transgressing in a way the interdiction against recording halakot, since he deemed this prohibition liable to endanger the preservation of the doctrine.它必須承擔的,因此,拉比自己減少了米示拿書面晚年,侵越的方式阻截對錄音halakot ,因為他認為這項禁令可危及保全原則。 He did not abrogate this interdiction entirely, however; for the oral method of instruction continued, the teacher using the written Mishnah merely as a guide, while the pupils repeated the lesson orally.他沒有廢除這個完全阻截不過,口頭的教學方法繼續下去,老師使用的書面米示拿僅僅作為一種指導,而學生一再口頭的教訓。 Thus the distinction between "miḳra" (the law to be read) and "mishnah" (the oral teaching) was retained (comp. "Paḥad Yiẓḥaḳ," sv "Mishnah," pp. 219 et seq.; Frankel, "Hodegetica in Mischnam," pp. 217-218; Brüll, "Einleitung," ii. 10-13; Weiss, "Dor," p. 216).因此區分“ miḳra ” (法律,讀)和“米示拿” (口頭教學)被保留( comp. “帕哈德Yiẓḥaḳ , ”希沃特“米示拿” ,頁。 219起。 ;弗蘭克爾, “在Hodegetica Mischnam , “頁。 217-218 ; Brüll , ”導論“ ,二。 10-13 ;魏斯, ”多爾“ ,第216頁) 。

The Mishnah has been transmitted in four recensions: (1) the manuscripts and editions of the mishnayot; (2) the Babylonian Talmud, in which the several mishnayot are separated by the Gemara in those treatises which have it, while in the treatises which have no Gemara they follow in sequence; (3) the Palestinian Talmud, in which the Gemara follows each entire chapter of the Mishnah, the initial words of the mishnaic sentences to be expounded being repeated (of this version only the first four orders and chapters i.-iv. of the treatise Niddah of the sixth order are extant); (4) "the Mishnah on which the Palestinian Talmud rests," published by WH Lowe in 1883 after the Mishnah manuscript (Add. 470, 1) in the library of the Universityof Cambridge.該米示拿已轉交的4 recensions : ( 1 )手稿和版本的mishnayot ; ( 2 )巴比倫塔木德,其中幾個mishnayot分離的革馬拉在這些論文有它,而在這些論文沒有革馬拉,他們遵循的序列; ( 3 )巴勒斯坦塔木德,其中革馬拉如下每個整章的米示拿,最初的話mishnaic判決將被反复闡述(此版本只有前四個命令和第一章.-四。論文的Niddah第六屆秩序,是現存) ; ( 4 ) “上的米示拿的巴勒斯坦塔木德在於, ”白盔部隊出版的1883年羅威後米示拿手稿(增補470 , 1 )在圖書館該大學劍橋。 On the relation of the first three editions to one another see above (comp. A. Krochmal, "Yerushalayim ha-Benuyah," Introduction, pp. 10-14; Frankel, lc pp. 219-223; Weiss, lc ii. 313).論關係的前三個版本彼此見上文( comp.字母a. Krochmal , “耶路撒冷公頃, Benuyah , ”導言,頁。 10-14 ;弗蘭克爾,液相色譜頁。 219-223 ;魏斯,立法會二。 313 ) 。 The relation of the fourth version to the preceding three has not yet been thoroughly investigated.的關係,第四版本的前三年尚未徹底調查。

Division into Orders.司成訂單。

The Mishnah is divided into six main parts, called orders (Aramaic, "sedarim," plural of "seder"; Hebr. "'arakin," plural of "'erek"), the (as in BM 85b) or the (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, 7a; Cant. R. vi. 4) being therefore frequently mentioned.該米示拿分為六個主要部分,所謂的命令(阿拉姆, “ sedarim , ”複數的“ seder ” ; Hebr 。 “ arakin , ”複數“ erek ” ) ,在(如骨髓85b )或( Pesiḳ 。主編。布伯,第7A ;公會。河六。 4 )因此被經常提及。 The abbreviated name ("shas") was formed from the initial letters of (Ḥag. 3a, 10a; M. Ḳ. 10b).的縮寫名稱( “沙斯黨” )成立從最初的信件( Ḥag. 3A條, 10A條的M. K表。 10B條) 。 Each order contains a number of treatises, "massektot" (Mishnah, ed. Lowe, fol. 32a; Midr. Teh. to Ps. civ.) or "massekot" (Mishnah, ed. Lowe, fol. 69a), plural of "masseket," or "massektiyyot" (Cant. R. vi. 9), the singular of which is "massekta."每個命令包含了一些論文, “ massektot ” (米示拿,編輯。羅威,奧德耶克。 32A條; Midr 。的。到PS 。持續輸注。 )或“ massekot ” (米示拿,編輯。羅威,奧德耶克。 69a ) ,複數“ masseket ”或“ massektiyyot ” ( Cant.河六。 9 ) ,奇異的是“ massekta 。 ” Each treatise is divided into chapters, "peraḳim" (singular, "pereḳ") (Ned. 8a; Ḥag. 9a; Men. 99b), and each chapter into paragraphs or sentences, "mishnayot," or "halakot" in the Palestinian Talmud (see above).每個論文分為三章, “ peraḳim ” (奇異, “ pereḳ ” ) ( Ned. 8A型;女巫。 9A條;男子。 99b ) ,以及每個章節段落或成句, “ mishnayot ”或“ halakot ”在巴勒斯坦塔木德(見上文) 。

The six orders are first mentioned by R. Ḥiyya (BM 85b), and represent the original division.六訂單首先提到的R. Ḥiyya (骨髓85b ) ,並代表原始分工。 A division into five orders is nowhere mentioned, although Geiger ("Einiges über Plan," etc., p. 487), misinterpreting the Midrash passage Num.某師分為五個訂單沒有提到的是,雖然格爾( “ Einiges尤伯杯計劃”等,第487名) ,曲解米德拉士通道數量。 R. xiii., considers only five orders to be enumerated there.河十三。 ,認為只有5個訂單將有列舉。 Ulla (Meg. 28b), when he alludes to those who teach and learn only four orders, does not imply that the Mishnah was divided into four orders, but refers merely to those who study only four.烏拉( Meg. 28B款) ,當他提到的那些誰教和學習只有四個訂單,並不意味著米示拿分為四個訂單,而是指那些僅僅是為了誰的研究只有4個。 This conclusion is confirmed by a conversation in which Simeon b.這一結論證實了交談,其中西門灣 Laḳish communicates to a man who has studied only the first four orders a sentence belonging to the sixth order (Meg.28b). Laḳish傳達給一個人誰研究只有第一四個命令屬於一個句子的第六屆秩序( Meg.28b ) 。 The geonic tradition ("Sha'are Teshubah," No. 143) which refers to seven orders of the Mishnah seems to include the "Small Treatises" ("Massektot Ḳeṭannot"; Hoffmann, lc pp.98-99).傳統的geonic ( “ Sha'are Teshubah ” ,第143號)是指七個命令的米示拿似乎包括“小論文” ( “ Massektot Ḳeṭannot ” ;霍夫曼,立法會pp.98 - 99 ) 。 The names of the orders are old, and are mentioned by Simeon b.姓名的訂單是舊的,並提到了西梅翁灣 Laḳish (Shab. 31a), who enumerates them, according to his interpretation of Isa. Laḳish ( Shab. 31A條) ,誰列舉了他們,據他解釋,伊薩。 xxxiii.三十三。 6, in the following sequence: Zera'im, Mo'ed, Nashim, Neziḳin, Ḳodashim, Ṭohorot. 6 ,在下列順序: Zera'im , Mo'ed , Nashim , Neziḳin , Ḳodashim , Ṭohorot 。 This is the original order, which is found also in Num.這是原來的秩序,這是還發現數。 R. xiii.河十三。 There are other enumerations with different sequences.還有其他列舉不同的序列。 R. Tanḥuma has the following in Yalḳ., Ps.河Tanḥuma具有以下的Yalḳ 。物質。 xix.: Nashim, Zera'im, Ṭohorot, Mo'ed, Ḳodashim, Neziḳin. 19 。 : Nashim , Zera'im , Ṭohorot , Mo'ed , Ḳodashim , Neziḳin 。 He gives another series in Num.他給另一系列的數量。 R. xiii.: Nashim, Zera'im, Mo'ed, Ḳodashim, Ṭohorot, Neziḳin.河十三。 : Nashim , Zera'im , Mo'ed , Ḳodashim , Ṭohorot , Neziḳin 。 As R. Tanḥuma evidently does not intend to give the actual sequence but only to explain the verses as referring to the orders of the Mishnah, he adapts his enumeration of the orders to the sequence of the verses.正如河Tanḥuma顯然並不打算放棄的實際序列,但只有解釋的詩句,它是指的命令米示拿,他列舉適應他的命令序列的詩句。 That Simeon b.這西梅翁灣 Laḳish's sequence is the correct one may be proved also from other sources. For example, Ta'an. Laḳish的順序是正確的可證明也從其他來源獲得。例如, Ta'an 。 24b has: "In the days of Rab Judas they went in their studies only as far as the order Neziḳin; but we study all six orders." 24b了: “在天的饒了猶大,他們的研究只是盡可能的命令Neziḳin ;但我們研究所有6個訂單。 ” The parallel passage reads: "We have proceeded in our studies as far as 'Uḳẓin" (the end of the sixth order Ṭohorot).平行通道寫道: “我們已著手研究在我國而言, ' Uḳẓin ” (結束的第六屆秩序Ṭohorot ) 。 It is clear from Meg.很顯然,梅格。 28b that formerly only four orders were studied, of which Neziḳin formed the conclusion (according to Ta'an. 24a, where the shorter course of study in former times is mentioned in another form of expression). 28B款以前只有四個訂單進行了研究,其中Neziḳin形成的結論(根據Ta'an 。 24A條,在較短的學習課程疇昔中提到的另一種形式的表達) 。 That the treatise 'Uḳẓin of the order Ṭohorot was the end of the sixth order is shown by Ber.該論文' Uḳẓin秩序Ṭohorot是結束的第六屆為了表明蘇貝等。 20a. 20A條。 It is seen, therefore, that the order Neziḳin is always mentioned as the fourth, and the order Ṭohorot as the sixth and last, thus conforming to the sequence of Simeon b.它被看作因此,為了Neziḳin總是提到的第四次,並以Ṭohorot第六和去年,從而符合序列的西梅翁灣 Laḳish (comp. Brüll, lc ii. 15; Weiss, lc iii. 186). Laḳish ( comp. Brüll ,立法會二。 15 ;魏斯,立法會三。 186 ) 。 Isaac ibn Gabbai, author of the mishnaic commentary "Kaf Naḥat," has, consequently, no grounds for his reversal of the arrangement of the orders (comp. Lipmann Heller, lc Preface); nor is there any foundation for the attempt of Tobias Cohn to reverse the sequence ("Aufeinanderfolge der Mischna Ordnungen," in Geiger's "Jüd. Zeit." iv. 126 et seq.).伊薩克本Gabbai ,作者mishnaic評“丹德Naḥat ”的,因此,沒有理由對他逆轉的安排訂單( comp.赫勒李普曼,立法會序) ;也沒有任何基礎的企圖托拜厄斯科恩扭轉序列( “ Aufeinanderfolge之Mischna Ordnungen , ”在蓋格的“珠德。時代。 ”四。 126起。 ) 。 For a justification of the accepted sequence see the introduction of Maimonides to his commentary on the Mishnah; Frankel, lcp 254; Brüll, lc ii.為理由,接受序列看到了他的邁蒙尼德評注米示拿;弗蘭克爾, LCP的254 ; Brüll ,立法會二。 15-16. 15-16 。 It can not be ascertained whether Rabbi himself originated this sequence, or whether the orders were thus discussed in the academies.它無法確定自己是否源於拉比這個序列,或者是否因此訂單中所討論的院校。 Isaac Alfasi and Asher b.艾薩克Alfasi和舍灣 Jehiel apply the Talmudic passage "En seder le-Mishnah" (= "Rabbi observed no definite sequence in the Mishnah") to the orders as well, and infer that this arrangement did not originate with Rabbi himself. Jehiel適用猶太法典通道“恩seder勒米示拿” ( = “拉比觀察沒有明確的序列中的米示拿” )的命令,並且推斷,這種安排並不是由拉比本人。 Other authorities, however, assert that the passage "En seder le-Mishnah" refers only to the treatises, and not to the orders; for here Rabbi himself observed a definite series (comp. Lipmann Heller, lc; idem, commentary on Soṭah ix. 1).其他機構,然而,聲稱通過“恩seder勒米示拿”只指論文,而不是命令;在這裡拉比本人觀察一個明確的系列( comp.赫勒李普曼,立法會;同上,評Soṭah ㈨ 。 1 ) 。 This view seems to be the correct one, since Simeon b.這種觀點似乎是正確的,因為西門灣 Laḳish, who was in his youth a pupil of Rabbi (Yer. Beẓah v. 2, 63a), refers to this sequence of the orders as being well known. Laḳish ,誰在他的青年學生的拉比( Yer. Beẓah訴2 , 63a ) ,是指該序列的訂單是眾所周知的。 The names of the several orders, which are frequently mentioned in the Talmud (Suk. 4b; Shab. 54b; Meg. 7a; Nid. 8a; Bek. 30b), were selected according to the subject of most of the treatises belonging to them.的姓名幾個訂單,這是經常提到的在塔木德( Suk.四十億;沙巴。 54b ;梅格。 7A條;安居。 8A型;建立更廣泛的聯繫。 30B條) ,被選定根據主體的大多數論文屬於他們的。

Earlier Divisions.早些時候司。

The division of the Mishnah into treatises is a very old device, the collections upon which Rabbi drew being also arranged in this same way.該部門的米示拿到論文是一個非常古老的設備,藏書賴以拉比提請被安排在這同樣的方式。 II Esd.二公共服務電子化。 xiv.十四。 44-46 mentions, in addition to the twenty-four written books of the Old Testament, seventy other books which may not be written down, having been given by God to Moses for oral communication to the elders of the people. 44-46提到,除了2004年的書面書籍舊約, 70其他書籍,不得寫下來,被上帝賦予摩西的口頭傳播,以長者的人。 According to an assumption of Ginsberg's, which is supported by a comparison of the passage in Esdras with its parallel in the Tan., Ki Tissa (ed. Buber, pp. 58b-59a), these seventy books are the seventy treatises of the oral teachings, and hence of the Mishnah.據擔任金斯堡的,這是支持由一個比較通行埃斯德拉斯與其平行的火炭。 ,文蒂薩(編輯布伯,頁。 58b - 8軟) ,這70本書是70論文口頭教誨,因此對米示拿。 The number seventy may be obtained by counting either the seven small treatises (comp. R. Kirchheim, Preface to his edition of them, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1851), or, as Ginsberg obtains it, the halakic midrashim Sifra and Sifre, the first of which was divided into nine parts.第七十二的數量可指望得到任何的七個小論文( comp.河基希海姆,他的序版,其中,法蘭克福上的主, 1851年) ,或作為金斯伯格獲得它, halakic米大示密碼和Sifre ,其中第一項是分為九個部分。 In any case, it is evident that the division into treatises is a very old one, and that Rabbi arranged his Mishnah in conformity with it, although, as has been said, the present division is not the original one which he adopted, but has been subjected to many changes.在任何情況下,很明顯,分為論文是一個非常古老的一個,並安排他的拉比米示拿符合它,儘管已經說過,本部門是不是原來的他通過,但受到了許多變化。

Sixty-three treatises are now extant, although the traditional number is only sixty, as Cant. 63名論文目前現存的,但傳統的人數只有66 ,作為公會。 R. vi.河六。 9says, "Sixty queens, these are the sixty treatises of the halakot." 9says , “ 60皇后,這些都是第六十二論文的halakot 。 ” The three "babot," or gates, at the beginning of the order Neziḳin formed originally only a single treatise, which also was called "Neziḳin" (B. Ḳ. 102a; BM 10a, b; Lev. R. xix.), and which was divided into three treatises on account of its size.這三個“ babot ” ,或大門,開始的時候,為了Neziḳin原先只形成一個單一的論文,這也被稱為“ Neziḳin ” (灣K表。 102a ;骨髓10A條, B組;列夫。河19 。 )並分為三個論文考慮到它的大小。 Makkot was originally a dependent treatise combined with Sanhedrin, of which it formed the end (comp. Maimonides' introduction to his commentary on the Mishnah). Makkot原本是依靠論文結合公會,它形成了結束( comp.邁蒙尼德'介紹了他的評注米示拿) 。 The names of the treatises, which were derived mostly from the contents, but occasionally from the initial letter, are old, being known to the Amoraim, and in part even to the Tannaim.姓名的論文,其中大部分來自衍生的內容,但偶爾從最初的信,是舊的,目前已知的Amoraim ,部分甚至Tannaim 。

The following treatises are mentioned by name in the Talmud: Baba Ḳamma and Baba Meẓi'a (B. Ḳ. 102a); Bekorot (Beẓah 20a); Berakot (B. Ḳ. 30a); 'Eduyot under the name "Beḥirta" (Ber. 27a) as well as under its own name (Ber. 28a); Kelim (Mishnah Kelim, end); Keritot (Sanh. 65a); Ketubot (Soṭah 2a); Ḳiddushin (Ḳid. 76b); Ḳodashim (BM 109b); Makkot (Sheb. 2b); Menaḥot (Men. 7a); Middot (Yoma 16a); Nazir and Nedarim (Soṭah 2a); Oholot under the name "Ahilot" ('Er. 79a); Rosh ha-Shanah (Ta'an. 2a); Shebu'ot (Sheb. 2b); Tamid (Yoma 14b); Terumot (Pes. 34a); 'Uḳẓin (Hor. 13b); Yoma (Yoma 14b); and Zebaḥim under the name "Sheḥitat Ḳodashim" (BM 109b).下面的論文提到的名字在塔木德:巴巴業和巴巴Meẓi'a (灣K表。 102a ) ; Bekorot ( Beẓah 20A條) ; Berakot (灣K表。 30a ) ; '下的Eduyot名稱為“ Beḥirta ” (蘇貝等。 27A條) ,以及根據自己的名稱( Ber. 28A款) ;凱利姆(米示拿凱利姆,結束) ; Keritot ( Sanh. 65a ) ; Ketubot ( Soṭah 2A )款; Ḳiddushin ( Ḳid. 76b ) ; Ḳodashim (骨髓109b ) ; Makkot ( Sheb. 2b干擾素) ; Menaḥot ( Men. 7A條) ; Middot (山脈16A條) ;納齊爾卡和Nedarim ( Soṭah 2A )款; Oholot的名字“ Ahilot ” ( '呃。 79A條) ;猶太公頃, Shanah (打鼓' 1 。 2A )款; Shebu'ot ( Sheb. 2b干擾素) ; Tamid (山脈14B條) ; Terumot ( Pes.第34a ) ; ' Uḳẓin ( Hor. 13B條) ;山脈(山脈14B條) ;和Zebaḥim名為“ Sheḥitat Ḳodashim ” (骨髓109b ) 。 The names of the treatises have, however, been subjected to various changes, and have, in some cases, been replaced by later terms.的姓名論文然而,受到各種變化,並已在某些情況下,取而代之的是後條件。 Thus the earlier name "Mashḳin" gave way to the later "Mo'ed Ḳaṭan"; "Zebaḥim" was substituted for "Sheḥiṭat Ḳodashim"; and "Sheḥiṭat Ḥullin" was abbreviated to "Ḥullin" (on the names comp. A. Berliner in "Ha-Misderonah," i. 20 et seq., 40 et seq.; see also Frankel, lcp 255; Brüll, lc ii. 18-20).因此,早期名稱為“ Mashḳin ”讓位給後來“ Mo'ed珥” , “ Zebaḥim ”代替“ Sheḥiṭat Ḳodashim ”和“ Sheḥiṭat Ḥullin ”的縮寫為“ Ḥullin ” (對計算機的名稱。字母a.柏林在“哈Misderonah , ”島20起。 , 40起。 ;又見弗蘭克爾, LCP的255 ; Brüll ,立法會二。 18-20日) 。 The treatises belonging to each order deal with similar subjects, or have some other bond of relationship which causes them to be placed in a given order. Although there are some tractates, such as Nazir (comp. Naz. 2a) and Berakot, which apparently do not belong to the order in which they are included, a closer examination reveals the reason for their inclusion (comp. Maimonides' introduction to his commentary on the Mishnah; Brüll, lc ii. 17-18; Weiss, lc ii. 207; Geiger, lcp 486).該論文屬於每個以便處理類似問題,或者有一些其他債券的關係而導致他們被放置在一個特定秩序。雖然有一些tractates ,如納齊爾卡( comp.納茲。 2A )及Berakot ,顯然不屬於秩序,他們在包括在內,建立更密切的檢查揭示了原因,將其列入( comp.邁蒙尼德'介紹了他的評注米示拿上; Brüll ,立法會二。 17-18 ;魏斯,立法會二。 207 ;蓋格爾, LCP的486 ) 。

The Treatises.該論文。

It is a harder task to define the principle on which the treatises are arranged within the various orders; and this difficulty is increased by the existence of many different sequences, especially since it is uncertain which of these is the oldest.這是一個困難的任務,確定了原則上的論文被安排在不同的訂單,這困難是增加了存在許多不同的序列,特別是因為它是不確定的哪些是歷史最悠久。 According to the Letter of Sherira Gaon (lc pp. 12-13), Rabbi observed no definite sequence, but discoursed on each massekta singly without reference to the other treatises, changing their arrangement at will.據信Sherira Gaon (信用證頁。 12-13日) ,拉比觀察沒有明確的序列,但discoursed每個單獨massekta沒有提到的其他論文,改變他們的安排,將。 This statement is supported by 'Ab.這項聲明是支持'抗體。 Zarah 7a, which states that for two treatises there was no definite order in the Mishnah-an assertion which is all the more trust, worthy since it is recognized as a principle in maing halakic decisions as well. Zarah 7A條,其中規定,對於兩個論文,沒有明確的秩序米示拿,斷言這是所有更多的信任,有價值的,因為它是公認的一項原則maing halakic決定的。 It appears, on the other hand, from various passages in the Talmud (eg, Sheb. 2b; Soṭah 2a; Ta'an. 2a), that even at an early period a certain arrangement of the several treatises within their respective orders was followed, and it is necessary, therefore, to adopt Hoffmann's view (in Berliner's "Magazin," 1890, pp. 322-323) that a definite sequence was gradually developed and observed in the course of instruction in the Palestinian and Babylonian academies.看來,另一方面,從不同段落中的塔木德(例如,帥。 2b干擾素; Soṭah 2A型; Ta'an 。 2A )款,即使在早期期間安排了一定的幾個論文在各自的訂單之後,這是必要的,因此,通過霍夫曼的觀點(在柏林的“雜誌” , 1890年,頁。 322-323 )有明確的序列,逐步形成和觀察的過程中指示在巴勒斯坦和巴比倫院校。 The teachers of these schools arranged their material on pedagogic lines, and in interpreting an order of the Mishnah they selected the longest treatise for the beginning of the lesson, when the minds of their pupils were still fresh, and then passed on to the smaller tractates.教師這些學校安排他們的物質上的教學方針,並在解釋的命令米示拿他們選定的時間最長的論文開始的教訓,當他們的頭腦學生仍記憶猶新,然後傳給小tractates 。 Likewise in Maimonides' sequence, which was the one generally adopted, the treatises from the second to the sixth order are arranged according to length, as Geiger has remarked ("Einiges über Plan," etc., in Geiger's "Wiss. Zeit. Jüd. Theol." ii. 480 et seq.); and this principle is evident in the first order likewise (Hoffmann, lcp 323; Geiger, lcp 402).同樣,在邁蒙尼德'序列,這是一個普遍採用的論文從第二至第六秩序的安排根據長度,作為格爾所說( “ Einiges尤伯杯計劃” ,等等,蓋格的“ Wiss 。時代。珠德。 Theol 。 “二。 480起。 ) ;和這一原則是顯而易見的第一順序同樣(霍夫曼, LCP的323 ;蓋,液晶402 ) 。 Maimonides' sequence seems, therefore, to have been the same as that adopted in the Palestinian and Babylonian academies, and hence was the original one (for other reasons for this sequence see Maimonides' introduction to his commentary on the Mishnah; Frankel, lc pp. 255-264; Brüll, lc ii. 20-27).邁蒙尼德'似乎序列,因此,已一樣,通過在巴勒斯坦和巴比倫院校,因而是原來的一個(其他原因序列見邁蒙尼德'介紹了他的評注米示拿;弗蘭克爾,立法會第。 255-264 ; Brüll ,立法會二。 20-27 ) 。

The Chapters.該章節。

The division of the several treatises into chapters as well as the sequence of these chapters was the work of Rabbi himself (Letter of Sherira Gaon, lcp 13).分裂成若干論文的章節,以及順序是這些章節的工作拉比本人(信Sherira Gaon , LCP的13條) 。 The portion discussed each day constituted an independent pereḳ; and this term was, therefore, applied elsewhere to a single discourse also (Ber. 11b; 'Er. 36b; on a statement in the "Seder Tanna'im we-Amora'im," to the effect that the Saboraim divided the treatises into chapters, see M. Lerner, "Die Aeltesten Mischna-Compositionen," in Berliner's "Magazin," 1886, p. 3, note 1).討論的一部分,每天構成一個獨立的pereḳ ;和這個詞,因此,適用於其他地方的一個單一的話語也( Ber. 11B款; '呃。 36B條;的一份聲明中的“ Seder Tanna'im我們, Amora'im , “大意是Saboraim分為論文成章節,勒納先生看到, ”模具Aeltesten Mischna - Compositionen , “在柏林的”雜誌“ , 1886年,第3頁,注1 ) 。 Generally speaking, the original division and sequence of the chapters have been preserved, as appears from various passages of the Talmud (RH 31b; Suk. 22b; Yeb. 9a; Ket. 15a; Niddah 68b; Zeb. 15a).一般來說,原來的分工和序列的章節已經保存,因為從各個通道的塔木德(相對濕度31b ;淑。 22B款; Yeb 。 9A條;氯胺酮。 15a條; Niddah 68b ;瑞伯。 15a條) 。 The names of the chapters taken from the initial letters are likewise old, and some of them are mentioned even in the Talmud (BM 35b; Niddah 48a).的姓名章採取從最初的信件也同樣歲,其中一些甚至提到在塔木德(骨髓35b ; Niddah 48A條) 。 In the course of time, however, various changes were made in the division, sequence, and names of the chapters; thus, for example, the division of Tamid into seven chapters is not the original one.隨著時間的推移,然而,各種變化進行了分工,順序,姓名章,因此,例如,分工Tamid分為七個章節不是原來的。 On other variations in sequence see Frankel, lc pp.在其他的變化序列見弗蘭克爾,信用證頁。 264-265, and on the changes in the names see Berliner in "Ha-Misderonah," i. 264-265 ,以及改變名稱見柏林在“哈Misderonah , ”島 40b.號。

There are altogether 523 chapters in the Mishnah, divided as follows: Zera'im 74 (Bikkurim 3), Mo'ed Ḳaṭan 88, Nashim 71, Neziḳin 73 (Abot 5), Ḳodashim 91, Ṭohorot 126.共有523章節中的米示拿,劃分如下: Zera'im 74 ( Bikkurim 3 ) , Mo'ed珥88 Nashim 71 Neziḳin 73 ( Abot 5 ) , Ḳodashim 91 , Ṭohorot 126 。 Some authorities reckon 524 chapters by adding a sixth chapter to Abot, while others count 525 by adding a sixth chapter to Abot and a fourth chapter to Bikkurim. The division of the chapters into paragraphs, which is likewise very old, has not been preserved in its original form, the different recensions of the present Mishnah having a different division (comp. Frankel, lcp 265).當局認為有的524章,增加第六章Abot ,而其他數增加525第六章Abot和第四章Bikkurim 。分工到各章節段落,這同樣是非常歲,還沒有保存在它的原始形式,不同的recensions本米示拿具有不同的分工( comp.弗蘭克爾, LCP的265 ) 。 The several paragraphs are mostly cast in the form of the fixed Halakah without a Scripture passage (see Midrash Halakah), although Weiss (lc ii. 211, notes 1-6) has enumerated 217 passages in which the Halakah is given togetherwith the Scriptural text on which it is based, hence assuming the form of the Midrash.在幾個段落大多是演員的形式固定Halakah沒有聖經通行(見米德拉士Halakah ) ,但魏斯(立法會二。 211 ,說明1-6 )列舉了217通道,其中Halakah是togetherwith文字的聖經它是根據,因此承擔的形式米德拉士。 Some of these midrashic sentences in the Mishnah have the form of the earliest exegesis of the Soferim (comp. Frankel, lcp 5), and there are also many passages modeled on the tannaitic Talmud (comp. Weiss, lc ii. 209-210).其中的一些midrashic句子中的米示拿的形式,最早的註釋的Soferim ( comp.弗蘭克爾,液晶5 ) ,也有許多段落模仿tannaitic塔木德( comp.魏斯,立法會二。 209-210 ) 。

The following is the list of the mishnaic orders with their treatises, according to Maimonides, the deviations in both Talmudim being given at the end of each order (for details see separate articles under the names of the respective orders and treatises; and on variations in certain editions of the Mishnah comp. Strack, lc pp. 9-12):以下是名單mishnaic訂單的論文,根據邁蒙尼德的偏差都Talmudim正在考慮在每年年底秩序(詳見下單獨條款的姓名,各自的訂單和論文;和變化某些版本的米示拿補償。施特拉克,液相色譜頁。 9-12日) :

Orders and Treatises.訂單和論文。

I. The order Zera'im ("Seeds") contains the following eleven treatises:一,為了Zera'im ( “種子” )包含以下11論文:

(1) Berakot ("Blessings"), divided into nine chapters; deals with the rules for the daily prayer, and other prayers and blessings. ( 1 ) Berakot ( “祝福” ) ,分為9個章節;交易規則,每日禱告,和其他的祈禱和祝福。

(2) Pe'ah ("Corner"); eight chapters; deals with the regulations concerning the corners of the field (Lev. xix. 9, 10; xxiii. 22; Deut. xxiv. 19-22), and with the rights of the poor in general. ( 2 ) Pe'ah ( “角” ) ;八個章節;處理條例有關的角落,外地(利未記十九。 9日, 10日;二十三。 22 ; Deut 。 24 。 19-22日) ,並與貧困者的權利一般。

(3) Demai ("Doubtful"); seven chapters; deals chiefly with various cases in which it is not certain whether the offering of the fruit has been given to the priests. ( 3 ) Demai ( “疑” ) ;七個章節;主要涉及各種案件中,這是不能肯定是否提供水果已經給神父。

(4) Kilayim ("Of Two Sorts"; "Heterogeneous"); nine chapters; deals chiefly with rules regarding forbidden mixtures (Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 9-11). ( 4 ) Kilayim ( “兩類” , “異類” ) ;九章;主要涉及有關規則禁止的混合物(利未記十九。 19 ; Deut 。二十二。 9-11 ) 。

(5) Shebi'it ("Sabbatical Year"); ten chapters; deals with the regulations concerning the seventh year (Ex. xxiii. 11; Lev. xxv. 1-8; Deut. xv. 1 et seq.). ( 5 ) Shebi'it ( “安息年” ) ;十章;處理條例第七個年頭(出二十三。 11 ;列夫。二十五。 1-8 ; Deut 。十五。一日起。 ) 。

(6) Terumot ("Offerings"); eleven chapters; deals with the laws regarding the offering to be given to the priest (Num. xviii. 8 et seq.; Deut. xviii. 4). ( 6 ) Terumot ( “內容” ) ;十一章;涉及法律方面的服務給予牧師(民數記十八。 8日起。 ; Deut 。十八。 4 ) 。

(7) Ma'aserot or Ma'aser Rishon ("Tithes" or "First Tithes"); five chapters; deals with the prescription regarding the tithe to be given to the Levites (Num. xviii. 21-24). ( 7 ) Ma'aserot或Ma'aser裡( “什一稅”或“一什一稅” ) ;五個章節;涉及的處方就仂要考慮到利(民數記十八。 21-24日) 。

(8) Ma'aser Sheni ("Second Tithe"); five chapters; deals with the rules concerning the tithe or its equivalent which was to be eaten at Jerusalem (Deut. xiv. 22-26). ( 8 ) Ma'aser社( “第二個什一稅” ) ;五個章節;處理規則十分之一或相當於這將吃在耶路撒冷(申命記十四。 22-26日) 。

(9) Ḥallah ("Cake"); four chapters; deals with the laws regarding the heave-offering of dough to be given to the priests (Num. xv. 18-21). ( 9 ) Ḥallah ( “蛋糕” ) ;四個章節;涉及法律方面的隆起,提供麵團給予祭司(民數記十五。 18-21日) 。

(10) 'Orlah ("Foreskin of the Trees"); three chapters; deals chiefly with the regulations of Lev. ( 10 ) ' Orlah ( “包皮的樹” ) ;三個章節;主要涉及條例列夫。 xix. 19 。 23-25. 23日至25日。

(11) Bikkurim ("First-Fruits"); three chapters; deals with the laws in Ex. ( 11 ) Bikkurim ( “第一果” ) ;三個章節;涉及的法律惠。 xxiii.二十三。 19; Deut. 19 ; Deut 。 xxvi. 26 。 1 et seq. In many editions of the Mishnah, even early ones like those of Naples 1492, and of Riva 1559, as well as in most of the editions of the Babylonian Talmud, a fourth chapter to the eleventh treatise, which does not belong to the Mishnah, has been added (comp. the gloss in the Wilna edition of the Talmud, p. 87b).一日起。在許多版本的米示拿,甚至早期的像1492年的那不勒斯,以及里瓦1559號決議,以及在大多數版本的巴比倫塔木德,第四章第十一屆論文,其中不屬於在米示拿,已新增( comp.的光澤在Wilna版的塔木德,第87b ) 。 The sequence of the treatises of this first order in both the Talmudim corresponds with that of Maimonides.序列的論文的第一順序都對應Talmudim與邁蒙尼德。

II. Mo'ed ("Festivals") includes the following twelve treatises:二。 Mo'ed ( “節日” )包括以下12個論文:

(1) Shabbat ("Sabbath"); twenty-four chapters; deals with the laws regarding the seventh day as a day of rest (Ex. xvi. 23 et seq., xx. 8-11, xxiii. 12, xxxiv. 21, xxxv. 2-3; Deut. v. 12-15). ( 1 )安息日( “安息日” ) ; 24章;涉及法律方面的7天作為休息日(出十六。 23起。 ,第xx 。 8-11 ,二十三。 12日,三十四。 21日,三十五。 2-3 ; Deut 。訴12-15日) 。

(2) 'Erubin ("Mingling"); ten chapters; deals with the means by which inconvenient regulations regarding the Sabbath may be legally obviated. ( 2 ) ' Erubin ( “混合” ) ;十章;處理手段,不方便法規安息日可合法避免。

(3) Pesaḥim ("Passover Festivals"); ten chapters; deals with the prescriptions regarding the Passover and the paschal sacrifice (Ex. xii., xiii. 6-8, xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 15 et seq.; Lev. xxiii. 5 et seq.; Num. ix. 2-14, xxviii. 16 et seq.). ( 3 ) Pesaḥim ( “逾越節慶典” ) ;十章;涉及的處方就在逾越節和復活節的犧牲(出十二。 ,十三。 6-8 ,二十三。 15日,三十四。 15起。 ;列夫。二十三。五日起。 ;數。九。 2-14 ,二十八。 16起。 ) 。

(4) Sheḳalim ("Shekels"); eight chapters; treats chiefly of the poll-tax of a half-shekel for each male, prescribed in Ex. ( 4 ) Sheḳalim ( “謝克爾” ) ;八個章節;對待主要的民意調查稅收的半新謝克爾為每個男性,明惠。 xxx. xxx域名。 12-16, and which was devoted to defraying the expenses of the services of the Temple. 12日至16日,它是專門用於支付費用的服務寺。

(5) Yoma ("Day"), called also "Kippurim" or "Yom ha-Kippurim" (= "Day of Atonement"); eight chapters; deals with the prescriptions regarding worship and fasting on the Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi., xxiii. 26-32). ( 5 )山脈( “日” ) ,也稱為“ Kippurim ”或“贖罪公頃, Kippurim ” ( = “贖罪日” ) ;八個章節;涉及的處方就禮拜和禁食的贖罪日(利未記十六。 ,二十三。 26-32 ) 。

(6) Sukkah or Sukkot ("Booth"); five chapters; deals with the regulations concerning the Feast of Tabernacles, the Tabernacle, and the garland on it (Lev. xxiii. 34-36; Num. xxix. 12 et seq.; Deut. xvi. 13-16). ( 6 ) Sukkah或住棚節( “展台” ) ;五個章節;處理條例關於住棚節,該會幕,和花環它(利未記二十三。 34-36 ;數。二十九。十二日起。 ; Deut 。十六。 13-16日) 。

(7) Beẓah ("Egg"; so called from the first word, but originally termed, according to its subject, "Yom-Ṭob" = "Feast-Day"); five chapters; deals chiefly with the rules to be observed on the feast-days. ( 7 ) Beẓah ( “蛋” ;所謂的第一個字,但原來稱為,根據其主體, “贖罪,尖” = “七七節” ) ;五個章節;主要涉及的規則必須遵守的節日天數。

(8) Rosh ha-Shanah ("New-Year Feast"); four chapters; deals chiefly with the regulation of the calendar by the new moon, and with the services on the New-Year. ( 8 )猶太公頃, Shanah ( “新年宴” ) ;四個章節;主要涉及管理的日曆新的月球,並與服務的新年度。

(9) Ta'anit ("Fasting"); four chapters; deals chiefly with the special fast-days in times of drought or other untoward occurrences. ( 9 ) Ta'anit ( “空腹” ) ;四個章節;主要涉及特別快的時候天的乾旱或其他突發事件的發生。

(10) Megillah ("Esther Scroll"); four chapters; contains chiefly regulations and prescriptions regarding the reading of the scroll of Esther at Purim, and the reading of other passages in the synagogue. ( 10 ) Megillah ( “埃斯特滾動” ) ;四個章節;包含的主要法規和規定,就讀滾動以斯帖在普珥節,以及閱讀其他段落中的一座猶太教堂。

(11) Mo'ed Ḳaṭan ("Half-Feasts"; originally called "Mashḳin," after its initial word); three chapters; deals with the regulations concerning the intermediate feast-days, or the days between the first two and the last two days of Pesaḥ and Sukkah. ( 11 ) Mo'ed珥( “半節” ;原來所謂的“ Mashḳin , ”後其最初字) ;三個章節;處理條例關於中間宴席天,或天之間的頭兩年,最後為期兩天的Pesaḥ和Sukkah 。

(12) Ḥagigah ("Feasting"); three chapters; deals among other things with the manner of observance of the three principal feasts. In the Babylonian Talmud the treatises of the order Mo'ed are arranged as follows: Shabbat, 'Erubin, Pesaḥim, Beẓah, Ḥagigah, Mo'ed Ḳaṭan, Rosh ha-Shanah, Ta'anit, Yoma, Sukkah, Sheḳalim, and Megillah; while the sequence in the Palestinian Talmud is Shabbat, 'Erubin, Pesaḥim, Yoma, Sheḳalim, Sukkah, Rosh ha-Shanah, Beẓah, Ta'anit, Megillah, Ḥagigah, and Mo'ed Ḳaṭan. ( 12 ) Ḥagigah ( “節日” ) ;三個章節;涉及除其他事項外的方式遵守三個主要節日。在巴比倫塔木德的論文秩序Mo'ed安排如下:安息日, Erubin , Pesaḥim , Beẓah , Ḥagigah , Mo'ed珥,猶太公頃, Shanah , Ta'anit ,山脈, Sukkah , Sheḳalim ,並Megillah ;而序列在巴勒斯坦塔木德是安息日, Erubin , Pesaḥim ,山脈, Sheḳalim , Sukkah ,猶太公頃, Shanah , Beẓah , Ta'anit , Megillah , Ḥagigah ,並Mo'ed珥。

III. Nashim ("Women") contains the following seven treatises:三。 Nashim ( “婦女” )包含以下七個論文:

(1) Yebamot ("Widows Obliged to Contract a Levirate Marriage"); sixteen chapters; deals chiefly with the rules for the levirate marriage and of the Ḥaliẓah, whereby the widow is enabled to contract another marriage (Deut. xxv. 5-10). ( 1 ) Yebamot ( “寡婦不得不合同的夫兄弟婚” ) ; 16章;主要涉及規則的寡嫂的婚姻和Ḥaliẓah ,其中已啟用的遺孀合同另一個婚姻(申命記二十五。 5-10 ) 。

(2) Ketubot ("Marriage Contracts); thirteen chapters; deals chiefly with the mutual duties and rights of husband and wife. ( 2 ) Ketubot ( “婚姻合同) ; 13章;主要涉及雙方權利和義務的丈夫和妻子。

(3) Nedarim ("Vows"); eleven chapters; deals with the regulations concerning vows (Num. xxx. 2-17). ( 3 ) Nedarim ( “誓言” ) ;十一章;處理條例誓言(民數記三十。 2-17 ) 。

(4) Nazir ("Nazarite"; called also "Nezirut" = "Nazariteship"); nine chapters; deals chiefly with the prescriptions regarding the Nazarite vows (Num. vi. 1-21). ( 4 )納齊爾卡( “ Nazarite ” ;要求還“ Nezirut ” = “ Nazariteship ” ) ;九章;主要涉及的處方就Nazarite誓言(民數記六。 1-21 ) 。

(5) Giṭṭin ("Documents"; "Bills of Divorce"); nine chapters; deals chiefly with the laws for the dissolution of marriage (Deut. xxiv. 1-4). ( 5 ) Giṭṭin ( “文件” , “離婚法案” ) ;九章;主要涉及法律,婚姻解體的(申命記24 。 1-4 ) 。

(6) Soṭah ("Woman Suspected of Adultery"); nine chapters; deals chiefly with rules concerning a woman suspected of infidelity (Num. v. 11-31). ( 6 ) Soṭah ( “女人懷疑通姦” ) ;九章;主要涉及有關的規則一名女子被懷疑不忠(民數記訴11月31日) 。

(7) Ḳiddushin ("Betrothal"); four chapters; discusses the question how, by what means, and under what conditions a legal marriage may be contracted. In the Babylonian Talmud the sequence of the treatises in this order is as follows: Yebamot, Ketubot, Ḳiddushin, Giṭṭin, Nedarim, Nazir, and Soṭah. ( 7 ) Ḳiddushin ( “訂婚” ) ;四個章節,討論了如何的問題,通過什麼手段,以及在什麼條件下合法婚姻可能會萎縮。在巴比倫塔木德的順序,論文在這個秩序是如下: Yebamot , Ketubot , Ḳiddushin , Giṭṭin , Nedarim ,納齊爾,並Soṭah 。 In the Palestinian Talmud the sequence is: Yebamot, Soṭah, Ketubot, Nedarim, Giṭṭin, Nazir, and Ḳiddushin.在巴勒斯坦塔木德的順序是: Yebamot , Soṭah , Ketubot , Nedarim , Giṭṭin ,納齊爾,並Ḳiddushin 。

IV. Neziḳin ("Injuries"; called also "Yeshu'ot"="Deeds of Help," as in Num. R. xiii.) contains the following ten treatises:四。 Neziḳin ( “損傷” ;要求還“ Yeshu'ot ” = “事蹟說明, ”在數。河十三。 )包含以下10個論文:

(1) Baba Ḳamma ("First Gate"); ten chapters; deals chiefly with injuries and compensation for damages. ( 1 )巴巴業( “第一門” ) ;十章;主要涉及傷害和損害賠償。

(2) Baba Meẓi'a ("Middle Gate"); ten chapters; deals chiefly with the laws relating to sales, leases, objects found, and usury. ( 2 )巴巴Meẓi'a ( “中東門” ) ;十章;主要涉及有關的法律,銷售,租賃,物體的發現,和高利貸。

(3) Baba Batra ("Last Gate"); ten chapters; deals chiefly with the rights of sale, the ownership of real estate, and the rights of succession. ( 3 )巴巴巴特拉( “最後門” ) ;十章;主要涉及權利的買賣,所有權的房地產,和繼承的權利。

(4) Sanhedrin ("Court of Law"); eleven chapters; deals chiefly with judicial procedure and criminal law. ( 4 )公會( “法院法” ) ;十一章;主要涉及司法程序和刑事法。

(5) Makkot ("Blows," "Punishments"); three chapters; deals chiefly with the regulations concerning the number of stripes imposed as punishment by law (Deut. xxv. 1-3). ( 5 ) Makkot ( “擊” , “處罰” ) ;三個章節;主要涉及有關法規的數量條紋實行處罰法(申命記二十五。 1-3 ) 。

(6) Shebu'ot ("Oaths"); eight chapters; deals chiefly with the rules regarding different oaths (Lev. v. 4 et seq.). ( 6 ) Shebu'ot ( “宣誓” ) ;八個章節;主要涉及的規則不同的監誓(利未記訴第4起。 ) 。

(7) 'Eduyot, or 'Ediyyot ("Evidences"); eight chapters; contains the testimony of later teachers regarding statements of earlier authorities, a large part of this material being contained in other portions of the Mishnah as well. ( 7 ) ' Eduyot ,或' Ediyyot ( “證據” ) ;八個章節;包含的證詞,後來老師就報表當局早些時候,有很大一部分被這種材料中所載的其他部分米示拿的。

(8) 'Abodah Zarah ("Idolatrous Worship"); five chapters; deals chiefly with the regulations concerning the attitude of the Jews toward idolatry and idolaters. ( 8 ) ' Abodah Zarah ( “盲目崇拜崇拜” ) ;五個章節;主要涉及有關法規的態度對猶太人崇拜和偶像崇拜者。

(9) Abot, or Pirḳe Abot ("Sayings of the Fathers"); five chapters; contains maxims and aphorisms. ( 9 ) Abot ,或Pirḳe Abot ( “熟語的父親” ) ;五個章節;包含格言警句。 A sixth chapter called "Pereḳ Ḳinyan ha-Torah" (="Acquisition of the Law") was subsequently added to this treatise, but it does not belong to the Mishnah.第六章所謂的“ Pereḳ Ḳinyan公頃聖經” ( = “採集法” ) ,後來加入此論文,但它不屬於米示拿。

(10) Horayot, or Hora'ot ("Decisions"); three chapters; deals chiefly with such religious and legal decisions as had been made through error. The sequence of these treatises is as follows in the Babylonian Talmud: Baba Ḳamma, Baba Meẓi'a, Baba Batra, 'Abodah Zarah, Sanhedrin, Makkot, Shebu'ot, Horayot, 'Eduyot, and Abot. ( 10 ) Horayot ,或Hora'ot ( “決定” ) ;三個章節;主要涉及諸如宗教和法律的決定已經通過錯誤。序列這些論文如下的巴比倫塔木德:巴巴業,巴巴Meẓi'a ,巴巴巴特拉, Abodah Zarah ,公會, Makkot , Shebu'ot , Horayot , Eduyot ,並Abot 。 The usual sequence is observed in the Mishnah of the Palestinian Talmud.通常的順序是觀察米示拿的巴勒斯坦猶太法典。

V. Ḳodashim ("Holy Things") contains the following eleven treatises:五, Ḳodashim ( “聖物” )包含以下11論文:

(1) Zebaḥim ("Sacrifice"; originally called "Sheḥiṭat Ḳodashim" = "Slaughtering of the Holy Animals"; BM 109b); fourteen chapters; deals chiefly with the laws regarding sacrifices (Lev. i. et seq.). ( 1 ) Zebaḥim ( “犧牲” ;原來所謂的“ Sheḥiṭat Ḳodashim ” = “屠宰的神聖動物” ;骨髓109b ) ; 14章;主要涉及法律方面的犧牲(利未記島及以下。 ) 。

(2) Menaḥot ("Meat-Offering"); thirteen chapters; deals chiefly with the rules concerning meat-offerings (Lev. ii.; v. 11-13; vi. 7-16; vii. 9-10; xiv. 10-20; xxiii. 13, 16; Num. v. 11 et seq., vi. 13-20, xv. 24, xxviii., xxix.). ( 2 ) Menaḥot ( “肉發售” ) ; 13章;主要涉及有關的規則肉類產品(利未記二。 ;訴11日至13日;六。 7-16 ;七。 9-10 ;十四。 10-20 ;二十三。 13日, 16日;數。訴11起。 ,六。 13-20 ,十五。 24日,二十八。 ,二十九。 ) 。

(3) Ḥullin ("Profane"; called also "Sheḥiṭat Ḥullin" = "Slaughtering of Non-Consecrated Animals"); twelve chapters; deals chiefly with the laws for slaughtering and withother rules relating to the eating of meat. ( 3 ) Ḥullin ( “世俗” ,也稱為“ Sheḥiṭat Ḥullin ” = “屠宰的非神聖動物” ) ; 12章;主要涉及法律withother屠宰及有關規則的食用肉類。

(4) Bekorot ("First-Born"); nine chapters; deals chiefly with the regulations concerning the various firstlings (Ex. xiii. 2, 12 et seq.; Lev. xxvii. 26 et seq.; Num. viii. 16-18, xviii. 15-17; Deut. xv. 19 et seq.). ( 4 ) Bekorot ( “第一胎” ) ;九章;主要涉及有關法規的各種firstlings (出十三。 2日, 12日起。 ;列夫。二十七。 26起。 ;數。八。 16 -18 ,十八。 15-17 ; Deut 。十五。 19起。 ) 。

(5) 'Arakin ("Estimations"); nine chapters; deals chiefly with the prescriptions regarding the ransom of those who have been dedicated to God (Lev. xxvii. 2 et seq.). ( 5 ) ' Arakin ( “估計” ) ;九章;主要涉及的處方就贖金的人誰一直致力於為上帝(利未記二十七。 2款及以下。 ) 。

(6) Temurah ("Exchange"); seven chapters; deals chiefly with the laws regarding the exchange of a dedicated animal (Lev. xxvii. 10, 33). ( 6 ) Temurah ( “交易所” ) ;七個章節;主要涉及法律方面的交流一個專門的動物(利未記二十七。 10 , 33 ) 。

(7) Keritot ("Extirpations"); six chapters; deals among other subjects with the punishment by excommunication ("karet"), which is frequently mentioned in the Old Testament. ( 7 ) Keritot ( “ Extirpations ” ) ;六個章節;涉及的其他主體之間的處罰罰( “ karet ” ) ,這是經常提到的舊約。

(8) Me'ilah ("Trespass"); six chapters; deals with the rules concerning trespass in the case of a dedicated object (Num. v. 6-8). ( 8 ) Me'ilah ( “侵入” ) ;六個章節;交易規則中關於侵入的情況下,專門對象(民數記訴6-8 ) 。

(9) Tamid ("The Daily Morning and Evening Burnt Offering"); deals among other subjects with the regulations for the daily sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 38-42; Num. xxviii. 2-8). ( 9 ) Tamid ( “每日早上和傍晚燔祭” ) ;涉及的其他主體之間的規例,每天犧牲(出二十九。 38-42 ;數。二十八。 2-8 ) 。 In the editions of the Mishnah, Tamid is divided into seven chapters, excepting in Lọwe's edition, where it has but six; while Levi b.在版本的米示拿, Tamid分為七章,除在羅威版,在那裡它,但6個,而列維灣 Gershon (RaLBaG) enumerates only five chapters for Tamid in the introduction to his commentary on the Pentateuch.格爾森( RaLBaG )列舉了只有5個章節Tamid在介紹其評注五。

(10) Middot ("Measures"); five chapters; describes the apartments and furniture of the Temple. ( 10 ) Middot ( “措施” ) ;五個章節;介紹了公寓和家具的廟。

(11) Ḳinnim ("Birds' Nests"); three chapters; deals with the prescriptions regarding the offering of doves (Lev. i. 14-17, v. 1 et seq., xii. 8). In the Babylonian Talmud the sequence of the treatises of this order is as follows: Zebaḥim, Menaḥot, Bekorot, Ḥullin, 'Arakin, Temurah, Keritot, Me'ilah, Ḳinnim, Tamid, and Middot. ( 11人) Ḳinnim ( “鳥巢” ) ;三個章節;涉及的處方就提供白鴿(利未記島14日至17日,訴一日起。 ,十二。 8 ) 。在巴比倫的塔木德序列的論文本命令如下: Zebaḥim , Menaḥot , Bekorot , Ḥullin , Arakin , Temurah , Keritot , Me'ilah , Ḳinnim , Tamid ,並Middot 。

VI. Ṭohorot ("Purifications") contains the following twelve treatises:六。 Ṭohorot ( “ Purifications ” )包含以下12論文:

(1) Kelim ("Utensils"); thirty chapters; deals chiefly with the regulations concerning the different kinds of uncleanness of vessels (Lev. xi. 32 et seq.; Num. xix. 14 et seq., xxxi. 20 et seq.). ( 1 )凱利姆( “器物” ) ;第三十一章;主要涉及有關規例不同類型的uncleanness的船隻(利未記十一。 32起。 ;數。十九。 14起。 ,三十一。 20及以下。 ) 。

(2) Oholot, or Ahilot ("Tents"); eighteen chapters; deals chiefly with the laws regarding the defilement occasioned by a corpse (Num. xix. 14-20). ( 2 ) Oholot ,或Ahilot ( “帳篷” ) ; 18章;主要涉及法律方面的污辱所引起的一具屍體(民數記19 。 14-20 ) 。

(3) Nega'im ("Leprosy"); fourteen chapters; deals with the rules concerning the various kinds of leprosy (Lev. xiii., xiv.). ( 3 ) Nega'im ( “麻風病” ) ; 14章;涉及有關規則的各種麻風病(利未記十三。 ,十四。 ) 。

(4) Parah ("Red Heifer"); twelve chapters; deals with the regulations concerning the red heifer and the purificative ashes obtained from it (Num. xix.). ( 4 ) Parah ( “紅色小母牛” ) ; 12章;處理條例的紅色小母牛和purificative骨灰從它(民數記19 。 ) 。

(5) Ṭohorot ("Purities"; euphemistic for "Impurities"); ten chapters; deals with minor defilements. ( 5 ) Ṭohorot ( “純度” ;委婉的“雜質” ) ;十章;涉及未成年人污穢。

(6) Miḳwa'ot, or Miḳwot ("Ritual Baths"); ten chapters; deals with the regulations concerning the bathing of the defiled (Lev. xiv. 8, xv. 5 et seq.). ( 6 ) Miḳwa'ot ,或Miḳwot ( “禮浴” ) ;十章;處理條例關於洗澡的玷污(利未記十四。 8 ,十五。五日起。 ) 。

(7) Niddah ("Menstruous Woman"); ten chapters; deals with the laws concerning the defilement caused by menstruation (Lev. xii., xv. 19 et seq.). ( 7 ) Niddah ( “ Menstruous女人” ) ;十章;涉及有關法律污辱所造成的月經(利未記十二。 ,十五。 19起。 ) 。

(8) Makshirin ("Predisposings"; called also "Mashḳin" = "Liquids"); six chapters; deals with the rule which declares that an object is defiled by contact with anything unclean only in case it was wet beforehand (Lev. xi. 34, 37, 38). ( 8 ) Makshirin ( “ Predisposings ” ;要求還“ Mashḳin ” = “液體” ) ;六個章節;交易規則,其中宣布,一個對象是玷污了接觸不潔的東西只有在情況下,濕事先(利未記喜。 34 , 37 , 38 ) 。

(9) Zabim ("Sufferers from Discharges"); five chapters; deals with the rules in Lev. ( 9 ) Zabim ( “患者從放電” ) ;五個章節;涉及規則列弗。 xv.十五。

(10) Ṭebul Yom ("He Who Has Taken a Ritual Bath on That Same Day"); four chapters; deals chiefly with the effect produced upon an entire object which has come in contact with a "ṭebul yom," who, according to Lev. ( 10 ) Ṭebul贖罪( “他是誰已經採取了儀式浴在同一天” ) ;四個章節;主要涉及產生的影響時整個對象已接觸了“ ṭebul今日, ”誰,根據列夫。 xv.十五。 5, is unclean until sundown, even though this contact has been only partial. 5 ,是不潔的,直到太陽落山,即使這種聯繫一直只是部分。

(11) Yadayim ("Hands"); four chapters; deals chiefly with the defilement and cleansing of the hands. ( 11 ) Yadayim ( “手” ) ;四個章節;主要涉及污辱和清洗雙手。

(12) 'Uḳẓin ("Stems"); three chapters; deals chiefly with the relation of the fruit to the stems, skins, and seeds, with reference to defilement, uncleanness of the fruit affecting the stems, skins, and seeds, and vice versa. ( 12 ) ' Uḳẓin ( “莖” ) ;三個章節;主要涉及有關水果的莖,皮,和種子,參照污辱, uncleanness果實影響莖,皮,和種子,反之亦然。

In the Babylonian Talmud the sequence of the treatises in Ṭohorot is as follows: Niddah, Kelim, Oholot, Nega'im, Parah, Ṭohorot, Miḳwa'ot, Makshirin, Zabim, Ṭebul Yom, Yadayim, and 'Uḳẓin.在巴比倫塔木德經序列的論文中Ṭohorot如下: Niddah ,凱利姆, Oholot , Nega'im , Parah , Ṭohorot , Miḳwa'ot , Makshirin , Zabim , Ṭebul贖罪, Yadayim ,和' Uḳẓin 。

Editions and Commentaries. Editions和評注。

The Mishnah is extant in many editions, although only the earlier ones can be mentioned here: first edition, Naples, 1492, fol., with the Hebrew commentary of Maimonides; Venice, Justiniani, 1546-50, fol.; Venice, 1549, 4to, with the commentary of Obadiah Bertinoro; Riva di Trento, 1559, fol., with the commentaries of Maimonides and Obadiah; Sabbionetta and Mantua, 1559-63, 4to; Venice, 1606, fol., with the same two commentaries.該米示拿是現存的許多版本,但只有以前的可以在這裡提及:第一版,那不勒斯, 1492年,奧德耶克。與希伯來文評邁蒙尼德;威尼斯, Justiniani , 1546年至1550年,奧德耶克。 ;威尼斯, 1549年, 4to ,以評俄巴底亞Bertinoro ;里瓦娣特倫托, 1559奧德耶克。與評論邁蒙尼德和俄巴底亞; Sabbionetta和曼圖亞, 1559年至1563年, 4to ;威尼斯, 1606年,奧德耶克。 ,同兩評注。

Many commentaries on the Mishnah have been written.許多評注的米示拿已書面。 Maimonides wrote one in Arabic with a general introduction on the history, origin, and arrangement of the Mishnah.邁蒙尼德寫一個用阿拉伯文一般性介紹的歷史,原產地,並安排米示拿。 This commentary, which was translated into Hebrew several times, is printed in many editions of the text.這個評注,其中被翻譯成希伯萊幾次,印在許多版本的文字。 The Arabic original of several treatises has recently been published, in addition to that of the entire sixth order, edited by Derenbourg (comp. the enumeration in Strack, lcp 113 and Appendix); the Hebrew translation, which is faulty in many passages, being corrected to agree with it.阿拉伯文原始的若干論文已出版,除了這對整個第六屆秩序,編輯Derenbourg ( comp.所列舉的施特拉克, LCP的113和附錄) ;希伯來文翻譯,這是錯誤的許多段落,正在更正為同意。

Asher b.舍灣 Jehiel of Germany (d. Toledo 1327) wrote a commentary on the first and sixth orders, which was first printed in the Amsterdam edition of the Talmud, 1714-16, and in the Frankfort-on-the-Main edition, 1720-21. Jehiel德國(草托萊多1327年)寫了一注的第一和第六的訂單,這是第一次印刷在阿姆斯特丹出版的塔木德, 1714年至1716年,在法蘭克福上的主版, 1720年至1721年。 R. Samson of Sens also wrote a commentary on the same orders, which is printed in most of the editions of the Talmud. R.河大力士的桑斯還寫了一注就同一訂單,這是印在大多數版本的塔木德。河 Obadiah Bertinoro (end of 15th cent.) wrote a commentary on the entire Mishnah, which is printed in most editions.俄巴底亞Bertinoro ( 15日結束的。 )寫了一注對整個米示拿,這是印在大多數版本。 The commentaries "Tosefot YomṬob" by Yom-Ṭob Lipmann Heller (1579-1654) and "Tif'eret Yisrael" by Israel Lipschütz are likewise printed in many editions of the Mishnah.評注“ Tosefot YomṬob ”的贖罪,尖李普曼海勒( 1579年至1654年)和“ Tif'eret家園”的以色列•利普舒茨也同樣印在許多版本的米示拿。 The following commentaries may also be mentioned: "Kaf Naḥat," by Isaac ibn Gabbai, printed in the Venice edition of the Mishnah, 1609, and in some other editions; "'Eẓ ha-Ḥayyim" (Leghorn, 1653 et seq.), by Jacob Ḥagiz; "Ḳab we-Naḳi," by Elisha b. Abraham, in ed.下面的評論也可以提到: “丹德Naḥat , ”艾薩本Gabbai ,印刷在威尼斯出版的米示拿, 1609年,並在其他一些版本; “的EZ公頃, Ḥayyim ” (裡窩那, 1653起。 )由雅各布Ḥagiz ; “甲我們-基” ,由以利沙灣亞伯拉罕,在版。 Amsterdam, 1697, 1698, etc.; "Zera' Yiẓḥaḳ," by Isaac b.阿姆斯特丹, 1697 , 1698等; “ Zera ' Yiẓḥaḳ , ”艾薩灣 Jacob Ḥayyut, Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1739; "Sefer Bet Dawid," Amsterdam, 1739; "Melo Kaf Naḥat," by Senior Phoebus b. Jacob, in ed.雅各布Ḥayyut ,法蘭克福上的,奧得河, 1739年, “辛貝特大衛之書” ,阿姆斯特丹, 1739年, “好孩子Naḥat丹德, ”高級菲伯斯灣雅各,在版。 Offenbach, 1737; Berlin, 1832-34; "Sefer Mishnat Rabbi Natan," on Zera'im (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1862), by Nathan Adler; and "Liḳḳuṭe ha-Mishnah" (Breslau, 1873), by Shraga Phoebus Frenkel.奧芬巴赫, 1737 ;柏林, 1832年至1834年; “之書Mishnat拉比納坦, ”關於Zera'im (法蘭克福上的主, 1862年) ,由彌敦道阿德勒;和“ Liḳḳuṭe公頃,米示拿” (布雷斯勞, 1873 ) ,由Shraga菲伯斯弗倫克爾。

Translations.翻譯。

Of the translations of the Mishnah the following may be mentioned: (1) "Mischna sive Totius Hebræorum Juris, Rituum, Antiquitatum ac Legum Oralium Systema cum Clarissimorum Rabbinorum Maimonidis et Bartenoræ Commentariis Integris; Quibus Accedunt Variorum Auctorum Notæ ac Versiones in Eos Quos Ediderunt Codices; Latinitate Donavit ac Notis Illustravit Guilielmus Surenhusius," Amsterdam, 1698-1703, 6 vols., fol.; the text in Hebrew and Latin, with the commentaries of Maimonides and Obadiah Bertinoro in a Latin translation.翻譯的米示拿下面的可能是提到: ( 1 ) “ Mischna性Totius Hebræorum法學, Rituum , Antiquitatum交流專攻Oralium系暨Clarissimorum Rabbinorum Maimonidis等Bartenoræ Commentariis Integris ; Quibus Accedunt集解Auctorum Notæ交流Versiones在Eos的Quos Ediderunt Codices ; Latinitate Donavit交流Notis Illustravit Guilielmus Surenhusius , “阿姆斯特丹, 1698至1703年,第6卷。 ,奧德耶克。 ;文希伯來文和拉丁美洲,與評注的邁蒙尼德和俄巴底亞Bertinoro在拉丁美洲的翻譯。 (2) "Mishnayot," Berlin, 1832-34, 6 parts, 4to. ( 2 ) “ Mishnayot , ”柏林, 1832年至1834年, 6個部分, 4to 。 (3) Vocalized Hebrew text of the Mishnah, with German translation in Hebrew letters. ( 3 ) Vocalized希伯來文米示拿,德國翻譯希伯來字母。 (4) The commentary "Melo Kaf Naḥat," and (5) a brief German introduction with notes, published by the Gesellschaft von Freunden des Gesetzes und der Erkenntniss, generally known as "Jost's translation." ( 4 )評“好孩子Naḥat丹德, ”和( 5 )簡要介紹德國與筆記,出版了協會的關係馮萬Gesetzes與德國Erkenntniss ,一般稱為“喬斯特的翻譯。 ” (6) Johann Jacob Rabe, "Mischnah, oder der Text des Talmuds Uebersetzt und Erläutert," 6 parts, 4to, Onolzbach, 1760-1763. ( 6 )約翰雅各拉貝“ , Mischnah ,奧得河畔的文字之Talmuds Uebersetzt與Erläutert , ” 6部分, 4to , Onolzbach ,一七六○年至1763年。 A new edition of the vocalized Hebrew text with a German translation has been undertaken by D. Hoffmann and E. Baneth, of which several parts have appeared.新版的vocalized希伯萊文字,德語翻譯已經進行的D.霍夫曼和E. Baneth ,其中一些地區已經出現。 An Italian translation by Vittorio Castiglione is likewise in course of publication (1904).意大利翻譯維托里奧郎世寧也同樣在出版過程中( 1904年) 。

Executive Committee of the Editorial Board, Jacob Zallel Lauterbach執行委員會的編輯委員會,雅各布Zallel勞特巴赫
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
Letter of Sherira Gaon, ed.信Sherira Gaon ,編輯。 Neubauer, in MJC pp. 3-41, Oxford, 1887; Maimonides, introduction to his commentary on the Mishnah, printed in many editions of the Talmud after the treatise Berakot; Z.紐鮑爾,在MJC頁。 3-41 ,牛津, 1887年;邁蒙尼德,介紹了他的評注米示拿,印刷在許多版本的塔木德經後的論文Berakot ;威爾 Frankel, Hodegetica in Mischnam, Leipsic, 1859; J.弗蘭克爾, Hodegetica在Mischnam , Leipsic , 1859年;學者 Brüll, Mebo ha-Mishnah, part i., Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1876; part ii., ib. Brüll ,美寶濕潤燒傷膏公頃,米示拿,島部分,法蘭克福上的主, 1876年;第二部分。 ,興業。 1885; SJ Rapoport, in Kerem Ḥemed, vii. 1885年,律政司司長拉波波特,在凱雷姆Ḥemed ,七。 157-167; A. 157-167的A. Krochmal,Toledot R. Yehudah ha-Nasi, in He-Ḥaluẓ, ii. Krochmal , Toledot河Yehudah公頃,納西,在他, Ḥaluẓ ,二。 75-83; idem, ib. 75-83 ;同上, 123 。 iii.三。 118-124; idem, preface to his Yerushalayim ha-Benuyah, Lemberg, 1867; OH Schorr, in HeḤaluẓ, 1866, pp. 118-124 ;同上,前言他耶路撒冷公頃, Benuyah ,倫貝爾, 1867年;氫氧斯科爾在HeḤaluẓ , 1866年,頁。 41-44; vi. 41-44 ;六。 32-47; Z. 32-47 ;威爾 Frankel, Introductio in Talmud Hierosolymitanum, pp.弗蘭克爾,引塔木德Hierosolymitanum ,頁。 19a-22a, Breslau, 1870; Joachim Oppenheim, Zur Gesch. 19A條, 22A條,布雷斯勞, 1870年;約阿希姆奧本海姆,論Gesch 。 der Mischna, in Bet Talmud, ii. 143-151, 172-179, 237-245, 269-273, 304-315, 343-355 (also reprinted separately, Presburg, 1882); A.德國Mischna ,在博彩塔木德,二。 143-151 , 172-179 , 237-245 , 269-273 , 304-315 , 343-355 (也轉載分別Presburg , 1882年)的A. Geiger, Einiges über Plan und Anordnung der Mischna, in Geiger's Wiss.蓋格爾, Einiges尤伯杯計劃與Anordnung之Mischna ,在蓋格的Wiss 。 Zeit.特。 Jüd.珠德。 Theol. Theol 。 1836, ii. 1836年,二。 474-492; idem, Lehrbuch zur Sprache der Mischna, Breslau, 1845; Isaac Lampronti, Paḥad Yiẓḥaḳ, sv Mishnah; W. 474-492 ;同上,教科書集語言之Mischna ,布雷斯勞, 1845年;艾薩克Lampronti ,帕哈德Yiẓḥaḳ ,希沃特米示拿;總統 Landsberg, Plan und System in der Aufeinanderfolge der Einzelnen Mischnas, in Monatsschrift, 1873, pp.蘭茨貝格,計劃與系統中的Aufeinanderfolge之Einzelnen Mischnas ,在月刊, 1873 ,頁。 208-215; Tobias Cohn, Aufeinanderfolge der Mischnaordnungen, in Geiger's Jüd. Zeit. 208-215 ;托比亞斯科恩, Aufeinanderfolge之Mischnaordnungen ,在蓋格的珠德。時代。 1866, iv. 1866年,四。 126-140; Dünner, Veranlassung, Zweck und Entwickelung der Halakischen und Halakischexegetischen Sammlungen Während der Tannaimperiode im Umriss Dargestellt, in Monatsschrift, 1871, pp. 126-140 ; Dünner , Veranlassung , Zweck與Entwickelung之Halakischen與Halakischexegetischen Sammlungen Während之Tannaimperiode免疫Umriss Dargestellt ,在月刊, 1871年,頁。 137 et seq., 158 et seq., 313 et seq., 363 et seq., 416 et seq., 449 et seq.; idem, R. Jehuda Hanasi's Anteil an Unserer Mischna, ib. 137及以下。 , 158及以下。 , 313及以下。 , 363及以下。 , 416及以下。 , 449及以下。 ;同上,哈納斯河那戶大的Anteil一個Unserer Mischna ,興業。 1872, pp. 161 et seq., 218 et seq.; idem, Einiges über Ursprung und Bedeutung des Traktates Edoyot, ib. 1871, pp. 1872年,頁。 161起。 , 218及以下。 ;同上, Einiges尤伯杯起源與意義之Traktates Edoyot ,興業。 1871年,頁。 33-42, 59-77; D. 33-42 , 59-77 ; D. Hoffmann, Die Erste Mischna und die Controversen der Tannaim, Berlin, 1882; idem, Bemerkungen zur Kritik der Mischna, in Berliner's Magazin, 1881, pp.霍夫曼第一次Mischna模具和模具Controversen之Tannaim ,柏林, 1882年;同上, Bemerkungen楚Mischna批判,在柏林的雜誌, 1881年,頁。 121-130, 169-177; 1882, pp. 121-130 , 169-177 ; 1882年,頁。 96-105, 152-163; 1884, pp. 17-30, 88-92, 126-127; M. 96-105 , 152-163 ; 1884年,頁。 17-30 , 88-92 , 126-127 ;先生 Lerner, Die Aeltesten Mischna-Compositionen, ib.勒納,模具Aeltesten Mischna - Compositionen ,興業。 1886, pp. 1886年,頁。 1-20; J. 1-20 ;學者 Derenbourg, Les Sections et les Traités de la Mischna, in REJ 1881, iii. Derenbourg ,法國萊節等Traités德拉魯阿Mischna ,在REJ 1881年,三。 205-210; A. 205-210的A. Berliner, in Ha-Misderonah, i.柏林,在河Misderonah島 20 et seq., 40 et seq.; JS Bloch, Einblicke in die Gesch. 20及以下。 , 40起。 ;江蘇布洛赫, Einblicke在模具Gesch 。 der Entstehung der Talmudischen Literatur, Vienna, 1884; IH Weiss, Dor, ii.德國Entstehung之Talmudischen文學,維也納, 1884年; 44/198魏斯,多爾,二。 182-184, 207-217; idem, Mishpaṭ Leshon ha-Mishnah, ib. 182-184 , 207-217 ;同上, Mishpaṭ Leshon公頃,米示拿,興業。 1867; LA Rosenthal, Ueber den Zusammenhang der Mischna; Ein Beitrag zu Ihrer Entstehungsgesch. 1867年洛杉磯羅森塔爾,論登Zusammenhang之Mischna ;艾因Beitrag祖Ihrer Entstehungsgesch 。 Strasburg, 1891-92; idem, Die Mischna, Aufbau und Quellenscheidung, ib.斯特拉斯堡, 1891年至1892年;同上,模具Mischna ,構造與Quellenscheidung ,興業。 1903.ECJZL


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