Apostolic Fathers使徒教父

General Information 一般信息

The Apostolic Fathers were authors of nonbiblical church writings of the 1st and early 2nd centuries.使徒父親作者nonbiblical教堂著作的第一和第二世紀初。 These works are important because their authors presumably knew the Apostles or their associates.這些作品是重要的,因為他們的作者大概知道使徒或其同夥。 The first list of the Apostolic Fathers was made by 17th-century scholars; it comprised Clement I, Hermas, Ignatius of Antioch, Polycarp, and the author of the Epistle of Barnabas.第一名單使徒父親是由17世紀的學者;它包括克萊門特一書,安提阿的伊格內修,波利卡普,作者的書巴拿巴。 Later, other writers such as Papias of Hierapolis and the authors of the Epistle to Diognetus and of the Didache were also considered Apostolic Fathers.後來,其他作家如帕皮亞的希拉波利斯和作者的書Diognetus和十二使徒遺訓也被認為使徒的父親。 Expressing pastoral concern, their writings are similar in style to the New Testament. Some of their writings, in fact, were venerated as Scripture before the official canon was decided.牧區表示關注,他們的作品在風格類似的新約。他們的一些著作,事實上,被崇拜的聖經之前,官方教會的決定。

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Bibliography 目錄
Staniforth, Maxwell, trans., Early Christian Writings: The Apostolic Fathers (1975); Willis, John R., A History of Christian Thought: From Apostolic Times to Saint Augustine (1976). Staniforth ,麥克斯韋,轉。 ,早期基督教著作:使徒父親( 1975年) ;威利斯,約翰R ,歷史基督教思想:從使徒時代到聖奧古斯丁( 1976年) 。


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The Patristic Era教父時代

General Information 一般信息

This interval extended from about 100 to 170 AD, when the Apostolic Fathers had replaced the apostles.這間隔延長至約100至公元170時, 使徒們取代了使徒。 This group of individuals included a number of teachers and bishops: eg Clement of Alexandria, Irenaeus, Origen, Polycarp, Tertullian.這一群人包括一些老師和主教:如克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞,愛任紐,俄利根,波利卡普,良。

Early in this era, the church evolved into a more formal organization, the monarchial episcopate, in which bishops were recognized as having authority over the leaders of the individual congregations.早在這個時代,教會演變成一個更加正式的組織, 君主教,其中主教被承認為有權威的領導人的個人頒授學位。 The bishops decided matters of belief and practice within their jurisdiction.主教決定事項的信仰和實踐在其管轄範圍內。


Fathers of the Church父親教會

General Information 一般信息

During the first three centuries of Christian history, only bishops were called Fathers of the Church.在頭三個世紀的基督教歷史上,只有主教被稱為父親的教會。 The title was later extended to all learned church writers of antiquity recognized for their orthodoxy of doctrine and holiness of life.的標題,後來擴大到所有的教訓教會古代作家的承認他們的正統的教義和聖潔的生活。 The last of the fathers are generally considered to be Saint Isidore of Seville (d. 636) in the West and Saint John Damascene (dc750) in the East.最後的父親一般都被視為聖伊西多爾的塞維利亞(草636 )在西非和聖約翰大馬士革( dc750 )在東方。 Some of the preeminent fathers have also been designated as Doctors of the Church, a title of later origin.一些傑出的父親也被指定為醫生的教會,標題後原產地。


Fathers of the Church父親教會

General Information 一般信息

Fathers of the Church, name given by the Christian church to the writers who established Christian doctrine before the 8th century.父親教會,名稱由基督教教堂的作家誰既定的基督教學說前8世紀。 The writings of the Fathers, or patristic literature, synthesized Christian doctrine as found in the Bible, especially the Gospels, the writings of the Apostolic Fathers, ecclesiastical dictums, and decisions of church councils (see Council). They provided a standardized body of Christian teaching for transmission to the peoples of the Roman Empire.該著作的父親,或者教父文學,合成基督教教義發現在聖經中,特別是福音,著作使徒教父,教會dictums ,並決定教會理事會(見理事會) 。他們提供了一個標準化機構的基督教教學傳染給人民的羅馬帝國。 The so-called Doctors of the Church consist of four Western Fathers, including Saints Ambrose, Augustine, Pope Gregory I, and Jerome, and four Eastern Fathers, including Saints Athanasius, Basil, John Chrysostom, and Gregory of Nazianzus. The earlier Eastern Fathers, including Clement of Alexandria, St. Justin Martyr, and Origen, were strongly influenced by Greek philosophy.所謂醫生的教會包括四個西方父輩,包括聖徒,劉漢銓,奧古斯丁,教皇格里高利我和杰羅姆和東歐父親四個,包括聖徒亞他那修,巴茲爾,金口,和格雷戈里的高利。早先東歐父親,包括克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞,聖賈斯汀烈士和奧利,強烈影響了希臘哲學。 The Western Fathers, however, including Tertullian and Saints Gregory I and Jerome, generally avoided the synthesis of pagan and Christian thought.西方的父親,但是,包括德爾圖良和聖格雷戈里我和杰羅姆,一般避免了合成異教徒和基督教思想。

The church established four qualifications for bestowing the honorary title of church father on an early writer.教堂設立了4個資格的頒授的榮譽稱號教堂的父親早日作家。 In addition to belonging to the early period of the church, a Father of the Church must have led a holy life.除了屬於初期教堂,神父教會必須有領導的一個神聖的生命。 His writings must be generally free from doctrinal error and must contain an outstanding defense or explanation of Christian doctrine.他的作品必須是一般不受理論的錯誤,並且必須包含一個懸而未決的國防或解釋基督教教義。 Finally, his writings must have received the approval of the church.最後,他的作品必須得到批准的教堂。


Fathers of the Church父親教會

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Ecclesiastically, the fathers are those who have preceded us in the faith, and are thus able to instruct us in it. Ecclesiastically ,父親是誰之前我們在信仰,因而能夠指導我們在它。 In this sense, ministers and particularly bishops are often referred to as fathers.在這個意義上,部長們,尤其是主教常常被稱為父親。 More particularly, however, the term has come to be applied to the first Christian writers of acknowledged eminence.尤其是,但是,長期來實施的第一基督教作家公認的隆起。 Already in the fourth century it was used in this way of the teachers of the preceding epoch, and later all the outstanding theologians of at least the first six centuries have come to be regarded as fathers.早在4世紀,它是用於這樣的教師前面的時代,以及後來所有懸而未決的神學家,至少上半年百年來被視為父親。 This is the normal usage of the term today, although sometimes the patristic era is extended and Protestants may also speak of the Reformation fathers (eg, Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin).這是正常用法今天,雖然有時教父時代的延伸和新教也可以講改革的父親(例如,路德,茨溫利,和Calvin ) 。

The question arises how a given author may be classified as a father. The mere survival of his work is not enough, for many heretical writings have come down to us, together with others of doubtful value. Four main characteristics have been suggested as necessary qualifications: first, substantial orthodoxy; second, holiness of life; third, widespread approval; and fourth, antiquity.問題在於如何給予作者可歸類為一個父親。僅僅生存他的工作是不夠的,對許多邪教的著作已經降了,我們同其他國家的價值令人懷疑。四個主要特點提出了必要的資格:第一,大量的正統;第二,聖潔的生活;第三,普遍批准;第四,古物。 It is allowed that fathers may be in error on individual points, as neccessitated by the many disagreements, but they can still be counted and read as fathers so long as they satisfy these general requirements (cf. esp. the cases of Origen and Tertullian).這是允許,父親可能是錯誤的個別點, neccessitated的許多分歧,但他們仍然可以計算和閱讀作為父親,只要滿足這些一般要求(參見電除塵器。案件的奧利和良) 。

Various answers may be given to the question of patristic authority. From the Roman Catholic standpoint, the fathers are infallible where they display unanimous consent, although even in this regard Aquinas clearly ranks them below Scripture.不同的答案可能是考慮到問題的教父的權威。從羅馬天主教的角度來看,父親是萬無一失的地方顯示一致同意,但即使在這方面顯然隊伍阿奎那下面經文。 Otherwise they may err, but are always to be read with respect.否則,他們可能會犯錯,但總是要閱讀的尊重。 Protestants naturally insist that the fathers too are subject to the supreme norm of Scripture, so that their statements or interpretations may call for rejection, correction, or amplification.新教徒自然堅持認為,父親也受到的最高規範的聖經,以使它們的聲明或解釋,可能要求的排斥反應,校正,或放大。 On the other hand, they deserve serious consideration as those who have preceded us in faith and made a serious attempt to express biblical and apostolic truth.另一方面,他們應該認真考慮那些誰之前,我們有信仰,並提出了認真的嘗試表示,聖經和使徒的真理。 Their support is thus valuable, their opinions demand careful study, they are to be set aside only for good reason, and their work constitutes no less a challenge to us than ours to them.他們的支持,因此有價值的,他們的意見認真研究需求,他們將只留出良好的原因,他們的工作不構成一種挑戰,我們比我們給他們。

To list the fathers is hardly possible in so brief a compass, nor is it easy to classify them except perhaps in terms of the broad distinction between Greek and Latin.要列出的父親幾乎不可能在如此短暫指南針,它也不是很容易分類,除了在廣泛的區別希臘和拉丁。 Mention may be made of the immediate postapostolic fathers who have given us our earliest Christian literature outside the NT (eg, Clement of Rome, Ignatius of Antioch, and Polycarp).值得一提的是,父親立即postapostolic誰給了我們最早的基督教文獻新台幣以外的(例如,克萊門特的羅馬,安提阿的伊格內修,並波利卡普) 。 The Alexandrian school (Clement and Origen) at the end of the second and early in the third century deserves notice, as do such writers as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Hippolytus, and Cyprian. The fourth century, which was already referring to the fathers, provides us with some of the greatest of all in men like Athanasius, Hilary, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzus, Ambrose, Augustine, Chrysostom, and Jerome.學校的亞歷山大(克萊門特和奧利根)在年底年初的第二和第三世紀得到通知,因為這樣的作家依,良,西波呂和塞浦路斯。第四個世紀,這是已經提到父親,提供我們的一些最偉大的男子都喜歡他那修,希拉里,巴茲爾,格雷戈里的果樹,格雷戈里的高利,劉漢銓,奧古斯丁,金口,杰羅姆。 Among others who may be mentioned are the Cyrils, Theodoret, the two popes Leo I and Gregory I, and at the very end of the patristic period John of Damascus and Isidore of Seville.等等誰所述可能是Cyrils , Theodoret ,這兩個教皇利奧一世和格里高利一,在最後的教父約翰期間大馬士革和伊西多爾的塞維利亞。 But these are only a selection from the great company of writers who over a wide and complex front gave to the church its earliest magnificent attempt in theology.但是,這些僅僅是選擇從大公司的作家誰在廣泛和複雜的前端賦予其最早的教堂宏偉的企圖神學。

GW Bromiley毛重Bromiley
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (規矩福音字典)

Bibliography 目錄
LCCI-VIII; ANF and NPNF; GW Bromiley, Historical Theology, Pt.拉舍爾工商會的八; ANF和NPNF ;毛重Bromiley ,歷史神學,鉑。 I; GWH Lampe in A History of Christian Doctrine, ed. H.一;在429瓦的歷史基督教學說,編輯。閣下 Cunliffe-Jones; JND Kelley, Early Christian Doctrines; B. Altaner, Patrology.坎利夫瓊斯; JND凱利,早期基督教教義;灣Altaner , Patrology 。


The Apostolic Fathers父親的使徒

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

Christian writers of the first and second centuries who are known, or are considered, to have had personal relations with some of the Apostles, or to have been so influenced by them that their writings may be held as echoes of genuine Apostolic teaching.基督教作家第一次和第二次世紀誰知道,或者認為,能有個人關係的一些門徒,或已如此影響他們,他們的著作可以作為真正的迴聲使徒教學。 Though restricted by some to those who were actually disciples of the Apostles, the term applies by extension to certain writers who were previously believed to have been such, and virtually embraces all the remains of primitive Christian literature antedating the great apologies of the second century, and forming the link of tradition that binds these latter writings to those of the New Testament.雖然限制了一些人實際上是誰的弟子門徒,任期的延長適用於某些作家誰原先認為是這樣,幾乎涵蓋所有的仍然是原始的基督教文學的巨大提前道歉的第二個世紀,並形成聯繫的傳統,結合這些後者對這些著作的新約。

The name was apparently unknown in Christian literature before the end of the seventeenth century.的名稱顯然是未知的基督教文學在年底前十七世紀。 The term Apostolic, however, was commonly used to qualify Churches, persons, writings, etc. from the early second century, when St. Ignatius, in the exordium of his Epistle to the Trallians, saluted their Church "after the Apostolic manner."使徒的任期然而,常用的有資格教會,人,著作等從年初二世紀時,聖伊格內修,在緒論他的書的Trallians ,讚揚他們的教會“後使徒的方式。 ” In 1672 Jean Baptiste Cotelier (Cotelerius) published his "SS. Patrum qui temporibus apostolicis floruerunt opera", which title was abbreviated to "Bibliotheca Patrum Apostolicorum" by LJ Ittig in his edition (Leipzig, 1699) of the same writings.在1672年讓巴蒂斯特Cotelier ( Cotelerius )出版他的“黨衛軍。 Patrum歸仁temporibus apostolicis floruerunt歌劇” ,這標題是簡稱“書目Patrum Apostolicorum ”的軍Ittig在他的版(萊比錫, 1699 )相同的著作。 Since then the term has been universally used.自那時以來,任期已得到普遍使用。

The list of Fathers included under this title has varied, literary criticism having removed some who were formerly considered as second-century writers, while the publication (Constantinople, 1883) of the Didache has added one to the list.名單中列入父親這個名稱各不相同,有文學批評誰刪除一些以前被視為第二個世紀的作家,而出版(君士坦丁堡, 1883年)的十二使徒遺訓增加了一個清單。 Chief in importance are the three first-century Bishops: St. Clement of Rome, St. Ignatius of Antioch, and St. Polycarp of Smyrna, of whose intimate personal relations with the Apostles there is no doubt.行政的重要性是三個世紀主教:聖克萊門特的羅馬,聖伊格內修的安提阿,和聖波利卡普的士麥那,他們的親密的個人關係與使徒這是毫無疑問。 Clement, Bishop of Rome and third successor of St. Peter in the Papacy, "had seen the blessed Apostles [Peter and Paul] and had been conversant with them" (Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., III, iii, 3).克萊門特,羅馬主教和第三繼承聖彼得的教皇“ ,看到了得天獨厚使徒[彼得和保羅] ,並已同他們精通” (依,腺病毒。 Haer 。 ,三,三, 3 ) 。 Ignatius was the second successor of St. Peter in the See of Antioch (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, 36) and during his life in that centre of Christian activity may have met with others of the Apostolic band.伊格內修是第二次繼承聖彼得的見的安提阿(優西比烏,組織胺。傳道書。 ,三, 36歲) ,在他的生命在該中心的基督教活動可能達到了與其他使徒波段。 An accepted tradition, substantiated by the similarity of Ignatius's thought with the ideas of the Johannine writings, declares him a disciple of St. John.一個公認的傳統,充實了相似的伊格內修的思想與思想的Johannine著作,宣布他的弟子聖約翰。 Polycarp was "instructed by Apostles" (Irenaeus, op. cit., III, iii, 4) and had been a disciple of St. John (Eusebius, op. cit., III, 36; V, 20) whose contemporary he was for nearly twenty years.波利卡普是“使徒的指示” (依,同前。前。 ,三,三,四) ,並已弟子聖約翰(優西比烏,同前。前。 ,三, 36 ;五, 20 )的他是當代近20年。

Besides these, whose rank as Apostolic Fathers in the strictest sense is undisputed, there are two first-century writers whose place with them is generally conceded: the author of the Didache and the author of the "Epistle of Barnabas".除了這些,其列為使徒父親的嚴格意義上是無可爭議的,有兩個世紀的作家與它們普遍承認:作者的十二使徒遺訓和作者的“巴拿巴書” 。 The former affirms that his teaching is that of the Apostles, and his work, perhaps the earliest extant piece of uninspired Christian literature, gives colour to his claim; the latter, even if he be not the Apostle and companion of St. Paul, is held by many to have written during the last decade of the first century, and may have come under direct Apostolic influence, though his Epistle does not clearly suggest it.前申明,他的教學是使徒,他的工作,也許是現存最早的一塊平庸基督教文學,使他的色彩主張,後者,即使他不是使徒和同伴的聖保羅,是由許多人寫在過去十年中的第一個世紀,並可能受到直接使徒的影響力,儘管他的書沒有明確表明它。

By extension of the term to comprise the extant extra-canonical literature of the sub-Apostolic age, it is made to include the "Shepherd" of Hermas, the New Testament prophet, who was believed to be the one referred to by St. Paul (Rom. xvi, 14), but whom a safer tradition makes a brother of Pope Pius I (c. 140-150); the meagre fragments of the "Expositions of the Discourses of the Lord", by Papias, who may have been a disciple of St. John (Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., V, 331-334), though more probably he received his teaching at second hand from a "presbyter" of that name (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, 39); the "Letter to Diognetus", the unknown author of which affirms his discipleship with the Apostles, but his claim must be taken in the broad sense of conformity in spirit and teaching.由任期延長到包括現存的課外文學典型的分使徒時代,它是由包括“牧羊人”的書,新約先知,誰被認為是一所提到的聖保祿(羅馬書十六, 14歲) ,但其中一個更安全的傳統,使兄弟的庇護口(角140-150 ) ;的微薄的碎片“展覽的話語上帝” ,由帕皮亞,誰可能已弟子聖約翰(依,腺病毒。 Haer 。 ,五, 331-334 ) ,但更多的可能,他獲得了教學秒針從“牧師”的名稱(優西比烏,組織胺。傳道書。 ,三, 39 ) ;的“信Diognetus ” ,未知的作者肯定他的門徒的門徒,但他聲稱必須採取廣義的符合精神和教學。 In addition to these there were formerly included apocryphal writings of some of the above Fathers, the "Constitutions" and "Canons of the Apostles" and the works accredited to Dionysius the Areopagite, who, though himself a disciple of the Apostles, was not the author of the works bearing his name.除了這些有以前的著作包括:未經上述某些父輩的“憲法”和“規例的使徒”和工程派駐Areopagite狄奧尼修斯,誰,但自己弟子的門徒,不是作者的作品同時他的名字。 Though generally rejected, the homily of Pseudo-Clement (Epistola secunda Clementis) is by some considered as being as worthy of a place among the Apostolic Fathers, as is its contemporary, the "Shepherd" of Hermas.雖然普遍均遭否決,講道偽克萊門特(書信集塞康達Clementis )是由一些被視為值得的地方之間的使徒們,這是當代的“牧羊人”的書。

The period of time covered by these writings extends from the last two decades of the first century for the Didache (80-100), Clement (c. 97), and probably Pseudo-Barnabas (96-98), through the first half of the second century, the approximate chronology being Ignatius, 110-117; Polycarp, 110-120; Hermas, in its present form, c.150; Papias, c.150.在一段時間內所涵蓋的這些作品涵蓋了從過去20年來的第一次世紀的十二使徒遺訓( 80-100 ) ,克萊門特(角97 ) ,並可能偽巴拿巴( 96-98 ) ,通過上半年的第二個世紀,年代大約被伊格內修, 110-117 ;波利卡普, 110-120 ;書,以其目前的形式, c.150 ;帕皮亞, c.150 。 Geographically, Rome is represented by Clement and Hermas; Polycarp wrote from Smyrna, whence also Ignatius sent four of the seven epistles which he wrote on his way from Antioch through Asia Minor; Papias was Bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia; the Didache was written in Egypt or Syria; the letter of Barnabas in Alexandria.從地理上說,羅馬是由克萊門特和書;波利卡普寫道由Smyrna ,何處還派出4個伊格內修的七個書信,他在他的方式由Antioch通過小亞細亞;帕皮亞是主教希拉波利斯在Phrygia ;的十二使徒遺訓寫在埃及或敘利亞的信巴拿巴在亞歷山德里亞。

The writings of the Apostolic Fathers are generally epistolary in form, after the fashion of the canonical Epistles, and were written, for the greater part, not for the purpose of instructing Christians at large, but for the guidance of individuals or local churches in some passing need.著作使徒父親一般書信的形式,在時尚的典型書信,並書面的較大部分,而不是為了指導廣大基督徒,但對指導的個人或地方教會在一些傳遞的需要。 Happily, the writers so amplified their theme that they combine to give a precious picture of the Christian community in the age which follows the death of St. John.令人高興的是,作家,使他們的擴增,它們的主題相結合,使珍貴的圖片基督教社會在以下年齡死亡的聖約翰。 Thus Clement, in paternal solicitude for the Churches committed to his care, endeavours to heal a dissension at Corinth and insists on the principles of unity and submission to authority, as best conducive to peace; Ignatius, fervent in his gratitude to the Churches which solaced him on his way to martyrdom, sends back letters of recognition, filled with admonitions against the prevailing heresy and highly spiritual exhortations to keep unity of faith in submission to the bishops; Polycarp, in forwarding Ignatian letters to Philippi, sends, as requested, a simple letter of advice and encouragement.因此,克萊門特,在父親的關懷教會致力於他的照顧,努力彌合分歧在一科林斯和堅持原則的團結和提交給權威,最有利於和平;伊格內修,熱切的感謝教會的安慰他殉道的方式,發回確認信,充滿了警告的普遍反對邪教和高度精神文明的規勸保持團結的信念提交給主教;波利卡普,在轉發Ignatian寫信給腓立,傳送,作為要求,簡單的信中建議和鼓勵。 The letter of Pseudo-Barnabas and that to Diognetus, the one polemical, the other apologetic in tone, while retaining the same form, seem to have in view a wider circle of readers.該信偽巴拿巴,並以Diognetus ,一個有爭議的,其他的語氣道歉,同時保留相同的形式,似乎鑑於更廣泛的讀者圈。 The other three are in the form of treatises: the Didache, a manual of moral and liturgical instruction; the "Shepherd", a book of edification, apocalyptic in form, is an allegorical representation of the Church, the faults of her children and their need of penance; the "Expositions" of Papias, an exegetical commentary on the Gospels.其他三個是在形式的論文:在十二使徒遺訓,一本手冊的道德和禮儀教學;的“牧羊人” ,一本書的啟發,啟示錄的形式,是一個寓言代表性的教會,她的斷層兒童和他們的需要懺悔;的“博覽會”的帕皮亞,評注的訓詁的福音。

Written under such circumstances, the works of the Apostolic Fathers are not characterized by systematic expositions of doctrine or brilliancy of style. "Diognetus" alone evidences literary skill and refinement.寫在這種情況下,工程的使徒父親沒有特點的系統的理論論述,或輝煌的風格。 “ Diognetus ”僅依據文學技巧和完善。 Ignatius stands out in relief by his striking personality and depth of view.伊格內修站在了他的救濟突出個性和深度的看法。 Each writes for his present purpose, with a view primarily to the actual needs of his auditors, but, in the exuberance of primitive charity and enthusiasm, his heart pours out its message of fidelity to the glorious Apostolic heritage, of encouragement in present difficulties, of solicitude for the future with its threatening dangers. The dominant tone is that of fervent devotion to the brethren in the Faith, revealing the depth and breadth of the zeal which was imparted to the writers by the Apostles.每一個為他寫本的目的,以期主要的實際需要他的審計員,但在繁榮的原始慈善和熱情,他的心倒了信息的保真度,以使徒的光榮傳統,鼓勵在當前的困難,關懷未來的威脅的危險。優勢基調是熱切地奉獻給兄弟的信仰,揭示了深度和廣度的熱情是傳授給作家的使徒。 The letters of the three bishops, together with the Didache, voice sincerest praise of the Apostles, whose memory the writers hold in deep filial devotion; but their recognition of the unapproachable superiority of their masters is equally well borne out by the absence in their letters of that distinctly inspired tone that marks the Apostles' writings.這些信件的三個主教,連同十二使徒遺訓,語音衷心讚美的使徒,其內存的作家在深舉行孝道奉獻;但他們承認unapproachable優越的主人是同樣證明了如果沒有在他們的信這種明顯的靈感基調標誌著使徒的著作。 More abrupt, however, is the transition between the unpretentious style of the Apostolic Fathers and the scientific form of the treatises of the Fathers of the subsequent periods.更突然的,然而,轉型之間的謙遜風格的使徒父親和科學形式的論文的父親隨後的時期。 The fervent piety, the afterglow of the day of Apostolic spirituality, was not to be found again in such fullness and simplicity.熱切虔誠的餘輝內每天的聖座精神,並沒有被發現再次在這種豐滿和簡單。 Letters breathing such sympathy and solicitude were held in high esteem by the early Christians and by some were given an authority little inferior to that of the Scriptures.信件呼吸等同情和慰問了受人敬重的早期基督徒和一些有權威很少低於聖經。 The Epistle of Clement was read in the Sunday assemblies at Corinth during the second century and later (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, xvi; IV, xxiii); the letter of Barnabas was similarly honoured at Alexandria; Hermas was popular throughout Christendom, but particularly in the West.的書宣讀克萊門特在週日在科林斯集會在第二個世紀,後來(優西比烏,組織胺。傳道書。 ,三,十六,四,二十三) ;的信巴拿巴也同樣榮幸地在亞歷山德里亞;書是流行全國各地基督教,尤其是在西方。 Clement of Alexandria quoted the Didache as "Scripture".克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞的十二使徒遺訓引用的“聖經” 。 Some of the Apostolic Fathers are found in the oldest manuscripts of the New Testament at the end of the canonical writings: Clement was first made known through the "Codex Alexandrinus"; similarly, Hermas and Pseudo-Barnabas are appended to the canonical books in the "Codex Sinaiticus".一些使徒們發現最古老的手稿的新約全書結束時的典型著作:克萊門特是已知的最早的“法典頸” ;同樣,書和偽書是附在典型的書籍中“法典西奈抄本” 。 Standing between the New Testament era and the literary efflorescence of the late second century, these writers represent the original elements of Christian tradition.常委會之間的新約時代的文學和風化的第二個世紀後期,這些作家代表的原始要素的基督教傳統。 They make no pretension to treat of Christian doctrine and practice in a complete and scholarly manner and cannot, therefore, be expected to answer all the problems concerning Christian origins.他們沒有預治療的基督教理論和實踐在一個完整的和學術的方式,因此不能指望回答所有的問題,基督教的起源。 Their silence on any point does not imply their ignorance of it, much less its denial; nor do their assertions tell all that might be known.沉默的任何一點,但並不意味著他們的無知它,更不用說其拒絕;也不告訴他們的說法都可能是眾所周知的。 The dogmatic value of their teaching is, however, of the highest order, considering the high antiquity of the documents and the competence of the authors to transmit the purest Apostolic doctrine.價值的教條式的教學,但最高的秩序,考慮到高古老的文件和權限的作者把純潔的使徒理論。 This fact did not receive its due appreciation even during the period of medieval theological activity.這一事實沒有得到應有的讚賞,即使在中世紀時期的神學活動。 The increased enthusiasm for positive theology which marked the seventeenth century centred attention on the Apostolic Fathers; since then they have been the eagerly-questioned witnesses to the beliefs and practice of the Church during the first half of the second century.增加的熱情積極的神學這標誌著17世紀集中注意使徒教父;自那時以來,他們一直期盼詢問證人的信仰和實踐的教會在今年上半年的第二個世紀。 Their teaching is based on the Scriptures, ie the Old Testament, and on the words of Jesus Christ and His Apostles.他們的教學是基於聖經,即舊約,並用耶穌基督和他的門徒。 The authority of the latter was decisive.的權威,後者是決定性的。 Though the New Testament canon was not yet, to judge from these writings, definitively fixed, it is significant that with the exception of the Third Epistle of St. John and possibly that of St. Paul to Philemon, every book of the New Testament is quoted or alluded to more or less clearly by one or another of the Apostolic Fathers, while the citations from the "apocrypha."雖然新約教會還沒有,來判斷這些著作,明確固定的,但重要的是,唯一的例外是第三使徒聖約翰和可能是聖保祿以腓利門書,每本書的新約是引用或提到或多或少明確由一個或另一個使徒父親,而引用的“偽經” 。 are extremely rare.極為罕見。 Of equal authority with the written word is that of oral tradition (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, xxxix; I Clem., vii), to which must be traced certain citations of the "Sayings" of Our Lord and the Apostles not found in the Scriptures.平等的權力與文字是口頭傳統(優西比烏,組織胺。傳道書。 ,三,三十九,我克萊姆。 ,七) ,而必須追溯到某些引用的“語錄”我們的主和使徒不發現聖經。

Meagre as they necessarily are in their testimony, the Apostolic Fathers bear witness to the faith of Christians in the chief mysteries of the Divine Unity and Trinity.微薄因為他們一定是在他們的證詞,使徒父親信仰的見證基督徒的主要奧秘的團結和神聖的三位一體。 The Trinitarian formula occurs frequently.該三位一體公式經常發生。 If the Divinity of the Holy Ghost is but once obscurely alluded to in Hermas, it must be remembered that the Church was as yet undisturbed by anti-Trinitarian heresies.如果神的聖靈是隱晦,但一旦提到的書,它必須記住的是,教會還不受干擾的反三位一體的異端邪說。 The dominant error of the period was Docetism, and its refutation furnishes these writers with an occasion to deal at greater length with the Person of Jesus Christ.佔主導地位的錯誤的時期幻影說,它的駁斥這些作家提供了一個機會來處理更詳細的人耶穌基督。 He is the Redeemer of whom men stood in need.他是救世主,其中男性為需要幫助的人。 Ignatius unhesitatingly calls Him God (Trall., vii; Eph., i, and passim).伊格內修毫不猶豫地叫他神( Trall. ,七;厄。 ,我和各處) 。 The soteriology of the Epistles to the Hebrews forms the basis of their teaching.該soteriology的書信,以希伯來形式的基礎上的教學。 Jesus Christ is our high-priest (I Clem., xxxvi-lxiv) in whose suffering and death is our redemption (Ignat., Eph., i, Magnes., ix; Barnab., v).耶穌基督是我們的牧師(我克萊姆。 ,三十六, lxiv )在其痛苦和死亡是我們贖回( Ignat. ,厄。 ,我馬格內斯。 ,九; Barnab 。 ,五) 。 Diog., ix); whose blood is our ransom (I Clem., xii-xxi). Diog 。 ,九) ;的血是我們的贖金(一克萊姆。 ,十二- XXI )號決議。 The fruits of Redemption, while not scientifically treated, are in a general way the destruction of death or of sin, the gift to man of immortal life, and the knowledge of God (Barnab., iv-v, vii, xiv; Did., xvl; I Clem., xxiv-xxv; Hermas, Simil., v, 6).果實贖回,而不是科學治療,是在一般的方式銷毀死亡或罪惡的禮物的人不朽的生命,並了解神( Barnab. ,四,五,七,十四;發布。 , xvl我克萊姆。 ,二十四,二十五;書, Simil 。 ,五,六) 。 Justification is received by faith and by works as well; and so clearly is the efficacy of good works insisted upon that it is futile to represent the Apostolic Fathers as failing to comprehend the pertinent teaching of St. Paul.理由是收到的誠意和作品,以及和如此明確的療效不錯的作品堅持,這是徒勞的代表使徒們未能理解有關教學的聖保羅。 The points of view of both St. Paul and St. James are cited and considered complementary (I Clem., xxxi, xxxiii, xxxv; Ignat. to Polyc., vi).該觀點的聖保羅和聖詹姆斯引用,並認為補充(一克萊姆。 ,三十一,三十三,三十五;伊格納特。以Polyc 。 ,六) 。 Good works are insisted on by Hermas (Vis., iii, 1 Simil., v, 3), and Barnabas proclaims (c. xix) their necessity for salvation.良好的工程是堅持以書( Vis. ,三, 1 Simil 。 ,五, 3 ) ,並宣布巴拿巴(角十九)他們需要救贖。 The Church, the "Catholic" Church, as Ignatius for the first time calls it (Smyrn., viii), takes the place of the chosen people; is the mystical body of Christ, the faithful being the members thereof, united by oneness of faith and hope, and by a charity which prompts to mutual assistance.教會, “天主教”教會,因為伊格內修第一次將其稱為( Smyrn. ,八) ,取代人民的選擇;是神秘的基督的奧體,忠實地為成員,團結一體的信念和希望,並通過提示慈善互助。 This unity is secured by the hierarchical organization of the ministry and the due submission of inferiors to authority.這種團結是擔保的等級組織部門和適當的提交低人一等權威。 On this point the teaching of the Apostolic Fathers seems to stand for a marked development in advance of the practice of the Apostolic period.在這一點上,教學的使徒們似乎站在了顯著發展,推進實踐使徒時期。 But it is to be noted that the familiar tone in which episcopal authority is treated precludes the possibility of its being a novelty.但是,必須指出的是,熟悉的調子,其中主教權力排除治療的可能性,它是一個新事物。 The Didache may yet deal with "prophets", "Apostles", and itinerant missionaries (x-xi, xiii-xiv), but this is not a stage in development.在十二使徒遺訓還可能涉及“先知” , “使徒” ,並巡迴傳教士(十,十一,十三,十四) ,但是這不是一個階段的發展。 It is anomalous, outside the current of development.這是反常的,目前境外的發展。 Clement and Ignatius present the hierarchy, organized and complete, with its orders of bishops, priests, and deacons, ministers of the Eucharistic liturgy and administrators of temporalities.克萊門特和伊格內修本層次,有組織的和完整的,其命令的主教,神父,和執事,部長聖禮儀和管理人員的temporalities 。 Clement's Epistle is the philosophy of "Apostolicity," and its corollary, episcopal succession.克萊門特的書是哲學的“ Apostolicity ” ,而其必然結果是,主教繼承。 Ignatius gives in abundance practical illustrations of what Clement sets forth in principle.伊格內修提供豐富的實際說明什麼克萊門特闡明的原則。 For Ignatius the bishop is the centre of unity (Ephesians 4), the authority whom all must obey as they would God, in whose place the bishop rules (Ignat. to Polyc., vi; Magnes., vi, xiii; Smyrn., viii, xi; Trail., xii); for unity with and submission to the bishop is the only security of faith.對於伊格內修,主教是該中心的統一(以弗所書4 ) ,其中的權威都必須服從,因為他們的上帝,在其位主教規則( Ignat.將Polyc 。 ,六;馬格內斯。 ,六,十三; Smyrn 。 ,第八,十一;徑。 ,十二) ;團結和提交的主教是唯一安全的信念。 Supreme in the Church is he who holds the seat of St. Peter at Rome.最高法院在教會他是誰擁有席位的聖彼得在羅馬。 The intervention of Clement in the affairs of Corinth and the language of Ignatius in speaking of the Church of Rome in the exordium of his Epistle to the Romans must be understood in the light of Christ's charge to St. Peter.的干預克萊門特的事務科林斯和語言的伊格內修在談到羅馬教會在緒論他的書,羅馬人必須了解,鑑於基督的收費聖彼得。 One rounds out the other.一個回合了其他。 The deepest reverence for the memory of St.最深切的崇敬的記憶中街 Peter is visible in the writings of Clement and Ignatius.彼得是可見的著作克萊門特和伊格內修。 They couple his name with that of St. Paul, and this effectually disproves the antagonism between these two Apostles which the Tübingen theory postulated in tracing the pretended development of a united church from the discordant Petrine and Pauline factions.他們夫婦自己的名字與聖保羅,這有效地disproves的對立這兩個使徒的蒂賓根大學理論假設追查假裝發展一個統一的教會從不協調伯多祿和保派別。 Among the sacraments alluded to is Baptism, to which Ignatius refers (Polyc., ii; Smyrn., viii), and of which Hermas speaks as the necessary way of entrance to the Church and to salvation (Vis., iii, 3, 5; Simil., ix, 16), the way from death to life (Simil., viii, 6), while the Didache deals with it liturgically (vii).在聖禮中提到的洗禮,而伊格內修指( Polyc.二; Smyrn 。 ,八) ,並說這書的必要途徑進入教堂,並解救( Vis.三,三,五; Simil 。 ,九, 16 )的方式,從死亡的生命( Simil. ,八, 6 ) ,而十二使徒遺訓處理它liturgically (七) 。 The Eucharist is mentioned in the Didache (xiv) and by Ignatius, who uses the term to signify the "flesh of Our Saviour Jesus Christ" (Smyrn., vii; Eph., xx; Philad., iv).聖體聖事中所提到的十二使徒遺訓(十四)和伊格內修,誰需要使用,以表明長期的“肉我們的救主耶穌基督” ( Smyrn.第七;厄。 ,第xx ; Philad 。 ,四) 。 Penance is the theme of Hermas, and is urged as a necessary and a possible recourse for him who sins once after baptism (Vis., iii, 7; Simil., viii, 6, 8, 9, I1).懺悔的主題是書,並敦促作為一項必要的和可能的追索他誰的罪孽一次洗禮後( Vis. ,三,七; Simil 。 ,八,六,八,九, I1 ) 。 The Didache refers to a confession of sins (iv, xiv) as does Barnabas (xix).在十二使徒遺訓是指招供的罪孽(四,十四)一樣巴拿巴(十九) 。 An exposition of the dogmatic teaching of individual Fathers will be found under their respective names.博覽會的教條式的個別教學父親將發現根據各自的名字。

The Apostolic Fathers, as a group, are found in no one manuscript.使徒父親,作為一個群體,是在沒有人的手稿。 The literary history of each will be found in connection with the individual studies.在文學史上的每一個能找到與個人的研究。 The first edition was that of Cotelerius, above referred to (Paris, 1672).第一版是, Cotelerius ,上面提到的(巴黎, 1672 ) 。 It contained Barnabas, Clement, Hermas, Ignatius, and Polycarp.它載巴拿巴,克萊門特,書,伊格內修,並波利卡普。 A reprint (Antwerp, 1698-1700; Amsterdam, 1724), by Jean Leclerc (Clericus), contained much additional matter.重印(安特衛普, 1698年至1700年;阿姆斯特丹, 1724 ) ,讓勒克萊爾( Clericus ) ,載有許多額外的問題。 The latest editions are those of the Anglican Bishop, JB Lightfoot, "The Apostolic Fathers" (5 vols., London, 1889-1890); abbreviated edition, Lightfoot-Harmer, London, I vol., 1893; Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, "Patrum Apostolicorum Opera" (Leipzig, 1901); and FX von Funk, "Patres Apostolici" (2d ed., Tübingen, 1901), in all of which abundant reference will be found to the literature of the two preceding centuries.最新版本是英國聖公會主教,巴頓娜萊, “父輩的使徒” ( 5卷。 ,倫敦, 1889年至1890年) ;縮寫版,萊特富特,哈默,倫敦,我卷。 , 1893年; Gebhardt ,哈納克,並贊恩, “ Patrum Apostolicorum歌劇” (萊比錫, 1901年) ;和FX馮方, “ Patres Apostolici ” (二維版。 ,蒂賓根大學, 1901年) ,在所有這些豐富的參考將找到的文獻的前兩個世紀。 The last named work first appeared (Tübingen, vol. I, 1878, 1887; vol. II,,1881) as a fifth edition of Hefele's "Opera Patr. Apostolicorum" (Tübingen, 1839; 4th ed., 1855) enriched with notes (critical, exegetical, historical), prolegomena, indexes, and a Latin version.最後命名工作第一次出現(蒂賓根大學,第二卷。一, 1878年, 1887年;卷。第二, 1881年)作為第五Hefele版的“歌劇院Patr 。 Apostolicorum ” (蒂賓根大學, 1839年;第4版。 , 1855 )豐富說明(關鍵,訓詁,歷史) ,前言,索引和拉丁美洲的版本。 The second edition meets all just demands of a critical presentation of these ancient and important writings, and in its introduction and notes offers the best Catholic treatise on the subject.第二版滿足所有合理要求的一個關鍵介紹這些古老而重要的著作,並在其介紹,並指出提供了最好的天主教論文的主題。

Publication information Written by John B. Peterson.出版信息撰稿:約翰B彼得森。 Transcribed by Nicolette Ormsbee. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume I. Published 1907.轉錄的妮可Ormsbee 。天主教百科全書,體積一發布1907年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, March 1, 1907. Nihil Obstat , 1907年三月一日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York認可。 +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography目錄

PG (Paris, 1857), I, II, V; Eng.前列腺素(巴黎, 1857年) ,一,二,五;工程。 tr.文。 in Ante-Nicene Library (Edinburgh, 1866), I, and American ed.在前廳尼西亞圖書館(愛丁堡, 1866年) ,我和美國版。 (New York, 1903), I, 1-158; Freppel, Les Peres Apostoliques et leur époque (Paris, 1885); Batiffol, La litt. (紐約, 1903年) ,我1-158 ; Freppel ,法國佩雷斯Apostoliques等弗勒爾時代(巴黎, 1885年) ; Batiffol ,香格里拉利特。 eccl.傳道書。 grecque (Paris, 1901); Holland, The Apostolic Fathers (London, 1897); Wake, The Genuine Epistles of the Apostolic Fathers (London, 1893); Fleming, Early Christian Witnesses (London, 1878); Crutwell, A Literary History of Early Christianity (London, 1893), I, 21-127; Oxford Society of Historical Theology, The New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers (Oxford, 1905); Lightfoot in Dict. grecque (巴黎, 1901年) ;荷蘭,使徒教父(倫敦, 1897年) ;喚醒,真正書信使徒教父(倫敦, 1893年) ;弗萊明,早期基督教見證(倫敦, 1878年) ; Crutwell ,文學史早期基督教(倫敦, 1893年) ,我21-127 ;牛津社會的歷史神學,新約中的使徒教父(牛津, 1905年) ;娜萊在快譯通。 of Chr.人權委員會。 Biog., sv; for the doctrine, see Tixeront, Histoire des dogmes (Paris, 1905), I, 115-163; Bareille in Dict. Biog 。 ,希沃特;的理論,見Tixeront ,史dogmes (巴黎, 1905年) ,我115-163 ; Bareille在快譯通。 de theol.德theol 。 cath.導管。 (Paris, 1903), I, 1634-46; Bardenhewer, Geschichte d. (巴黎, 1903年) ,我1634年至1646年; Bardenhewer ,歷史d. altkirchl. altkirchl 。 Litt., I.利特。 ,一


Fathers of the Church父親教會

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

The Appeal to the Fathers呼籲父親

Classification of Patristic Writings分類教父著作

Apostolic Fathers and the Second Century使徒父親和第二世紀

Third Century第三世紀的

Fourth Century第四世紀的

Fifth Century第五世紀的

Sixth Century第六世紀的

Characteristics of Patristic Writings特徵教父著作

Commentaries

Preachers傳教士

Writers作家

East and West東方和西方

theology">Theology神學“ ”神學

Discipline, Liturgy, Ascetics紀律,聖禮,腹水

Historical Materials史料

Patristic Study教父研究

The word Father is used in the New Testament to mean a teacher of spiritual things, by whose means the soul of man is born again into the likeness of Christ: "For if you have ten thousand instructors in Christ, yet not many fathers. For in Christ Jesus, by the gospel, I have begotten you. Wherefore I beseech you, be ye followers of me, as I also am of Christ" (1 Corinthians 4:15, 16; cf. Galatians 4:19).這個詞是父親使用的新約全書指教師的精神外,其手段的靈魂,人是出生再次進入基督的肖像: “因為如果你有10000教官在基督,但不是很多的父親。對於在基督耶穌,由福音,我生你。何故我求求你,你們是我的追隨者,我也相信基督“ (哥林多前書4:15 , 16 ;比照。加拉太4點19分) 。 The first teachers of Christianity seem to be collectively spoken of as "the Fathers" (2 Peter 3:4).首先教師的基督教似乎是集體談到的“教父” (彼得後書3點04 ) 。

Thus St. Irenæus defines that a teacher is a father, and a disciple is a son (iv, 41,2), and so says Clement of Alexandria (Strom., I, i, 1).因此,聖依規定,教師是一個父親,弟子是一個兒子(四, 41.2 ) ,所以說,克萊門特亞歷山大( Strom. ,我,我, 1 ) 。 A bishop is emphatically a "father in Christ", both because it was he, in early times, who baptized all his flock, and because he is the chief teacher of his church.一位主教是強調了“在基督的父親” ,因為這是他在早期時代,誰領洗所有他的羊群,因為他是首席教師的教堂。 But he is also regarded by the early Fathers, such as Hegesippus, Irenaeus, and Tertullian as the recipient of the tradition of his predecessors in the see, and consequently as the witness and representative of the faith of his Church before Catholicity and the world.但他也認為父親的早期,如Hegesippus ,依,以及良作為受援國的傳統,他的前任的見,因此,作為證人和代表他的誠意之前,天主教教會和世界。 Hence the expression "the Fathers" comes naturally to be applied to the holy bishops of a preceding age, whether of the last generation or further back, since they are the parents at whose knee the Church of today was taught her belief.因此,對“父親”是自然適用於神聖的主教前的年齡,無論是上一代或進一步恢復,因為他們是父母的膝蓋上的教會今天是教她的信仰。 It is also applicable in an eminent way to bishops sitting in council, "the Fathers of Nicaea", "the Fathers of Trent". Thus Fathers have learnt from Fathers, and in the last resort from the Apostles, who are sometimes called Fathers in this sense: "They are your Fathers", says St.它也適用於一位傑出的方式坐在主教理事會“ ,父親尼西亞” , “父親的遄達” 。因此父親從父親的教訓,並在萬不得已的使徒,誰是有時被稱為教父這個意義上來說: “他們是你的父親”說,街 Leo, of the Princes of the Apostles, speaking to the Romans; St. Hilary of Arles calls them sancti patres; Clement of Alexandria says that his teachers, from Greece, Ionia, Coele-Syria, Egypt, the Orient, Assyria, Palestine, respectively, had handed on to him the tradition of blessed teaching from Peter, and James, and John, and Paul, receiving it "as son from father".利奧的王子的門徒,講的羅馬聖希拉里的阿爾勒要求他們聖patres ;克萊門特亞歷山大說,他的老師,來自希臘,愛奧尼亞, Coele ,敘利亞,埃及,東方,亞述,巴勒斯坦,分別交給了他對傳統的祝福教學彼得,詹姆斯,約翰,保羅,接受它“作為兒子的父親。 ”

It follows that, as our own Fathers are the predecessors who have taught us, so the Fathers of the whole Church are especially the earlier teachers, who instructed her in the teaching of the Apostles, during her infancy and first growth.由此可知,作為我們自己的父親是誰的前輩告訴我們,所以父親的整個教會的特別是早期的教師,誰指示她在教學中的使徒,在她的嬰兒和首次增長。 It is difficult to define the first age of the Church, or the age of the Fathers.這是很難界定的第一個時代的教會,或年齡的父輩。 It is a common habit to stop the study of the early Church at the Council of Chalcedon in 451.這是一個共同的習慣,制止研究初期教會在安理會中的迦克墩451 。 "The Fathers" must undoubtedly include, in the West, St. Gregory the Great (d. 604), and in the East, St. John Damascene (d. about 754). “父親”必須毫無疑問包括,在西方,聖格里高利大(草604 ) ,並在東,聖約翰大馬士革(草約754 ) 。 It is frequently said that St. Bernard (d. 1153) was the last of the Fathers, and Migne's "Patrologia Latina" extends to Innocent III, halting only on the verge of the thirteenth century, while his "Patrologia Graeca" goes as far as the Council of Florence (1438-9).這是經常說,聖伯納德(草1153 )是最後的父親,並米涅的“ Patrologia拉丁”延伸到無辜的三,制止只瀕臨十三世紀,而他的“ Patrologia Graeca ”不用遠作為理事會的佛羅倫薩( 1438-9 ) 。 These limits are evidently too wide, It will be best to consider that the great merit of St. Bernard as a writer lies in his resemblance in style and matter to the greatest among the Fathers, in spite of the difference of period.這些限制顯然過於廣泛,這將是最好的考慮,非常值得的聖伯納德作為一個作家是他在風格相似的問題和最偉大的父親之間,儘管有差異的時期。 St. Isidore of Seville (d. 636) and the Venerable Bede (d. 735) are to be classed among the Fathers, but they may be said to have been born out of due time, as St. Theodore the Studite was in the East.聖伊西多爾的塞維利亞(草636 )和法師比德(草735 )將歸的父親,但他們可以說已經出生了適當的時候,因為街的Studite西奧多是在東。

I. THE APPEAL TO THE FATHERS一,呼籲父親

Thus the use of the term Fathers has been continuous, yet it could not at first he employed in precisely the modern sense of Fathers of the Church.因此,這一用語的使用父親一直持續,但它不能在第一,他僱用的正是現代意義上的父親教會。 In early days the expression referred to writers who were then quite recent.在初期的表達提到作家誰,然後最近的事實。 It is still applied to those writers who are to us the ancients, but no longer in the same way to writers who are now recent.它仍然是適用於這些作家誰是我們的古人,但不再以同樣的方式,以作家誰現在最近的事。 Appeals to the Fathers are a subdivision of appeals to tradition.上訴的父親是一個細分呼籲傳統。 In the first half of the second century begin the appeals to the sub-Apostolic age: Papias appeals to the presbyters, and through them to the Apostles.在上半年的第二個世紀開始呼籲分使徒年齡:帕皮亞呼籲長老,並通過他們向使徒。 Half a century later St. Irenæus supplements this method by an appeal to the tradition handed down in every Church by the succession of its bishops (Adv. Haer., III, i-iii), and Tertullian clinches this argument by the observation that as all the Churches agree, their tradition is secure, for they could not all have strayed by chance into the same error (Praescr., xxviii).半個世紀後的補充聖依這個方法的呼籲傳統流傳在每一個教會繼承其主教( Adv. Haer 。 ,三,一至三) ,和良板上釘釘這一論點的看法,即作為所有的教會同意,他們的傳統是安全的,因為他們不能都迷路的機會到同樣的錯誤( Praescr. ,二十八) 。 The appeal is thus to Churches and their bishops, none but bishops being the authoritative exponents of the doctrine of their Churches.該呼籲從而教會和他們的主教,主教,但沒有得到權威指數的理論,他們的教會。 As late as 341 the bishops of the Dedication Council at Antioch declared: "We are not followers of Arius; for how could we, who are bishops, be disciples of a priest?"直到341的主教理事會的奉獻精神在安提阿宣布: “我們不是追隨者阿里烏斯;對我們究竟會如何,誰是主教,是弟子一名牧師? ”

Yet slowly, as the appeals to the presbyters died out, there was arising by the side of appeals to the Churches a third method: the custom of appealing to Christian teachers who were not necessarily bishops.然而,慢慢地,因為呼籲長老去世了,但所產生的副作用的呼籲教會第三方法:自定義的呼籲基督徒教師誰不一定主教。 While, without the Church, Gnostic schools were substituted for churches, within the Church, Catholic schools were growing up.雖然,沒有教會,諾斯底學校,取代教堂內,教堂,天主教學校長大的。 Philosophers like Justin and most of the numerous second-century apologists were reasoning about religion, and the great catechetical school of Alexandria was gathering renown.哲學家喜歡賈斯汀和大多數無數次世紀辯護士是關於宗教道理,偉大的問答學校的亞歷山大是收集聲譽。 Great bishops and saints like Dionysius of Alexandria, Gregory Thaumaturgus of Pontus, Firmilian of Cappadocia, and Alexander of Jerusalem were proud to be disciples of the priest Origen.偉大的主教和聖徒像修斯的亞歷山大,格雷戈里Thaumaturgus的龐, Firmilian的卡帕多西亞,和亞歷山大的耶路撒冷感到自豪的是門徒的奧利司鐸。 The bishop Cyprian called daily for the works of the priest Tertullian with the words "Give me the master".主教呼籲塞浦路斯每天工作的司鐸良改為“請給我的船長” 。 The Patriarch Athanasius refers for the ancient use of the word homoousios, not merely to the two Dionysii, but to the priest Theognostus.宗主教亞他那修是指對古代使用這個詞homoousios ,而不僅僅是兩個Dionysii ,但牧師Theognostus 。 Yet these priest-teachers are not yet called Fathers, and the greatest among them, Tertullian, Clement, Origen, Hippolytus, Novatian, Lucian, happen to be tinged with heresy; two became antipopes; one is the father of Arianism; another was condemned by a general council.然而,這些牧師,教師還沒有所謂的父親,以及它們之間的最大,良,克萊門特,奧利,西波呂, Novatian ,聖盧西亞,恰巧是帶有邪教;成為antipopes兩個,一個是父親Arianism ;另一譴責由一個總理事會。 In each case we might apply the words used by St. Hilary of Tertullian: "Sequenti errore detraxit scriptis probabilibus auctoritatem" (Comm. in Matt., v, 1, cited by Vincent of Lérins, 2.4).在每一種情況下,我們可以適用的話用希拉里的聖良: “ Sequenti errore detraxit scriptis probabilibus auctoritatem ” ( Comm.在馬特。 ,五, 1 ,引用文森特的Lérins , 2.4 ) 。

A fourth form of appeal was better founded and of enduring value.第四種形式的上訴是更好的基礎和持久的價值。 Eventually it appeared that bishops as well as priests were fallible.最終看來,主教,以及神職人員是犯錯誤。 In the second century the bishops were orthodox.在第二個世紀的東正教主教。 In the third they were often found wanting.在第三他們往往缺少。 In the fourth they were the leaders of schisms, and heresies, in the Meletian and Donatist troubles and in the long Arian struggle, in which few were found to stand firm against the insidious persecution of Constantius.在第四他們領導人的分裂和異端邪說,在Meletian和Donatist麻煩,在長期的鬥爭阿里安,其中一些被發現堅決反對邪惡迫害君。 It came to be seen that the true Fathers of the Church are those Catholic teachers who have persevered in her communion, and whose teaching has been recognized as orthodox. So it came to pass that out of the four "Latin Doctors" one is not a bishop.它來看到真正的父親教會是天主教的教師都堅持誰在她的共融,其教學已被確認為正統。所以來傳球,在四個“拉丁美洲醫生”是不是一個主教。 Two other Fathers who were not bishops have been declared to be Doctors of the Church, Bede and John Damascene, while among the Doctors outside the patristic period we find two more priests, the incomparable St. Bernard and the greatest of all theologians, St. Thomas Aquinas.其他兩個父親誰沒有主教已被宣布為醫生的教會,比德和約翰大馬士革,而醫生之間以外的教父時期內,我們找到兩個神父,無與倫比的聖伯納德和最大的神學家,聖多瑪斯。 Nay, few writers had such great authority in the Schools of the Middle Ages as the layman Boethius, many of whose definitions are still commonplaces of theology.不,幾個作家有如此巨大的權力在學校中世紀作為外行Boethius ,許多國家的定義仍然commonplaces神學。

Similarly (we may notice in passing) the name "Father", which originally belonged to bishops, has been as it were delegated to priests, especially as ministers of the Sacrament of Penance.同樣(我們可能會發現在通過)的名稱“父親” ,這原本屬於主教,一直因為它下放給神父,特別是部長聖懺悔。 it is now a form of address to all priests in Spain, in Ireland, and, of recent years, in England and the United States.現在是某種形式的解決所有神職人員在西班牙,愛爾蘭,以及最近幾年,在英格蘭和美國。

Papas or Pappas, Pope, was a term of respect for eminent bishops (eg in letters to St. Cyprian and to St. Augustine -- neither of these writers seems to use it in addressing other bishops, except when St. Augustine writes to Rome). Eventually the term was reserved to the bishops of Rome and Alexandria; yet in the East today every priest is a "pope".爸爸或帕帕斯,教皇,是一個長期的尊重知名人士主教(例如,在信街塞浦路斯和聖奧古斯丁-既不這些作家似乎用它在處理其他主教,除非聖奧古斯丁寫道羅馬) 。最後的任期是保留給主教在羅馬和亞歷山大,但在東今天每一個牧師是“教皇” 。 The Aramaic abbe was used from early times for the superiors of religious houses.阿貝的阿拉姆被用來從早期時代的上級宗教的房屋。 But through the abuse of granting abbeys in commendam to seculars, it has become a polite title for all secular clerics, even seminarists in Italy, and especially in France, whereas all religious who are priests are addressed as "Father".但是,通過濫用給予修道院中commendam以seculars ,它已成為一個有禮貌的標題為所有世俗的神職人員,甚至seminarists在意大利,尤其是在法國,而所有宗教都是神甫誰是解決“父親” 。

We receive only, says St. Basil, what we have been taught by the holy Fathers; and he adds that in his Church of Caesarea the faith of the holy Fathers of Nicaea has long been implanted (Ep. cxl, 2).我們只接收,聖巴西爾說,我們所教的聖地父親和他補充說,他在教會的愷撒的信仰神聖的父親尼西亞一直植入( Ep.消抗安胎口服液, 2 ) 。 St. Gregory Nazianzen declares that he holds fast the teaching which he heard from the holy Oracles, and was taught by the holy Fathers.聖格雷戈里Nazianzen宣布,他擁有快速的教學,他聽取了神聖的甲骨文,是教的聖地父親。 These Cappadocian saints seem to be the first to appeal to a real catena of Fathers.這些卡帕多細亞的聖人似乎是第一次呼籲一個真正的系列的父親。 The appeal to one or two was already common enough; but not even the learned Eusebius had thought of a long string of authorities. St.呼籲一個或兩個已經共同不夠;但即使是經驗教訓優西比烏曾想一長串當局。街 Basil, for example (De Spir. S., ii, 29), cites for the formula "with the Holy Ghost" in the doxology, the example of Irenaeus, Clement and Dionysius of Alexandria, Dionysius of Rome, Eusebius of Caesarea, Origen, Africanus, the preces lucerariae said at the lighting of lamps, Athenagoras, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Firmilian, Meletius.巴西爾,例如(德Spir 。南,二, 29歲) ,引用的公式“與聖靈”在三一頌,舉例依,克萊門特和修斯的亞歷山大,狄奧尼修斯的羅馬,愷撒的優西比烏,俄利根,西庇阿的preces lucerariae說,照明燈,亞山那哥拉,格雷戈里Thaumaturgus , Firmilian , Meletius 。

In the fifth century this method became a stereotyped custom.在第五世紀這種方法成為一個定型的習俗。 St. Jerome is perhaps the first writer to try to establish his interpretation of a text by a string of exegetes (Ep. cxii, ad Aug.).聖杰羅姆也許是第一作者,試圖確定他解釋文本的一系列exegetes ( Ep. cxii ,廣告8月) 。 Paulinus, the deacon and biographer of St. Paulinus ,執事和傳記作家聖 Ambrose, in the libellus he presented against the Pelagians to Pope Zosimus in 417, quotes Cyprian, Ambrose, Gregory Nazianzen, and the decrees of the late Pope Innocent.劉漢銓,在他提出libellus對Pelagians ,教皇Zosimus在417 ,報價塞浦路斯,劉漢銓,格雷戈里Nazianzen ,以及法令已故諾森。 In 420 St. Augustine quotes Cyprian and Ambrose against the same heretics (C. duas Epp. Pel., iv). 420聖奧古斯丁報價塞浦路斯和劉漢銓對同異教徒(角duas資源增值計劃。帕弗瑞。 ,四) 。 Julian of Eclanum quoted Chrysostom and Basil; St.朱利安的Eclanum引用金口和羅勒;街 Augustine replies to him in 421 (Contra Julianum, i) with Irenaeus, Cyprian, Reticius, Olympius, Hilary, Ambrose, the decrees of African councils, and above all Popes Innocent and Zosimus.奧古斯丁答复,他在421 (魂斗羅Julianum我)依在,塞浦路斯, Reticius ,匹阿斯,希拉里,劉漢銓,法令的非洲議會,及以上所有教皇英諾森和Zosimus 。 In a celebrated passage he argues that these Western writers are more than sufficient, but as Julian had appealed to the East, to the East, he shall go, and the saint adds Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Synod of Diospolis, Chrysostom.在一個著名的通道,他認為,這些西方作家都綽綽有餘,但朱利安呼籲東,東方,他應去,並增加了格里高利聖Nazianzen ,巴茲爾,主教會議Diospolis ,金口。 To these he adds Jerome (c. xxxiv): "Nor should you think Jerome, because he was a priest, is to be despised", and adds a eulogy.這些他補充說杰羅姆(角三十四) : “你也不應認為杰羅姆,因為他是一位神父,是鄙視” ,並增加了悼詞。 This is amusing, when we remember that Jerome in a fit of irritation, fifteen before, had written to Augustine (Ep. cxlii) "Do not excite against me the silly crowd of the ignorant, who venerate you as a bishop, and receive you with the honour due to a prelate when you declaim in the Church, whereas they think little of me, an old man, nearly decrepit, in my monastery in the solitude of the country."這是有趣的,當我們記住,杰羅姆在一個合適的刺激, 15之前,曾寫信給奧古斯丁( Ep. cxlii ) “不要對我興奮的愚蠢人群的無知,誰敬你作為一個主教,並收到您與榮幸由於主教當你朗誦的教會,而他們認為沒有我,一個老人,幾乎破舊,我在寺院中的孤獨的國家。 “

In the second book "Contra Julianum", St. Augustine again cites Ambrose frequently, and Cyprian, Gregory Nazianzen, Hilary, Chrysostom; in ii, 37, he recapitulates the nine names (omitting councils and popes), adding (iii, 32) Innocent and Jerome.在第二本書“魂斗羅Julianum ” ,聖奧古斯丁再次引用劉漢銓頻繁,塞浦路斯,格雷戈里Nazianzen ,希拉里,金口;在二, 37歲,他概括了9名(不含理事會和教皇) ,新增(三32 )無辜和杰羅姆。 A few years later the Semipelagians of Southern Gaul, who were led by St. Hilary of Arles, St. Vincent of Lérins, and Bl.幾年後的Semipelagians南部高盧人,誰是由聖希拉里的阿爾勒,聖文森特的Lérins ,與BL 。 Cassian, refuse to accept St. Augustine's severe view of predestination because "contrarium putant patrum opinioni et ecclesiastico sensui". Cassian ,拒絕接受聖奧古斯丁的嚴重鑑於命,因為“ contrarium putant patrum opinioni等ecclesiastico sensui ” 。 Their opponent St. Prosper, who was trying to convert them to Augustinianism, complains: "Obstinationem suam vetustate defendunt" (Ep. inter Atig. ccxxv, 2), and they said that no ecclesiastical writer had ever before interpreted Romans quite as St. Augustine did -- which was probably true enough.他們的對手街繁榮,誰試圖轉換為奧古斯丁,抱怨: “ Obstinationem蘇阿姆vetustate defendunt ” ( Ep.間Atig 。 ccxxv , 2 ) ,他們說,沒有教會作家以往任何時候都解釋為羅馬聖相當奧古斯丁沒有-這可能是真正不夠的。 The interest of this attitude lies in the fact that it was, if not new at least more definite than any earlier appeal to antiquity.利益的這種態度在於,它是,如果不是新的,至少更明確的比任何早些時候呼籲文物。 Through most of the fourth century, the controversy with the Arians had turned upon Scripture, and appeals to past authority were few.通過大部分的第四世紀,爭議與Arians拒絕後經文,並呼籲當局過去很少。 But the appeal to the Fathers was never the most imposing locus theologicus, for they could not easily be assembled so as to form an absolutely conclusive test.但是,呼籲父親從未史上最宏偉的軌跡theologicus ,因為它們不能輕易組裝,以形成一個絕對決定性的測試。 On the other hand up to the end of the fourth century, there were practically no infallible definitions available, except condemnations of heresies, chiefly by popes.另一方面直至去年底四世紀,有幾乎沒有提供可靠的定義,除了譴責邪說,主要由教皇。 By the time that the Arian reaction under Valens caused the Eastern conservatives to draw towards the orthodox, and prepared the restoration of orthodoxy to power by Theodosius, the Nicene decisions were beginning to be looked upon as sacrosanct, and that council to be preferred to a unique position above all others.到時候,阿里安反應瓦倫斯造成東部保守派提請對正統,並準備恢復正統權力的狄奧,尼西亞決定開始被看作神聖不可侵犯的,而且會更可取的具有獨特的地位高於所有其他國家。 By 430, the date we have reached, the Creed we now say at Mass was revered in the East, whether rightly or wrongly, as the work of the 150 Fathers of Constantinople in 381, and there were also new papal decisions, especially the tractoria of Pope Zosimus, which in 418 had been sent to all the bishops of the world to be signed.由430 ,日期我們已經達成的信條,我們現在說,大眾是尊敬的東,不論是正確或錯誤,因為工作的150名父親在381君士坦丁堡,也有新的教皇的決定,特別是tractoria教皇Zosimus ,這418已發送給所有的主教世界上簽字。

It is to living authority, the idea of which had thus come to the fore, that St. Prosper was appealing in his controversy with the Lerinese school.這是生活的權力,其中的想法,因此脫穎而出,聖普羅斯珀是在他的呼籲與爭論Lerinese學校。 When he went to Gaul, in 431, as papal envoy, just after St. Augustine's death, he replied to their difficulties, not by reiterating that saint's hardest arguments, but by taking with him a letter from Pope St. Celestine, in which St. Augustine is extolled as having been held by the pope's predecessors to be "inter magistros optimos".當他去高盧人,在431名,作為教皇的特使後,聖奧古斯丁的死,他回答他們的困難,而不是由重申,聖的最難的論點,但同時他的信教宗聖巴巴亞羅,其中聖。奧古斯丁是讚美已被舉行的教皇的前身是“間magistros optimos ” 。 No one is to be allowed to depreciate him, but it is not said that every word of his is to be followed.沒有人被允許貶值,但他不說,每一個字,他是應遵循的。 The disturbers had appealed to the Holy See, and the reply is "Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem" (Let novelty cease to attack antiquity!).該disturbers呼籲羅馬教廷,並答复是“ Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem ” (讓新穎停止攻擊古代! ) 。 An appendix is added, not of the opinions of ancient Fathers, but of recent popes, since the very same monks who thought St. Augustine went too far, professed (says the appendix) "that they followed and approved only what the most holy See of the Blessed Apostle Peter sanctioned and taught by the ministry of its prelates".附錄是補充,而不是古老的意見父輩,但最近教皇,因為同樣的和尚誰想到聖奧古斯丁走得太遠,聲稱(說附錄) “ ,他們遵循只批准了羅馬教廷最的祝福使徒彼得教授認可和該部的主教“ 。 A list therefore follows of "the judgments of the rulers of the Roman Church", to which are added some sentences of African councils, "which indeed the Apostolic bishops made their own when they approved them".因此,名單如下的“判決的統治者的羅馬教會” ,這是增加了一些句子非洲議會, “這的確教廷主教作出了自己的當他們批准了這些。 ” To these inviolabiles sanctiones (we might roughly render "infallible utterances") prayers used in the sacraments are appended "ut legem credendi lex statuat supplicandi" -- a frequently misquoted phrase -- and in conclusion, it is declared that these testimonies of the Apostolic See are sufficient, "so that we consider not to be Catholic at all whatever shall appear to be contrary to the decisions we have cited".這些inviolabiles sanctiones (我們可以大致呈現“萬無一失的話語” )祈禱中使用的附加聖禮“解放legem credendi法statuat supplicandi ” -一個經常錯誤引用一句-在最後,這是宣布,這些證詞使徒見是不夠的, “所以,我們認為不能在所有天主教無論應似乎是相反的決定,我們引” 。 Thus the decisions of the Apostolic See are put on a very different level from the views of St. Augustine, just as that saint always drew a sharp distinction between the resolutions of African councils or the extracts from the Fathers, on the one hand, and the decrees of Popes Innocent and Zosimus on the other.因此,決定使徒見放在一個非常不同程度的意見聖奧古斯丁,就像是聖總是吸引了區分的決議,非洲政局或摘錄父親,一方面,和法令教皇英諾森和Zosimus的問題。

Three years later a famous document on tradition and its use emanated from the Lerinese school, the "Commonitorium" of St. Vincent. 3年後,著名的文件,傳統和使用來自Lerinese學校, “ Commonitorium ”聖文森特。 He whole-heartedly accepted the letter of Pope Celestine, and he quoted it as an authoritative and irresistible witness to his own doctrine that where quod ubique, or universitas, is uncertain, we must turn to quod semper, or antiquitas.他全心全意地接受了教皇的信天青石,他引用這是一個不可抗拒的權威性和見證自己的學說,在獄吏ubique ,或大學,是不確定的,我們必須談談獄吏森佩爾,或antiquitas 。 Nothing could be more to his purpose than the pope's: "Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem."沒有什麼比這更給他的目的不是教宗的: “ Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem 。 ” The Œcumenical Council of Ephesus had been held in the same year that Celestine wrote.安理會的Œcumenical以弗所一直被關押在同一年的巴巴亞羅寫道。 Its Acts were before St. Vincent, and it is clear that he looked upon both pope and council as decisive authorities.其行為已提交聖文森特,很清楚的是,他期待雙方呼籲教皇和安理會的決定性當局。 It was necessary to establish this, before turning to his famous canon, quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus otherwise universitas, antiquitas, consensio.有必要設立這個之前,把他的著名的佳能, ubique獄吏,獄吏森佩爾,獄吏公司綜合其他大學, antiquitas , consensio 。 It was not a new criterion, else it would have committed suicide by its very expression.這不是一個新的標準,否則它會自殺由於其本身的表達。 But never had the doctrine been so admirably phrased, so limpidly explained, so adequately exemplified.但是,從未有過的理論是如此令人欽佩的措辭,以便limpidly解釋,以便充分體現。 Even the law of the evolution of dogma is defined by Vincent in language which can hardly be surpassed for exactness and vigour.即使法律的演變,教條的定義是文森特在語言,就很難突破的正確性和活力。 St. Vincent's triple test is wholly misunderstood if it is taken to be the ordinary rule of faith.聖文森的三重考驗完全是誤解,如果它採取的是普通的法治信仰。 Like all Catholics he took the ordinary rule to be the living magisterium of the Church, and he assumes that the formal decision in cases of doubt lies with the Apostolic See, or with a general council.像所有的天主教徒,他一般規則是生活magisterium的教會,他假設,正式決定案件的疑問在於使徒見,或總理事會。 But cases of doubt arise when no such decision is forthcoming.但是,案件出現疑問時,沒有這樣的決定是即將舉行的。 Then it is that the three tests are to be applied, not simultaneously, but, if necessary, in succession.那麼,這三個試驗的適用,而不是同時,但是,如果有必要,在繼承。

When an error is found in one corner of the Church, then the first test, universitas, quod ubique, is an unanswerable refutation, nor is there any need to examine further (iii, 7, 8).當一個錯誤被發現在一個角落裡的教堂,然後在第一次測試,大學,獄吏ubique ,是一個無法回答的駁斥,也沒有任何需要進一步研究(三,七,八) 。 But if an error attacks the whole Church, then antiquitas, quod semper is to be appealed to, that is, a consensus existing before the novelty arose.但是,如果一個錯誤的攻擊整個教會,然後antiquitas ,獄吏森佩爾要呼籲,就是達成共識之前,現有的新穎產生的。 Still, in the previous period one or two teachers, even men of great fame, may have erred.儘管如此,在前一時期一個或兩個教師,甚至男子的偉大名聲,可能有錯誤。 Then we betake ourselves to quod ab omnibus, consensio, to the many against the few (if possible to a general council; if not, to an examination of writings).然後,我們betake自己從頭總括獄吏, consensio ,許多針對少數(如果可能的話向總理事會;如果沒有的話,考試的著作) 。 Those few are a trial of faith "ut tentet vos Dominus Deus vester" (Deuteronomy 13:1 sqq.).這些少數人進行審判的信仰“解放tentet沃斯主神西” (申命記13點01分sqq 。 ) 。 So Tertullian was a magna tentatio; so was Origen -- indeed the greatest temptation of all.因此,特土良是一個大tentatio ;所以奧利-實際上最大的誘惑的。 We must know that whenever what is new or unheard before is introduced by one man beyond or against all the saints, it pertains not to religion but to temptation (xx, 49).我們必須知道,只要是新的或以前是聞所未聞介紹了一個人超越或反對所有的聖人,不涉及宗教,而是誘惑( 20 , 49 ) 。

Who are the "Saints" to whom we appeal?誰是“聖人”的人,我們呼籲? The reply is a definition of "Fathers of the Church" given with all St. Vincent's inimitable accuracy: "Inter se majorem consulat interrogetque sententias, eorum dumtaxat qui, diversis licet temporibus et locis, in unius tamen ecclesiae Catholicae communione et fide permanentes, magistri probabiles exstiterunt; et quicquid non unus aut duo tantum, sed omnes pariter uno eodemque consensu aperte, frequenter, perseveranter tenuisse, scripsisse, docuisse cognoverit, id sibi quoque intelligat absque ulla dubitatione credendum" (iii, 8).答复是一個定義的“父親教會” ,因為所有聖文森的獨特的準確性: “彼此間majorem consulat interrogetque sententias , eorum dumtaxat歸仁, diversis licet temporibus等locis ,在unius塔門教會Catholicae communione等善意permanentes , magistri probabiles exstiterunt ;等quicquid非聯合國大學引渡兩名tantum ,基於國家的pariter烏諾eodemque合意aperte , frequenter , perseveranter tenuisse , scripsisse , docuisse cognoverit ,編號sibi quoque intelligat absque烏拉dubitatione credendum “ (三, 8 ) 。 This unambiguous sentence defines for us what is the right way of appealing to the Fathers, and the italicized words perfectly explain what is a "Father": "Those alone who, though in diverse times and places, yet persevering in time, communion and faith of the one Catholic Church, have been approved teachers."這句話毫不含糊的定義對我們來說什麼是正確的方式,呼籲父親和楷體字完美地解釋什麼是“父親” : “這些僅誰,但在不同的時間和地點,但堅持時間,共融和信念在一個天主教會,已批准的教師。 “

The same result is obtained by modern theologians, in their definitions; eg Fessler thus defines what constitutes a "Father":同樣的結果是得到了現代神學家,在其定義;如費斯勒從而界定什麼是“父親” :

orthodox doctrine and learning;正統的理論和學習;

holiness of life;聖潔的生活;

(at the present day) a certain antiquity. (在本日)某文物。

The criteria by which we judge whether a writer is a "Father" or not are:該標準是我們判斷作者是“父親”或不是:

citation by a general council, or引文由總理事會,或

in public Acts of popes addressed to the Church or concerning Faith;在公共行為的教皇給教會或涉及信仰;

encomium in the Roman Martyrology as "sanctitate et doctrina insignis"; encomium在羅馬Martyrology為“ sanctitate等doctrina木蓮” ;

public reading in Churches in early centuries;公共讀教會世紀初;

citations, with praise, as an authority as to the Faith by some of the more celebrated Fathers.引用,並讚揚作為一個權威的信仰的一些較著名的父親。

Early authors, though belonging to the Church, who fail to reach this standard are simply ecclesiastical writers ("Patrologia", ed. Jungmann, ch. i, #11).早期的作者,但屬於教會,誰沒有達到這一標準僅僅是教會作家( “ Patrologia ”版。 Jungmann ,膽固醇。一, # 11 ) 。 On the other hand, where the appeal is not to the authority of the writer, but his testimony is merely required to the belief of his time, one writer is as good as another, and if a Father is cited for this purpose, it is not as a Father that he is cited, but merely as a witness to facts well known to him.另一方面,如上訴是不權威的作家,但他的證詞僅僅是需要信念的時間,是一位作家不如另一種,如果父親是引為此目的,它是不是作為一個父親,他是引用,而只是作為證人的事實眾所周知給他。 For the history of dogma, therefore, the works of ecclesiastical writers who are not only not approved, but even heretical, are often just as valuable as those of the Fathers.對於歷史上的教條,因此,作品的作家誰教會不僅不批准,但即使邪教,往往是一樣的那些寶貴的父親。 On the other hand, the witness of one Father is occasionally of great weight for doctrine when taken singly, if he is teaching a subject on which he is recognized by the Church as an especial authority, eg, St. Athanasius on the Divinity of the Son, St. Augustine on the Holy Trinity, etc.另一方面,證人的父親是一個非常偶然的理論重量時,採取單獨,如果他教學的主題是他所承認的教會作為一個特殊的權力,例如,聖亞他那修的神的兒子,聖奧古斯丁的聖三一等

There are a few cases in which a general council has given approbation to the work of a Father, the most important being the two letters of St. Cyril of Alexandria which were read at the Council of Ephesus.有幾個案件中,一般會給予讚許的工作,一個父親,最重要的是兩個字母的聖西里爾亞歷山大被改為在安理會的以弗所。 But the authority of single Fathers considered in itself, says Franzelin (De traditione, thesis xv), "is not infallible or peremptory; though piety and sound reason agree that the theological opinions of such individuals should not be treated lightly, and should not without great caution be interpreted in a sense which clashes with the common doctrine of other Fathers."但是,權威的單身父親考慮自己說, Franzelin (德traditione ,論文XV )號決議, “不可靠的或強制性;雖然虔誠和健全的原因同意,神學的觀點這些人不應該等閒視之,而不應不非常謹慎的解釋在某種意義上這衝突的共同理論的其他父親。 “ The reason is plain enough; they were holy men, who are not to be presumed to have intended to stray from the doctrine of the Church, and their doubtful utterances are therefore to be taken in the best sense of which they are capable.原因是平原不夠;他們神聖的男人,誰不想被推定為打算偏離的理論,教會,他們的懷疑言論,因此將要採取的最好的感覺,他們有能力。 If they cannot be explained in an orthodox sense, we have to admit that not the greatest is immune from ignorance or accidental error or obscurity.如果他們無法解釋在一個正統意義上說,我們必須承認,並不是最大的是免於無知的或意外的錯誤或模糊。 But on the use of the Fathers in theological questions, the article TRADITION and the ordinary dogmatic treatises on that subject must be consulted, as it is proper here only to deal with the historical development of their use.但在使用中的教父神學的問題,文章傳統和普通的教條論文就這一問題必須徵求,因為它是這裡唯一正確處理的歷史發展及其使用。

The subject was never treated as a part of dogmatic theology until the rise of what is now commonly called "Theologia fundamentalis", in the sixteenth century, the founders of which are Melchior Canus and Bellarmine.這個問題從來沒有當作教條式的一部分,直到神學的崛起是現在一般所謂的“神學fundamentalis ” ,在十六世紀,創始人是梅爾基奧爾啄木鳥和貝拉明。 The former has a discussion of the use of the Fathers in deciding questions of faith (De locis theologicis, vii).前者討論了利用父親在決定問題的誠意(德locis theologicis ,七) 。 The Protestant Reformers attacked the authority of the Fathers.新教改革者攻擊權威的父親。 The most famous of these opponents is Dalbeus (Jean Daillé, 1594-1670, "Traité de l'emploi des saints Pères", 1632; in Latin "De usu Patrum", 1656).最有名的這些對手是Dalbeus (讓Daillé , 1594至1670年, “ Traité法國就業之聖人佩雷斯” , 1632年,在拉美“德烏蘇Patrum ” , 1656年) 。

But their objections are long since forgotten.但他們的反對意見早已被遺忘。

Having traced the development of the use of the Fathers up to the period of its frequent employment, and of its formal statement by St. Vincent of Lérins, it will be well to give a glance at the continuation of the practice.在追查的發展,利用父輩行動期間頻繁就業,並正式聲明聖文森特的Lérins ,這將是以及給予一眼繼續這一做法。 We saw that, in 431, it was possible for St. Vincent (in a book which has been most unreasonably taken to be a mere polemic against St. Augustine -- a notion which is amply refuted by the use made in it of St. Celestine's letter) to define the meaning and method of patristic appeals.我們看到,在431名,有可能為聖文森(在一本書已採取的最不合理的僅僅是一個爭論的聖奧古斯丁-這個概念是充分駁斥了使用了它的街巴巴亞羅的信)確定的含義和方法教父上訴。 From that time onward they are very common.從那個時候起,他們都非常常見。 In the Council of Ephesus, 431, as St. Vincent points out, St. Cyril presented a series of quotations from the Fathers, tôn hagiôtatôn kai hosiôtatôn paterôn kai episkopôn diaphorôn marturôn, which were read on the motion of Flavian, Bishop of Philippi.在安理會的以弗所, 431 ,因為聖文森指出,聖西里爾提出了一系列的報價從父輩,每噸hagiôtatôn偕hosiôtatôn paterôn偕episkopôn diaphorôn marturôn ,這是閱讀的動議弗拉維安,主教立。 They were from Peter I of Alexandria, Martyr, Athanasius, Popes Julius and Felix (forgeries), Theophilus, Cyprian, Ambrose, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Atticus, Amphilochius. On the other hand Eutyches, when tried at Constantinople by St. Flavian, in 449, refused to accept either Fathers or councils as authorities, confining himself to Holy Scripture, a position which horrified his judges (see EUTYCHES).他們是從彼得一世的亞歷山大,烈士,他那修,教皇朱利葉斯和費利克斯(偽造) ,奧菲勒斯,塞浦路斯,劉漢銓,格雷戈里Nazianzen ,巴茲爾,格雷戈里的果樹,避險, Amphilochius 。另一方面Eutyches ,當試圖在君士坦丁堡的聖弗拉維安,在449 ,拒絕接受任何父親或理事會作為當局,局限於自己的聖經,這一立場感到震驚他的法官(見EUTYCHES ) 。 In the following year St. Leo sent his legates, Abundius and Asterius, to Constantinople with a list of testimonies from Hilary, Athanasius, Ambrose, Augustine, Chrysostom, Theophilus, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Cyril of Alexandria.第二年聖利奧派他legates , Abundius和Asterius ,以君士坦丁堡名單的證詞,希拉里,他那修,劉漢銓,奧古斯丁,金口,西奧菲勒,格雷戈里Nazianzen ,巴茲爾,西里爾亞歷山大。 They were signed in that city, but were not produced at the Council of Chalcedon in the following year.他們簽署了在這個城市,但沒有產生在安理會的卡爾西在第二年。 Thenceforward the custom is fixed, and it is unnecessary to give examples. Thenceforward的習俗是固定的,這是不必要的例子。 However, that of the sixth council in 680 is important: Pope St. Agatho sent a long series of extracts from Rome, and the leader of the Monothelites, Macarius of Antioch, presented another.然而,第六屆理事會在680重要的是:教皇聖Agatho發出了一長串的提取物,羅馬和領導人Monothelites ,馬卡里烏斯的安提阿,提出另一種。 Both sets were carefully verified from the library of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and sealed.這兩套進行認真核實從圖書館所遭遇的君士坦丁堡,並蓋章。

It should be noted that it was never in such cases thought necessary to trace a doctrine back to the earliest times; St. Vincent demanded the proof of the Church's belief before a doubt arose -- this is his notion of antiquitas; and in conformity with this view, the Fathers quoted by councils and popes and Fathers are for the most part recent (Petavius, De Incarn., XIV, 15, 2-5).應該指出的是,這是從來沒有在這種情況下,認為有必要尋找一種理論回到最早的時候;聖文森特要求的證明教會的信仰面前毫無疑問是-這是他的概念a ntiquitas;並符合這一觀點,引述父親理事會和教皇和父輩大部分是最近( Petavius ,德Incarn 。 ,第十四條,第十五條, 2-5 ) 。

In the last years of the fifth century a famous document, attributed to Popes Gelasius and Hormisdas, adds to decrees of St. Damasus of 382 a list of books which are approved, and another of those disapproved.在過去幾年中的第五世紀著名的文件,由於教皇格拉西和卡爾米斯達斯,增加法令街382達瑪斯的書籍清單的批准,另外這些拒絕。 In its present form the list of approved Fathers comprises Cyprian, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Athanasius, Chrysostom, Theophilus, Hilary, Cyril of Alexandria (wanting in one manuscript), Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, Prosper, Leo ("every iota" of the tome to Flavian is to be accepted under anathema), and "also the treatises of all orthodox Fathers, who deviated in nothing from the fellowship of the holy Roman Church, and were not separated from her faith and preaching, but were participators through the grace of God until the end of their life in her communion; also the decretal letters, which most blessed popes have given at various times when consulted by various Fathers, are to be received with veneration".以其目前的形式名單的父輩包括批准塞浦路斯,格雷戈里Nazianzen ,巴茲爾,亞他那修,金口,西奧菲勒,希拉里,西里爾亞歷山大(想在一個手稿) ,劉漢銓,奧古斯丁,杰羅姆,繁榮,利奧( “每一絲一毫”的該畫冊將弗拉維安是被接受的詛咒下)和“論文還對所有正統的父親,誰沒有偏離從金神聖羅馬教會,並沒有脫離她的信仰和說教,而是通過參與者上帝的寬限期結束之前,他們的生活在她的共融;還教令信,其中最幸運的教皇已經在不同的時間時,徵求各父親,將收到的崇拜“ 。 Orosius, Sedulius, and Juvencus are praised. Orosius , Sedulius ,並Juvencus的稱讚。

Rufinus and Origen are rejected. Rufinus和奧利被拒絕。 Eusebius's "History" and "Chronicle" are not to be condemned altogether, though in another part of the list they appear as "apocrypha" with Tertullian, Lactantius, Africanus, Commodian, Clement of Alexandria, Arnobius, Cassian, Victorinus of Pettau, Faustus, and the works of heretics, and forged Scriptural documents.優西比烏的“歷史”和“紀事”是不完全的譴責,但在另一部分的清單,他們顯示為“偽經”與良,潭修斯,西庇阿, Commodian ,克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞, Arnobius , Cassian , Victorinus的Pettau ,浮士德和異教徒的作品,以及偽造的聖經文件。

The later Fathers constantly used the writings of the earlier.後來父親經常使用的著作為準。 For instance, St. Caesarius of Arles drew freely on St. Augustine's sermons, and embodied them in collections of his own; St. Gregory the Great has largely founded himself on St. Augustine; St. Isidore rests upon all his predecessors; St. John Damascene's great work is a synthesis of patristic theology.舉例來說,聖Caesarius的阿爾勒提請自由聖奧古斯丁的說教,體現他們在收藏自己的;聖格里高利大已基本上建立自己的聖奧古斯丁;聖伊西多爾都取決於他的前任;街約翰大馬士革的偉大工作是一項綜合的教父神學。 St. Bede's sermons are a cento from the greater Fathers.聖比德的說教是琴從更大的父輩。 Eugippius made a selection from St. Augustine's writings, which had an immense vogue. Eugippius選擇了從聖奧古斯丁的著作,其中有一個巨大的流行。 Cassiodorus made a collection of select commentaries by various writers on all the books of Holy Scripture. Cassiodorus作出了選擇收集的各種評論作家的所有書籍的聖經。 St. Benedict especially recommended patristic study, and his sons have observed his advice: "Ad perfectionem conversationis qui festinat, sunt doctrinae sanctorum Patrum, quarum observatio perducat hominem ad celsitudinem perfectionis . . . quis liber sanctorum catholicorum Patrum hoc non resonat, ut recto cursu perveniamus ad creatorem nostrum?"聖本篤特別建議教父研究,和他的兒子看到他的意見: “廣告perfectionem conversationis歸仁festinat ,必須遵守doctrinae sanctorum Patrum , quarum observatio perducat人身攻擊的廣告celsitudinem perfectionis 。 。 。 quis書sanctorum catholicorum Patrum特設非諧振, UT斯達康直腸cursu perveniamus廣告creatorem萬能藥? “ (Sanet Regula, lxxiii). ( Sanet雷, lxxiii ) 。 Florilegia and catenae became common from the fifth century onwards. Florilegia和catenae成為共同從第五世紀開始。 They are mostly anonymous, but those in the East which go under the name Œcumenius are well known.他們大多是匿名的,但這些在東部,其名下Œcumenius是眾所周知的。 Most famous of all throughout the Middle Ages was the "Glossa ordinaria" attributed to Walafrid Strabo.最有名的整個中世紀的“ Glossa ordinaria ”歸因於Walafrid斯特拉波。 The "Catena aurea" of St. Thomas Aquinas is still in use.該“卡泰納黃花”的多瑪斯仍然在使用。 (See CATENAE, and the valuable matter collected by Turner in Hastings, Dict. of the Bible, V, 521.) St. (見CATENAE ,並收集寶貴的事項由特納在黑斯廷斯,快譯通。聖經,五, 521 。 )聖 Augustine was early recognized as the first of the Western Fathers, with St. Ambrose and St. Jerome by his side.奧古斯丁是早期確認的第一次西方父親,與聖劉漢銓和聖杰羅姆在他身邊。 St. Gregory the Great was added, and these four became "the Latin Doctors".聖格里高利大增加,這四個成為“拉美的醫生” 。 St. Leo, in some ways the greatest of theologians, was excluded, both on account of the paucity of his writings, and by the fact that his letters had a far higher authority as papal utterances. In the East St. John Chrysostom has always been the most popular, as he is the most voluminous, of the Fathers.聖利奧,在某些方面最偉大的神學家,被排除在外,既考慮到缺乏他的著作,以及一個事實,即他的信了遠遠高於教皇的權威話語。在東部聖約翰一向金口一直是最受歡迎的,因為他是最浩繁,父親。 With the great St. Basil, the father of monachism, and St. Gregory Nazianzen, famous for the purity of his faith, he made up the triumvirate called "the three hierarchs", familiar up to the present day in Eastern art.隨著偉大的聖巴西爾的父親monachism和聖格雷戈里Nazianzen ,著名的純潔性自己的信仰,他的三人所謂的“三個hierarchs ” ,熟悉至今在東區藝術。 St. Athanasius was added to these by the Westerns, so that four might answer to four.聖亞他那修被添加到這些的西部片,因此,四個可能的答案4 。 (See DOCTORS OF THE CHURCH.) (看醫生的教會。 )

It will be observed that many of the writers rejected in the Gelasian list lived and died in Catholic communion, but incorrectness in some part of their writings, eg the Semipelagian error attributed to Cassian and Faustus, the chiliasm of the conclusion of Victorinus's commentary on the Apocalypse (St. Jerome issued an expurgated edition, the only one in print as yet), the unsoundness of the lost "Hypotyposes" of Clement, and so forth, prevented such writers from being spoken of, as Hilary was by Jerome, "inoffenso pede percurritur".這將是觀察到的許多作家拒絕在名單Gelasian生活和死亡天主教共融,但在一些不正確的一部分,他們的著作,如Semipelagian錯誤歸因於Cassian和浮士德,在千禧年的結論, Victorinus的評注啟示錄(聖杰羅姆發出expurgated版,只有在尚未打印) ,在不健全的損失“ Hypotyposes ”的克萊門特,等等,防止此類作家被談到,因為希拉里是由杰羅姆, “ inoffenso pede percurritur “ 。 As all the more important doctrines of the Church (except that of the Canon and the inspiration of Scripture) may be proved, or at least illustrated, from Scripture, the widest office of tradition is the interpretation of Scripture, and the authority of the Fathers is here of very great importance.因為所有的理論更重要的是教會(除非是佳能和靈感的聖經)可證明,或者至少表明,來自聖經,最廣泛的辦公傳統的解釋聖經,以及權威的父親在這裡非常重要。 Nevertheless it is only then necessarily to be followed when all are of one mind: "Nemo . . . contra unanimum consensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari audeat", says the Council of Trent; and the Creed of Pius IV has similarly: ". . . nec eam unquam nisi juxta unanimum consensum Patrum accipiam et interpretabor".儘管如此,只有到那時一定要遵循所有的人都記住: “總動員。 。 。禁忌unanimum consensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari audeat ”說,安理會的遄;和信條的庇護四也同樣: “ 。 。 。 NEC公司團隊unquam暫準旁unanimum consensum Patrum accipiam等interpretabor “ 。 The Vatican Council echoes Trent: "nemini licere . . . contra unanimum sensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari."梵蒂岡理事會遄迴聲: “ nemini licere 。 。 。禁忌unanimum sensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari 。 ”

A consensus of the Fathers is not, of course, to be expected in very small matters: "Quae tamen antiqua sanctorum patrum consensio non in omnibus divinae legis quaestiunculis, sed solum certe praecipue in fidei regula magno nobis studio et investiganda est et sequenda" (Vincent, xxviii, 72).協商一致的父親沒有,當然,可以預料在非常小的問題: “ Quae塔門古sanctorum patrum consensio非統括divinae立法quaestiunculis ,基於solum certe praecipue在信調節木蘭諾比斯工作室等investiganda東部等sequenda ” (文森特,二十八, 72 ) 。 This is not the method, adds St. Vincent, against widespread and inveterate heresies, but rather against novelties, to be applied directly they appear.這不是方法,增加了聖文森特,對普遍和頑固異端,而是對新奇,將直接應用於出現。 A better instance could hardly be given than the way in which Adoptionism was met by the Council of Frankfort in 794, nor could the principle be better expressed than by the Fathers of the Council:一個更好的例子難以超過給予的方式, Adoptionism會見了安理會的法蘭克福在794 ,也不可能的原則得到更好的表達不是由父親理事會:

"Tenete vos intra terminos Patrum, et nolite novas versare quaestiunculas; ad nihilum enim valent nisi ad subversionem audientium. Sufficit enim vobis sanctorum Patrum vestigia sequi, et illorum dicta firma tenere fide. Illi enim in Domino nostri exstiterunt doctores in fide et ductores ad vitam; quorum et sapientia Spiritu Dei plena libris legitur inscripta, et vita meritorum miraculis clara et sanctissima; quorum animae apud Deum Dei Filium, DNJC pro magno pietatis labore regnant in caelis. Hos ergo tota animi virtute, toto caritatis affectu sequimini, beatissimi fratres, ut horum inconcussa firmitate doctrinis adhaerentes, consortium aeternae beatitudinis . . . cum illis habere mereamini in caelis" ("Synodica ad Episc." in Mansi, XIII, 897-8). “ Tenete沃斯內terminos Patrum等nolite魯巴versare quaestiunculas ;廣告nihilum enim價暫準廣告subversionem audientium 。 Sufficit enim vobis sanctorum Patrum vestigia sequi等illorum論述事務所tenere善意。伊利enim在Domino nostri exstiterunt doctores在善意等ductores廣告維生素;法定人數等sapientia Spiritu棣重瓣藏書legitur inscripta等生活meritorum miraculis克拉拉等sanctissima ;法定人數animae羧Deum棣Filium , DNJC親木蘭pietatis labore regnant在caelis 。飯店前置托塔animi virtute ,全部caritatis affectu sequimini , beatissimi fratres , UT斯達康horum inconcussa firmitate doctrinis adhaerentes ,財團aeternae beatitudinis 。 。 。暨illis habere mereamini在caelis “ ( ” Synodica廣告Episc 。 “在曼西,十三, 897-8 ) 。

And an excellent act of faith in the tradition of the Church is that of Charlemagne (ibid., 902) made on the same occasion:和良好行為的信念,傳統的教會是查理曼(同上, 902 )發在同一場合:

"Apostolicae sedi et antiquis ab initio nascentis ecclesiae et catholicis traditionibus tota mentis intentione, tota cordis alacritate, me conjungo. Quicquid in illorum legitur libris, qui divino Spiritu afflati, toti orbi a Deo Christo dati sunt doctores, indubitanter teneo; hoc ad salutem animae meae sufficere credens, quod sacratissimae evangelicae veritatis pandit historia, quod apostolica in suis epistolis confirmat auctoritas, quod eximii Sacrae Scripturae tractatores et praecipui Christianae fidei doctores ad perpetuam posteris scriptum reliquerunt memoriam." “ Apostolicae沉積物等antiquis從頭nascentis教會等catholicis traditionibus托塔mentis intentione ,托塔心alacritate ,我conjungo 。 Quicquid在illorum legitur藏書,歸仁迪維努Spiritu afflati ,托蒂伯多祿一上帝克里斯托dati必須遵守doctores , indubitanter teneo ;特設廣告salutem animae meae sufficere credens ,獄吏sacratissimae evangelicae veritatis潘迪特歷史,獄吏apostolica在豬epistolis confirmat權威,獄吏eximii Sacrae Scripturae tractatores等praecipui Christianae信doctores廣告perpetuam posteris scriptum reliquerunt紀念。 “

II.二。 CLASSIFICATION OF PATRISTIC WRITINGS分類教父著作

In order to get a good view of the patristic period, the Fathers may be divided in various ways.為了獲得一個良好的意見,教父時期,父親可分為以不同的方式。 One favourite method is by periods; the Ante-Nicene Fathers till 325; the Great Fathers of the fourth century and half the fifth (325-451); and the later Fathers.最喜歡的方法之一是期;的前廳尼西亞父親到325 ;大父輩的第四世紀和一半的五分之一( 325-451 ) ,以及後來父親。 A more obvious division is into Easterns and Westerns, and the Easterns will comprise writers in Greek, Syriac, Armenian, and Coptic.一個更明顯的分工是把東方和西部片,以及東方作家將包括在希臘,敘利亞,亞美尼亞,以及科普特人。 A convenient division into smaller groups will be by periods, nationalities and character of writings; for in the East and West there were many races, and some of the ecclesiastical writers are apologists, some preachers, some historians, some commentators, and so forth.便捷的分裂成更小的團體將由時期,民族和性質的著作;中東部和西部有許多的比賽,以及一些教會作家辯護士,一些傳教士,一些歷史學家,一些評論家,等等。

A. After (1) the Apostolic Fathers come in the second century (2) the Greek apologists, followed by (3) the Western apologists somewhat later, (4) the Gnostic and Marcionite heretics with their apocryphal Scriptures, and (5) the Catholic replies to them. A.離職後( 1 )父親來到使徒在第二世紀( 2 )希臘辯護士,其次是( 3 )西方有些辯護士之後, ( 4 )和Marcionite諾斯底異端其未經聖經, ( 5 )天主教答复他們。

B. The third century gives us (1) the Alexandrian writers of the catechetical school, (2) the writers of Asia Minor and (3) Palestine, and the first Western writers, (4) at Rome, Hippolytus (in Greek), and Novatian, (5) the great African writers, and a few others.灣的第三個世紀給我們( 1 )亞歷山大作家的問答學校, ( 2 )作家小亞細亞和第( 3 )巴勒斯坦和的第一位西方作家, ( 4 )在羅馬舉行,西波呂(希臘) ,和Novatian , ( 5 )偉大的非洲作家,和其他一些。

C. The fourth century opens with (1) the apologetic and the historical works of Eusebius of Caesarea, with whom we may class St. Cyril of Jerusalem and St. Epiphanius, (2) the Alexandrian writers Athanasius, Didymus, and others, (3) the Cappadocians, (4) the Antiochenes, (5) the Syriac writers.角四世紀開啟( 1 )道歉和歷史著作的優西比烏的愷撒,我們可能與他們一流的聖西里爾耶路撒冷和聖埃皮法尼烏斯, ( 2 )亞歷山大作家亞他那修, Didymus ,和其他人, ( 3 ) Cappadocians , ( 4 ) Antiochenes , ( 5 )敘利亞作家。 In the West we have (6) the opponents of Arianism, (7) the Italians, including Jerome, (8) the Africans, and (9) the Spanish and Gallic writers.在西方國家,我們( 6 )反對Arianism , ( 7 ) ,意大利,包括杰羅姆, ( 8 )的非洲人, ( 9 )西班牙和法國作家。

D. The fifth century gives us (1) the Nestorian controversy, (2) the Eutychian controversy, including the Western St. Leo; (3) the historians. d.在第五世紀給我們( 1 )景教爭議, ( 2 ) Eutychian爭議,包括西方聖利奧; ( 3 )歷史學家。 In the West (4) the school of Lérins, (5) the letters of the popes.在西方國家( 4 )學校的Lérins , ( 5 )的來信教皇。

E. The sixth century and the seventh give us less important names and they must be grouped in a more mechanical way. E.本世紀第六屆和第七屆給我們同樣重要的名字和他們必須分為更機械的方式。

A字母a

(1) If we now take these groups in detail we find the letters of the chief Apostolic Fathers, St. Clement, St. Ignatius, and St. Polycarp, venerable not merely for their antiquity, but for a certain simplicity and nobility of thought and style which is very moving to the reader. ( 1 )如果我們現在考慮這些群體的細節我們發現字母的首席使徒教父,聖克萊門特,聖伊格內修和聖波利卡普,受人尊敬的不只是他們的文物,但對於某些簡單和崇高的思想和作風這是非常令人感動的讀者。 Their quotations from the New Testament are quite free.他們引用新約聖經是相當自由。 They offer most important information to the historian, though in somewhat homoeopathic quantities.他們提供的信息最重要的歷史學家,但在有些順勢療法的數量。 To these we add the Didache, probably the earliest of all; the curious allegorizing anti-Jewish epistle which goes under the name of Barnabas; the Shepherd of Hermas, a rather dull series of visions chiefly connected with penance and pardon, composed by the brother of Pope Pius I, and long appended to the New Testament as of almost canonical importance.我們對這些新增十二使徒遺訓,這可能是最早的一切;好奇allegorizing反猶太人的書信的正式名稱是巴拿巴;的牧人書,一個相當枯燥的一系列設想,主要與懺悔和寬恕,組成由兄弟教皇庇護我,和長期附加到新約幾乎成為典型的重要性。 The works of Papias, the disciple of St. John and Aristion, are lost, all but a few precious fragments.該工程的帕皮亞的弟子聖約翰和Aristion ,丟失,只有少數珍貴的片段。

(2) The apologists are most of them philosophic in their treatment of Christianity. ( 2 )辯護士是其中大部分是哲學在其治療的基督教。 Some of their works were presented to emperors in order to disarm persecutions.他們的一些作品已提交給天皇,以解除迫害。 We must not always accept the view given to outsiders by the apologists, as representing the whole of the Christianity they knew and practised.我們絕不能總是接受的觀點給外人的辯護士,作為代表整個基督教他們知道和實踐。 The apologies of Quadratus to Hadrian, of Aristo of Pella to the Jews, of Miltiades, of Apollinaris of Hierapolis, and of Melito of Sardis are lost to us.該道歉的前方,哈德良的阿里斯托的佩拉對猶太人的米裡基阿德的Apollinaris的希拉波利斯,以及美利托的薩迪斯丟失給我們。 But we still possess several of greater importance.但是,我們仍然擁有一些更加重要。 That of Aristides of Athens was presented to Antoninus Pius, and deals principally with the knowledge of the true God.阿里斯蒂德是在雅典已提交給安東尼庇護,並主要涉及的知識真正的上帝。 The fine apology of St. Justin with its appendix is above all interesting for its description of the liturgy at Rome c.罰款道歉聖賈斯汀其附錄首先是有趣的說明禮儀在羅馬角 150. 150 。 His arguments against the Jews are found in the well-composed "Dialogue with Trypho", where he speaks of the Apostolic authorship of the Apocalypse in a manner which is of first-rate importance in the mouth of a man who was converted at Ephesus some time before the year 132.他的論點對猶太人的發現以及組成的“對話與Trypho ” ,他在談到使徒著作權的啟示的方式是一流的重要性口的一名男子是誰在以弗所轉換一些時間一年前的132 。 The "Apology" of Justin's Syrian disciple Tatian is a less conciliatory work, and its author fell into heresy. Athenagoras, an Athenian (c. 177), addressed to Marcus Aurelius and Commodus an eloquent refutation of the absurd calumnies against Christians.該“道歉”的賈斯汀的弟子塔蒂安敘利亞是一個不太調解工作,其作者陷入異端。亞山那哥拉,一個雅典(角177號) ,給馬庫斯奧里利厄斯和Commodus雄辯地駁斥荒謬的誹謗對基督教徒。 Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, about the same date, wrote three books of apology addressed to a certain Autolycus.奧菲勒斯,安提阿主教,大約在同一日期,寫三本書的道歉給某Autolycus 。

(3) All these works are of considerable literary ability. ( 3 )所有這些作品都具有相當的文學能力。 This is not the case with the great Latin apology which closely follows them in date, the "Apologeticus" of Tertullian, which is in the uncouth and untranslatable language affected by its author.這是不是這樣偉大的拉丁美洲道歉密切注視他們在迄今為止, “ Apologeticus ”的良,這是在粗魯和不可譯的語言受它的作者。 Nevertheless it is a work of extraordinary genius, in interest and value far above all the rest, and for energy and boldness it is incomparable.然而這是一個工作非常天才,在利益和價值遠遠高於所有的休息,對能源和勇氣是無與倫比的。 His fierce "Ad Scapulam" is a warning addressed to a persecuting proconsul.他激烈的“廣告Scapulam ”是一個警告處理的迫害proconsul 。 "Adversus Judaeos" is a title which explains itself. The other Latin apologists are later. “ Adversus Judaeos ”是一個標題解釋本身。其他拉美後來辯護士。 The "Octavios" of Minucius Felix is as polished and gentle as Tertullian is rough.該“ Octavios ”的Minucius費利克斯是拋光和溫柔的良是粗糙。 Its date is uncertain.其日期是不確定的。 If the "Apologeticus "was well calculated to infuse courage into the persecuted Christian, the "Octavius" was more likely to impress the inquiring pagan, if so be that more flies are caught with honey than with vinegar.如果“ Apologeticus ”的計算以及勇氣注入到迫害基督徒, “屋大維”更有可能留下深刻的印象異教徒的詢問,如果將更多的蒼蠅被發現用蜂蜜比醋。 With these works we may mention the much later Lactantius, the most perfect of all in literary form ("Divinae Institutiones", c. 305-10, and "De Mortibus persecutorum", c. 314). Greek apologies probably later than the second century are the "Irrisiones" of Hermias, and the very beautiful "Epistle" to Diognetus.隨著這些作品,我們可以提到更晚潭修斯,最完美的所有文學形式( “ Divinae Institutiones ”角305-10和“德Mortibus persecutorum ”角314 ) 。希臘道歉可能不遲於第二世紀是“ Irrisiones ”的Hermias ,而且非常美麗的“書” ,以Diognetus 。

(4) The heretical writings of the second century are mostly lost. ( 4 )異端著作的第二個世紀的大部分丟失。 The Gnostics had schools and philosophized; their writers were numerous.該Gnostics了學校和哲學,他們的作家很多。 Some curious works have come down to us in Coptic.一些好奇的工程已經下降到我們的科普特人。 The letter of Ptolemeus to Flora in Epiphanius is almost the only Greek fragment of real importance.該信的Ptolemeus以植物區系的埃皮法尼烏斯幾乎是唯一的希臘片段的真正重視。 Marcion founded not a school but a Church, and his New Testament, consisting of St. Luke and St. Paul, is preserved to some extent in the works written against him by Tertullian and Epiphanius.馬吉安不能成立的一所學校,而是教會,和他的新約,由聖盧克和聖保羅,是保存在一定程度上的作品對他的良和埃皮法尼烏斯。 Of the writings of Greek Montanists and of other early heretics, almost nothing remains.的著作希臘Montanists和其他早期異端,幾乎沒有什麼依然存在。 The Gnostics composed a quantity of apocryphal Gospels amid Acts of individual Apostles, large portions of which are preserved, mostly in fragments, in Latin revisions, or in Syriac, Coptic, Arabic, or Slavonic versions. Gnostics組成的大量未經福音因個人行為的使徒,很大一部分是保存,主要是在碎片,在拉丁美洲的修訂,或在敘利亞,埃及,阿拉伯語,或斯拉夫語的版本。 To these are to be added such well-known forgeries as the letters of Paul to Seneca, and the Apocalypse of Peter, of which a fragment was recently found in the Fayûm.這些都將增加,例如眾所周知的偽造的通知書到塞涅卡保羅和彼得的啟示,其中片段最近被發現的Fayûm 。

(5) Replies to the attacks of heretics form, next to the apologetic against heathen persecutors on the one hand and Jews on the other, the characteristic Catholic literature of the second century. ( 5 )答复的攻擊異端的形式,旁邊的道歉對異教徒的迫害,一方面和猶太人另一方面,天主教文學特徵的第二個世紀。 The "Syntagma" of St. Justin against all heresies is lost.在“錫塔瑪”聖賈斯汀反對一切歪理邪說的損失。 Earlier yet, St. Papias (already mentioned) had directed his efforts to the refutation of the rising errors, and the same preoccupation is seen in St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp.早些時候然而,街帕皮亞(已提到)已指示他的努力駁斥上升錯誤,並同被視為當務之急在聖伊格內修和聖波利卡普。 Hegesippus, a converted Jew of Palestine, journeyed to Corinth and Rome, where he stayed from the episcopate of Anicetus till that of Eleutherius (c. 160-180), with the intention of refuting the novelties of the Gnostics and Marcionites by an appeal to tradition. Hegesippus ,一輛經過改裝的猶太人,巴勒斯坦journeyed向科林斯和羅馬,在他下榻的主教的Anicetus到的Eleutherius (角160-180 ) ,並打算駁斥新奇的Gnostics和Marcionites的呼籲傳統。 His work is lost.他的工作將丟失。 But the great work of St. Irenæus (c. 180) against heresies is founded on Papias, Hegesippus, and Justin, and gives from careful investigation an account of many Gnostic systems, together with their refutation.但是,偉大的工作,聖愛任紐(角180 )反對邪教是建立在帕皮亞, Hegesippus ,和Justin ,並給出從認真調查帳戶的許多諾斯底系統,連同其駁。 His appeal is less to Scripture than to the tradition which the whole Catholic Church has received and handed down from the Apostles, through the ministry of successive bishops, and particularly to the tradition of the Roman Church founded by Peter and Paul.他的上訴是少聖經比傳統的整個天主教會已收到並移交從使徒,通過歷屆部主教,特別是傳統的羅馬教會創辦的彼得和保羅。

By the side of Irenaeus must be put the Latin Tertullian, whose book "Of the Prescriptions Against Heretics" is not only a masterpiece of argument, but is almost as effective against modern heresies as against those of the early Church.由一側依必須把拉美良,其著作“處方反對異端”不僅是一個傑作的說法,但卻幾乎是有效打擊現代歪理邪說對那些早期的教會。 It is a witness of extraordinary importance to the principles of unvarying tradition which the Catholic Church has always professed, and to the primitive belief that Holy Scripture must be interpreted by the Church and not by private industry.這是一個證人非常重要的原則不變的傳統的天主教會一直宣稱,以及原始的信念,即聖經解釋必須由教會,而不是由私人產業。 He uses Irenaeus in this work, and his polemical books against the Valentinians and the Marcionites borrow freely from that saint.他用愛任紐在這項工作中,他的論戰的書籍對華倫提努派和自由Marcionites借款從聖。 He is the less persuasive of the two, because he is too abrupt, too clever, too anxious for the slightest controversial advantage, without thought of the easy replies that might be made.他是不太有說服力的兩個,因為他是太突然,太聰明,太渴望絲毫爭議的優勢,沒有思想的簡單答复說,可能作出。 He sometimes prefers wit or hard hitting to solid argument.他有時喜歡機智或難以觸及到堅實的論據。 At this period controversies were beginning within the Church, the most important being the question whether Easter could be celebrated on a weekday.在此期間,爭議已開始在教會,其中最重要的是是否可以復活節慶祝平日。 Another burning question at Rome, at the turn of the century, was the doubt whether the prophesying of the Montanists could be approved, and yet another, in the first years of the third century, was the controversy with a group of opponents of Montanism (so it seems), who denied the authenticity of the writings of St. John, an error then quite new.另一個緊迫問題在羅馬,在世紀之交,是懷疑預言的Montanists可以批准,又一次,在頭幾年的第三個世紀,是爭議的一組對手的孟他努(如此看來) ,誰否認的真實性著作聖約翰錯誤然後很新。

B

(1) The Church of Alexandria already in the second century showed the note of learning, together with a habit borrowed from the Alexandrian Jews, especially Philo, of an allegorizing interpretation of Scripture. ( 1 )教會亞歷山大已經在第二個世紀的說明顯示,學習,加上借來的習慣從亞歷山大的猶太人,特別是哲學,一個allegorizing解釋聖經。 The latter characteristic is already found in the "Epistle of Barnabas", which may be of Alexandrian origin.後者的特徵是已發現的“巴拿巴書” ,這可能是原產地的亞歷山大。 Pantamus was the first to make the Catechetical school of the city famous. Pantamus是第一次,使問答學校的著名城市。 No writings of his are extant, but his pupil Clement, who taught in the school with Pantamus, c.沒有他的著作是現存的,但他的瞳孔克萊門特,誰教學校Pantamus角 180, and as its head, c. 180 ,作為其頭,角 180-202 (died c. 214), has left a considerable amount of rather lengthy disquisitions dealing with mythology, mystical theology, education, social observances, and all other things in heaven and on earth. 180-202 (死於角214 ) ,留下了相當數量的相當長的disquisitions處理神話,神秘的神學,教育,社會紀念活動,和所有其他的東西在天堂和地球上。 He was followed by the great Origen, whose fame spread far and wide even among the heathen.在他之後是偉大的奧利,其名聲廣為流傳即使是異教徒。 The remains of his works, though they fill several volumes, are to a great extent only in free Latin translations, and bear but a small ratio to the vast amount that has perished. The Alexandrians held as firmly as any Catholics to tradition as the rule of faith, at least in theory, but beyond tradition they allowed themselves to speculate, so that the "Hypotyposes" of Clement have been almost entirely lost on account of the errors which found a place in them, and Origen's works fell under the ban of the Church, though their author lived the life of a saint, and died, shortly after the Decian persecution, of the sufferings he had undergone in it.還有他的作品,但他們填補幾卷,在很大程度上只有在自由拉丁美洲翻譯,並承擔,但一個小的比例大量已經死亡。舉行的Alexandrians作為堅定的任何天主教徒傳統的規則信仰,至少在理論上,但他們超越傳統,讓自己的猜測,使“ Hypotyposes ”的克萊門特已幾乎完全失去了對帳戶的錯誤的地方發現了他們,奧利的作品屬於禁止教會,但其作者的生活居住的聖和死亡後不久, Decian迫害,苦難,他經歷了它。

The disciples of Origen were many and eminent.門徒的奧利有許多和知名人士。 The library founded by one of them, St. Alexander of Jerusalem, was precious later on to Eusebius.圖書館創辦的其中之一,聖亞歷山大耶路撒冷,是寶貴的後向優西比烏。 The most celebrated of the school were St. Dionysius "the Great" of Alexandria and St. Gregory of Neocaesarea in Pontus, known as the Wonder-Worker, who, like St. Nonnosus in the West, was said to have moved a mountain for short distance by his prayers.最有名的學校是聖狄奧尼修斯“大”的亞歷山大和聖格雷戈里的Neocaesarea在龐,被稱為奇蹟工人,誰一樣,街Nonnosus在西方,據說感動了山區的短距離他的祈禱。 Of the writings of these two saints not very much is extant.該著作的這兩個聖人不多是現存的。

(2) Montanism and the paschal question brought Asia Minor down from the leading position it held in the second century into a very inferior rank in the third. Besides St. Gregory, St. Methodius at the end of that century was a polished writer and an opponent of Origenism -- his name is consequently passed over without mention by the Origenist historian Eusebius. ( 2 )孟他努和逾越的問題帶來了小亞細亞從它的領先地位在第二世紀成為一個非常差排名第三。除了聖格里高利聖迪烏斯在年底的世紀是一個作家和拋光對手的Origenism -他的名字,因此越過提的O rigenist歷史學家優西比烏。 We have his "Banquet" in Greek, and some smaller works in Old Slavonic.我們有他的“夜宴”在希臘,和一些小工程,舊斯拉夫。

(3) Antioch was the head see over the "Orient" including Syria and Mesopotamia as well as Palestine and Phoenicia, but at no time did this form a compact patriarchate like that of Alexandria. ( 3 )安提阿是頭看到了“東方” ,包括敘利亞,美索不達米亞,以及巴勒斯坦和腓尼基,但從來沒有這種形式緊湊的東正教一樣,亞歷山大。 We must group here writers who have no connection with one another in matter or style.我們必須組作家誰在這裡沒有任何聯繫彼此的事項或風格。 Julius Africanus lived at Emmaus and composed a chronography, out of which the episcopal lists of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, and a great deal of other matter, have been preserved for us in St. Jerome's version of the Chronicle of Eusebius, and in Byzantine chronographers.朱利葉斯西庇阿住在馬忤斯和一chronography組成,其中的主教名單,羅馬,亞歷山大和安提,以及大量的其他事項,已為我們保存在聖杰羅姆版的優西比烏紀事,並在拜占庭chronographers 。 Two letters of his are of interest, but the fragments of his "Kestoi" or "Girdles" are of no ecclesiastical value; they contain much curious matter and much that is objectionable.兩封信中,他感興趣,但他的片段“ Kestoi ”或“腰帶”是沒有教會的價值,它們包含了許多好奇的問題,更是反感。 In the second half of the third century, perhaps towards the end of it, a great school was established at Antioch by Lucian, who was martyred at Nicomedia in 312.在下半年的第三世紀,也許接近尾聲時,一個偉大的學校設在安提阿的盧西安,誰是犧牲在Nicomedia在312 。 He is said to have been excommunicated under three bishops, but if this is true he had been long restored at the time of his martyrdom.據說,他已下三個逐出教會主教,但如果這是真的,他已經恢復了長期在他殉難。 It is quite uncertain whether he shared the errors of Paul of Samosata (Bishop of Antioch, deposed for heresy in 268-9). At all events he was -- however unintentionally -- the father of Arianism, and his pupils were the leaders of that heresy: Eusebius of Nicomedia, Arius himself, with Menophantus of Ephesus, Athanasius of Anazarbus, and the only two bishops who refused to sign the new creed at the Council of Nicaea, Theognis of Nicaea and Maris of Chalcedon, besides the scandalous bishop Leontius of Antioch and the Sophist Asterius.這是相當不確定他是否同意的錯誤保羅薩莫薩塔(安提阿主教,廢黜的異端在268-9 ) 。總之,他是-無意-的父親Ar ianism,和他的學生領袖這異端:優西比烏的Nicomedia ,阿里烏斯本人,與Menophantus以弗所,亞他那修的Anazarbus ,只有兩位主教誰拒絕簽署新的信條在安理會尼西亞, Theognis尼西亞和馬里斯的迦克墩,除了可恥的主教Leontius安提和辯士Asterius 。 At Caesarea, an Origenist centre, flourished under another martyr, St. Pamphilus, who with his friend Eusebius, a certain Ammonius, and others, collected the works of Origen in a long-famous library, corrected Origen's "Hexapla", and did much editing of the text both of the Old and the New Testaments.在愷撒,一個Origenist中心,蓬勃發展的另一烈士,聖Pamphilus ,誰與他的朋友優西比烏,某Ammonius ,和其他人,收集的作品奧利在長期的著名圖書館,糾正奧利的“ Hexapla ” ,並沒有很大編輯的文本都老和新約。

(4) We hear of no writings at Rome except in Greek, until the mention of some small works in Latin, by Pope St. Victor, which still existed in Jerome's day. Hippolytus, a Roman priest, wrote from c. ( 4 )我們聽到的任何著作在羅馬除了在希臘,直到提一些小的作品在拉美,由教皇聖維克多,這仍然存在杰羅姆的一天。西波呂,羅馬牧師,寫從角 200 to 235, and always in Greek, though at Carthage Tertullian had been writing before this in Latin. 200至235 ,始終在希臘,但在迦太基良已在這個書面形式在拉丁美洲。 If Hippolytus is the author of the "Philosophumena" he was an antipope, and full of unreasoning enmity to his rival St. Callistus; his theology makes the Word proceed from God by His Will, distinct from Him in substance, and becoming Son by becoming man.如果西波呂是作者的“ Philosophumena ”他是一個對立教皇,充滿了對盭敵意他的對手聖卡利斯圖斯,他的神學使詞從上帝的他的意志,有別於他在實質問題,並成為兒子成為男人。 There is nothing Roman in the theology of this work; it rather connects itself with the Greek apologists.沒有什麼羅馬的神學這方面的工作;它本身,而連接與希臘的辯護士。 A great part of a large commentary on Daniel and a work against Noetus are the only other important remains of this writer, who was soon forgotten in the West, though fragments of his works turn up in all the Eastern languages.很大一部分大評丹尼爾和工作對Noetus是唯一的其他重要的仍然是這個作家,誰很快就被遺忘在西方,雖然片段他的作品出現在所有的東歐語言。 Parts of his chronography, perhaps his last work, have survived.他的零件chronography ,也許是他最後一部作品,都倖免於難。 Another Roman antipope, Novatian, wrote in ponderous and studied prose with metrical endings.另一個羅馬對立教皇, Novatian中寫道笨重和散文研究與韻律的結局。 Some of his works have come down to us under the name of St. Cyprian.他的一些作品已下降到我們的名義下街塞浦路斯。 Like Hippolytus, he made his rigorist views the pretext for his schism.像西波呂,他提出他的看法rigorist的藉口,他的分裂。 Unlike Hippolytus, he is quite orthodox in his principal work, "De Trinitate".不同西波呂,他是相當正統在他的主要工作, “德Trinitate ” 。

(5) The apologetic works of Tertullian have been mentioned. ( 5 )道歉良的作品已經提到。 The earlier were written by him when a priest of the Church of Carthage, but about the year 200 he was led to believe in the Montanist prophets of Phrygia, and he headed a Montanist schism at Carthage.早先是由他撰寫時,一名神父教會的迦太基,但約200年,他率領相信Montanist先知Phrygia ,他領導了一個Montanist在迦太基分裂。 Many of his treatises are written to defend his position and his rigorist doctrines, and he does so with considerable violence and with the clever and hasty argumentation which is natural to him.他的許多論文被寫入捍衛自己的立場和他的rigorist理論,他這樣做了相當大的暴力和與聰明和草率的論證這是自然給他。 The placid flow of St. Cyprian's eloquence (Bishop of Carthage, 249-58) is a great contrast to that of his "master".流動的平和聖塞浦路斯的口才(迦太基主教, 249-58 )是一個偉大的對比的是他的“師父” 。 The short treatises and large correspondence of this saint are all concerned with local questions and needs, and he eschews all speculative theology.短期內大量論文和書信的聖都與當地有關的問題和需要,他避開了所有投機性的神學。 From this we gain the more light on the state of the Church, on its government, and on a number of interesting ecclesiastical and social matters.由此,我們獲得更多的光線狀況的教會,其政府,並就一些感興趣的教會和社會問題。 In all the patristic period there is nothing, with the exception of Eusebius's history, which tells us so much about the early Church as the small volume which contains St. Cyprian's works.在所有的教父期間沒有什麼,除了優西比烏的歷史,它告訴我們這麼多的初期教會的體積小,其中載有聖塞浦路斯的作品。 At the end of the century Arnobius, like Cyprian a convert in middle age, and like other Africans, Tertullian, Cyprian, Lactantius, and Augustine, a former rhetorician, composed a dull apology.在本世紀結束時, Arnobius ,如塞浦路斯皈依到中年,並像其他非洲人,良,塞浦路斯,潭修斯,和奧古斯丁,前雄辯家組成,鈍痛道歉。 Lactantius carries us into the fourth century.潭修斯我們進行到第四世紀。 He was an elegant and eloquent writer, but like Arnobius was not a well-instructed Christian.他是一個優雅和雄辯的作家,但像Arnobius不是一個良好的指示基督徒。

C ç

(1) The fourth century is the great age of the Fathers. ( 1 )四世紀是偉大時代的教父。 It was twelve years old when Constantine published his edict of toleration, and a new era for the Christian religion began.這是12歲時出版了自己的君士坦丁的法令,容忍,和一個新時代的基督教開始。 It is ushered in by Eusebius of Caesarea, with his great apologetic works "Praeparatio Evangelica" and "Demonstratio Evangelica", which show the transcendent merit of Christianity, and his still greater historical works, the "Chronicle" (the Greek original is lost) and the "History", which has gathered up the fragments of the age of persecutions, and has preserved to us more than half of all we know about the heroic ages of the Faith.這是所帶來的優西比烏愷撒,他非常抱歉工程“ Praeparatio Evangelica ”和“ Demonstratio Evangelica ” ,顯示了至高無上的優點是基督教,他的更大的歷史著作中, “紀事” (希原來丟失)和“歷史” ,其中收集了碎片歲的迫害,並保留了我們一半以上的所有我們知道的英勇年齡的信仰。 In theology Eusebius was a follower of Origen, but he rejected the eternity of Creation and of the Logos, so that he was able to regard the Arians with considerable cordiality.在神學的優西比烏是一個追隨者奧里,但他拒絕了永恆的創作和標識,以便他能夠把Arians相當友好。 The original form of the pseudo-Clementine romance, with its long and tiresome dialogues, seems to be a work of the very beginning of the century against the new developments of heathenism, and it was written either on the Phoenician coast or not far inland in the Syrian neighbourhood.原始形式的偽浪漫柔情,其漫長和無聊的對話,似乎是一個工作非常本世紀初對新發展的異教,這是書面無論是在腓尼基海岸不遠處或內陸敘利亞居民區。 Replies to the greatest of the pagan attacks, that of Porphyry, become more frequent after the pagan revival under Julian (361-3), and they occupied the labours of many celebrated writers.答复的最大的異教徒的攻擊,即斑岩,變得更加頻繁後的異教徒下恢復朱利安( 361-3 ) ,他們佔領了辛勤勞動,許多著名作家。 St. Cyril of Jerusalem has left us a complete series of instructions to catechumens and the baptized, thus supplying us with an exact knowledge of the religious teaching imparted to the people in an important Church of the East in the middle of the fourth century.聖西里爾耶路撒冷離開了我們一個完整的一系列指示為慕道和洗禮,從而提供給我們一個準確的知識傳授宗教教育的人在一個重要的教會東在中間的第四世紀。 A Palestinian of the second half of the century, St. Epiphanius, became Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, and wrote a learned history of all the heresies.一名巴勒斯坦下半年的世紀,聖埃皮法尼烏斯,成為主教在塞浦路斯的薩拉米斯,並撰寫了歷史的教訓所有的異端邪說。 He is unfortunately inaccurate, and has further made great difficulties for us by not naming his authorities.他遺憾的是不準確的,並進一步取得了很大的困難,我們沒有命名他的當局。 He was a friend of St. Jerome, and an uncompromising opponent of Origenism.他是一個朋友的聖杰羅姆和不妥協的對手Origenism 。

(2) The Alexandrian priest Arius was not a product of the catechetical school of that city, but of the Lucianic school of Antioch. ( 2 )亞歷山大神父阿里烏斯不是一個產品的問答學校的這個城市,但學校的Lucianic安提。 The Alexandrian tendency was quite opposite to the Antiochene, and the Alexandrian bishop, Alexander, condemned Arius in letters still extant, in which we gather the tradition of the Alexandrian Church.在亞歷山大的趨勢是相當對面Antiochene和亞歷山大主教,亞歷山大,譴責阿里烏斯的信中仍然現存的,我們收集傳統的亞歷山大教會。 There is no trace in them of Origenism, the head-quarters of which had long been at Caesarea in Palestine, in the succession Theoctistus, Pamphilus, Eusebius.沒有追查他們的Origenism ,頭部的四分之三,其中早就在愷撒在巴勒斯坦,在繼承Theoctistus , Pamphilus ,優西比烏。 The tradition of Alexandria was rather that which Dionysius the Great had received from Pope Dionysius.傳統的亞歷山大是相反,這修斯大已收到教皇修斯。 Three years after the Nicene Council (325), St. Athanasius began his long episcopate of forty-five years.三年後尼西亞理事會( 325 ) ,聖亞他那修開始了他漫長的主教四五年。 His writings are not very voluminous, being either controversial theology or apologetic memoirs of his own troubles, but their theological and historical value is enormous, on account of the leading part taken by this truly great man in the fifty years of fight with Arianism.他的作品並不十分浩繁,正在或者有爭議的神學或道歉的回憶錄中自己的麻煩,但他們的神學和歷史價值是巨大的,考慮到部分的領導所採取的這一真正偉大的人在50年的鬥爭與Arianism 。 The head of the catechetical school during this half-century was Didymus the Blind, an Athanasian in his doctrine of the Son, and rather clearer even than his patriarch in his doctrine of the Trinity, but in many other points carrying on the Origenistic tradition.首長問答這期間學校半世紀Didymus是盲人,一個Athanasian在他的學說的兒子,而是明確的甚至比他的家長在他的理論,三位一體,但在許多其他問題進行了Origenistic傳統。 Here may be also mentioned by the way a rather later writer, Synesius of Cyrene, a man of philosophical and literary habits, who showed energy and sincere piety as a bishop, in spite of the rather pagan character of his culture.在這裡還可以提到的方式,而不是後來的作家,西烏斯的Cyrene ,一名男子的哲學和文學的習慣,誰顯示,能源和真誠的孝道作為一個主教,儘管異教性質,而他的文化。 His letters are of great interest.他的信件的極大興趣。

(3) The second half of the century is illustrated by an illustrious triad in Cappadocia, St. Basil, his friend St. Gregory Nazianzen, and his brother St. Gregory of Nyssa. ( 3 )下半年的世紀是說明了一個傑出的黑社會在卡帕多西亞,聖巴西爾,他的朋友聖格雷戈里Nazianzen ,和他的兄弟聖格雷戈里的果樹。 They were the main workers in the return of the East to orthodoxy.他們的主要工作人員在返回東正統。 Their doctrine of the Trinity is an advance even upon that of Didymus, and is very near indeed to the Roman doctrine which was later embodied in the Athanasian creed.他們的理論是一個三位一體甚至提前後的Didymus ,是非常接近甚至羅馬學說後來體現在Athanasian信條。 But it had taken a long while for the East to assimilate the entire meaning of the orthodox view.但是,它已採取一項長期而東同化整個意義上的正統觀點。 St. Basil showed great patience with those who had advanced less far on the right road than himself, and he even tempered his language so as to conciliate them.聖巴茲爾表現出極大的耐心與誰已遠遠低於先進的正確的道路比他,他甚至鍛煉自己的語言,以便他們進行調解。 For fame of sanctity scarcely any of the Fathers, save St. Gregory the Wonder-Worker, or St. Augustine, has ever equalled him.對於名利的神聖幾乎任何一個父親,保存聖格里高利奇蹟的工人,或聖奧古斯丁,都相當於他。 He practised extraordinary asceticism, and his family were all saints.他非凡的禁慾主義的做法,和他的家人都是聖人。 He composed a rule for monks which has remained practically the only one in the East.他的規則組成的僧侶一直實際上只有一個在東。 St. Gregory had far less character, but equal abilities and learning, with greater eloquence.聖格里高利已遠遠低於性質,但平等的能力和學習,更雄辯的口才。 The love of Origen which persuaded the friends in their youth to publish a book of extracts from his writings had little influence on their later theology; that of St. Gregory in particular is renowned for its accuracy or even inerrancy.愛俄利根的說服朋友在他們的青年出版的一本書的摘錄他的作品幾乎沒有影響他們後來的神學;的格里高利聖,尤其是聞名的準確性,甚至inerrancy 。 St. Gregory of Nyssa is, on the other hand, full of Origenism.聖格雷戈里的果樹是,另一方面,充分展現了Origenism 。 The classical culture and literary form of the Cappadocians, united to sanctity and orthodoxy, makes them a unique group in the history of the Church.古典文化和文學形式的Cappadocians ,團結起來,神聖和正統,使他們一個獨特的群體歷史上的教會。

(4) The Antiochene school of the fourth century seemed given over to Arianism, until the time when the great Alexandrians, Athanasius and Didymus, were dying, when it was just reviving not merely into orthodoxy, but into an efflorescence by which the recent glory of Alexandria and even of Cappadocia was to be surpassed. ( 4 ) Antiochene學校的第四世紀似乎給了Arianism ,到時大Alexandrians ,亞他那修和Didymus ,死亡時,這只是恢復到不只是正統,但到開花,其中最近的榮耀亞歷山大,甚至卡帕要超過。 Diodorus, a monk at Antioch and then Bishop of Tarsus, was a noble supporter of Nicene doctrine and a great writer, though the larger part of his works has perished.狄奧,一名僧人在安提阿,然後主教塔爾蘇斯,是一項崇高的支持者尼西亞理論和一位偉大的作家,但更大的一部分,他的作品已死亡。 His friend Theodore of Mopsuestia was a learned and judicious commentator in the literal Antiochene style, but unfortunately his opposition to the heresy of Apollinarius of Laodicea carried him into the opposite extreme of Nestorianism -- indeed the pupil Nestorius scarcely went so far as the master Theodore.他的朋友西奧多的Mopsuestia是一個教訓和明智的評論員在字面上Antiochene的風格,但不幸的是,他反對邪教的Apollinarius的老底嘉進行他到相反的極端的景教-實際上學生聶斯脫裡幾乎竟然主人西奧多。 But then Nestorius resisted the judgment of the Church, whereas Theodore died in Catholic communion, and was the friend of saints, including that crowning glory of the Antiochene school, St. John Chrysostom, whose greatest sermons were preached at Antioch, before he became Bishop of Constantinople.但是,聶斯脫裡抗拒判決的教會,而西奧多死在天主教共融,是聖人的朋友,包括至高無上的光榮Antiochene學校,聖約翰金口,其最大的說教是在安提阿鼓吹之前,他成為主教君士坦丁堡。 Chrysostom is of course the chief of the Greek Fathers, the first of all commentators, and the first of all orators whether in East or West.金口當然是主要的希臘教父,第一次所有評論家,首先對所有演講者無論是在東方或西方。 He was for a time a hermit, and remained ascetic in his life; he was also a fervent social reformer.他曾經有一段時間隱士,一直在他的苦行生活,他也熱切的社會改革者。 His grandeur of character makes him worthy of a place beside St. Basil and St. Athanasius.他的偉大的性格使他無愧于一個地方旁邊的聖巴西爾和聖亞他那修。

As Basil and Gregory were formed to oratory by the Christian Prohaeresius, so was Chrysostom by the heathen orator Libanius.正如巴茲爾和格里高利形成了以小禮拜堂由基督教Prohaeresius ,所以是由金口不信教的演說者Libanius 。 In the classical Gregory we may sometimes find the rhetorician; in Chrysostom never; his amazing natural talent prevents his needing the assistance of art, and though training had preceded, it has been lost in the flow of energetic thought and the torrent of words.在古典格雷戈里我們有時可能會找到雄辯家;金口從來沒有在他驚人的天賦阻止他需要援助的藝術,雖然訓練之前,它已經失去流動的有力思想和激流的話。 He is not afraid of repeating himself and of neglecting the rules, for he never wishes to be admired, but only to instruct or to persuade.他不是怕留級本人和忽視的規則,因為他從來沒有希望欽佩,但只有指示或說服。 But even so great a man has his limitations.但即便如此偉大的一個人有他的局限性。 He has no speculative interest in philosophy or theology, though he is learned enough to be absolutely orthodox.他沒有投機哲學或神學,但他了解不夠是絕對正統。 He is a holy man and a practical man, so that his thoughts are full of piety and beauty and wisdom; but he is not a thinker.他是一個神聖的男人和一個實際的人,使他的思想充滿了虔誠和美麗和智慧,但他不是一個思想家。 None of the Fathers has been more imitated or more read; but there is little in his writings which can be said to have moulded his own or future times, and he cannot come for an instant into competition with Origen or Augustine for the first place among ecclesiastical writers.沒有父親一直更模仿或更多的閱讀,但幾乎沒有在他的著作這可以說是塑造自己的或未來的時候,他不能來的即時進入競爭與奧利或奧古斯丁的第一名之間教會作家。

(5) Syria in the fourth century produced one great writer, St. Ephraem, deacon of Edessa (306-73). ( 5 )敘利亞在第四世紀產生一個偉大的作家,聖Ephraem ,執事埃德薩( 306-73 ) 。 Most of his writings are poetry; his commentaries are in prose, but the remains of these are scantier.他的大部分作品是詩歌,他的評論是散文,但仍然是這些都是scantier 。 His homilies and hymns are all in metre, and are of very great beauty.他講道詞和讚美詩都在米,是極為美麗。 Such tender and loving piety is hardly found elsewhere in the Fathers.這種投標和愛好孝道是其他地方很難找到的父親。 The twenty-three homilies of Aphraates (326-7), a Mesopotamian bishop, are of great interest.在2003年講道詞的Aphraates ( 326-7 ) ,一個美索不達米亞的主教,是極大的興趣。

(6) St. Hilary of Poitiers is the most famous of the earlier opponents of Arianism in the West. ( 6 )聖希拉里的普瓦捷是最有名的早期反對者Arianism在西方。 He wrote commentaries and polemical works, including the great treatise "De Trinitate" and a lost historical work.他寫的評論和爭論的作品,其中包括偉大的論文“德Trinitate ”和一個失去了歷史的工作。 His style is affectedly involved and obscure, but he is nevertheless a theologian of considerable merit.他的風格是affectedly參與和掩蓋,但他仍然是神學相當值得。 The very name of his treatise on the Trinity shows that he approached the dogma from the Western point of view of a Trinity in Unity, but he has largely employed the works of Origen, Athanasius, and other Easterns.非常名稱他論文的三一表明,他走近教條來自西方的觀點來看一個三位一體的統一,但他已基本上採用的作品奧利,他那修,和其他東方。 His exegesis is of the allegorical type.他的註釋是寓言的類型。 Until his day, the only great Latin Father was St. Cyprian, and Hilary had no rival in his own generation.直到他的一天,只有偉大的拉丁美洲的父親是聖塞浦路斯,並沒有希拉里的競爭對手在自己的一代。 Lucifer, Bishop of Calaris in Sardinia, was a very rude controversialist, who wrote in a popular and almost uneducated manner.路西法,主教Calaris在撒丁島,是非常無禮的controversialist ,誰寫的受歡迎,幾乎沒有受過教育的方式進行。 The Spaniards Gregory of Illiberis, in Southern Spain, is only now beginning to receive his due, since Dom A. Wilmart restored to him in 1908 the important so-called "Tractatus Origenis de libris SS. Scripturae", which he and Batiffol had published in 1900, as genuine works of Origen translated by Victorinus of Pettau.西班牙格雷戈里的梨,在西班牙南部,是現在才開始接受他的原因,因為大教堂字母a. Wilmart恢復到他在1908年的重要所謂的“ Tractatus Origenis黨衛軍的藏書。 Scripturae ” ,他和Batiffol已出版在1900年,作為真正的作品翻譯的奧利Victorinus的Pettau 。 The commentaries and anti-Arian works of the converted rhetorician, Marius Victorinus, were not successful.評注和反阿里安的作品轉換雄辯家,馬里尤斯Victorinus ,沒有成功。 St. Eusebius of Vercellae has left us only a few letters.街的優西比烏Vercellae離開了我們只有幾個字母。 The date of the short discourses of Zeno of Verona is uncertain.的日期短話語的芝諾維羅納是不確定的。 The fine letter of Pope Julius I to the Arians and a few letters of Liberius and Damasus are of great interest.晴朗的信儒略一Arians和幾個字母Liberius和達瑪斯有極大的興趣。

The greatest of the opponents of Arianism in the West is St. Ambrose (d. 397). His sanctity and his great actions make him one of the most imposing figures in the patristic period.最大的反對者Arianism在西方是聖劉漢銓(草397 ) 。他的神聖和他偉大的行動使他的一個最實施數字教父時期。 Unfortunately the style of his writings is often unpleasant, being affected and intricate, without being correct or artistic.不幸的是,風格的他的作品往往是不愉快的,受到影響和錯綜複雜的,不正確或藝術。 His exegesis is not merely of the most extreme allegorical kind, but so fanciful as to be sometimes positively absurd.他的註釋不僅是最極端的寓言客氣,但作為幻想有時要積極荒謬的。 And yet, when off his guard, he speaks with genuine and touching eloquence; he produces apophthegms of admirable brevity, and without being a deep theologian, he shows a wonderful profundity of thought on ascetical, moral, and devotional matters.然而,當了他的後衛,他說話真誠和動人的口才,他產生敬佩apophthegms的簡潔,並沒有深刻的神學家,他顯示了美好深刻的思想ascetical ,道德和虔誠的事項。 Just as his character demands our enthusiastic admiration, so his writings gain our affectionate respect, in spite of their very irritating defects.正如他的性格要求我們熱情的敬佩,所以他的著作獲得尊重我們的感情,儘管他們非常惱人的缺陷。 It is easy to see that he is very well read in the classics and in Christian writers of East and West, but his best thoughts are all his own.不難看出,他是非常好讀的經典,基督教作家的東,西,但他的最好的想法都是自己的。

(7) At Rome an original, odd, and learned writer composed a commentary on St. Paul's Epistles and a series of questions on the Old and New Testaments. ( 7 )在羅馬的原始,奇特,和作家組成的教訓發表的一篇評論聖保祿書信等一系列問題,老和新約。 He is usually spoken of as Ambrosiaster, and may perhaps be a converted Jew named Isaac, who later apostatized.他說通常是作為Ambrosiaster ,以及也許是一個名為轉換猶太人艾薩克,誰後apostatized 。 St. Damasus wrote verses which are poor poetry but interesting where they give us information about the martyrs and the catacombs. His secretary for a time was St. Jerome, a Pannonian by birth, a Roman by baptism.聖達瑪斯寫的詩句是詩不佳,但有趣的地方,他們為我們提供有關烈士和地下墓穴。他的秘書在一段時間內是聖杰羅姆,一個潘諾尼亞出生的,羅馬的洗禮。 This learned Father, "Doctor maximus in Sacris Scripturis", is very well known to us, for almost all that he wrote is a revelation of himself.這個教訓父親, “醫生鮃在Sacris Scripturis ” ,是眾所周知的,我們幾乎所有寫道,他是一個對自己的啟示。 He tells the reader of his inclinations and his antipathies, his enthusiasms and his irritations, his friendships and his enmities.他告訴讀者,他的傾向和他的antipathies ,他的熱情和他的刺激,他的朋友和他的敵意。 If he is often out of temper, he is most human, most affectionate, most ascetic, most devoted to orthodoxy, and in many ways a very lovable character; for if he is quick to take offence, he is easily appeased, he is laborious beyond ordinary endurance, and it is against heresy that his anger is usually kindled.如果他常常發脾氣,他是最人道的,最親切,最禁慾主義,最專門的正統,並在許多方面是一個非常可愛的性格;如果他是迅速採取的罪行,他是很容易安撫,他費力除了普通的耐力,這是對異端,他的憤怒通常是點燃。 He lived all the latter part of his life in a retreat at Bethlehem, surrounded by loving disciples, whose untiring devotion shows that the saint was by no means such a rough diamond, one might say such an ogre, as he is often represented.他住所有的後一部分他的生命在一個務虛會在伯利恆,包圍愛好的弟子,他的不懈奉獻表明,聖決不是這樣的毛坯鑽石,可以說這樣一個怪物,因為他常常是代表出席了會議。 He had no taste for philosophy, and seldom gave himself time to think, but he read and wrote ceaselessly.他不喜歡哲學,很少給自己時間去思考,但他讀,寫不斷。 His many commentaries are brief and to the point, full of information, and the product of wide reading.他的許多評論都簡明扼要,完整的信息,和產品的廣泛閱讀。 His greatest work was the translation of the Old Testament from the Hebrew into Latin.他最大的工作是翻譯的舊約從希伯來到拉丁美洲。 He carried on the textual labours of Origen, Pamphilus, and Eusebius, and his revision of the Latin Gospels shows the use of admirably pure Greek manuscripts, though he seems to have expended less pains on the rest of the New Testament.他進行了考證勞動奧利, Pamphilus和優西比烏和他的修訂拉丁美洲福音表明,使用純欽佩希臘手稿,但他似乎已經花費了不到疼痛對其他新約。 He attacked heretics with much of the cleverness, all the vivacity, and much more than the eloquence and effectiveness of Tertullian.他攻擊異端與許多聰明,所有的活力,並遠遠超過了雄辯的口才和有效性良。 He used the like weapons against any who attacked him, and especially against his friend Rufinus during their passing period of hostility.他用類似的武器不受任何誰攻擊他,尤其是對他的朋友在Rufinus傳遞期間的敵意。

If he is only "perhaps" the most learned of the Fathers, he is beyond doubt the greatest of prose writers among them all.如果他僅僅是“也許”最了解父親,他是毫無疑問的最偉大的散文作家它們之間的一切。 We cannot compare his energy and wit with the originality and polish of Cicero, or with the delicate perfection of Plato, but neither can they or any other writer be compared with Jerome in his own sphere.我們不能比較,他的精力和智慧的創意和波蘭的西塞羅,或微妙的完善,柏拉圖,但也不能他們或任何其他作家比較杰羅姆在自己的領域。 He does not attempt flights of imagination, musical intonation, word-painting; he has no flow of honeyed language like Cyprian, no torrent of phrases like Chrysostom; he is a writer, not an orator, and a learned and classical writer.他並不試圖航班的想像力,音樂音調,文字繪畫;他沒有流蜜一樣塞浦路斯的語言,沒有大量的短語組成的,像金口,他是一個作家,而不是一個演說家,以及經驗教訓和古典作家。 But such letters as his, for astonishing force and liveliness, for point, and wit, and terse expression, were never written before or since. There is no sense of effort, and though we feel that the language must have been studied, we are rarely tempted to call it studied language, for Jerome knows the strange secret of polishing his steel weapons while they are still at a white heat, and of hurling them before they cool.但是,這種字母為他的驚人的力量和活力,為點,機智,和簡潔的表達,從來沒有書面之前或自。沒有意義的努力,儘管我們認為,語言必須進行了研究,我們正在很少誘惑將它命名為學習語言,杰羅姆知道奇怪的秘密拋光他的鋼性武器,而他們仍處於白熾,並投擲他們面前,他們很酷。 He was a dangerous adversary, and had few scruples in taking every possible advantage.他是一個危險的對手,並沒有多少顧忌,採取一切可能的優勢。 He has the unfortunate defect of his extraordinary swiftness, that he is extremely inaccurate, and his historical statements need careful control.他不幸的缺陷,他非凡的速度,他是極其不準確的,和他的歷史報表需要仔細控制。 His biographies of the hermits, his words about monastic life, virginity, Roman faith, our Blessed Lady, relics of saints, have exercised great influence.他的傳記隱士,他的話,寺院的生活,貞潔,羅馬的信念,我們的祝福夫人,文物的聖人,行使了很大的影響。 It has only been known of late years that Jerome was a preacher; the little extempore discourses published by Dom Mona are full of his irrepressible personality and his careless learning.它只有被稱為近幾年的杰羅姆是一個佈道者;小即興發表的論述大教堂蒙娜麗莎充滿了抑制不住自己的個性和他的粗心學習。

(8) Africa was a stranger to the Arian struggle, being occupied with a battle of its own. ( 8 )非洲是一個陌生的阿里安鬥爭,被佔領的鬥爭自己。 Donatism (311-411) was for a long time paramount in Numidia, and sometimes in other parts. Donatism ( 311-411 )是很長一段時間首要的努米底亞,有時在其他地方。 The writings of the Donatists have mostly perished. About 370 St. Optatus published an effective controversial work against them. The attack was carried on by a yet greater controversialist, St. Augustine, with a marvellous success, so that the inveterate schism was practically at an end twenty years before that saint's death.該著作的多納徒派大多已死亡。約370街Optatus出版了有效的爭議對他們的工作。攻擊進行了更大的controversialist ,聖奧古斯丁,以了不起的成功,使頑固的分裂實際上是在結束二十年在此之前,聖的死亡。 So happy an event turned the eyes of all Christendom to the brilliant protagonist of the African Catholics, who had already dealt crushing blows at the Latin Manichaean writers.太高興了一個事件把眼睛的所有基督教的輝煌主角非洲天主教徒,誰已經處理沉重的打擊摩尼教拉丁美洲作家。 From 417 till his death in 431, he was engaged in an even greater conflict with the philosophical and naturalistic heresy of Pelagius and Caelestius.從417到他去世的431 ,他參與了更大的衝突與哲學和自然主義的邪說貝拉基和Caelestius 。 In this he was at first assisted by the aged Jerome; the popes condemned the innovators and the emperor legislated against them.在此,他在第一次協助杰羅姆歲的教皇譴責創新和皇帝對他們的立法。 If St. Augustine has the unique fame of having prostrated three heresies, it is because he was as anxious to persuade as to refute.如果聖奧古斯丁具有獨特的名氣有prostrated三個邪說,那是因為他是作為急於說服作為反駁。 He was perhaps the greatest controversialist the world has ever seen. Besides this he was not merely the greatest philosopher among the Fathers, but he was the only great philosopher.他也許是最大的controversialist世界上前所未有。除此之外,他不僅是最偉大的哲學家的父親,但他是唯一的偉大的哲學家。 His purely theological works, especially his "De Trinitate", are unsurpassed for depth, grasp, and clearness, among early ecclesiastical writers, whether Eastern or Western.他純粹的神學作品,尤其是他的“德Trinitate ” ,是無與倫比的深入,領會,清晰,在早期教會作家,無論是東方還是西方。 As a philosophical theologian he has no superior, except his own son and disciple, St. Thomas Aquinas.作為一個哲學神學他沒有優越,除了自己的兒子和弟子,多瑪斯。 It is probably correct to say that no one, except Aristotle, has exercised so vast, so profound, and so beneficial an influence on European thought.這可能是正確地說,沒有人,除了亞里士多德,行使了如此龐大,如此深遠,所以有利於影響歐洲思想。

Augustine was himself a Platonist through and through.奧古斯丁是自己柏拉圖通過和通過。 As a commentator he cared little for the letter, and everything for the spirit, but his harmony of the Gospels shows that he could attend to history and detail.正如一位評論家,他很少照顧的信,一切的精神,但他的和諧的福音表明他可以參加對歷史和細節。 The allegorizing tendencies he inherited from his spiritual father, Ambrose, carry him now and then into extravagances, but more often he rather soars than commentates, and his "In Genesim ad litteram", and his treatises on the Psalms and on St. John, are works of extraordinary power and interest, and quite worthy, in a totally different style, to rank with Chrysostom on Matthew. allegorizing傾向的他繼承了他的精神之父,劉漢銓,他現在進行,然後進入extravagances ,但更多的是他而不是大幅上升以上commentates ,他“在Genesim廣告litteram ” ,他的論文的詩篇,並在聖約翰,正在工作的特殊權力和利益,並很值得,在一個完全不同的風格,與排名金口的馬修。 St. Augustine was a professor of rhetoric before his wonderful conversion; but like St. Cyprian, and even more than St. Cyprian, he put aside, as a Christian, all the artifices of oratory which he knew so well.聖奧古斯丁是一個修辭學教授之前,他的奇妙轉換;但像聖塞浦路斯,甚至超過聖塞浦路斯,他拋開,作為一個基督徒,所有的演講技巧,他知道得還不錯。 He retained correctness of grammar and perfect good taste, together with the power of speaking and writing with ease in a style of masterly simplicity and of dignified though almost colloquial plainness. Nothing could be more individual than this style of St. Augustine's, in which he talks to the reader or to God with perfect openness and with an astonishing, often almost exasperating, subtlety of thought.他保留正確的語法和完善良好的口感,加上權力的書面發言和輕鬆的風格巧妙簡單和有尊嚴儘管幾乎口語明白。沒有什麼可以更比這個人風格的聖奧古斯丁的,他在會談的讀者,或與上帝的公開性和完善與驚人的,往往幾乎可氣,微妙的思想。 He had the power of seeing all round a subject and through and through it, and he was too conscientious not to use this gift to the uttermost.他的力量,看到所有一輪一個主題,並通過並通過它,他也自覺不使用這份禮物的uttermost 。 Large-minded and far-seeing, he was also very learned.大的胸襟,深遠的看到,他也非常的教訓。 He mastered Greek only in later life, in order to make himself familiar with the works of the Eastern Fathers.他不僅掌握了希臘在晚年,為了使自己熟悉的作品東部的父親。 His "De Civitate Dei" shows vast stores of reading; still more, it puts him in the first place among apologists.他的“德Civitate上帝”顯示絕大多數商店的閱讀;仍然更重要的是,把他擺在首位的辯護士。 Before his death (431) he was the object of extraordinary veneration.在他去世( 431 ) ,他的目標非常崇拜。 He had founded a monastery at Tagaste, which supplied Africa with bishops, and he lived at Hippo with his clergy in a common life, to which the Regular Canons of later days have always looked as their model.他創辦了一家寺院在塔加斯特,它提供了非洲的主教,他住在河馬與他的神職人員共同生活,而經常規以後幾天一直期待他們的模型。 The great Dominican Order, the Augustinians, and numberless congregations of nuns still look to him as their father and legislator.偉大的多米尼加命令,奧古斯丁,和無數教區修女仍然期待著他的父親和立法者。 His devotional works have had a vogue second only to that of another of his spiritual sons, Thomas à Kempis.他虔誠的作品有流行僅次於他的另一種精神的兒子,托馬斯馬肯培。 He had in his lifetime a reputation for miracles, and his sanctity is felt in all his writings, and breathes in the story of his life.他一生中的聲譽奇蹟,和他的神聖是感受到他的所有著作,並具有生命力的故事他的生命。 It has been remarked that there is about this many-sided bishop a certain symmetry which makes him an almost faultless model of a holy, wise, and active man.這是說,有這許多片面的主教一定的對稱性使他幾乎完美無缺的模式,一個神聖的,明智的,積極的人。 It is well to remember that he was essentially a penitent.大家都記得,他基本上是一個懺悔。

(9) In Spain, the great poet Prudentius surpassed all his predecessors, of whom the best had been Juvencus and the almost pagan rhetorician Ausonius. ( 9 )在西班牙,偉大的詩人都超過Prudentius他的前任,其中最好的了Juvencus和異教徒的雄辯家幾乎Ausonius 。 The curious treatises of the Spanish heretic Priscillian were discovered only in 1889.好奇的論文在西班牙邪教Priscillian僅發現於1889年。 In Gaul Rufinus of Aquileia must be mentioned as the very free translator of Origen, etc., and of Eusebius's "History", which he continued up to his own date.在高盧的阿奎Rufinus必須提到的非常自由翻譯奧利等,以及優西比烏的“歷史” ,他繼續了自己的日期。 In South Italy his friend Paulinus of Nola has left us pious poems and elaborate letters.在意大利南方的朋友Paulinus的諾拉離開了我們虔誠的詩歌和闡述字母。

D

(1) The fragments of Nestorius's writings have been collected by Loofs. ( 1 )片段的聶斯脫裡的著作已收集Loofs 。 Some of them were preserved by a disciple of St. Augustine, Marius Mercator, who made two collections of documents, concerning Nestorianism and Pelagianism respectively.其中一些保存弟子的聖奧古斯丁,馬里尤斯麥卡托,誰收藏了兩個文件,有關景教與Pelagianism分別。 The great adversary of Nestorius, St. Cyril of Alexandria, was opposed by a yet greater writer, Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus.偉大的對手聶斯脫裡,聖西里爾亞歷山大,反對由一個更大的作家, Theodoret ,賽勒斯的主教。 Cyril is a very voluminous writer, and his long commentaries in the mystical Alexandrian vein do not much interest modern readers.西里爾是一個非常浩繁的作家,他長期在評神秘亞歷山大靜脈沒有很大的興趣現代讀者。 But his principal letters and treatises on the Nestorian question show him as a theologian who has a deep spiritual insight into the meaning of the Incarnation and its effect upon the human race -- the lifting up of man to union with God.但他的主要信件和論文的景教問題表明他是一個神學誰有著深刻洞察的精神意義上的體現及其影響的人類-取消了男子工會與上帝。 We see here the influence of Egyptian asceticism, from Anthony the Great (whose life St. Athanasius wrote), and the Macarii (one of whom left some valuable works in Greek), and Pachomius, to his own time.我們在這裡看到的影響,埃及的禁慾主義,從安東尼大(其生命聖亞他那修寫) ,以及Macarii (其中一人留下一些有價值的作品在希臘) ,並帕科謬斯,他自己的時間。 In their ascetical systems, the union with God by contemplation was naturally the end in view, but one is surprised how little is made by them of meditation on the life and Passion of Christ.在他們的ascetical制度,工會與上帝的靜觀自然的目的,一個是驚訝很少是由他們的冥想的生活和耶穌受難記。 It is not omitted, but the tendency as with St. Cyril and with the Monophysites who believed they followed him, is to think rather of the Godhead than of the Manhood.這不是省略,但傾向與聖西里爾與Monophysites誰相信他們跟著他,就是覺得有點神體比的青壯年。 The Antiochene school had exaggerated the contrary tendency, out of opposition to Apollinarianism, which made Christ's Manhood incomplete, and they thought more of man united to God than of God made man.學校的Antiochene誇大了相反的趨勢,在反對亞波里拿留派,使基督的青壯年不完整的,而且他們認為更多的人團結起來,上帝不是上帝創造了人。

Theodoret undoubtedly avoided the excesses of Theodore and Nestorius, and his doctrine was accepted at last by St. Leo as orthodox, in spite of his earlier persistent defence of Nestorius.毫無疑問, Theodoret避免過度的西奧多和聶斯脫裡,他的學說被接受,最後由聖利奧作為正統的,儘管他早先持續捍衛涅斯多留。 His history of the monks is less valuable than the earlier writings of eyewitnesses -- Palladius in the East, and Rufinus and afterwards Cassian in the West.他的歷史,僧侶少寶貴的比以前的著作的目擊者-帕拉丟斯東部和R ufinus及以後C assian在西方。 But Theodoret's "History" in continuation of Eusebius contains valuable information.但是Theodoret的“歷史”在繼續優西比烏包含有價值的信息。 His apologetic and controversial writings are the works of a good theologian.他的道歉和有爭議的作品是作品的一個很好的神學家。 His masterpieces are his exegetical works, which are neither oratory like those of Chrysostom, nor exaggeratedly literal like those of Theodore.他的代表作是他的訓詁工程,這是既不演講像金口,也不exaggeratedly字面像西奧多。 With him the great Antiochene school worthily closes, as the Alexandrian does with St. Cyril.他的偉大Antiochene學校worthily關閉,因為亞歷山大不與聖西里爾。 Together with these great men may be mentioned St. Cyril's spiritual adviser, St. Isidore of Pelusium, whose 2000 letters deal chiefly with allegorical exegesis, the commentary on St. Mark by Victor of Antioch, and the introduction to the interpretation of Scripture by the monk Hadrian, a manual of the Antiochene method.連同這些偉大的男人可能會提到的聖西里爾的精神顧問,聖伊西多爾的佩魯西亞,其2000年的信主要是處理與寓言註釋,評注的聖馬克維克多的安提阿,並介紹了解釋聖經的和尚哈德良,一本手冊的Antiochene方法。

(2) The Eutychian controversy produced no great works in the East. ( 2 ) Eutychian爭議產生任何偉大的工程在東。 Such works of the Monophysites as have survived are in Syriac or Coptic versions.這些工程的Monophysites作為生存在敘利亞或埃及的版本。

(3) The two Constantinopolitan historians, Socrates and Sozomen, in spite of errors, contain some data which are precious, since many of the sources which they used are lost to us. ( 3 )兩個Constantinopolitan歷史學家,蘇格拉底和Sozomen ,儘管有錯誤,包含了一些資料,是珍貴的,因為許多的來源,他們使用的是失去了我們。 With Theodoret, their contemporary, they form a triad just in the middle of the century.隨著Theodoret ,他們的當代,他們組成一個黑社會只是在本世紀中葉。 St. Nilus of Sinai is the chief among many ascetical writers.聖Nilus的西奈半島是最主要許多ascetical作家。

(4) St. Sulpicius Severus, a Gallic noble, disciple and biographer of the great St. ( 4 )聖Sulpicius塞維魯,一個高盧崇高,弟子和傳記作家的偉大街 Martin of Tours, was a classical scholar, and showed himself an elegant writer in his "Ecclesiastical History".馬丁之旅,是一個典型的學者,並表明自己優雅的作家在他的“教會史” 。 The school of Lérins produced many writers besides St. Vincent.這所學校的Lérins產生許多作家除了聖文森特。 We may mention Eucherius, Faustus, and the great St.我們可能會提到Eucherius ,浮士德,偉大的街 Caesarius of Arles (543). Caesarius的阿爾( 543 ) 。 Other Gallic writers are Salvian, St. Sidonius Apollinaris, Gennadius, St. Avitus of Vienne, and Julianus Pomerius.其他高盧作家Salvian ,聖Sidonius Apollinaris ,粉蝨,聖Avitus的維埃納和安Pomerius 。

(5) In the West, the series of papal decretals begins with Pope Siricius (384-98). ( 5 )在西方,教皇的一系列decretals開始教皇Siricius ( 384-98 ) 。 Of the more important popes large numbers of letters have been preserved.更重要的教皇大量的信件已保存。 Those of the wise St. Innocent I (401-17), the hot-headed St. Zosimus (417-8), and the severe St. Celestine are perhaps the most important in the first half of the century; in the second half those of Hilarus, Simplicius, and above all the learned St. Gelasius (492-6).那些無辜的英明街一( 401-17 ) ,炎熱的戶主街Zosimus ( 417-8 ) ,以及嚴重的聖巴巴亞羅或許是最重要的上半年的世紀;在下半年這些Hilarus ,辛普立秋,以上所有的教訓街格拉西( 492-6 ) 。 Midway in the century stands St. Leo, the greatest of the early popes, whose steadfastness and sanctity saved Rome from Attila, and the Romans from Genseric.中途島在新的世紀看台街永華,最大的早期教皇的堅定性和保存神聖羅馬阿提拉,並在羅馬從Genseric 。 He could be unbending in the enunciation of principle; he was condescending in the condoning of breaches of discipline for the sake of peace, and he was a skilful diplomatist.他可能是不屈的闡述的原則;他是居高臨下的縱容違反紀律為了和平,他是一個嫻熟的外交家。 His sermons and the dogmatic letters in his large correspondence show him to us as the most lucid of all theologians.他的說教和教條式的信在他的大量信件表明他對我們來說是最清晰的所有神學。 He is clear in his expression, not because he is superficial, but because he has thought clearly and deeply.他很清楚他的表達,而不是因為他是膚淺的,而是因為他想清楚和深刻。 He steers between Nestorianism and Eutychianism, not by using subtle distinctions or elaborate arguments, but by stating plain definitions in accurate words.他指導的景教與Eutychianism而不是用微妙的區別或詳細的論據,但聲明中平原的定義準確的話。 He condemned Monothelitism by anticipation.他譴責Monothelitism的預期。 His style is careful, with metrical cadences.他的風格是認真的,有韻律cadences 。 Its majestic rhythms and its sonorous closes have invested the Latin language with a new splendour and dignity.其宏偉的旋律和鏗鏘關閉其投資的拉丁語新的輝煌和尊嚴。

E é

(1) In the sixth century the large correspondence of Pope Hormisdas is of the highest interest. ( 1 )在第六屆世紀大函授教皇卡爾米斯達斯是最高利益。 That century closes with St. Gregory the Great, whose celebrated "Registrum" exceeds in volume many times over the collections of the letters of other early popes.這世紀的關閉與聖格里高利大,其慶祝“ Registrum ”數量超過了許多倍的收藏信件的其他早期教皇。 The Epistles are of great variety and throw light on the varied interests of the great pope's life and the varied events in the East and West of his time.在書信十分品種和揭示各種利益的偉大教宗的生活和各種活動中的東方與西方的時間。 His "Morals on the Book of Job" is not a literal commentary, but pretends only to illustrate the moral sense underlying the text. With all the strangeness it presents to modern notions, it is a work full of wisdom and instruction.他的“道德的約伯記”不是一個字面的評注,但假裝只說明了基本的道德意識的文字。所有的陌生感提出現代概念,它是一個全職工作的智慧和指示。 The remarks of St. Gregory on the spiritual life and on contemplation are of special interest.是聖格雷戈里的精神生活和沉思的特殊利益。 As a theologian he is original only in that he combines all the traditional theology of the West without adding to it. He commonly follows Augustine as a theologian, a commentator and a preacher.作為一個神學家,他只在原來,他將所有的傳統神學西方不增加它。他通常如下奧古斯丁的神學家,評論員和一個牧師。 His sermons are admirably practical; they are models of what a good sermon should be.他的說教是令人欽佩的實際,他們是什麼型號的一個很好的講道應。 After St. Gregory there are some great popes whose letters are worthy of study, such as Nicholas I and John VIII; but these and the many other late writers of the West belong properly to the medieval period.格里高利聖後有一些偉大的教皇的信件都值得研究,如尼古拉一世和約翰八;但這些和許多其他作家的後期西方屬於正常的中世紀時期。 St. Gregory of Tours is certainly medieval, but the learned Bede is quite patristic.聖格雷戈里的旅遊肯定是中世紀,但比德的教訓是相當教父。 His great history is the most faithful and perfect history to be found in the early centuries.他的偉大歷史是最忠實的和完善的歷史中可以找到世紀初。

(2) In the East, the latter half of the fifth century is very barren. ( 2 )在東方,下半年五世紀是非常貧瘠。 The sixth century is not much better.第六屆世紀是不是要好得多。 The importance of Leontius of Byzantium (died c. 543) for the history of dogma has only lately been realized.的重要性Leontius的拜占庭(死於角543 )的歷史教條僅最近得到實現。 Poets and hagiographers, chroniclers, canonists, and ascetical writers succeed each other. Catenas by way of commentaries are the order of the day.詩人與hagiographers ,編年史, canonists ,並成功ascetical作家對方。 Catenas的方式評注的議事日程。 St. Maximus Confessor, Anastasius of Mount Sinai, and Andrew of Caesarea must be named.聖馬克西穆斯懺悔,達西的西奈山,和安德魯的愷撒必須命名為。 The first of these commented on the works of the pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, which had probably first seen the light towards the end of the fifth century.其中第一個評論的作品偽狄奧尼修斯Areopagite ,這可能是第一次看到鑑於接近年底的第五世紀。 St. John of Damascus (c. 750) closes the patristic period with his polemics against heresies, his exegetical and ascetical writings, his beautiful hymns, and above all his "Fountain of Wisdom", which is a compendium of patristic theology and a kind of anticipation of scholasticism.聖約翰大馬士革(角750 )關閉教父時期,他對異端邪說的論戰,他的訓詁和ascetical著作,他的美麗的讚美詩,首先他的“噴泉的智慧” ,這是一個彙編的教父神學和一種期待的墨守成規。 Indeed, the "Summae Theologicae" of the Middle Ages were founded on the "Sentences" of Peter Lombard, who had taken the skeleton of his work from this last of the Greek Fathers.事實上, “ Summae Theologicae ”中世紀的基礎上的“句”彼得倫巴第,誰採取了骨架他的工作從去年的希臘教父。

III.三。 CHARACTERISTICS OF PATRISTIC WRITINGS特點教父著作

A. Commentaries字母a.評

It has been seen that the literal school of exegesis had its home at Antioch, while the allegorical school was Alexandrian, and the entire West, on the whole, followed the allegorical method, mingling literalism with it in various degrees. The suspicion of Arianism has lost to us the fourth-century writers of the Antiochene school, such as Theodore of Heraclea and Eusebius of Emesa, and the charge of Nestorianism has caused the commentaries of Diodorus and Theodore of Mopsuestia (for the most part) to disappear.人們看到,學校的字面的註釋有其回家安提阿,而寓言學校是亞歷山大,整個西部,總體上來說,遵循了寓言的方法,混合拘泥於字句與它在不同程度。懷疑已Arianism我們失去了第四世紀的作家Antiochene學校,如西奧多的赫拉克里亞和優西比烏的Emesa ,並負責景教造成了評注的狄奧和西奧多的Mopsuestia (大部分是)消失。 The Alexandrian school has lost yet more heavily, for little of the great Origen remains except in fragments and in unreliable versions.學校的亞歷山大失去了更多的重,小的偉大奧利仍然除外碎片和不可靠的版本。 The great Antiochenes, Chrysostom and Theodoret, have a real grasp of the sense of the sacred text.偉大的Antiochenes ,金口和Theodoret ,有真正的把握意義上的神聖的文字。 They treat it with reverence and love, and their explanations are of deep value, because the language of the New Testament was their own tongue, so that we moderns cannot afford to neglect their comments.他們把它與崇敬和熱愛,他們的解釋是深值,因為語言的新約聖經是他們自己的母語,這樣,我們現代人不能忽視他們的意見。 On the contrary, Origen, the moulder of the allegorizing type of commentary, who had inherited the Philonic tradition of the Alexandrian Jews, was essentially irreverent to the inspired authors.與此相反,俄利根的腐朽的allegorizing類型的評注,誰繼承了傳統的Philonic亞歷山大的猶太人,基本上是不敬的啟發作者。 The Old Testament was to him full of errors, lies, and blasphemies, so far as the letter was concerned, and his defence of it against the pagans, the Gnostics, and especially the Marcionites, was to point only to the spiritual meaning.舊約是給他充分的錯誤,謊言,和褻瀆,就這封信而言,和他的辯護這對異教徒的Gnostics ,特別是Marcionites ,是指向唯一的精神意義。 Theoretically he distinguished a triple sense, the somatic, the psychic, and the pneumatic, following St. Paul's trichotomy; but in practice he mainly gives the spiritual, as opposed to the corporal or literal.從理論上說,他尊敬的三重意義上說,軀體的心理,以及氣動之後,聖保祿三分法;但在實踐中主要是讓他的精神,而不是體罰或文字。

St. Augustine sometimes defends the Old Testament against the Manichæans in the same style, and occasionally in a most unconvincing manner, but with great moderation and restraint.聖奧古斯丁有時捍衛舊約對Manichæans在同一風格,有時在一個最令人信服的方式,而是以極大的節制和克制。 In his "De Genesi ad litteram" he has evolved a far more effective method, with his usual brilliant originality, and he shows that the objections brought against the truth of the first chapters of the book invariably rest upon the baseless assumption that the objector has found the true meaning of the text.在他的“德Genesi廣告litteram ”他已經發展一種更為有效的方法,與他一貫的精彩創意,他表明了反對對真理的第一章的書總是其餘的毫無根據的假設,即有反對者發現真正意義上的文字。 But Origen applied his method, though partially, even to the New Testament, and regarded the Evangelists as sometimes false in the letter, but as saving the truth in the hidden spiritual meaning.但是奧利適用於他的方法,但部分,甚至新約,並認為福音派有時候虛假的信中,但作為節水的真相隱藏在精神的意義。 In this point the good feeling of Christians prevented his being followed.在這一點上,感覺很好的基督徒使他得到遵守。 But the brilliant example he gave, of running riot in the fantastic exegesis which his method encouraged, had an unfortunate influence.但是,光輝榜樣他,防暴運行中的精彩註釋他的方法鼓勵,有一個不幸的影響。 He is fond of giving a variety of applications to a single text, and his promise to hold nothing but what can be proved from Scripture becomes illusory when he shows by example that any part of Scripture may mean anything he pleases.他喜歡給各種各樣的應用,以一個單一的文字,和他的承諾,但沒有舉行什麼可以證明從聖經成為泡影,他的例子表明,任何部分經文可能意味著什麼,他感到非常高興。 The reverent temper of later writers, and especially of the Westerns, preferred to represent as the true meaning of the sacred writer the allegory which appeared to them to be the most obvious. St.在虔誠的脾氣後來作家,尤其是西部片,首選代表作為真正意義上的神聖的寓言作家看來他們是最明顯的。街 Ambrose and St. Augustine in their beautiful works on the Psalms rather spiritualize, or moralize, than allegorize, and their imaginative interpretations are chiefly of events, actions, numbers, etc. But almost all allegorical interpretation is so arbitrary and depends so much on the caprice of the exegete that it is difficult to conciliate it with reverence, however one may he dazzled by the beauty of much of it.劉漢銓和聖奧古斯丁在其美麗的作品的詩篇,而spiritualize ,或說教,而不是allegorize ,他們的想像力的解釋是主要的事件,行動,數字等,但幾乎所有的寓言是這樣的解釋,而且取決於任意這麼多的任性的exegete ,這是很難調解與崇敬,但是人們可以通過他眼花繚亂的美麗多了。 An alternative way of defending the Old Testament was excogitated by the ingenious author of the pseudo-Clementines; he asserts that it has been depraved and interpolated.另一種方式捍衛舊約是excogitated的作者巧妙的偽Clementines ;他聲稱,它已經墮落和插。 St. Jerome's learning has made his exegesis unique; he frequently gives alternative explanations and refers to the authors who have adopted them.聖杰羅姆的學習提出了他獨特的註釋;他經常讓其他的解釋和指的是作者誰通過了他們。 From the middle of the fifth century onwards, second-hand commentaries are universal in East and West, and originality almost entirely disappears.來自中東的第五世紀開始,二手的評注是普遍在東方和西方,和獨創性幾乎完全消失。 Andrew of Caesarea is perhaps an exception, for he commented on a book which was scarcely at all read in the East, the Apocalypse.安德魯的愷撒也許是一個例外,因為他評論的書,幾乎在所有閱讀東部,啟示。

Discussions of method are not wanting.討論的方法,不想。 Clement of Alexandria gives "traditional methods", the literal, typical, moral, and prophetical.克萊門特亞歷山大使“傳統方法” ,從字面上,典型的,道德和預言。 The tradition is obviously from Rabbinism.傳統顯然是從Rabbinism 。 We must admit that it has in its favour the practice of St. Matthew and St. Paul.我們必須承認,它有利於自己的做法,馬太和聖保羅。 Even more than Origen, St. Augustine theorized on this subject.甚至超過奧利,聖奧古斯丁的理論這一問題。 In his "De Doctrina Christiana" he gives elaborate rules of exegesis.在他的“德Doctrina克里斯蒂安娜”他給詳細的規則的註釋。 Elsewhere he distinguishes four senses of Scripture: historical, aetiological (economic), analogical (where NT explains OT), and allegorical ("De Util. Cred.", 3; cf. "De Vera Rel.", 50).他區別於其他四個感官聖經:歷史,病原學(經濟) ,類比(如新台幣解釋催產素)和寓言( “德公用事業。信任。 ” , 3 ;比照。 “德薇拉相對。 ” 50 ) 。 The book of rules composed by the Donatist Tichonius has an analogy in the smaller "canons" of St. Paul's Epistles by Priscillian.這本書的規則組成的Donatist Tichonius有一個比喻在較小的“大砲”的聖保祿書信的Priscillian 。 Hadrian of Antioch was mentioned above.哈德良安提阿的是上面提到。 St. Gregory the Great compares Scripture to a river so shallow that a lamb can walk in it, so deep that an elephant can float.聖格里高利大比較聖經的河流,使淺層的羔羊可以步行,所以深,大象可以自由浮動。 (Pref. to "Morals on Job"). ( Pref.以“道德上項目” ) 。 He distinguishes the historical or literal sense, the moral, and the allegorical or typical.他區分字面歷史意義上說,道義,和寓言或典型。 If the Western Fathers are fanciful, yet this is better than the extreme literalism of Theodore of Mopsuestia, who refused to allegorize even the Canticle of Canticles.如果西方父親是異想天開,但是,這是優於極端拘泥於字句的西奧多的Mopsuestia ,誰拒絕allegorize甚至頌歌的Canticles 。

B. Preachers灣傳教士

We have sermons from the Greek Church much earlier than from the Latin.我們的說教從希臘教會更早不是從拉丁美洲。 Indeed, Sozomen tells us that, up to his time (c. 450), there were no public sermons in the churches at Rome.事實上, Sozomen告訴我們,到了時間(角450 ) ,也沒有在公眾說教的教堂在羅馬。 This seems almost incredible.看來這幾乎難以置信。 St. Leo's sermons are, however, the first sermons certainly preached at Rome which have reached us, for those of Hippolytus were all in Greek; unless the homily "Adversus Alcatores" be a sermon by a Novatian antipope.聖利奧的說教,然而,第一次說教當然在羅馬鼓吹已達到我們,對於那些對西波呂都在希臘;除非講道“ Adversus Alcatores ”是講道的Novatian對立教皇。 The series of Latin preachers begins in the middle of the fourth century.一系列的拉丁美洲傳教士開始在中間的第四世紀。 The so-called "Second Epistle of St. Clement" is a homily belonging possibly to the second century.所謂的“第二屆書聖克萊門特”是講道可能屬於第二個世紀。 Many of the commentaries of Origen are a series of sermons, as is the case later with all Chrysostom's commentaries and most of Augustine's.許多評論,俄利根是一系列的說教,如後來與所有金口的評論,大多數奧古斯丁。

In many cases treatises are composed of a course of sermons, as, for instance, is the case for some of those of Ambrose, who seems to have rewritten his sermons after delivery.在許多情況下,論文是由課程的說教,因為舉例來說,案件的一些人,劉漢銓,誰似乎已經改寫了分娩後的說教。 The "De Sacramentis" may possibly be the version by a shorthand-writer of the course which the saint himself edited under the title "De Mysteriis".在“德Sacramentis ”可能是版本的速記,作家當然其中聖自己編輯的標題是“德Mysteriis ” 。 In any case the "De Sacramentis" (whether by Ambrose or not) has a freshness and naiveté which is wanting in the certainly authentic "De Mysteriis".在任何情況下, “德Sacramentis ” (無論是通過或不張永森)有新鮮感和天真是想在一定真實的“德Mysteriis ” 。 Similarly the great courses of sermons preached by St. Chrysostom at Antioch were evidently written or corrected by his own hand, but those he delivered at Constantinople were either hurriedly corrected, or not at all.同樣的偉大課程的說教所宣揚的金口街在安提阿明顯書面或糾正自己的手,但這些,他在君士坦丁堡交付被急忙糾正,或根本沒有。 His sermons on Acts, which have come down to us in two quite distinct texts in the manuscripts, are probably known to us only in the forms in which they were taken down by two different tachygraphers.他講道的行為,這歸結為我們在兩個截然不同的案文中的手稿,可能是我們已知的唯一的形式,他們在採取了由兩個不同的tachygraphers 。 St. Gregory Nazianzen complains of the importunity of these shorthand-writers (Orat. xxxii), as St. Jerome does of their incapacity (Ep. lxxi, 5).聖格雷戈里Nazianzen抱怨的importunity這些速記記( Orat.三十二) ,因為聖杰羅姆不其喪失工作能力( Ep. lxxi , 5 ) 。 Their art was evidently highly perfected, and specimens of it have come down to us.他們的藝術顯然是非常完善,標本,它已經給我們。 They were officially employed at councils (eg at the great conference with the Donatists at Carthage, in 411, we hear of them).他們被正式僱用理事會(例如在偉大的會議,多納徒派在迦太基,在411 ,我們聽到的) 。 It appears that many or most of the bishops at the Council of Ephesus, in 449, had their own shorthand-writers with them.看來,許多或大多數的主教在安理會的以弗所,在449名,有自己的速記,作家與他們。 The method of taking notes and of amplifying receives illustration from the Acts of the Council of Constantinople of 27 April, 449, at which the minutes were examined which had been taken down by tachygraphers at the council held a few weeks earlier.該方法的記筆記和插圖放大收到的行為理事會君士坦丁堡4月27日, 449 ,在該分鐘檢查政府已採取了一系列減少tachygraphers在安理會舉行了幾個星期前。

Many of St. Augustine's sermons are certainly from shorthand notes.許多聖奧古斯丁的說教當然是來自速記紀錄。 As to others we are uncertain, for the style of the written ones is often so colloquial that it is difficult to get a criterion.至於其他人,我們是不確定的,在風格的書面的往往是這樣口語化,這是很難得到一項標準。 The sermons of St. Jerome at Bethlehem, published by Dom Morin, are from shorthand reports, and the discourses themselves were unprepared conferences on those portions of the Psalms or of the Gospels which had been sung in the liturgy.在布道的聖杰羅姆在伯利恆,出版的大教堂莫林,來自速記報告,論述本身也準備就這些會議的部分詩篇或福音已唱了禮儀。 The speaker has clearly often been preceded by another priest, and on the Western Christmas Day, which his community alone is keeping, the bishop is present and will speak last.該發言人已明確之前,往往是由另一個牧師,和對西方聖誕節,他的社會單是保管,主教是當前和會最後發言。 In fact the pilgrim Ætheria tells us that at Jerusalem, in the fourth century, all the priests present spoke in turn, if they chose, and the bishop last of all.事實上,朝聖者Ætheria告訴我們,在耶路撒冷,在第四世紀,所有的神職人員目前以反過來,如果他們的選擇,以及最後的主教所有。 Such improvised comments are far indeed from the oratorical discourses of St. Gregory Nazianzen, from the lofty flights of Chrysostom, from the torrent of iteration that characterizes the short sermons of Peter Chrysologus, from the neat phrases of Maximus of Turin, and the ponderous rhythms of Leo the Great.這種簡易的評論遠遠確實從演講的論述聖格雷戈里Nazianzen ,從崇高的飛行金口,從洪流迭代的特點短期說教彼得Chrysologus ,從整潔的馬克西穆斯詞組都靈,以及沉重的節奏對獅子座大。 The eloquence of these Fathers need not be here described.在雄辯的這些父輩沒有必要在這裡說明。 In the West we may add in the fourth century Gaudentius of Brescia; several small collections of interesting sermons appear in the fifth century; the sixth opens with the numerous collections made by St. Caesarius for the use of preachers.在西方,我們可能會增加在第四世紀Gaudentius布雷西亞;幾個小集合有趣的說教出現在第五世紀的第六屆打開眾多的收藏品所作的聖Caesarius利用傳教士。 There is practically no edition of the works of this eminent and practical bishop.目前幾乎沒有出版的作品,這一傑出的和實際的主教。 St. Gregory (apart from some fanciful exegesis) is the most practical preacher of the West.聖格里高利(除了一些幻想的註釋)是最實際的佈道者西。 Nothing could be more admirable for imitation than St. Chrysostom.沒有什麼比這更令人欽佩的仿製比金口街。 The more ornate writers are less safe to copy.更華麗的作家不太安全的副本。 St. Augustine's style is too personal to be an example, and few are so learned, so great, and so ready, that they can venture to speak as simply as he often does.聖奧古斯丁的風格也將個人的一個例子,很少有這樣的經驗教訓,如此之大,因此作好準備,使他們能夠大膽地說話只是因為他常常不。

C. Writers角作家

The Fathers do not belong to the strictly classical period of either the Greek or the Latin language; but this does not imply that they wrote bad Latin or Greek.父親不屬於嚴格的古典時期,無論是希臘或拉丁語,但是這並不意味著他們寫道壞拉丁美洲或希臘。 The conversational form of the Koiné or common dialect of Greek, which is found in the New Testament and in many papyri, is not the language of the Fathers, except of the very earliest.該會話的形式Koiné或共同的方言希臘,這是在新約,而且在許多紙莎草紙,是不是語言的父輩,但非常最早的。 For the Greek Fathers write in a more classicizing style than most of the New Testament writers; none of them uses quite a vulgar or ungrammatical Greek, while some Atticize, eg the Cappadocians and Synesius.希臘父親寫更classicizing風格比大多數新約作家;沒有人使用相當庸俗或不通希臘,而一些Atticize ,如Cappadocians和西烏斯。 The Latin Fathers are often less classical.拉丁美洲父親往往不到經典。

Tertullian is a Latin Carlyle; he knew Greek, and wrote books in that language, and tried to introduce ecclesiastical terms into Latin.良是拉丁美洲凱雷;他知道希臘,寫在這本書的語言,並試圖教會方面介紹到拉丁美洲。 St. Cyprian's "Ad Donatum", probably his first Christian writing, shows an Apuleian preciosity which he eschewed in all his other works, but which his biographer Pontius has imitated and exaggerated.聖塞浦路斯的“廣告Donatum ” ,也許他的第一個基督教書面形式,顯示出Apuleian過於挑剔,他迴避所有的其他作品,但他的傳記彼拉多了模仿和誇張。 Men like Jerome and Augustine, who had a thorough knowledge of classical literature, would not employ tricks of style, and cultivated a manner which should be correct, but simple and straightforward; yet their style could not have been what it was but for their previous study.男子喜歡杰羅姆和奧古斯丁,誰有透徹了解古典文學,將不會聘請技巧的作風,培養的方式應該是正確的,但簡單明了,但他們的風格不可能這是什麼,但他們以前研究。 For the spoken Latin of all the patristic centuries was very different from the written.至於談到拉丁美洲的所有教父世紀是非常不同的書面。 We get examples of the vulgar tongue here and there in the letters of Pope Cornelius as edited by Mercati, for the third century, or in the Rule of St.我們得到的例子庸俗的舌頭在這裡和那裡的信中教皇哥尼流作為編輯的Mercati ,第三世紀,或在規則街 Benedict in Wölfflin's or Dom Mona's editions, for the sixth.本篤在沃爾夫林或大教堂蒙娜麗莎的版本,為第六屆。 In the latter we get such modernisms as cor murmurantem, post quibus, cum responsoria sua, which show how the confusing genders and cases of the classics were disappearing into the more reasonable simplicity of Italian.在後者,我們獲得這樣的modernisms作為murmurantem心病,後quibus ,兼responsoria它的,這說明性別的困惑和案件的經典正在消失的更合理的簡單的意大利語。 Some of the Fathers use the rhythmical endings of the "cursus" in their prose; some have the later accented endings which were corruptions of the correct prosodical ones.有些父親用有節奏的結局的“ cursus ”在其散文;一些人後來口音的結局是腐敗的正確prosodical的。 Familiar examples of the former are in the older Collects of the Mass; of the latter the Te Deum is an obvious instance.熟悉的例子,前者是中老年人收集群眾;後者的特Deum是一個明顯的例子。

D. East and West D.東方和西方

Before speaking of the theological characteristics of the Fathers, we have to take into account the great division of the Roman Empire into two languages. Language is the great separator.在談到神學特徵的父輩,我們已經考慮到巨大的分裂,羅馬帝國的兩種語言。語言是偉大的分隔符。 When two emperors divided the Empire, it was not quite according to language; nor were the ecclesiastical divisions more exact, since the great province of Illyricum, including Macedonia and all Greece, was attached to the West through at least a large part of the patristic period, and was governed by the archbishop of Thessalonica, not as its exarch or patriarch, but as papal legate.當兩位皇帝的帝國分裂,這是不太根據語言;也不是教會司更準確,因為偉大的伊利裡庫姆省,包括馬其頓和希臘,重視西部至少有很大一部分教父期間,是由大主教的薩洛尼卡,而不是作為其exarch或家長,而是作為教皇特使。 But in considering the literary productions of the age, we must class them as Latin or Greek, and this is what will be meant here by Western and Eastern.但是,在考慮文學作品的時代,我們必須作為一流的拉丁或希臘,這是將意味著這裡的西歐和東歐。

The understanding of the relations between Greeks and Latins is often obscured by certain prepossessions.我們的理解之間關係的希臘人和拉丁人往往掩蓋某些prepossessions 。 We talk of the "unchanging East", of the philosophical Greeks as opposed to the practical Romans, of the reposeful thought of the Oriental mind over against the rapidity and orderly classification which characterizes Western intelligence.我們談論的“不變的東亞” ,哲學的希臘人,而不是羅馬人的實際,在思想reposeful東方到了對快速和有序的分類西方情報機構的特點。 All this is very misleading, and it is important to go back to the facts.所有這一切是非常誤導,而且重要的是要回去的事實。 In the first place, the East was converted far more rapidly than the West.首先,東亞是目前轉換速度超過了西方。 When Constantine made Christianity the established religion of both empires from 323 onwards, there was a striking contrast between the two.當康斯坦丁了既定的基督教宗教的帝國從323起,有一個鮮明的對比兩者之間的關係。 In the West paganism had everywhere a very large majority, except possibly in Africa.在西方異教世界各地有非常大的多數,但有可能在非洲。 But in the Greek world Christianity was quite the equal of the old religions in influence and numbers; in the great cities it might even be predominant, and some towns were practically Christian.但是,在希臘世界基督教是相當平等的舊宗教的影響力和號碼;中最偉大的城市它甚至可能成為佔主導地位,一些城鎮幾乎基督徒。 The story told of St. Gregory the Wonder-Worker, that he found but seventeen Christians in Neocæsarea when he became bishop, and that he left but seventeen pagans in the same city when he died (c. 270-5), must be substantially true.這個故事告訴聖格雷戈里的奇蹟工人,他發現,但17基督教徒Neocæsarea當他成為主教,他留下,但17異教徒在同一城市時,他去世(角270-5 ) ,必須大幅度正確的。 Such a story in the West would be absurd.這樣的故事在西方將是荒謬的。 The villages of the Latin countries held out for long, and the pagani retained the worship of the old gods even after they were all nominally Christianized.該村莊舉行的拉美國家進行長期,並保留帕加尼崇拜的老神即使他們都是名義上Christianized 。 In Phrygia, on the contrary, entire villages were Christian long before Constantine, though it is true that elsewhere some towns were still heathen in Julian's day -- Gaza in Palestine is an example; but then Maiouma, the port of Gaza, was Christian.在Phrygia ,相反,整個村莊被基督教早在君士坦丁,但的確是其他地方的一些城鎮仍異教徒在朱利安的一天-在巴勒斯坦的加沙地帶是一個例子;但隨後M aiouma,加沙港,是基督徒。

Two consequences, amongst others, of this swift evangelization of the East must be noticed.兩種後果,除其他外,這一迅速福東必須注意。 In the first place, while the slow progress of the West was favourable to the preservation of the unchanged tradition, the quick conversion of the East was accompanied by a rapid development which, in the sphere of dogma, was hasty, unequal, and fruitful of error.首先,雖然進展緩慢,西有利於維護不變的傳統,快速轉換的問題是伴隨著快速發展的領域,在教條,是倉促的,不平等的,富有成果的錯誤。 Secondly, the Eastern religion partook, even during the heroic age of persecution, of the evil which the West felt so deeply after Constantine, that is to say, of the crowding into the Church of multitudes who were only half Christianized, because it was the fashionable thing to do, or because a part of the beauties of the new religion and of the absurdities of the old were seen.其次,東方宗教partook ,即使在英雄時代的迫害,邪惡,而西方感到深深地後,君士坦丁,也就是說,在擁擠的教堂眾多誰,只有一半Christianized ,因為它是時髦的事情,或者是因為一部分的美人新的宗教和荒謬的舊被。 We have actually Christian writers, in East and West, such as Arnobius, and to some extent Lactantius and Julius Africanus, who show that they are only half instructed in the Faith.我們實際上已經基督教作家,在東方和西方,如Arnobius ,並在一定程度上潭修斯和朱利葉斯西庇阿,誰表明,他們只有一半的指示信。 This must have been largely the case among the people in the East.這一定是主要的案件人民之間的地區。 Tradition in the East was less regarded, and faith was less deep than in the smaller Western communities.傳統少東認為,和信念還不深比小西社區。 Again, the Latin writers begin in Africa with Tertullian, just before the third century, at Rome with Novatian, just in the middle of the third century, and in Spain and Gaul not till the fourth.再次,拉丁美洲作家在非洲開始同良,就在第三個世紀,在羅馬與Novatian ,公正中的第三世紀,在西班牙和高盧人沒有到第四位。 But the East had writers in the first century, and numbers in the second; there were Gnostic and Christian schools in the second and third.但是,東作家在第一世紀,號碼在第二;有諾斯底和基督教學校在第二和第三。 There had been, indeed, Greek writers at Rome in the first and second centuries and part of the third.有,事實上,希臘作家在羅馬的第一和第二世紀和部分第三位。 But when the Roman Church became Latin they were forgotten; the Latin writers did not cite Clement and Hermas; they totally forgot Hippolytus, except his chronicle, and his name became merely a theme for legend.但是,當羅馬教會成為拉丁美洲,他們被遺忘了;拉丁美洲作家沒有透露克萊門特和書,他們完全忘記了西波呂,但他的編年史,他的名字成為僅僅是一個主題為傳奇。

Though Rome was powerful and venerated in the second century, and though her tradition remained unbroken, the break in her literature is complete.雖然是強大的羅馬和崇敬的第二個世紀,儘管她仍然不間斷的傳統,鋪在她的文學已經完成。 Latin literature is thus a century and a half younger than the Greek; indeed it is practically two centuries and a half younger.拉丁美洲文學因此,在一個半世紀年輕比希;的確,實際上是兩個世紀半年輕。 Tertullian stands alone, and he became a heretic.良站,僅和他成為異端邪說。 Until the middle of the fourth century there had appeared but one Latin Father for the spiritual reading of the educated Latin Christian, and it is natural that the stichometry, edited (perhaps semi-officially) under Pope Liberius for the control of booksellers' prices, gives the works of St. Cyprian as well as the books of the Latin Bible.直到中四世紀有出現,但一個拉丁美洲父親的精神讀教育拉丁美洲基督教,它是很自然的stichometry ,編輯(也許是半官方)根據Liberius教皇的控制圖書的價格,使作品的聖塞浦路斯以及書籍拉丁美洲聖經。 This unique position of St. Cyprian was still recognized at the beginning of the fifth century.這種獨特的地位街塞浦路斯仍然承認在年初五世紀。 From Cyprian (d. 258) to Hilary there was scarcely a Latin book that could be recommended for popular reading except Lactantius's "De mortibus persecutorum", and there was no theology at all.從塞浦路斯(草258 )向希拉里很少有拉丁美洲書,可建議大眾讀物除外潭修斯的“德mortibus persecutorum ” ,並沒有在所有的神學。 Even a little later, the commentaries of Victorinus the Rhetorician were valueless, and those of Isaac the Jew (?) were odd.甚至有點後,評注的Victorinus的雄辯家的價值,而猶太人伊薩克( ? )是奇怪的。 The one vigorous period of Latin literature is the bare century which ends with Leo (d. 461).一個有力的時期拉美文學是光禿禿的世紀結束利奧(草461 ) 。 During that century Rome had been repeatedly captured or threatened by barbarians; Arian Vandals, besides devastating Italy and Gaul, had almost destroyed the Catholicism of Spain and Africa; the Christian British had been murdered in the English invasion.在這個世紀的羅馬已一再抓獲或威脅的野蠻人;阿里安汪達爾人,除了毀滅性的意大利和高盧人,幾乎摧毀了天主教的西班牙和非洲;基督教英國被謀殺的英語入侵。 Yet the West had been able to rival the East in output and in eloquence and even to surpass it in learning, depth, and variety.然而,西方國家已經能夠媲美的東輸出和雄辯的口才,甚至超過它在學習,深度和多樣性。 The elder sister knew little of these productions, but the West was supplied with a considerable body of translations from the Greek, even in the fourth century.在姐姐知道這些小製作,但西方提供了大量的翻譯從希臘,即使是在第四世紀。 In the sixth, Cassiodorus took care that the amount should be increased.第六, Cassiodorus照顧的數額應當增加。 This gave the Latins a larger outlook, and even the decay of learning which Cassiodorus and Agapetus could not remedy, and which Pope Agatho deplored so humbly in his letter to the Greek council of 680, was resisted with a certain persistent vigour.這使得拉丁人較大的前景,甚至是腐朽的學習和亞加Cassiodorus無法補救措施,並譴責教皇Agatho如此謙恭地在他的信中向希臘議會的680 ,是抵制了某些持久的活力。

At Constantinople the means of learning were abundant, and there were many authors; yet there is a gradual decline till the fifteenth century.在君士坦丁堡的手段學習豐富,有許多作家,但有一個逐步下降,直到15世紀。 The more notable writers are like flickers amid dying embers.更值得注意的作家就像是閃爍在死亡的灰燼。 There were chroniclers and chronographers, but with little originality.有編年史和chronographers ,但幾乎沒有獨創性。 Even the monastery of Studium is hardly a literary revival.即使是寺院Studium很難說是文學的復興。 There is in the East no enthusiasm like that of Cassiodorus, of Isidore, of Alcuin, amid a barbarian world.目前在東沒有熱情一樣, Cassiodorus的伊西多爾的阿爾昆,由於野蠻的世界。 Photius had wonderful libraries at his disposal, yet Bede had wider learning, and probably knew more of the East than Photius did of the West. Photius了精彩圖書館在他的處置,但貝德了更廣泛的學習,並可能知道更多的東西比Photius沒有西方國家。 The industrious Irish schools which propagated learning in every part of Europe had no parallel in the Oriental world.勤勞愛爾蘭的學校學習宣揚在每一個歐洲的一部分沒有平行的東方世界。 It was after the fifth century that the East began to be "unchanging".這是在第五世紀的東方開始“不變” 。 And as the bond with the West grew less and less continuous, her theology and literature became more and more mummified; whereas the Latin world blossomed anew with an Anselm, subtle as Augustine, a Bernard, rival to Chrysostom, an Aquinas, prince of theologians.作為債券與西方國家增長越來越少,持續不斷,她的神學和文學成為越來越多的木乃伊,而拉丁美洲的世界蓬勃發展的新安瑟倫,微妙的奧古斯丁,一個伯納德,金口的競爭對手,一個阿奎那,王子神學。

Hence we observe in the early centuries a twofold movement, which must be spoken of separately: an Eastward movement of theology, by which the West imposed her dogmas on the reluctant East, and a Westward movement in most practical things -- organization, liturgy, ascetics, devotion -- by which the West assimilated the swifter evolution of the Greeks.因此,我們看到在早期百年一種雙重運動,必須單獨講:一個向東移動的神學,其中西方強加的教條她不願意就東亞和西進運動中最實際的事情-組織,禮儀,修行,奉獻-其中西部吸收了迅速發展的希臘人。 We take first the theological movement.首先,我們採取的神學運動。

E. Theology體育神學

Throughout the second century the Greek portion of Christendom bred heresies. The multitude of Gnostic schools tried to introduce all kinds of foreign elements into Christianity.在整個第二個世紀,希臘的部分基督教育成邪說。眾多的諾斯底學校試圖引進各類外國要素納入基督教。 Those who taught and believed them did not start from a belief in the Trinity and the Incarnation such as we are accustomed to. Marcion formed not a school, but a Church; his Christology was very far removed from tradition.這些誰教,並認為他們沒有從信仰中三一和化身,如我們習慣。馬吉安不能成立的一所學校,但教會他的基督是非常遠離傳統。 The Montanists made a schism which retained the traditional beliefs and practices, but asserted a new revelation. Montanists作出的分裂而保留了傳統信仰和習俗,但聲稱一個新的啟示。 The leaders of all the new views came to Rome, and tried to gain a footing there; all were condemned and excommunicated.領導人的所有新的意見來羅馬,並試圖獲得立足點那裡都是譴責和逐出教會。 At the end of the century, Rome got all the East to agree with her traditional rule that Easter should be kept on Sunday.在本世紀結束時,羅馬獲得所有的東同意她的傳統規則,即復活節應保持在週日。 The Churches of Asia Minor had a different custom.教會小亞細亞有不同的習俗。 One of their bishops protested.他們的一個主教抗議。 But they seem to have submitted almost at once.但他們似乎已經幾乎提交一次。 In the first decades of the third century, Rome impartially repelled opposing heresies, those which identified the three Persons of the Holy Trinity with only a modal distinction (Monarchians, Sabellians, "Patripassians"), and those who, on the contrary, made Christ a mere man, or seemed to ascribe to the Word of God a distinct being from that of the Father. This last conception, to our amazement, is assumed, it would appear, by the early Greek apologists, though in varying language; Athenagoras (who as an Athenian may have been in relation with the West) is the only one who asserts the Unity of the Trinity.在第一個十年的第三個世紀,羅馬公正擊退反對邪說,那些確定了3人的聖三一只有一個模式的區別( Monarchians , Sabellians , “ Patripassians ” ) ,以及那些誰,相反,作出基督只有男人,或似乎賦予天主的聖言一個獨特的正在從父。這最後一個概念,我們驚奇,假設,看來,早期希臘辯護士,儘管在不同的語言;亞山那哥拉(誰是雅典可能已經在與西方國家)是唯一一個誰主張統一的三位一體。 Hippolytus (somewhat diversely in the "Contra Noetum" and in the "Philosophumena," if they are both his) taught the same division of the Son from the Father as traditional, and he records that Pope Callistus condemned him as a Ditheist.西波呂(有點無窮的“魂斗羅Noetum ”和“ Philosophumena , ”如果他們都是他的)教同樣的分工的兒子從傳統的父親,他記錄,教皇卡利斯圖斯譴責他是一個Ditheist 。

Origen, like many of the others, makes the procession of the Word depend upon His office of Creator; and if he is orthodox enough to make the procession an eternal and necessary one, this is only because he regards Creation itself as necessary and eternal.奧利,像許多其他,使遊行隊伍的Word取決於他的辦公室的造物主; ,如果他是正統足以使遊行一個永恆的和必要的,這不僅是因為他認為自己創造必要的和永恆的。 His pupil, Dionysius of Alexandria, in combating the Sabellians, who admitted no real distinctions in the Godhead, manifested the characteristic weakness of the Greek theology, but some of his own Egyptians were more correct than their patriarch, and appealed to Rome.他的學生,狄奧尼修斯的亞歷山大,在打擊Sabellians ,誰承認,沒有真正的區別在神體,表現疲軟的特點,希臘神學,但一些他自己的埃及人更正確比他們的家長,並呼籲羅馬。 The Alexandrian listened to the Roman Dionysius, for all respected the unchanging tradition and unblemished orthodoxy of the See of Peter; his apology accepts the word "consubstantial", and he explains, no doubt sincerely, that he had never meant anything else; but he had learnt to see more clearly, without recognizing how unfortunately worded were his earlier arguments.在亞歷山大聽取了羅馬修斯,對所有尊重不變的傳統和完美無缺的正統的見彼得;接受他的道歉改為“同質” ,他解釋說,毫無疑問,真誠地說,他從來沒有別的意思,但他已學會更清楚地看到,沒有認識到如何措辭不幸的是他先前的論點。 He was not present when a council, mainly of Origenists, justly condemned Paul of Samosata (268); and these bishops, holding the traditional Eastern view, refused to use the word "consubstantial" as being too like Sabellianism.他不在場時,理事會,主要Origenists ,公正譴責保羅薩莫薩塔( 268 ) ; ,這些主教,舉行傳統的東方認為,拒絕使用“同質”是太想撒伯流主義。 The Arians, disciples of Lucian, rejected (as did the more moderate Eusebius of Caesarea) the eternity of Creation, and they were logical enough to argue that consequently "there was (before time was) when the Word was not", and that He was a creature.該Arians ,弟子盧西安,拒絕(也較溫和的優西比烏的愷撒)永恆的創作,他們的邏輯足以認為,因此“有(在當時)的Word時沒有” ,而且他是一種動物。 All Christendom was horrified; but the East was soon appeased by vague explanations, and after Nicaea, real, undisguised Arianism hardly showed its head for nearly forty years.所有基督教感到震驚,但東很快就安撫了含糊的解釋後,尼西亞,真實的,幾乎毫不掩飾地表明Arianism頭部近四十年。 The highest point of orthodoxy that the East could reach is shown in the admirable lectures of St. Cyril of Jerusalem.最高點的正統說,東非可達到顯示的令人欽佩的講座聖西里爾耶路撒冷。 There is one God, he teaches, that is the Father, and His Son is equal to Him in all things, and the Holy Ghost is adored with Them; we cannot separate Them in our worship.有一個上帝,他教,這是爸爸,和他的兒子等於他的一切事物,並聖靈是崇拜他們,我們不能將它們分開的崇拜。 But he does not ask himself how there are not three Gods; he will not use the Nicene word "consubstantial", and he never suggests that there is one Godhead common to the three Persons.但他沒有問自己,如何有三個神不,他將不使用尼西亞改為“同質” ,他從來沒有表明,有一個共同的神體的3人。

If we turn to the Latins all is different.如果我們談的所有拉丁人是不同的。 The essential Monotheism of Christianity is not saved in the West by saying there is "one God the Father", as in all the Eastern creeds, but the theologians teach the unity of the Divine essence, in which subsist three Persons.基本一神教的基督教不是儲存在西說,有“一聖父” ,因為在所有的東歐信條,但神學教育的團結神聖本質,其中3人生活。 If Tertullian and Novatian use subordinationist language of the Son (perhaps borrowed from the East), it is of little consequence in comparison with their main doctrine, that there is one substance of the Father and of the Son.如果良和Novatian使用subordinationist語言的兒子(也許借來的從東) ,它是沒有什麼後果比較它們的主要原則,有一個實質的父親和兒子。 Callistus excommunicates equally those who deny the distinction of Persons, and those who refuse to assert the unity of substance.卡利斯圖斯excommunicates同樣是誰剝奪的人的區別,那些拒絕向誰主張統一的實質內容。 Pope Dionysius is shocked that his namesake did not use the word "consubstantial" -- this is more than sixty years before Nicaea.教皇修斯感到震驚,他的名字並沒有用“同質” -這是超過六十年前尼西亞。 At that great council a Western bishop has the first place, with two Roman priests, and the result of the discussion is that the Roman word "consubstantial" is imposed up on all.在這個偉大的國家西部主教首先,兩個羅馬牧師,結果討論的是,羅馬字“同質”是強加的對所有。 In the East the council is succeeded by a conspiracy of silence; the Orientals will not use the word.在東方,安理會成功地由一個沉默的陰謀;的東方人將不使用這個詞。 Even Alexandria, which had kept to the doctrine of Dionysius of Rome, is not convinced that the policy was good and Athanasius spends his life in fighting for Nicaea, yet rarely uses the crucial word.即使亞歷山大,這一直到理論的狄奧尼修斯的羅馬,是不相信的政策是好的和亞他那修花他的生命在戰鬥尼西亞,但很少使用的關鍵字。 It takes half a century for the Easterns to digest it; and when they do so, they do not make the most of its meaning.它半世紀的東方來消化; ,當他們這樣做,他們沒有就其大部分意義。 It is curious how little interest even Athanasius shows in the Unity of the Trinity, which he scarcely mentions except when quoting the Dionysii; it is Didymus and the Cappadocians who word Trinitarian doctrine in the manner since consecrated by the centuries -- three hypostases, one usia; but this is merely the conventional translation of the ancient Latin formula, though it was new to the East.這是多麼奇怪的興趣不大甚至他那修表明在統一的三位一體,他幾乎沒有提到,除非引用Dionysii ,它是Didymus和Cappadocians誰字三位一體的理論的方式,因為神聖的世紀-三個h ypostases之一美國新聞署,但這僅僅是傳統的翻譯古代拉丁美洲公式,雖然這是新東方。

If we look back at the three centuries, second, third, and fourth of which we have been speaking, we shall see that the Greek-speaking Church taught the Divinity of the Son, and Three inseparable Persons, and one God the Father, without being able philosophically to harmonize these conceptions.如果我們回頭看在三個世紀,第二,第三,第四,我們一直講,我們將看到的是,希語教會教導神的兒子,和三個不可分割的人,一個聖父,而不哲學能夠協調這些概念。 The attempts which were made were sometimes condemned as heresy in the one direction or the other, or at best arrived at unsatisfactory and erroneous explanations, such as the distinction of the logos endiathetos and the logos prophorikos or the assertion of the eternity of Creation.其中的嘗試了,有時譴責邪教的一個方向或其他,或充其量抵達令人滿意的和錯誤的解釋,如區分的標誌endiathetos和標識prophorikos或斷言,永恆的創作。 The Latin Church preserved always the simple tradition of three distinct Persons and one divine Essence.拉丁美洲教會始終保持簡單傳統的三種不同的人,一個神聖的本質。 We must judge the Easterns to have started from a less perfect tradition, for it would be too harsh to accuse them of wilfully perverting it.我們必須判斷東方已開始從一個不太完美的傳統,因為它會過於嚴厲地指責他們故意曲解它。 But they show their love of subtle distinctions at the same time that they lay bare their want of philosophical grasp.但他們表現出他們的愛情的微妙區別在同一時間,他們道破他們想要的哲學把握。 The common people talked theology in the streets; but the professional theologians did not see that the root of religion is the unity of God, and that, so far, it is better to be a Sabellian than a Semi-Arian.普通百姓談論神學在街頭;但專業的神學家沒有看到的根源,宗教是統一的上帝,並說,到目前為止,這是更好地成為Sabellian超過半阿里安。 There is something mythological about their conceptions, even in the case of Origen, however important a thinker he may be in comparison with other ancients.有一些神話他們的觀念,即使是奧利,但重要的思想家,他可能會與其他古人。 His conceptions of Christianity dominated the East for some time, but an Origenist Christianity would never have influenced the modern world.他的觀念佔主導地位的基督教東的一些時間,但是Origenist基督教決不會影響現代世界。

The Latin conception of theological doctrine, on the other hand, was by no means a mere adherence to an uncomprehended tradition.拉丁美洲的神學觀理論,另一方面,決不是僅僅堅持了uncomprehended傳統。 The Latins in each controversy of these early centuries seized the main point, and preserved it at all hazards. Never for an instant did they allow the unity of God to be obscured.拉丁人中的每一個爭論的這些早期世紀抓住要點,並保持它在所有的危害。從來沒有為一個即時讓他們的團結上帝被遮蔽。 The equality of the Son and his consubstantiality were seen to be necessary to that unity.平等的兒子和他的consubstantiality被認為是必要的,那就是團結。 The Platonist idea of the need of a mediator between the transcendent God and Creation does not entangle them, for they were too clear-headed to suppose that there could be anything half-way between the finite and the infinite.在柏拉圖思想的需要之間的調停是至高無上的上帝和創作不糾纏他們,因為他們過於清醒地猜想,有什麼可以中途之間的有限和無限的。 In a word, the Latins are philosophers, and the Easterns are not.總之,拉丁人是哲學家,與東方並非如此。 The East can speculate and wrangle about theology, but it cannot grasp a large view.東可以猜測和爭論的神學,但它不能把握一個大的觀點。 It is in accordance with this that it was in the West, after all the struggle was over, that the Trinitarian doctrine was completely systematized by Augustine; in the West, that the Athanasian creed was formulated.它是依照本,這是在西方,在所有的鬥爭已經結束,該三位一體的理論是完全系統化的奧古斯丁;在西方,認為Athanasian制定的信條。 The same story repeats itself in the fifth century.同樣的故事重演在第五世紀。 The philosophical heresy of Pelagius arose in the West, and in the West only could it have been exorcized.哲學邪說貝拉基發生在西方,在西方它不僅可以已exorcized 。 The schools of Antioch and Alexandria each insisted on one side of the question as to the union of the two Natures in the Incarnation; the one School fell into Nestorianism, the other into Eutychianism, though the leaders were orthodox.學校的安提阿和亞歷山大堅持每一個方面的問題是,工會的兩個性質的體現;一個學校陷入景教,其他進入Eutychianism ,但正統的領導人。 But neither Cyril nor the great Theodoret was able to rise above the controversy, and express the two complementary truths in one consistent doctrine.但無論是西里爾也不大Theodoret能夠超越爭議,並表示兩個相輔相成的真理在一個一致的原則。 They held what St. Leo held; but, omitting their interminable arguments and proofs, the Latin writer words the true doctrine once for all, because he sees it philosophically.他們所舉行的聖利奧舉行,但是省略了他們的無休止的爭論和證據,拉丁美洲作家的話真正的理論一勞永逸的,因為他認為哲學。 No wonder that the most popular of the Eastern Fathers has always been untheological Chrysostom, whereas the most popular of the Western Fathers is the philosopher Augustine.難怪最受歡迎的東歐父親一直untheological金口,而最流行的西方父親是哲學家奧古斯丁。 Whenever the East was severed from the West, it contributed nothing to the elucidation and development of dogma, and when united, its contribution was mostly to make difficulties for the West to unravel.每當東切斷來自西方,它絲毫無助於澄清和發展的教條,當統一,其貢獻主要是使困難西方前功盡棄。

But the West has continued without ceasing its work of exposition and evolution. After the fifth century there is not much development or definition in the patristic period; the dogmas defined needed only a reference to antiquity.但是,西方國家繼續進行,沒有停止其工作的論述和演變。後第五世紀,沒有太多的發展或定義中的教父時期;的教條定義只需要提及古代。 But again and again Rome had to impose her dogmas on Byzantium -- 519, 680, and 786 are famous dates, when the whole Eastern Church had to accept a papal document for the sake of reunion, and the intervals between these dates supply lesser instances.但一次又一次羅馬對她的教條的拜占庭-5 19, 6 80,和著名的七百八十六頃日期時,整個東歐教會接受教皇的文件是為了團聚,並間隔這些日期供應較小的情況下。 The Eastern Church had always possessed a traditional belief in Roman tradition and in the duty of recourse to the See of Peter; the Arians expressed it when they wrote to Pope Julius to deprecate interference -- Rome, they said, was "the metropolis of the faith from the beginning".東方教會一直擁有的傳統信仰羅馬傳統和責任訴諸見彼得;的Arians時表示,他們寫信給教皇朱利葉斯,以藐視干擾-羅馬,他們說,是“都市的信仰從一開始“ 。 In the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries the lesson had been learnt thoroughly, and the East proclaimed the papal prerogatives, and appealed to them with a fervour which experience had taught to be in place.在第六,第七,第八世紀的教訓已經學到徹底,和東宣布教皇的特權,並呼籲他們以熱情的經驗傳授給到位。 In such a sketch as this, all elements cannot be taken into consideration.在這樣一個素描本,所有內容不能加以考慮。 It is obvious that Eastern theology had a great and varied influence on Latin Christendom.很明顯,東歐的神學有很大不同的影響,拉丁美洲基督教。 But the essential truth remains that the West thought more clearly than the East, while preserving with greater faithfulness a more explicit tradition as to cardinal dogmas, and that the West imposed her doctrines and her definitions on the East, and repeatedly, if necessary, reasserted and reimposed them.但事實仍然是必不可少的,西方國家更明確地認為比東,同時保持更大的忠誠更明確的傳統,以基本的教條,而西方國家施加的她和她的理論定義的東,和多次,如果有必要,重新和重新它們。

F. Discipline, Liturgy, Ascetics樓紀律,聖禮,腹水

According to tradition, the multiplication of bishoprics, so that each city had its own bishop, began in the province of Asia, under the direction of St. John. The development was uneven.按照傳統,倍增bishoprics ,因此,每個城市都有自己的主教,開始在全省對亞洲的領導下,聖約翰。發展是不平衡的。 There may have been but one see in Egypt at the end of the second century, though there were large numbers in all the provinces of Asia Minor, and a great many in Phoenicia and Palestine.有可能已被一見,但在埃及結束時的第二個世紀,儘管有大量的所有省份的小亞細亞,和很多在腓尼基和巴勒斯坦。 Groupings under metropolitan sees began in that century in the East, and in the third century this organization was recognized as a matter of course.根據大都會集團開始將在這世紀的東方,並在第三個世紀這個組織被公認為是理所當然的。 Over metropolitans are the patriarchs.在大都市的始祖。 This method of grouping spread to the West.這種方法的分組蔓延到西部。 At first Africa had the most numerous sees; in the middle of the third century there were about a hundred, and they quickly increased to more than four times that number.首先,非洲的最大量看到;中三世紀大約有100個,它們迅速增加4倍多,這一數字。 But each province of Africa had not a metropolitan see; only a presidency was accorded to the senior bishop, except in Proconsularis, where Carthage was the metropolis of the province and her bishop was the first of all Africa.但是,每個省的非洲還沒有一個大都會看到,只有擔任主席期間給予的高級主教,除Proconsularis在迦太基是大都市省和她的主教是第一次所有非洲國家。 His rights are undefined, though his influence was great.他的權利是未定義的,但他的影響力是巨大的。 But Rome was near, and the pope had certainly far more actual power, as well as more recognized right, than the primate; we see this in Tertullian's time, and it remains true in spite of the resistance of Cyprian.但是,羅馬附近,和教宗的肯定更為實際權力,以及更正確的認識,比靈長類動物,我們看到了這一點良的時候,它依然如此,儘管阻力塞浦路斯。 The other countries, Italy, Spain, Gaul, were gradually organized according to the Greek model, and the Greek metropolis, patriarch, were adapted.其他國家,意大利,西班牙,高盧,逐步有組織根據希臘模型,和希臘的大都市,家長,適應。 Councils were held early in the West.安理會舉行了早期西方國家。 But disciplinary canons were first enacted in the East.但的紀律大砲首次頒布了在東。 St. Cyprian's large councils passed no canons, and that saint considered that each bishop is answerable to God alone for the government of his diocese; in other words, he knows no canon law.聖塞浦路斯的大議會通過的任何大砲,而且聖認為,每一主教向上帝負責的單獨的政府教區的,換句話說,他知道沒有教會法。 The foundation of Latin canon law is in the canons of Eastern councils, which open the Western collections.該基金會的拉美教會法是在東歐大砲理事會,開放的西方收藏。 in spite of this, we need not suppose the East was more regular, or better governed, than the West, where the popes guarded order and justice.儘管如此,我們不需要假設東更經常地,或更好的管理,而不是西方國家,那裡的教皇守衛秩序和正義。 But the East had larger communities, and they had developed more fully, and therefore the need arose earlier there to commit definite rules to writing. The florid taste of the East soon decorated the liturgy with beautiful excrescences.但是,東大社區,他們制定了更充分,因此,在必要時早些時候承諾有一定的規則,以書面形式提出。口味的熾東不久的禮儀裝飾漂亮excrescences 。 Many such excellent practices moved Westward; the Latin rites borrowed prayers and songs, antiphons, antiphonal singing, the use of the alleluia, of the doxology, etc. If the East adopted the Latin Christmas Day, the West imported not merely the Greek Epiphany, but feast after feast, in the fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries.許多這樣的優秀的做法西遷;拉丁美洲借來的祈禱儀式和歌曲, antiphons , antiphonal唱歌,使用的哈里路亞,在三一頌等如東通過了拉丁美洲聖誕節,西方國家進口的不僅僅是希臘主顯節,但節日盛宴後,在第四,第五,第六和第七世紀。 The West joined in devotion to Eastern martyrs.西方國家加入奉獻東歐烈士。 The special honour and love of Our Lady is at first characteristic of the East (except Antioch), and then conquers the West.特別榮幸和熱愛我們的夫人是第一個特點東(除安) ,然後征服西方。 The parcelling of the bodies of the saints as relics for devotional purposes, spread all over the West from the East; only Rome held out, until the time of St. Gregory the Great, against what might be thought an irreverence rather than an honour to the saints.該parcelling機構的聖人作為虔誠的文物為目的,遍及西從東,只有羅馬舉行,直到時間的聖格里高利大,對什麼可能被認為是不敬,而不是一種榮譽聖人。

If the first three centuries are full of pilgrimages to Rome from the East, yet from the fourth century onward West joins with East in making Jerusalem the principal goal of such pious journeys; and these voyagers brought back much knowledge of the East to the most distant parts of the West.如果前三個世紀充滿了朝聖羅馬從東,但是從第四世紀起,西方一道,使東耶路撒冷的主要目標,例如虔誠的旅程;和這些旅行者帶回了很多知識,東到的最遙遠部分地區。 Monasticism began in Egypt with Paul and Anthony, and spread from Egypt to Syria; St. Athanasius brought the knowledge of it to the West, and the Western monachism of Jerome and Augustine, of Honoratus and Martin, of Benedict and Columba, always looked to the East, to Anthony and Pachomius and Hilarion, and above all to Basil, for its most perfect models.修在埃及開始與保羅和安東尼,以及來自埃及蔓延到敘利亞;聖亞他那修帶來的知識,它到西方,與西方monachism的杰羅姆和奧古斯丁的Honoratus和馬丁,篤和鴿,總是期待東,安東尼和帕科謬斯和伊拉里,並首先巴塞爾,其最完美的模型。 Edifying literature in the form of the lives of the saints began with Athanasius, and was imitated by Jerome.啟發文學的形式生活的聖人開始他那修,並模仿杰羅姆。 But the Latin writers, Rufinus and Cassian, gave accounts of Eastern monachism, and Palladius and the later Greek writers were early translated into Latin.但是,拉丁美洲作家, Rufinus和Cassian ,敘述了東方monachism和帕拉丟斯和希臘作家後來被翻譯成早期拉丁美洲。 Soon indeed there were lives of Latin saints, of which that of St. Martin was the most famous, but the year 600 had almost come when St. Gregory the Great felt it still necessary to protest that as good might be found in Italy as in Egypt and Syria, and published his dialogues to prove his point, by supplying edifying stories of his own country to put beside the older histories of the monks.不久確實有生命的拉美聖人,其中的聖馬丁是最有名的,但一年600幾乎已經到來聖格里高利大認為,仍有必要提出抗議,作為好可能會發現在意大利中埃及和敘利亞,並發表了他的對話,以證明他的觀點,提供啟發性的故事自己的國家把旁邊的舊歷史的僧侶。 It would be out of place here to go more into detail in these subjects.這將是不合時宜的,此處更詳細的這些議題。 Enough has been said to show that the West borrowed, with open-minded simplicity and humility, from the elder East all kinds of practical and useful ways in ecclesiastical affairs and in the Christian life.夠了已經說過表明,西方借來的,與開放的態度簡單,謙遜,從老東各種切實可行的,有益的方式教會事務和基督徒的生活。 The converse influence in practical matters of West on East was naturally very small.相反影響的實際問題西東自然非常小。

G. Historical Materials灣史料

The principal ancient historians of the patristic period were mentioned above. They cannot always be completely trusted.主要古代歷史學家的教父期間,上述。他們不一定能完全信任。 The continuators of Eusebius, that is, Rufinus, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, are not to be compared to Eusebius himself, for that industrious prelate has fortunately bequeathed to us rather a collection of invaluable materials than a history.該continuators的優西比烏,就是Rufinus ,蘇格拉底, Sozomen , Theodoret ,不應該比較優西比烏自己,為勤勞的樞機主教已經幸運的留給我們,而收集寶貴的材料比歷史。 His "Life" or rather "Panegyric of Constantine" is less remarkable for its contents than for its politic omissions.他的“生命”還是“頌君士坦丁”不太引人注目的內容比其政治遺漏。 Eusebius found his materials in the library of Pamphilus at Caesarea, and still more in that left by Bishop Alexander at Jerusalem.優西比烏發現他的材料庫,在該撒利亞Pamphilus ,更在此留下的亞歷山大主教在耶路撒冷。 He cites earlier collections of documents, the letters of Dionysius of Corinth, Dionysius of Alexandria, Serapion of Antioch, some of the epistles sent to Pope Victor by councils throughout the Church, besides employing earlier writers of history or memoirs such as Papias, Hegesippus, Apollonius, an anonymous opponent of the Montanists, the "Little Labyrinth" of Hippolytus (?), etc.他引用前收藏的文件,信件的狄奧尼修斯的科林斯,狄奧尼修斯的亞歷山大,謝拉皮翁的安提阿,一些書信送到教皇維克多由理事會整個教會,除了先前用人作家的歷史或回憶錄,如帕皮亞, Hegesippus ,阿波羅紐斯,一個匿名的對手的Montanists , “小迷宮”的西波呂( ? )等

The principal additions we can still make to these precious remnants are, first, St.主要增加我們仍然可以使這些寶貴的遺留問題是,第一,街 Irenæus on the heresies; then the works of Tertullian, full of valuable information about the controversies of his own time and place and the customs of the Western Church, and containing also some less valuable information about earlier matters -- less valuable, because Tertullian is singularly careless and deficient in historical sense.愛任紐的歪理邪說,然後作品良,充分展現了寶貴的信息,爭論自己的時間和地點和海關的西方教會,並含有一些有價值的信息少約早些時候事項-價值較低,是因為良格外小心和缺乏歷史常識。 Next, we possess the correspondence of St. Cyprian, comprising letters of African councils, of St. Cornelius and others, besides those of the saint himself.下一步,我們擁有的信件聖塞浦路斯,包括字母的非洲議會,聖科尼利厄斯和其他人,除了那些聖本人。 To all this fragmentary information we can add much from St. Epiphanius, something from St. Jerome and also from Photius and Byzantine chronographers.所有這一切零碎的信息,我們可以添加很多來自聖埃皮法尼烏斯,東西街和杰羅姆還從Photius和拜占庭chronographers 。 The whole Ante-Nicene evidence has been catalogued with wonderful industry by Harnack, with the help of Preuschen and others, in a book of 1021 pages, the first volume of his invaluable "History of Early Christian Literature".整個前廳尼西亞證據已被編目與美妙業的哈納克的幫助下, Preuschen和其他人,在一本1021年網頁,第一次量了寶貴的“歷史的早期基督教文學” 。 In the middle of the fourth century, St. Epiphanius's book on heresies is learned but confused; it is most annoying to think how useful it would have been had its pious author quoted his authorities by name, as Eusebius did.在中間的第四世紀,聖埃皮法尼烏斯的書是異端邪說迷惑的經驗教訓,但它是最煩人考慮如何有用本來有其虔誠的作者引述他的當局的名稱,如優西比烏的。 As it is, we can with difficulty, if at all, discover whether his sources are to be depended on or not.因為它是,我們可以有困難,如果在所有,發現他的消息來源是否要取決於與否。 St. Jerome's lives of illustrious men are carelessly put together, mainly from Eusebius, but with additional information of great value, where we can trust its accuracy.聖杰羅姆的生活的傑出的男子漫不經心地集中在一起,主要來自優西比烏,但與其他信息具有極大的價值,在那裡我們可以相信其準確性。 Gennadius of Marseilles continued this work with great profit to us.粉蝨馬賽這項工作繼續以極大的利潤給我們。 The Western cataloguers of heresies, such as Philastrius, Praedestinatus, and St. Augustine, are less useful.西部cataloguers的歪理邪說,如Philastrius , Praedestinatus ,和聖奧古斯丁,是用處不大。

Collections of documents are the most important matter of all.收藏的文件是最重要的問題的。 In the Arian controversy the collections published by St. Athanasius in his apologetic works are first-rate authorities.在阿里安爭議集合出版的聖亞他那修在他道歉的作品一流當局。 Of those put together by St. Hilary only fragments survive.這些再加上街只有碎片希拉蕊生存。 Another dossier by the Homoiousian Sabinus, Bishop of Heraclea, was known to Socrates, and we can trace its use by him.另一個檔案的Homoiousian薩賓派主教赫拉克里亞,是眾所周知的蘇格拉底,我們可以追踪其使用他。 A collection of documents connected with the origins of Donatism was made towards the beginning of the fourth century, and was appended by St. Optatus to his great work.收集的文件與Donatism起源方面取得了年初的四世紀,並附加街Optatus他的偉大的工作。 Unfortunately only a part is preserved; but much of the lost matter is quoted by Optatus and Augustine.不幸的是只有部分保存,但許多問題是失去引述Optatus和奧古斯丁。 A pupil of St. Augustine, Marius Mercator, happened to be at Constantinople during the Nestorian controversy, and he formed an interesting collection of pièces justificatives.小學生的聖奧古斯丁,馬里尤斯麥卡托,正好是在君士坦丁堡在景教爭議,他成立了一個有趣的收集件justificatives 。 He put together a corresponding set of papers bearing on the Pelagian controversy.他把一套相應的文件關係到Pelagian爭議。 Irenaeus, Bishop of Tyre, amassed documents bearing on Nestorianism, as a brief in his own defence.愛任紐,主教提爾,積累文件景教的影響,作為一個簡短的為自己辯護。 These have been preserved to us in the reply of an opponent, who has added a great number. Another kind of collection is that of letters.這些已保存在我們的答复對方,誰增加了很多。另一種是收集的信件。 St. Isidore's and St. Augustine's are immensely numerous, but bear little upon history.聖伊西多爾和聖奧古斯丁的是無數巨大的,但應承擔什麼歷史。 There is far more historical matter in those (for instance) of Ambrose and Jerome, Basil and Chrysostom.有更多的歷史問題在這些(舉例來說)的劉漢銓和杰羅姆,巴茲爾和金口。 Those of the popes are numerous, and of first-rate value; and the large collections of them also contain letters addressed to the popes.那些教皇是眾多的,和一流的價值;和大量藏書,其中還包含字母給教皇。 The correspondence of Leo and of Hormisdas is very complete.該信件利奧和卡爾米斯達斯是非常完整。 Besides these collections of papal letters and the decretals, we have separate collections, of which two are important, the Collectio Avellana, and that of Stephen of Larissa.除了這些收藏的教皇的信件和decretals ,我們有單獨的集合,其中兩個是重要的, Collectio Avellana ,而斯蒂芬的拉里薩。

Councils supply another great historical source.安理會供應另一個偉大的歷史來源。 Those of Nicaea, Sardica, Constantinople, have left us no Acts, only some letters and canons.這些尼西亞, Sardica ,君士坦丁堡,給我們留下任何行為,只有一些字母和大砲。 Of the later œcumenical councils we have not only the detailed Acts, but also numbers of letters connected with them.後來的議會œcumenical我們不僅有詳細的行為,而且人數與信件他們。 Many smaller councils have also been preserved in the later collections; those made by Ferrandus of Carthage and Dionysius the Little deserve special mention.許多較小的議會也已保存在後來收藏;所作的Ferrandus的迦太基和狄奧尼修小特別值得一提。 In many cases the Acts of one council are preserved by another at which they were read.在許多情況下,行為的一局是由另一個保存在他們閱讀。 For example, in 418, a Council of Carthage recited all the canons of former African plenary council in the presence of a papal legate; the Council of Chalcedon embodies all the Acts of the first session of the Robber Council of Ephesus, and the Acts of that session contained the Acts of two synods of Constantinople.例如,在418個,安理會的迦太基背誦所有的大砲前非洲國務院全體會議,在場的教皇特使;理事會卡爾西體現了所有的行為第一屆理事會的強盜以弗所和行為該屆會議上載行為的兩個synods君士坦丁堡。 The later sessions of the Robber Council (preserved only in Syriac) contain a number of documents concerning inquiries and trials of prelates.以後各屆會議的強盜理事會(只保存在敘利亞)包含了一些文件有關調查和審判的主教。 Much information of various kinds has been derived of late years from Syriac and Coptic sources, and even from the Arabic, Armenian, Persian, Ethiopia and Slavonic.許多信息的各種所得已晚,從敘利亞和科普特人的來源,甚至從阿拉伯文,亞美尼亞,波斯,埃塞俄比亞和斯拉夫語。 It is not necessary to speak here of the patristic writings as sources for our knowledge of Church organization, ecclesiastical geography, liturgies.這是沒有必要在這裡發言的教父著作來源為我們的知識,教會組織,教會地理, liturgies 。 canon law and procedure, archaeology, etc. The sources are, however, much the same for all these branches as for history proper.佳能法律和程序,考古學等來源,但同樣為所有這些部門的歷史適宜的。

IV.四。 PATRISTIC STUDY教父研究

A. Editors of the Fathers字母a.編輯的父親

The earliest histories of patristic literature are those contained in Eusebius and in Jerome's "De viris illustribus".最早的教父的歷史文獻中所載的優西比烏和杰羅姆的“德viris illustribus ” 。 They were followed by Gennadius, who continued Eusebius, by St. Isidore of Seville, and by St. Ildephonsus of Toledo. In the Middle Ages the best known are Sigebert of the monastery of Gembloux (d. 1112), and Trithemius, Abbot of Sponheim and of Würzburg (d. 1516).其次是粉蝨,誰繼續優西比烏,聖伊西多爾的塞維利亞,以及由聖Ildephonsus托萊多。在中世紀最有名的是Sigebert的寺院Gembloux (草1112 ) ,並Trithemius ,住持蓬海姆和維爾茨堡(草1516 ) 。 Between these come an anonymous monk of Melk (Mellicensis, c. 1135) and Honorius of Autun (1122-5).這是一個匿名和尚的梅爾克( Mellicensis角1135 )和挪留的歐坦( 1122-5 ) 。 Ancient editors are not wanting; for instance, many anonymous works, like the Pseudo-Clementines and Apostolic Constitutions, have been remodelled more than once; the translators of Origen (Jerome, Rufinus, and unknown persons) cut out, altered, added; St. Jerome published an expurgated edition of Victorinus "On the Apocalypse".古代編輯不想,例如,許多匿名的作品,如偽Clementines和使徒的憲法,已改造一次以上;翻譯的奧利(杰羅姆, Rufinus ,以及一些身份不明的人)減少了,更改,補充;聖。杰羅姆發表expurgated版Victorinus他說: “啟示錄” 。 Pamphilus made a list of Origen's writings, and Possidius did the same for those of Augustine. The great editions of the Fathers began when printing had become common. Pamphilus了名單奧利的著作,並Possidius也做了同樣的對於那些奧古斯丁。偉大版本的父親當時印刷已成為常見的。 One of the earliest editors was Faber Stapulensis (Lefèvre d'Estaples), whose edition of Dionysius the Areopagite was published in 1498.最早的一個編輯伯Stapulensis ( Lefèvre德Estaples ) ,其出版的狄奧尼修斯Areopagite刊登在1498年。 The Belgian Pamèle (1536-87) published much.比利時Pamèle ( 1536年至1587年)出版了。 The controversialist Feuardent, a Franciscan (1539-1610) did some good editing.該controversialist Feuardent ,一個方濟( 1539年至1610年)做了一些很好的編輯。 The sixteenth century produced gigantic works of history. 16世紀產生巨大工程的歷史。 The Protestant "Centuriators" of Magdeburg described thirteen centuries in as many volumes (1559-74).新教“ Centuriators ”的馬格德堡描述13世紀的許多卷( 1559年至1574年) 。 Cardinal Baronius (1538-1607) replied with his famous "Annales Ecclesiastici", reaching to the year 1198 (12 vols., 1588-1607). Marguerin de la Bigne, a doctor of the Sorbonne (1546-89), published his "Bibliotheca veterum Patrum" (9 vols., 1577-9) to assist in refuting the Centuriators.紅衣主教Baronius ( 1538至1607年)答复與他著名的“年鑑Ecclesiastici ” ,實現到1198年( 12卷。 , 1588年至1607年) 。 Marguerin德拉魯阿比涅,醫生的索邦大學( 1546年至1589年) ,出版了“書目veterum Patrum “ ( 9卷。 , 1577-9 ) ,以協助駁斥Centuriators 。

The great Jesuit editors were almost in the seventeenth century; Gretserus (1562-1625), Fronto Ducaeus (Fronton du Duc, 1558-1624), Andreas Schott (1552-1629), were diligent editors of the Greek Fathers.偉大的耶穌編輯們幾乎在17世紀; Gretserus ( 1562年至1625年) ,額Ducaeus (弗龍德公司, 1558年至1624年) ,安德烈肖特( 1552年至1629年) ,是勤奮的編輯,希臘父親。 The celebrated Sirmond (1559-1651) continued to publish Greek Fathers and councils and much else, from the age of 51 to 92.著名Sirmond ( 1559年至1651年)繼續出版父親和希臘議會和很多其他,從51歲到92 。 Denis Pétau (Petavius, 1583-1652) edited Greek Fathers, wrote on chronology, and produced an incomparable book of historical theology, "De theologicis dogmatibus" (1044).丹尼斯Pétau ( Petavius , 1583年至1652年)編輯的希臘教父中寫道,年表,並產生了無與倫比的歷史書籍神學, “德theologicis dogmatibus ” ( 1044年) 。 To these may be added the ascetic Halloix (1572-1656), the uncritical Chifflet (1592-1682), and Jean Garnier, the historian of the Pelagians (d. 1681).這些可能會說,禁慾Halloix ( 1572年至1656年)中,批評拉希夫萊( 1592年至1682年) ,並讓卡尼爾,歷史學家的Pelagians (草1681 ) 。 The greatest work of the Society of Jesus is the publication of the "Acta Sanctorum", which has now reached the beginning of November, in 64 volumes.最大的工作,耶穌會是出版“ Sanctorum學報” ,現已達到11月初, 64卷。 It was planned by Rosweyde (1570-1629) as a large collection of lives of saints; but the founder of the work as we have it is the famous John van Bolland (1596-1665).這是Rosweyde計劃( 1570年至1629年)作為一個大收集生活的聖人,但創始人的工作我們已經是著名的約翰麵包車Bolland提供( 1596年至1665年) 。 He was joined in 1643 by Henschenius and Papebrochius (1628-1714), and thus the Society of Bollandists began, and continued, in spite of the suppression of the Jesuits, until the French Revolution, 1794.他是在1643年加入由Henschenius和Papebrochius ( 1628年至1714年) ,因此,學會Bollandists開始,繼續,儘管抑制耶穌,直到法國大革命, 1794 。 It was happily revived in 1836 (see BOLLANDISTS).有人高興地在1836年恢復(見BOLLANDISTS ) 。 Other Catholic editors were Gerhard Voss (d. 1609), Albaspinaeus (De l'Aubespine, Bishop of Orléans, 1579-1630), Rigault (1577-1654), and the Sorbonne doctor Cotelier (1629-86).其他天主教編輯總理沃斯(草1609年) , Albaspinaeus (法國Aubespine ,奧爾良教區主教, 1579至1630年) , Rigault ( 1577年至1654年) ,和索邦大學的醫生Cotelier ( 1629年至1686年) 。 The Dominican Combéfis (1605-79) edited Greek Fathers, added two volumes to de la Bigne's collection, and made collections of patristic sermons.多米尼加Combéfis ( 1605年至1679年)編輯的希臘父親說,兩卷,以德拉魯阿比涅的收集,並收藏的教父的說教。 The layman Valesius (de Valois, 1603-70) was of great eminence.在外行人Valesius (瓦盧瓦,一六○三年至1670年)是非常突出。

Among Protestants may be mentioned the controversialist Clericus (Le Clerc, 1657-1736); Bishop Fell of Oxford (1625-86), the editor of Cyprian, with whom must be classed Bishop Pearson and Dodwell; Grabe (1666-1711), a Prussian who settled in England; the Calvinist Basnage (1653-1723).在新教徒可提到controversialist Clericus (樂克萊爾, 1657年至1736年) ;主教費爾牛津( 1625年至1686年) ,編輯塞浦路斯,他們必須被歸類主教皮爾遜和多德韋爾; Grabe ( 1666年至1711年) ,一個普魯士誰在英國定居; Basnage的加爾文主義( 1653年至1723年) 。 The famous Gallican Etienne Baluze (1630-1718), was an editor of great industry.著名的高盧聖艾蒂安Baluze ( 1630年至1718年) ,是一個偉大的編輯行業。 The Provençal Franciscan, Pagi, published an invaluable commentary on Baronius in 1689-1705. But the greatest historical achievement was that of a secular priest, Louis Le Nain de Tillemont, whose "Histoire des Empereurs" (6 vols., 1690) and "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siècles" (16 vols., 1693) have never been superseded or equalled.濟的Provençal , Pagi ,出版了寶貴的評注Baronius在1689年至1705年。但最大的歷史功績是一個世俗的牧師,路易樂祝德Tillemont ,其“ Empereurs史” ( 6卷。 , 1690年)和“ Mémoires爭取servir à歷史ecclésiastique近6萬總理siècles “ ( 16卷。 , 1693 )從來沒有取代或追平。 Other historians are Cardinal H. Noris (1631-1704); Natalis Alexander (1639-1725), a Dominican; Fleury (in French, 1690-1719).其他歷史學家樞機主教閣下諾里斯( 1631至1704年) ;升入亞歷山大( 1639年至1725年) ,多米尼加;弗勒裡(法文, 1690年至1719年) 。 To these must be added the Protestant Archbishop Ussher of Dublin (1580-1656), and many canonists, such as Van Espen, Du Pin, La Marca, and Christianus Lupus.這些必須加上新教主教Ussher都柏林( 1580年至1656年) ,和許多canonists ,如凡埃斯,都闢嗯,香格里拉馬卡,並Christianus狼瘡性。 The Oratorian Thomassin wrote on Christian antiquities (1619-95); the English Bingham composed a great work on the same subject (1708-22).湯瑪森的Oratorian上寫道基督教文物( 1619年至1695年) ;英文賓厄姆組成一個偉大的工作就同一議題( 1708至1722年) 。 Holstein (1596-1661), a convert from Protestantism, was librarian at the Vatican, and published collections of documents.荷爾斯泰因州( 1596年至1661年) ,一個由新教的轉換,是圖書館在梵蒂岡,並出版收藏的文件。 The Oratorian J. Morin (1597-1659) published a famous work on the history of Holy orders, and a confused one on that of penance.該Oratorian學者莫林( 1597年至1659年)發表了著名的工作歷史上的羅馬教廷的命令,並混淆一個的懺悔。 The chief patristic theologian among English Protestants is Bishop Bull, who wrote a reply to Petavius's views on the development of dogma, entitled "Defensio fidei Nicaenae" (1685).首席教父神學的新教徒之間的英文是紅牛主教,誰函復Petavius的觀點發展的教條,題為“ Defensio信Nicaenae ” ( 1685年) 。 The Greek Leo Allatius (1586-1669), custos of the Vatican Library, was almost a second Bessarion.希臘利奧Allatius ( 1586年至1669年) ,保管人梵蒂岡圖書館,幾乎是第二貝薩利昂。 He wrote on dogma and on the ecclesiastical books of the Greeks.他寫的教條和教會書籍的希臘人。 A century later the Maronite JS Assemani (1687-1768) published amongst other works a "Bibliotheca Orientalis" and an edition of Ephrem Syrus.一個世紀後的馬龍江蘇Assemani ( 1687年至1768年)出版的其他作品中的“東方圖書館” ,並出版了弗雷姆希如斯。 His nephew edited an immense collection of liturgies.他的侄子編輯一個巨大的收集liturgies 。 The chief liturgiologist of the seventeenth century is the Blessed Cardinal Tommasi, a Theatine (1649-1713, beatified 1803), the type of a saintly savant.首席liturgiologist 17世紀是有福樞機托馬西,一個Theatine ( 1649年至1713年,福1803年) ,該類型的聖潔的學者。

The great Benedictines form a group by themselves, for (apart from Dom Calmet, a Biblical scholar, and Dom Ceillier, who belonged to the Congregation of St-Vannes) all were of the Congregation of St-Maur, the learned men of which were drafted into the Abbey of St-Germain-des-Prés at Paris.偉大的本篤會組成一個小組本身,對於(除大教堂卡爾梅特,一個聖經學者,以及大教堂Ceillier ,誰屬於天主教的聖瓦納)均在教會的聖莫爾,男子的教訓其中起草到修道院的聖傑曼巴黎,在巴黎出版社。 Dom Luc d'Achéry (1605-85) is the founder ("Spicilegium", 13 vols.); Dom Mabillon (1632-1707) is the greatest name, but he was mainly occupied with the early Middle Ages. Bernard de Montfaucon (1655-1741) has almost equal fame (Athanasius, Hexapla of Origen, Chrysostom, Antiquities, Palaeography).大教堂呂克德Achéry ( 1605年至1685年)是創始人( “ Spicilegium ” , 13卷。 ) ;大教堂Mabillon ( 1632年至1707年)是最偉大的名字,但他被佔領的主要是與中世紀早期。伯納德德蒙福( 1655年至1741年)已幾乎相等名利(亞他那修, Hexapla的奧利,金口,古物,古文字學) 。 Dom Coustant (1654-1721) was the principal collaborator, it seems, in the great edition of St. Augustine (1679-1700; also letters of the Popes, Hilary).大教堂Coustant ( 1654年至1721年)的主要合作者,似乎在大版的聖奧古斯丁( 1679至1700年;也來信教皇,希拉里) 。 Dom Garet (Cassiodorus, 1679), Du Friche (St. Ambrose, 1686-90), Martianay (St. Jerome, 1693-1706, less successful), Delarue (Origen, 1733-59), Maran (with Toutée, Cyril of Jerusalem, 1720; alone, the Apologists, 1742; Gregory Nazianzen, unfinished), Massuet (Irenaeus, 1710), Ste-Marthe (Gregory the Great, 1705), Julien Garnier (St. Basil, 1721-2), Ruinart (Acta Martyrum sincera, 1689, Victor Vitensis, 1694, and Gregory of Tours and Fredegar, 1699), are all well-known names.大教堂Garet ( Cassiodorus , 1679 ) ,杜Friche (聖劉漢銓, 1686年至1690年) , Martianay (聖杰羅姆, 1693至1706年,不太成功的) , Delarue (奧利, 1733年至1759年) ,馬蘭(與Toutée ,西里爾的耶路撒冷, 1720 ;單獨的辯護士, 1742 ;格雷戈里Nazianzen ,未完成) , Massuet (依, 1710年) ,聖瑪爾特(格里高利大, 1705 ) ,朱利安卡尼爾(聖巴西爾, 1721-2 ) , Ruinart (學報Martyrum sincera , 1689年,維克托Vitensis , 1694年,和格雷戈里的旅遊和Fredegar , 1699 ) ,所有這些都是眾所周知的名字。 The works of Martène (1654-1739) on ecclesiastical and monastic rites (1690 and 1700-2) and his collections of anecdota (1700, 1717, and 1724-33) are most voluminous; he was assisted by Durand.該工程的Martène ( 1654年至1739年)的教會和寺院儀式( 1690年和1700-2 )和他收藏的anecdota ( 1700 , 1717和1724年至1733年)是最浩繁,他是協助杜蘭德。 The great historical works of the Benedictines of St-Maur need not be mentioned here, but Dom Sabatier's edition of the Old Latin Bible, and the new editions of Du Cange's glossaries must be noted.的偉大歷史工程篤聖莫爾不必在這裡提及,但大教堂薩巴蒂爾出版的舊拉丁美洲聖經,新版本都參擱的詞彙必須指出的。 For the great editors of collections of councils see under the names mentioned in the bibliography of the article on COUNCILS.對於偉大的編輯收藏議會下看到的名字中所提到的書目的文章理事會。

In the eighteenth century may be noted Archbishop Potter (1674-1747, Clement of Alexandria).早在十八世紀可能會注意到哈利波特大主教( 1674年至1747年,克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞) 。 At Rome Arévalo (Isidore of Seville, 1797-1803); Gallandi, a Venetian Oratorian (Bibliotheca veterum Patrum, 1765-81).在羅馬阿雷瓦洛(伊西多爾的塞維利亞, 1797年至1803年) ; Gallandi ,一個威尼斯Oratorian (書目veterum Patrum , 1765年至1781年) 。 The Veronese scholars form a remarkable group.在維羅納學者組成一個顯著的組。 The historian Maffei (for our purpose his "anecdota of Cassiodorus" are to be noted, 1702), Vallarsi (St. Jerome, 1734-42, a great work, and Rufinus, 1745), the brothers Ballerini (St. Zeno, 1739; St. Leo, 1753-7, a most remarkable production), not to speak of Bianchini, who published codices of the Old Latin Gospels, and the Dominican Mansi, Archbishop of Lucca, who re-edited Baronius, Fabricius, Thomassinus, Baluze, etc., as well as the "Collectio Amplissima" of councils.歷史學家瑪菲(我們的目的他的“ anecdota的Cassiodorus ”應指出, 1702年) , Vallarsi (聖杰羅姆, 1734年至1742年,偉大的工作,並Rufinus , 1745 ) ,兄弟巴萊里尼(聖澤諾, 1739年聖利奧1753-7 ,一個最顯著的生產) ,而不是談論比安基尼,誰出版codices老拉丁美洲福音,和多米尼加曼西,大主教盧卡,誰重新編輯Baronius ,蟬, Thomassinus , Baluze等,以及“ Collectio Amplissima ”的理事會。 A general conspectus shows us the Jesuits taking the lead c.一般概論告訴我們耶穌會帶頭角 1590-1650, and the Benedictines working about 1680-1750. 1590年至一六五〇年,以及本篤約1680至1750年的工作。 The French are always in the first place.法國始終擺在首位。 There are some sparse names of eminence in Protestant England; a few in Germany; Italy takes the lead in the second half of the eighteenth century.也有一些稀疏的名字在著名的新教英格蘭;幾個在德國,意大利帶頭下半年的18世紀。 The great literary histories of Bellarmine, Fabricius, Du Pin, Cave, Oudin, Schram, Lumper, Ziegelbauer, and Schoenemann will be found below in the bibliography.偉大的文學史貝拉明,蟬,都砒嗯,洞穴, Oudin ,施拉姆,碼頭工人, Ziegelbauer ,並Schoenemann將發現下面的書目。 The first half of the nineteenth century was singularly barren of patristic study; nevertheless there were marks of the commencement of the new era in which Germany takes the head.第一十九世紀下半葉是獨一無二的教父貧瘠的研究,但是有標誌開始的新的時代,德國採取的頭部。 The second half of the nineteenth was exceptionally and increasingly prolific.下半場第十九格外日益豐富。 It is impossible to enumerate the chief editors and critics.這是不可能列舉的主要編輯和評論家。 New matter was poured forth by Cardinal Mai (1782-1854) and Cardinal Pitra (1812-89), both prefects of the Vatican Library.新的問題是投入樞機主教提出的清邁( 1782年至1854年)和紅衣主教羅弗( 1812年至1889年) ,這兩個省長梵蒂岡圖書館。 Inedita in such quantities seem to be found no more, but isolated discoveries have come frequently and still come; Eastern libraries, such as those of Mount Athos and Patmos, Constantinople, and Jerusalem, and Mount Sinai, have yielded unknown treasures, while the Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, etc., have supplied many losses supposed to be irrecoverable.在這種Inedita數量似乎沒有發現更多的,但孤立的發現,已經頻繁,還是東部的圖書館,如聖山和帕特摩斯,君士坦丁堡,耶路撒冷和西奈山,已經產生了未知的寶藏,而敘利亞,科普特人,亞美尼亞人等,都提供了許多損失理應無法收回。 The sands of Egypt have given something, but not much, to patrology.在埃及沙漠給予的東西,但不是很多,對patrology 。

The greatest boon in the way of editing has been the two great patrologies of the Abbé Migne (1800-75).最實惠的方式編輯一直是兩個偉大的patrologies的神甫米涅( 1800年至1875年) 。 This energetic man put the works of all the Greek and Latin Fathers within easy reach by the "Patrologia Latina" (222 vols., including 4 vols. of indexes) and the "Patrologia Graeca" (161 vols).這個精力充沛的人把工程的所有希臘和拉丁教父容易到達的“ Patrologia拉丁” ( 222卷。 ,其中包括4卷。指標)和“ Patrologia Graeca ” ( 161卷) 。 The Ateliers Catholiques which he founded produced wood-carving, pictures, organs, etc., but printing was the special work.天主教的造船廠成立,他生產的木雕刻,圖片,各機關,等等,但印刷的特殊工作。 The workshops were destroyed by a disastrous fire in 1868, and the recommencement of the work was made impossible by the Franco-German war.講習班是摧毀了一個災難性的火災於1868年,並重新工作是不可能的德法戰爭。 The "Monumenta Germaniae", begun by the Berlin librarian Pertz, was continued with vigour under the most celebrated scholar of the century, Theodor Mommsen.在“華裔Germaniae ” ,開始在柏林圖書館Pertz ,繼續下大力最有名的學者在本世紀,西奧多蒙森。 Small collections of patristic works are catalogued below.小收藏的教父作品目錄如下。 A new edition of the Latin Fathers was undertaken in the sixties by the Academy of Vienna.新版的拉丁美洲父親是在六十年代由中國科學院維也納。 The volumes published up till now have been uniformly creditable works which call up no particular enthusiasm.各卷出版到現在已經一致可信的作品打電話沒有特別的熱情。 At the present rate of progress some centuries will be needed for the great work.目前的進展速度有些世紀將需要偉大的工作。 The Berlin Academy has commenced a more modest task, the re-editing of the Greek Ante-Nicene writers, and the energy of Adolf Harnack is ensuring rapid publication and real success.柏林科學院已開始更為溫和的任務,重新編輯了希臘前廳尼西亞作家,和能源的阿道夫哈納克是確保迅速出版和真正的成功。 The same indefatigable student, with von Gebhardt, edits a series of "Texte und Untersuchungen", which have for a part of their object to be the organ of the Berlin editors of the Fathers.同樣不知疲倦的學生,馮Gebhardt ,修改了一系列的“文本和Untersuchungen ” ,其中有一個部分對象是機關的柏林編輯的父親。 The series contains many valuable studies, with much that would hardly have been published in other countries. The Cambridge series of "Texts and Studies" is younger and proceeds more slowly, but keeps at a rather higher level.該系列包含了許多有價值的研究報告,其中大部分將幾乎已發表在其他國家。劍橋一系列的“文本和研究”是年輕和收益更慢,但保持在一個相當高的水平。 There should be mentioned also the Italian "Studii e Testi", in which Mercati and Pio Franchi de' Cavalieri collaborate.應該還提到,意大利“ Studii é Testi ” ,其中Mercati和皮奧弗蘭基德卡瓦列裡合作。 In England, in spite of the slight revival of interest in patristic studies caused by the Oxford Movement, the amount of work has not been great.在英格蘭,儘管輕微復甦的興趣教父研究所造成的牛津運動,大量的工作還沒有很大。 For learning perhaps Newman is really first in the theological questions.學習紐曼也許是第一次真正的神學問題。 As critics the Cambridge School, Westcott, Hort, and above all Lightfoot, are second to none. But the amount edited has been very small, and the excellent "Dictionary of Christian Biography" is the only great work published.正如評論家的劍橋學院, Westcott ,園藝,尤其是萊特富,是首屈一指的。數額,但編輯已經非常小,並良好的“詞典基督教傳”是唯一的偉大的工作發表。 Until 1898 there was absolutely no organ for patristic studies, and the "Journal of Theological Studies" founded in that year would have found it difficult to survive financially without the help of the Oxford University Press.直到1898年,絕對沒有器官教父的研究,以及“雜誌神學研究”成立於這一年將發現很難生存財政的幫助,牛津大學出版社。 But there has been an increase of interest in these subjects of late years, both among Protestants and Catholics, in England and in the United States.但是,已經增加了興趣,這些問題近幾年,雙方之間的新教徒和天主教徒,在英格蘭和美國。 Catholic France has lately been coming once more to the fore, and is very nearly level with Germany even in output.法國天主教近來今後再次突出,是水平非常接近甚至與德國的產出。 In the last fifty years, archaeology has added much to patristic studies; in this sphere the greatest name is that of De Rossi.在過去的50年裡,考古增添了許多教父的研究;在這一領域最大的名稱是德羅西。

B. The Study of the Fathers灣的研究教父

The helps to study, such as Patrologies, lexical information, literary histories, are mentioned below.在幫助研究,如Patrologies ,詞彙信息,文學歷史,下文提到。

Publication information出版信息

Written by John Chapman.作者:約翰查普曼。 Transcribed by Kevin Cawley. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VI.轉錄由凱文考利。天主教百科全書,第六卷。 Published 1909. 1909年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, September 1, 1909. Nihil Obstat , 09年九月一日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.雷米Lafort ,檢查員。 Imprimatur.認可。 +John M. +約翰M Farley, Archbishop of New York法利,大主教紐約

Bibliography 目錄
COLLECTIONS:-- The chief collections of the Fathers are the following: DE LA BIGNE, Bibliotheca SS.集合: -主要收藏的父輩如下:德拉薩比涅,書目黨衛軍。 PP.聚丙烯。 (5 vols. fol., Paris, 1575, and App., 1579; 4th ed., 10 vols., 1624, with Auctarium, 2 vols., 1624, and Suppl., 1639, 5th and 6th edd., 17 vols. fol., 1644 and 1654); this great work is a supplement of over 200 writings to the editions till then published of the Fathers; enlarged ed. ( 5卷。奧德耶克。 ,巴黎, 1575年,和應用程序。 , 1579 ;第4版。 ,第10卷。 , 1624年,與Auctarium ,第2卷。 , 1624號決議,並補編。 ,第1639 ,第5和第6舒張。 , 17卷。奧德耶克。 , 1644年和1654年) ;這一偉大的工作是一種補充超過200著作的版本直到隨後發表的父親;擴大版。 hy UNIV.為什麼大學。 OF COLOGNE (Cologne, 1618, 14 vols., and App., 1622); the Cologne ed. enlarged by 100 writings, in 27 folio vols.科隆(科隆, 1618年,第14卷。 ,以及應用程序。 , 1622 ) ;科隆版。擴大了100著作, 27開本第一卷和第二卷。 (Lyons, 1677). (里昂, 1677 ) 。 COMBEFIS, Graeco-Latinae Patrum Bibliothecae novum Auctarium (2 vols., Paris, 1648), and Auctarium novissimum (2 vols., Paris, 1672); D'Achéry, Veterum aliquot scriptorum Spicilegium (13 vols. 4to, Paris, 1655-77, and 3 vols. fol., 1723), mostly of writings later than patristic period, as is also the case with BALUZE, Miscellanea (7 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1678-1715); re-ed. COMBEFIS ,希臘Latinae Patrum Bibliothecae新工具Auctarium ( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,巴黎, 1648年) ,並Auctarium novissimum ( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,巴黎, 1672 ) ;德Achéry , Veterum aliquot scriptorum Spicilegium ( 13卷。 4to ,巴黎, 1655 - 77 ,和第3卷。奧德耶克。 , 1723年) ,主要著作不遲於教父時期,也是如此BALUZE ,外交部發言人談話( 7第一卷和第二卷。 8vo ,巴黎, 1678年至1715年) ;重新版。 by MANSI (4 vols. fol., Lucca, 1761-4); SIRMOND, Opera varia nunc primum collecta (5 vols. fol., Paris, 1696, and Venice, 1728); MURATORI, Anecdota from the Ambrosian Libr.由曼西( 4卷。奧德耶克。 ,盧卡, 1761-4 ) ; SIRMOND ,戲曲集錦孔培養primum collecta ( 5卷。奧德耶克。 ,巴黎, 1696年,威尼斯, 1728 ) ;穆拉托裡, Anecdota從安布羅西安聖圖書館。 at Milan (4 vols. 4to, Milan, 1697-8; Padua, 1713); IDEM, Anecdota graeca (Padua, 1709); GRABE, Spicilegium of Fathers of the first and second centuries (Oxford, 1698-9, 1700, and enlarged, 1714); GALLANDI, Bibl.在AC米蘭( 4卷。 4to ,米蘭, 1697-8 ;帕多瓦, 1713年) ;同上, Anecdota graeca (帕多瓦, 1709 ) ; GRABE , Spicilegium的父親第一次和第二次世紀(牛津, 1698-9 , 1700 ,和擴大, 1714年) ; GALLANDI , Bibl 。 vet.獸醫。 PP., an enlarged edition of the Lyons ed.聚丙烯。 ,一個擴大版的里昂版。 of de la Bigne (14 vols. fol., Venice, 1765-88, and index puhl. at Bologna, 1863) -- nearly all the contents are reprinted in MIGNE; OBERTHÜR, SS. Patrum opera polemica de veriate religionis christ.對德拉魯阿比涅( 14卷。奧德耶克。 ,威尼斯, 1765年至1788年,和指數puhl 。在博洛尼亞, 1863年) -幾乎所有的內容是轉載米涅;歐貝,黨衛軍。 P atrum歌劇p olemica德v eriater eligionis基督。 c. Gent.根特。 et Jud.珠德等。 (21 vols. 8vo, Würzburg, 1777-94); IDEM, Opera omnia SS. ( 21卷。 8vo ,維爾茨堡, 1777年至1794年) ;同上,歌劇OMNIA公司黨衛軍。 Patrum Latinorum (13 vols., Würzburg, 1789-91); ROUTH, Reliquiae sacrae, second and third centuries (4 vols., Oxford, 1814-18; in 5 vols., 1846-8); IDEM, Scriptorum eccl. Patrum Latinorum ( 13卷。 ,維爾茨堡, 1789年至1791年) ;勞斯, Reliquiae sacrae ,第二和第三世紀( 4卷。 ,牛津, 1814年至1818年,在5卷。 , 1846-8 ) ;同上, Scriptorum傳道書。 opuscula praeipua (2 vols., Oxford, 1832, 3rd vol., 1858); MAT, Scriptorum veterum nova collectio (unpubl. matter from Vatican MSS., 10 vols. 4to, 1825-38); IDEM, Spicileqium Romanum (10 vols. Svo, Rome, 1839-44); IDEM, Nova Patrum Bibtiotheca (7 vols. 4to, Rome, 1844-54; vol. 8 completed by COZZA-LUZI, 1871, vol. 9 by COZZA-LUZI, 1888, App. ad opera ed. ab A. Maio, Rome, 1871, App. altera, 1871). A few eccl. opuscula praeipua ( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,牛津, 1832年,第3卷。 , 1858 ) ;墊, Scriptorum veterum新collectio ( unpubl.無論從梵蒂岡衛星。 ,第10卷。 4to , 1825年至1838年) ;同上, Spicileqium羅馬( 10卷。賓語,羅馬, 1839年至1844年) ;同上,新斯科Patrum Bibtiotheca ( 7第一卷和第二卷。 4to ,羅馬, 1844年至1854年;卷。 8日完成了科扎, LUZI , 1871年,第二卷。 9科扎- LUZI , 1888年,附錄。廣告歌劇版。從頭字母a.多拉,羅馬, 1871年,附錄。 Altera的, 1871年) 。少數傳道書。 writings in MAI's Classici auctores (10 vols., Rome, 1828-38); CAILLAU, Collectio selecta SS.在麥著作的Classici auctores ( 10卷。 ,羅馬, 1828年至1838年) ; CAILLAU , Collectio selecta黨衛軍。 Ecclesia Patrum (133 vols. em. 8vo, Paris, 1829-42); GERSDORF, Bibl.教會Patrum ( 133第一卷和第二卷。旅館。 8vo ,巴黎, 1829年至1842年) ; GERSDORF , Bibl 。 Patrum eccl. Patrum傳道書。 lat.緯度。 selecta (13 vols., Leipzig, 1838-47); the Oxford Bibliotheca Patrum reached 10 vols. selecta ( 13卷。 ,萊比錫, 1838年至1847年) ;牛津大學圖書館Patrum達10卷。 (Oxford, 1838-55); PITRA, Spicilegium Solesmense (4 vols. 4to, Paris, 1852-8). (牛津, 1838年至1855年) ;羅弗, Spicilegium Solesmense ( 4卷。 4to ,巴黎, 1852-8 ) 。 The number of these various collections, in addition to the works of the great Fathers, made it difficult to obtain a complete set of patristic writings.數量這些不同的集合,除了作品的偉大父親,因此很難獲得一套完整的教父著作。 MIGNE supplied the want by collecting almost all the foregoing (except the end of the last mentioned work, and Mais later volumes) into his complete editions: Patrologiae cursus completus, Series latine (to Innocent III, AD 1300, 221 vols. 4to, including four vols. of indexes, 1844-55), Series graeco-latine (to the Council of Florence, AD 1438-9, 161 vols. 4to, 1857-66, and another rare vol. of additions, 1866); the Series graece was also published, in Latin only, in 81 vols.; there is no index in the Series grace; an alphabetical list of contents by SCHOLAREOS (Athens, 1879, useful); other publications, not included in Migne, by PITRA, are Juris ecclesiastici Graecarum hist.米涅提供了所需要的幾乎所有收集上述(除最後提到的工作,更多更新卷)到他完全版本: Patrologiae cursus completus ,拉丁系列(無辜三,公元1300年, 221卷。 4to ,包括四第一卷和第二卷。指標, 1844年至1855年) ,系列希臘拉丁(給安理會的佛羅倫薩,公元1438-9 161第一卷和第二卷。 4to , 1857年至1866年,另一個罕見的火山。增補, 1866年) ;系列graece還出版,僅在拉丁美洲,在81第一卷和第二卷。 ;沒有指數系列的寬限期;一個按字母順序排列的內容由SCHOLAREOS (雅典, 1879年,有用) ;其他出版物,不包括在米涅,由羅弗,是法學ecclesiastici Graecarum歷史。 et monum. monum等。 (2 vols., Rome, 1864-8); Analecta sacra (6 vols., numbered I, II, III, IV, VI, VIII, Paris, 1876-84); Analecta sacra et classica (Paris, 1888); Analecta novissima, medieval (2 vols., 1885-8); the new edition of Latin Fathers is called Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, editum consilio et impensis Academiae litterarum Caesarea Vindobonensis (Vienna, 1866, 8vo, in progress); and of the Greek Fathers: Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderten, herausgegeben von der Kirchenvätter-Kommission den Königl. preussiechen Akad. ( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,羅馬, 1864-8 ) ; Analecta薩克拉( 6第一卷和第二卷。編號為一,二,三,四,六,八,巴黎, 1876年至1884年) ; Analecta薩克拉等古典(巴黎, 1888年) ; Analecta novissima ,中世紀( 2第一卷和第二卷。 , 1885-8 ) ;的新版本拉丁美洲父親被稱為語料庫scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum , editum consilio等impensis醫學院litterarum撒利亞Vindobonensis (維也納, 1866年, 8vo ,在進步) ;和希臘教父:模具griechischen christlichen作家之ersten顯Jahrhunderten , herausgegeben馮德Kirchenvätter - Kommission大街Königl 。 preussiechen Akad 。 den Wise.登智者。 (Berlin, 1897, large 8vo, in progress). (柏林, 1897年,大8vo ,正在進行中) 。 Of the Monumenta Germaniae historica, one portion, the Auctores antiquissimi (Berlin, 1877-98), contains works of the sixth century which connect themselves with patrology.的華裔Germaniae historica ,一個部分,在Auctores antiquissimi (柏林, 1877年至1898年) ,包含工程第四十六屆世紀連接自己patrology 。 Small modern collections are HURTER, SS.小現代收藏赫特,黨衛軍。 Patrum opuscula selecta, with a few good notes (Innebruck, 1st series, 48 vols., 1868-85, 2nd series, 6 vols.. 1884-92) -- these little books have been deservedly popular; KRÜGER, Semmlung ausgewählter kirchen- und dogmengeschichtlicher Quellenechriften (Freiburg, 1891-); RAUSCHEN, Florilegium patristicum, of first and second centuries (3 fasc., Bonn, 1904-5); Cambridge patristic texts (I, The Five Theol. Orat. of Greg. Naz., ed. MASON, 1899; II, The Catech. Or. of Greg. Nyssen., ed. SRAWLEY, 1903; Dionysius Alex., ed. FELTRE, 1904, in progress); VIZZINI, Bibl. SS. Patrum opuscula selecta ,也有一些很好的說明( Innebruck ,第一系列, 48卷。 , 1868年至1885年,第2系列,第6卷.. 1884年至1892年) -這些小書已經當之無愧的流行;克魯格, S emmlunga usgewählter興,與dogmengeschichtlicher Quellenechriften (弗賴堡, 1891年-) ; R AUSCHEN,霓裳p atristicum的第一屆和第二屆百年( 3汽車運動聯合會。 ,波恩, 1 904-5) ;劍橋教父文本(一,五T heol。 O rat。的格雷格。納茲。 ,版。梅森, 1899年;二, Catech 。還是。的格雷格。 Nyssen 。主編。 SRAWLEY , 1903 ;修斯亞歷克斯。主編。費爾特雷, 1904年,在進步) ; VIZZINI , Bibl 。黨衛軍。 PP.聚丙烯。 Theologiae tironibus et universo clero accomodata (Rome, 1901- in progress); LIETZMANN, Kleine Texte, für theol.神學tironibus等宇宙clero accomodata (羅馬, 1901年-在進步) ; L IETZMANN,克萊納文本,毛皮t heol。 Vorlesungen und Uebungen (twenty-five numbers have appeared of about 16 pp. each, Bonn, 1902- in progress); an English ed. Vorlesungen與Uebungen ( 2005年數字出現了約16頁。每個,波恩, 1902年-在進步) ;的英語版。 of the same (Cambridge, 1903-); Textes et documents pour l'étude historique du chrietienisme, ed.同樣的(劍橋, 1903年-) ;文本文件等地球歷史都練習c hrietienisme,編輯。 HEMMER AND LEJAY (texts, French tr., and notes, Paris, in progress -- an admirable series). HEMMER與LEJAY (文,法文文。 ,並指出,巴黎,在進步-令人欽佩的系列) 。

INITIA:-- For Greek and Latin writers up to Eusebius, the index to HARNACK, Gesch. INITIA : -對希臘和拉丁作家到優西比烏,該指數將哈納克, G esch。 der altchr.德國altchr 。 Litt., I; for the Latin writers of first six centuries, AUMERS, Initia libronum PP.利特。 ,我;的拉丁美洲作家的前6世紀, AUMERS , Initia libronum聚丙烯。 lat.緯度。 (Vienna, 1865); and up to 1200, VATASSO, Initia PP. (維也納, 1865年) ;和高達1200 , VATASSO , Initia聚丙烯。 aliorumque scriptorum sect, lat. aliorumque scriptorum節,緯度。 (2 vols., Vatican press, 1906-8). ( 2第一卷和第二卷。梵蒂岡新聞, 1906-8 ) 。

LITERARY HISTORIES:-- The first is BELLARMINE, De Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Rome, 1613, often reprinted; with additions by LABBE, Paris, 1660, and by OUDEN, Paris, 1686); DE PIN, Bibliothèque universelle des auteurs eccles.文學史: -首先是貝拉明,德S criptoribuse cclesiasticis(羅馬, 1 613年,經常重印; ,並增加了拉韋,巴黎,一千六百六十,並O UDEN,巴黎, 1 686) ;德國的P IN,圖書館普遍萬a uteurs埃克爾斯。 (61 vols. 8vo, or 19 vols. 4to, Paris, 1686, etc.); this was severely criticized by the Benedictine PETITDIDIER and by the Oratorian SIMON (Critique de la Bibl. des auteurs eccl. publ. pen ill. E. Dupin, Paris, 1730), and Du Pin's work was put on the Index in 1757; FABACCEUS, Bibliotheca Graece, sive edititia Scriptorum veterum Graecorum (Hamburg, 1705-28, 14 vols.; new ed. by HARLES, Hamburg, 1790-1809, 12 vols., embraces not quite 11 vole, of the original ed.; index to this ed., Leipzig, 1838) -- this great work is really a vast collection of materials; Fabricius was a Protestant (d. 1736); he made a smaller collection of the Latin lit. ( 61卷。 8vo ,或19卷。 4to ,巴黎, 1686等) ;這是嚴厲批評了本篤PETITDIDIER和Oratorian西蒙(批判Bibl 。沙漠auteurs傳道書。上市公司。鋼筆生病。體育Dupin ,巴黎, 1730 ) ,並都丕嗯的工作放在指數在1757年; FABACCEUS ,書目Graece ,性edititia Scriptorum veterum Graecorum (漢堡, 1705年至1728年,第14卷。 ;新版。由HARLES ,漢堡, 1790年- 1809年,第12卷。 ,包括不太11日田鼠,原始版。 ;指數這一版。 ,萊比錫, 1838 ) -這一偉大的工作確實是一個巨大的收集材料;蟬是一個新教徒(草1 736年)他提出了較小的收集拉丁美洲點燃。 hist., Bibl.歷史。 , Bibl 。 Latina, sive non.拉美,非性。 scr.可控矽。 vett, latt. vett , latt 。 (1697, 1708, 1712, etc., ed. by ERNESTI, 3 vols., Leipzig, 1773-4), and a continuation for the Middle Ages (1734-6, 5 vols.); the whole was re-edited by MANSI (6 vols., Padua, 1754, and Florence, 1858-9); LE NOURRY, Apparatus ad Biblioth. ( 1697 , 1708 , 1712等,版。由埃內斯蒂, 3卷。 ,萊比錫, 1773-4 ) ,並繼續為中世紀( 1734-6 ,第5卷。 ) ;整個重新編輯曼西( 6第一卷和第二卷。 ,帕多瓦, 1754年,和佛羅倫薩, 1858-9 ) ;樂NOURRY ,電器廣告圖書館。 Max.馬克斯。 vett. Patr. vett 。 Patr 。 (2 vols. fol., Paris, 1703-15), deals with Greek Fathers of the second century and with Latin apologists; CEILLIER, Hist. ( 2第一卷和第二卷。奧德耶克。 ,巴黎, 1703至1715年) ,涉及希臘父親的第二個世紀,與拉丁美洲辯護士; CEILLIER ,組織胺。 générale des auteurs sacrés et ecclés.總聯合會等auteurs sacrés埃克爾斯。 (from Moses to 1248, 23 vols., Paris, 1729-63; Table gén. des Met., by RONDET, Paris, 1782; new ed. 16 vols., Paris, 1858-69); SCHRAM, Analysis Operum SS. (從摩西到1248 , 23第一卷和第二卷。 ,巴黎, 1729年至1763年;表根。沙漠會見。由RONDET ,巴黎, 1782年;新版。 16第一卷和第二卷。 ,巴黎, 1858年至1869年) ;施拉姆,分析Operum黨衛軍。 PP.聚丙烯。 et Scriptorum eccles. Scriptorum埃克爾斯等。 (Vienna, 1780-96, 18 vols., a valuable work); LUMPER, Hist. (維也納, 1780年至1796年,第18卷。 ,一個有價值的工作) ;碼頭工人,組織胺。 Theologico-critica de vitâ scriptis atque doctrina SS.神學,評論的生活scriptis atque doctrina黨衛軍。 PP. at scr.聚丙烯。在可控矽。 eccl.傳道書。 trium primorum saec. trium primorum南美。 (Vienna, 1783-99, 13 vols.; a compilation, but good); the Anglican CAVE published a fine work, Scriptorum eccl. (維也納, 1783年至1799年,第13卷。 ;彙編,但好) ;聖公會洞穴出版了一本很好的工作, Scriptorum傳道書。 historia literaria (London, 1688; best ed., Oxford, 1740-3); OUDIN, a Premonstratensian, who became a Protestant, Commentarius de Scriptoribus eccl.歷史文學(倫敦, 1688 ;最佳版。 ,牛津, 1740-3 ) ; OUDIN ,一個Premonstratensian ,誰成為新教, Commentarius德Scriptoribus傳道書。 (founded on Bellarmine, 3 vols. fol., Leipzig, 1722). (貝拉明基礎上, 3卷。奧德耶克。 ,萊比錫, 1722 ) 。 On the editions of the Latin Fathers, SCHOENEMANN, Bibliotheca historico-litteraria Patrum Latinorum a Tert, ad Greg. M.在版本的拉丁教父, SCHOENEMANN ,藏書歷史, litteraria Patrum Latinorum一叔,廣告格雷格。先生 at Isid.在Isid 。 Hisp. Hisp 。 (2 vols., Leipzig, 1792-4). ( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,萊比錫, 1792-4 ) 。

PATROLOGIES (smaller works):-- GERHARD, Patrologia (Jena, 1653); HÜLSEMANN, Patrologia (Leipzig, 1670); OLEARIUS, Abacus Patrologicus (Jena, 1673); these are old-fashioned Protestant books. PATROLOGIES (小作品) : -G ERHARD, P atrologia(耶拿, 1 653) ; H ÜLSEMANN, P atrologia(萊比錫, 1 670) ; O LEARIUS,珠算P atrologicus(耶拿, 1 673) ;這些都是老式的基督教書籍。 German Catholic works are: GOLDWITZER, Bibliographie der Kirchenväter und Kirchenlehrer (Landshut, 1828); IDEM, Patrologie verbunden mi Patristik (Nuremberg, 1833-4); the older distinction in Germany between patrology, the knowledge of the Fathers and their use, and patristic, the science of the theology of the Fathers, is now somewhat antiquated; BUSSE, Grundriss der chr.德國天主教的作品是: GOLDWITZER ,書目之Kirchenväter與Kirchenlehrer (蘭茨胡特, 1828年) ;同上, Patrologie verbunden美Patristik (紐倫堡, 1833-4 ) ;老年人在德國的區別patrology之間,知識的父親和其使用,並教父,科學的神學的父親,現在有些過時; BUSSE , Grundriss之染色體。 Lit. 25,823 。 (Münster, 1828-9); MÖHLER, Patrologie, an important posthumous work of this great man, giving the first three centuries (Ratisbon, 1840); PERMANEDER, Bibliotheca patristica (2 vols., Landshut, 1841-4); FESSLER, Institutiones Patrologiae (Innsbruck, 1851), a new ed. (明斯特, 1828-9 ) ; MÖHLER , Patrologie ,一個重要的工作,追授這位偉人,讓頭三個世紀( Ratisbon , 1840年) ; PERMANEDER ,書目patristica ( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,蘭茨胡特, 1841-4 ) ;費斯勒, Institutiones Patrologiae (因斯布魯克, 1851年) ,一個新的版。 by JUNGMANN is most valuable (Innsbruck, 1890-6); ALZOG, Grundriss der Patrologie (Freiburg im Br., 1866 and 1888); same in French by BELET (Paris, 1867); NIRSCHL, Handbuch der Patrologie und Patristik (Mainz, 1881-5); RESBÁNYAY, Compendium Patrologiae et Patristicae (Funfkirchen in Hungary, 1894); CARVAJAL, Institutiones Patrologiae (Oviedo, 1906); BARDENHEWER, Patrologie (Freiburg im Br., 1894; new ed. 1901) -- this is at present by far the best handbook; the author is a professor in the Cath.由JUNGMANN是最寶貴的(因斯布魯克, 1890-6 ) ; ALZOG , Grundriss之Patrologie (弗賴堡一二。 , 1866年和1888年) ;同在法國的貝(巴黎, 1867年) ; NIRSCHL , Patrologie手冊和Patristik (美茵茨, 1881-5 ) ; RESBÁNYAY ,簡Patrologiae等Patristicae ( Funfkirchen在匈牙利, 1894年) ;卡瓦哈爾, Institutiones Patrologiae (奧維耶多, 1906年) ; BARDENHEWER , Patrologie (弗賴堡一二。 , 1894年;新版。 1901 ) -這是在本迄今為止最好的手冊;的作者是教授蛋白酶。 theo.理論。 faculty of the Univ.教師的大學。 of Munich; a French tr.慕尼黑;法國文。 by GODET AND VERSCHAFFEL, Les Pères de l'Église (3 vols., Paris, 1899); an Italian tr.由代和VERSCHAFFEL ,法國佩雷斯法國教堂( 3卷。 ,巴黎, 1899年) ;意大利文。 by A. MERCATI (Rome, 1903); and an English tr.由A. MERCATI (羅馬, 1903年) ;和英語文。 with the bibliography brought up to date, by SHAHAN (Freiburg im Br. and St. Louis, 1908); smaller works, insufficient for advanced students, but excellent for ordinary purposes, are: SCHMID, Grundlinien der Patrologie (1879; 4th ed., Freiburg im Br., 1895); an Engl.與書目帶來了最新的,由沙漢(弗賴堡一二。和聖路易斯, 1908年) ;較小的工程,不夠先進學生,但對普通出色的宗旨是:施密德, Grundlinien之Patrologie ( 1879年;第4版。 ,弗賴堡一二。 , 1895年) ;了英格蘭。 tr.文。 revised by SCHOBEL (Freiburg, 1900); SWETE of Cambridge, Patristic Study (London, 1902).修訂SCHOBEL (弗賴堡, 1900 ) ; SWETE劍橋大學教父研究(倫敦, 1902年) 。

HISTORIES OF THE FATHERS:-- It is unnecessary to catalogue here all the general histories of the Church, large and small, from Baronius onwards; it will be sufficient to give some of those which deal specially with the Fathers and with ecclesiastical literature.歷史的父親: -這是不必要的目錄在這裡所有的一般歷史的教會,無論大小,從B aronius起;這將是足以讓一些那些專門處理父親和教會文獻。 The first and chief is the incomparable work of TILLEMONT, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire eccl.第一次和首席是無與倫比的工作TILLEMONT , Mémoires爭取servir à近歷史傳道書。 des six premiers siècles (Paris, 1693-1712, 16 vols., and other editions); MARÉCHAL, Concordance des SS. Pères de l'Eglise, Grecs at Latins, a harmony of their theology (2 vols., Paris, 1739); BÄHR, Die christlich-römische Litteratur (4th vol. of Gesch. der römischen Litt., Karlsruhe, 1837; a new ed. of the first portion, 1872); SCHANZ, Gesch. 6萬總理siècles (巴黎, 1693年至1712年,第16卷。 ,和其他版本) ;馬雷夏爾,和諧之黨衛軍。佩雷斯法國教堂,在拉丁美洲Grecs ,一個和諧的神學( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,巴黎, 1739年) ;河,模具基督教römische文學(第4卷。的Gesch 。河畔römischen利特。 ,卡爾斯魯厄, 1837年;一個新的版。第一部分, 1872年) ;坎茲, Gesch 。 der röm.德國光盤。 Litt., Part III (Munich, 1896), 117-324; EBERT, Gech.利特。 ,第三部分(慕尼黑1896 ) , 117-324 ;埃伯特, Gech 。 der christlich-lateinischen Litt.德國基督教lateinischen利特。 (Leipzig, 1874; 2nd ed., 1889); Anciennes littératunes chrétiennes (in Bibliothèque de l'enseignement de l'hist. eccl., Paris): I; BATIFFOL, La littérature grecque, a useful sketch (4th ed., 1908), II; DUVAL, La littérature syriaque (3rd ed., 1908); LECLERCQ, L'Afrique chrétienne (in same Bibl. de l'ens. da l'h. eccl., 2nd ed., Paris, 1904); IDEM, L'Espagne chrétienne (2nd ed., 1906); BATIFFOL, L'église naissante et le Catholicisme, a fine apologetic account of the development of the Church, from the witness of the Fathers of the first three centuries (Paris, 1909); of general histories the best is Ducesesrese, Hist. (萊比錫, 1874年;第二版。 , 1889年) ; Anciennes littératunes chrétiennes (在法國圖書館教學法國歷史。傳道書。 ,巴黎) :我; BATIFFOL ,香格里拉文學grecque ,一個有用的素描(第四版。 , 1908年) ,二;杜瓦爾香格里拉文學syriaque (第3版。 , 1908年) ;勒克萊爾,非洲基督教歐萊雅(在同一Bibl 。法國匹配。達近h 。傳道書。 ,第二版。 ,巴黎, 1904年) ;同上,歐萊雅Espagne基督教(第二版。 , 1906年) ; BATIFFOL ,歐萊雅等naissante教堂樂Catholicisme ,罰款道歉到發展的教會,從證人的父親第一次三個世紀(巴黎, 1909年) ;一般歷史最好的是Ducesesrese ,組織胺。 ancienne eta tEglisa (2 vols. have appeared, Paris, 1906-7); finally, the first place is being taken among histories of the Fathers by a work to be completed in six volumes, BARDENHEWER, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Litteratur (I, to AD 200, Freiburg im Br., 1902; II, to AD 300, 1903).古代埃塔tEglisa ( 2第一卷和第二卷。出現,巴黎, 1906-7 ) ;最後,第一名正在採取的歷史中的父親的工作,完成6卷, BARDENHEWER ,史altkirchlichen文學(一,以公元200 ,弗賴堡一二。 , 1902年;二,至公元300個, 1903年) 。 The following are Protestant: NEWMAN, The Church of the Fathers (London, 1840, etc.); DONALDSON, A critical history of Christian lit.以下是新教:紐曼,教會的教父(倫敦, 1840年,等等) ;唐納森,一個關鍵的歷史基督教點燃。 . . 。 。 . to the Nicene Council: I; The Apostolic Fathers, II and III; The Apologists (London, 1864-6 -- unsympathetic); BRICHY, The Age of the Fathers (2 vols., London, 1903); ZÖCKLER, Gesch.在尼西亞理事會:我;的使徒父親,第二和第三;辯護士(倫敦, 1864-6 -同情心) ; B RICHY,年齡的父親( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,倫敦, 1 903年) ; Z ÖCKLER, G esch。 der theologischen Litt.德國theologischen利特。 (Patristik) (Nördlingen, 1889); CRUTTWELL, A Literary History of Early Christianity . ( Patristik ) (諾德林根, 1889年) ; CRUTTWELL ,文學史的早期基督教。 . . Nicene Period (2 vols., London, 1893); KRÜGER, Gesch.尼西亞時期( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,倫敦, 1893年) ;克魯格, Gesch 。 der altchristlichen Litt, in den ersten 3 Jahrh.德國altchristlichen利特,在大街ersten第3 Jahrh 。 (Freiburg im Br. and Leipzig, 1895-7); tr. (弗賴堡一二。萊比錫, 1895-7 ) ;文。 GILLET (New York, 1897) -- this is the beet modern German Prot.吉列維迪(紐約, 1897 ) -這是現代德國甜菜蛋白質。 history.歷史。 The following consists of materials: A. HARNACK, Gechichte der altchr.以下是材料: a.哈納克, Gechichte之altchr 。 Litt, bis Eusebius, I, Die Ueberlieferung (Leipzig, 1893; this vol. enumerates all the known works of each writer, and all ancient references to them, and notices the MSS.); II, 1 (1897), and II, 2 (1904), Die Chronologie, discussing the date of each writing; the latter Greek period is dealt with by KRUMBACHER, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litt.利特,二優西比烏,我,模具Ueberlieferung (萊比錫, 1893年,這卷。列舉所有已知的作品每個作家,和所有古老的提述,並通知雄踞。 ) ;二, 1 ( 1897年) ,和二, 2 ( 1904年) ,模具Chronologie ,討論的日期每個寫作;後者是希臘時期所處理的KRUMBACHER , byzantinischen史利特。 527-1453 (2nd ed. with assistance from EHRHARD, Munich, 1897). 527-1453 (第二版。與援助EHRHARD ,慕尼黑, 1897年) 。 The following collected series of studies must be added: Textd und Untersuschungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Litt., ed.以下收集的一系列研究必須補充: Textd與Untersuschungen楚史altchristlichen利特。主編。 VON GEBHARDT AND A. HARNAcK (1st series, 15 vols., Leipzig, 1883-97, 2nd series, Neue Folge, 14 vols., 1897-1907, in progress) -- the editors are now HARNACK AND SCHMIDT; ROBINSON, Texts and Studies (Cambridge, 1891 -- in progress); EHRHARD AND MÜLLER, Strassburger theologische Studien (12 vols., Freiburg im Br., 1894 -- in progress); EHRHARD AND KIRSCH, Forschungen zur christl.馮GEBHARDT和A.哈納克( 1系列, 15卷。 ,萊比錫, 1883年至1897年,第2系列,新Folge 14日,第一卷和第二卷。 , 1897至1907年,在進步) -編輯現在哈納克和施密特;羅賓遜,文本與研究(劍橋, 1891年-在進步) ; E HRHARD和M üller, S trassburger神學S tudien( 1 2卷。 ,弗賴堡一二。 , 1 894年-在進步); E H RHARD和基爾希,F o rschungen楚c h ristl。 Litt.利特。 und Dogmengeschichte (7 vols., Paderborn, in progress); La Pensée chrétienne (Paris, in progress); Studii e Testi (Vatican press, in progress).與Dogmengeschichte ( 7第一卷和第二卷。 ,帕德博恩,在進步) ;香格里拉基督教思想(巴黎,在進步) ; Studii é Testi (梵蒂岡新聞,正在進行中) 。 Of histories of development of dogma, HARNACK, Dogmengeschichte (3 vols., 3rd ed., 1894-7, a new ed. is in the press; French tr., Paris, 1898; Engl. tr., 7 vols., Edinburgh, 1894-9), a very clever and rather "viewy" work; LOOFS, Leitfaden zum Studium der DG (Halle, 1889; 3rd ed., 1893); SEEBERG, Lehrb.在歷史發展的教條,哈納克, Dogmengeschichte ( 3卷。 ,第3版。 , 1894-7 ,一個新的版。是在報刊上;法國文。 ,巴黎, 1898年;英格蘭。文。 ,第7卷。愛丁堡, 1894-9 ) ,一個非常聰明,而“空想”的工作; LOOFS , Leitfaden zum Studium之總幹事(哈雷, 1889年;第3版。 , 1893年) ;塞貝格, Lehrb 。 der DG (2 vols., Erlangen, 1895), conservative Protestant; IDEM, Grundriss der DG (1900; 2nd ed., 1905), a smaller work: SCHWANE, Dogmengeschichte, Catholic (2nd ed., 1892, etc.; French tr., Paris, 1903-4); BETHUNE-BAKER, Introduction to early History of Doctrine (London, 1903); TIXERONT, Histoire des Dogmas: I, La théologie anti-nicéenne (Paris, 1905 -- excellent); and others.德國總幹事( 2第一卷和第二卷。埃爾蘭根, 1895年) ,保守的基督教;同上, Grundriss之總幹事( 1900 ;第二版。 , 1905年) ,較小的工作: SCHWANE , Dogmengeschichte ,天主教(第二版。 , 1892等;法國文。 ,巴黎, 1903-4 ) ;白求恩,貝克,介紹早期的歷史學說(倫敦, 1903年) ; TIXERONT ,史教條:我拉神學抗nicéenne (巴黎, 1905年-優秀) ;和其他。

PHILOLOGICAL:-- On the common Greek of the early period see MOULTON, Grammar of NT Greek: I, Prolegomena (3rd ed., Edinburgh, 1909), and references; on the literary Greek, AD 1-250, SCHMIDT, Den Atticismus von Dion.語言學: -在共同希臘的早期階段看到莫爾頓,語法新台幣希:我緒論(第3版。 ,愛丁堡, 1 909年) ,和參考資料;對希臘的文學,公元1 -250,施密特,鄧A tticismus馮迪。 Hal.哈爾。 bis auf den zweiten Philostratus (4 vols., Stuttgart, 1887-9); THUMB, Die griechieche Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus (Strasburg, 1901).二大街奧夫zweiten斐洛斯特拉圖斯( 4卷。 ,斯圖加特, 1887-9 ) ;拇指,模具griechieche語言圖像時代之Hellenismus (斯特拉斯堡, 1901年) 。 Besides the Thesaurus of STEPHANUS (latest ed., 8 vols., fol., Paris, 1831-65) and lexicons of classical and Biblical Greek, special dictionaries of later Greek are DU CANGE, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis (2 vols., Lyons, 1688, and new ed., Breslan, 1890-1); SOPHOCLES, Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, 146-1100 (3rd ed., New York, 1888); words wanting in Stephanus and in Sophocles are collected by KUMANUDES (SA Koumanoudes), Sunagôgê lexeôn athêsauristôn en tois heggênikois lexikois (Athens, 1883); general remarks on Byzantine Greek in KNUMBACHER, op.除了詞庫的STEPHANUS (最新版。 , 8卷。 ,奧德耶克。 ,巴黎, 1831年至1865年)和詞彙的古典和聖經希臘,特別字典後來希臘是杜CANGE , Glossarium廣告寫字間mediae等infimae graecitatis ( 2卷。 ,里昂, 1688年,新版。 , Breslan , 1890-1 ) ;索福克勒斯,希臘詞彙的羅馬和拜占庭時期, 146-1100 (第3版。 ,紐約, 1888年) ;話想在Stephanus和索福克勒斯正在收集KUMANUDES (公司Koumanoudes ) , Sunagôgê lexeôn athêsauristôn恩tois heggênikois lexikois (雅典, 1883年) ;一般性評論拜占庭希臘KNUMBACHER ,同前。 cit.前。 On patristic Latin, KOFFMANE, Gesch.在教父拉丁美洲, KOFFMANE , Gesch 。 des Kinchenlateins: I, Entstehung .萬Kinchenlateins :我Entstehung 。 . . bis auf Augustinus-Hieronymus (Breslau, 1879-81); NORDEN, Die antika Kunstprosa (Leipzig, 1898), II; there is an immense number of studies of the language of particular Fathers [eg HOPPE on Tertullian (1897); WATSON (1896) and BAYARD (1902) on Cyprian; GOELTZER on Jerome (1884); REGNER on Augustine (1886), etc.], and indices latinitatis to the volumes of the Vienna Corpus PP.二奧夫奧古斯丁,海歐納莫斯(布雷斯勞, 1879年至1881年) ;北歐,模具antika Kunstprosa (萊比錫, 1898年) ,第二章;有一個巨大的若干研究的語言特別是父親[如霍普對良( 1897年) ;華生( 1896年)和貝亞德( 1902 )對塞浦路斯; GOELTZER的杰羅姆( 1884年) ; REGNER的奧古斯丁( 1886年)等] ,以及指標latinitatis的卷的聚丙烯維也納語料庫。 latt.; TRAUBE, Quellen and Untensuchungen zur lat. latt 。 ;特勞貝, Quellen和Untensuchungen楚拉。 Phil.菲爾。 des Mittelalters, I (Munich, 1906); much will be found in Archiv für lat. Lexicographie, ed.萬Mittelalters ,我(慕尼黑, 1906年) ;很多將在檔案館獻給緯度。 Lexicographie ,編輯。 WÖLFFLIN (Munich, began 1884).沃爾夫林(慕尼黑, 1884年開始) 。

TRANSLATIONS:-- Library of the Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church, translated by members of the English Ch.翻譯: -圖書館的父輩羅馬天主教教會的成員翻譯的英文膽固醇。 (by PUSEY, NEWMAN, etc.), (45 vols., Oxford, 1832-). (由蒲賽,紐曼等) , ( 45卷。 ,牛津, 1832 -) 。 ROBERTS AND DONALDSON, The Ante-Nicene Christian Library (24 vols., Edinburgh, 1866-72; new ed. by COXE, Buffalo, 1884-6, with RICHARDSON's excellent Bibliographical Synopsis as a Suppl., 1887); SCHAFF AND WAGE, A Select Library of Nicene and post-Nicene Fathers of the Chr.羅伯茨和唐納森的前廳尼西亞基督教圖書館( 24卷。愛丁堡, 1866年至1872年;新版。由考克斯,布法羅, 1884-6 ,與理查森的優良書目提要作為一個增刊。 , 1887年) ;沙夫和工資,專責圖書館尼西亞和後尼西亞父親的染色體。 Ch., with good notes (14 vols., Buffalo and New York, 1886-90, and 2nd series, 1900, in progress). ENCYCLOPEDIAS AND DICTIONARIES:-- SUICER, Thesaurus ecclesiasticus, a patribus graecis ordine alphabetico exhibens quaecumqua phrases, ritus, dogmata, haereses et hujusmodi alia spectant (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1682; again 1728; and Utrecht, 1746); HOFFMANNS, Bibliographisches Lexicon der gesammten Litt.膽固醇。 ,有良好的說明( 14卷。 ,布法羅和紐約, 1886年至1890年,第2系列, 1900年,正在進行中) 。百科全書和詞典: -S UICER,詞庫e cclesiasticus,一個p atribusg raecis秩序a lphabeticoe xhibensq uaecumqua詞組,禮儀, dogmata , haereses等hujusmodi特別spectant ( 2第一卷和第二卷。 ,阿姆斯特丹, 1682年, 1728年再次和烏得勒支, 1746年) ;霍夫曼, Bibliographisches詞彙之gesammten利特。 der Griechen (3 vols., 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1838-45); the articles on early Fathers and heresies in the Encyclopadia Britannica (8th ed.) are, many of them, by Harnack and still worth reading; WETZER AND WELTE, Kirchenlex., ed.德國Griechen ( 3卷。 ,第二版。 ,萊比錫, 1838年至1845年) ;的條款及月初異端父親在Encyclopadia大英百科全書(第8版。 )的,其中許多是由哈納克,仍然值得一讀; WETZER與WELTE , Kirchenlex 。主編。 HERGENRÖTHER, and then by KAULEN and others, 12 vols., one vol. HERGENRÖTHER ,然後由KAULEN和其他12卷。 ,一個卷。 of index (Freiburg im Br., 1882-1903); HERZOG, Realencylopädie für prot.指數(弗賴堡一二。 ,一八八二年至03年) ;赫爾佐格, Realencylopädie獻給蛋白。 Theol. Theol 。 und Kirche, 3rd ed.與教堂,第3版。 by HAUCK (21 vols., 1896-1908); VACANT AND MANGENOT, Dict.由克( 21卷。 , 1896至1908年) ;空缺, MANGENOT ,快譯通。 de Théol.德Théol 。 cath.導管。 (Paris, in progress); CABROL, Dict. (巴黎,在進步) ; CABROL ,快譯通。 d'archéologie chr.德archéologie染色體。 et de liturgie (Paris, in progress); BAUDRILLART, Dict.與德liturgie (巴黎,在進步) ; BAUDRILLART ,快譯通。 d'hist.德歷史。 at de géogr.在德地理。 ecclésiastiques (Paris, in progress); SMITH AND WACE, A Dictionary of Christian Biography, is very full and valuable (4 vols., London, 1877-87). ecclésiastiques (巴黎,在進步) ;史密斯和WACE ,詞典基督教傳記,是非常全面和有價值的( 4卷。 ,倫敦, 1877年至1887年) 。

GENERAL BOOKS OF REFERENCE:-- ITTIG, De Bibliothecis et Catenis Patrum, gives the contents of the older collections of Fathers which were enumerated above (Leipzig, 1707); IDEM, Schediasma de auctoribus qui de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis egerunt (Leipzig, 1711); DOWLING, Notitia scriptorum SS.一般圖書範圍: -I TTIG,德B ibliothecis等C atenisP atrum,使內容的老父親收藏的這上面列舉(萊比錫, 1 707) ;同上, S chediasma德a uctoribus歸仁德s criptoribuse cclesiasticise gerunt(萊比錫, 1 711) ;道林, scriptorum黨衛軍通知書。 PP.聚丙烯。 . . . 。 。 quae in collectionibus Anecdotorum post annum MDCC in lucem editis continentur (a continuation of ITTIG's De Bibl. et Cat., Oxford, 1839); an admirable modern work is EHRHARD, Die alt christliche Litt, und ihre Erforschung seit 1880: I, Allgemeine Uebersicht, 1880-4 (Freiburg im Br., 1894); II, Ante-Nicene lit., 1884-1900 (1900); the bibliographies in the works of HARNACK and of BARDENHEWER (see above) are excellent; for Ante-Nicene period, RICHARDSON, Bibliographical Synopsis (in extra vol. of Ante-Nicene. Fathers, Buffalo, 1887); for the whole period. quae在collectionibus Anecdotorum後每年MDCC在lucem editis continentur (繼續ITTIG的德Bibl 。貓眼等。 ,牛津, 1839年) ;了令人欽佩的現代工作EHRHARD ,模具舊基督教利特,與ihre Erforschung seit 1880年:我匯報Uebersicht , 1880-4 (弗賴堡一二。 , 1894年) ;二,前廳尼西亞點燃。 , 1884年至00年( 1900 ) ;的書目中的作品哈納克和BARDENHEWER (見上文) ,是極好的;的前廳尼西亞時期理查森,書目簡介(課外卷。安特格-尼西亞。父輩,布法羅, 1887年) ;整個時期。 CHEVALIER, Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen-âge: Bio-bibliographie, gives names of persons (2nd ed., Paris, 1905-07); Topo-bibliographie gives names of places and subjects (2nd ed., Paris, 1894-1903); progress each year is recorded in HOLTZMANN AND KRÜGER's Theologischer Jahresbericht from 1881; KROLL AND GURLITT, Jahresbericht für kleseische Alterthumewissenschaft (both Protestant); BIHLMEYER, Hagiagraphischer Jahresbericht for 1904-6 (Kempten and Munich, 1908).士,萬源匯輯歷史杜moyen年齡:生物書目,使名字的人(第二版。 ,巴黎, 05年至1907年) ;拓撲書目使地名和課題(第二版。 ,巴黎, 1894年至1903年) ;進展,每年記錄在HOLTZMANN和克魯格的Theologischer Jahresbericht從1881年; Kröll和GURLITT , Jahresbericht獻給kleseische Alterthumewissenschaft (包括新教) ; BIHLMEYER , Hagiagraphischer Jahresbericht為1904-6 (坎普頓和慕尼黑, 1908年) 。 A very complete bibliography appears quarterly in the Revue d'hist.一個非常完整的書目季度出現在歷史雜誌。 eccl.傳道書。 (Louvain, since 1900), with index at end of year; in this publ. (盧,自1900年) ,與指數今年年底前在此上市。 the names of all Reviews dealing with patristic matters will be found.名字的所有評論處理教父事項將被找到。


Church Fathers父親教會

Jewish Perspective 猶太透視

Their Importance to Judaism.它們的重要性,以猶太教。

The early teachers and defenders of Christianity.早期的教師和捍衛基督教。 The most important of the fathers lived and worked in a period when Christianity still had many points of contact with Judaism, and they found that the latter was a splendid support in the contest against paganism, although it had to be combated in the development of Christian doctrine.其中最重要的父親生活和工作在一個時期,基督教仍然有許多的接觸點與猶太教,他們發現,後者是一個燦爛的支持,對異教競賽,但它不得不作鬥爭發展的基督教理論。 So the Fathers of the Church are seen at one time holding to a Jewish conception of the universe and making use of Jewish arguments, at another rejecting a part of such teaching and formulating a new one.因此,父親教會被視為在同一時間舉行一個猶太觀念的宇宙,並充分利用猶太人的論點,在另一個拒絕參加這樣的教學,並制訂一個新的。 In the contest of Christianity against paganism the Church Fathers employ the language of the Hellenistic literature as found in Philo, Josephus, the Apocrypha, and the Sibylline Books, all of which draw upon the Prophets of the Old Testament.在競賽中對異教基督教教會的父親僱用的語言,古希臘文學的研究,發現在斐羅,約瑟夫的偽經,以及Sibylline圖書,所有這些都借鑒先知舊約。 Thus, practically, only the polemic features in the activity of the Church Fathers directed against Judaism can be considered as new and original.因此,實際上,只有論戰特點的活動,教會教父針對猶太教可視為新的和原來的。 But in order to wage successful war against paganism, they, as well as Christians in general, had to acquaint themselves with the religious documents of Judaism; and this was possible only if they entered into personal relations with the Jews: through these personal relations the Church Fathers become of signal importance to Judaism.但是,為了戰爭的工資成功對異教,他們,以及基督教徒一般而言,已熟悉文件的宗教猶太教,這不僅是可能的,如果他們進入個人關係與猶太人:通過這些個人的關係父親教會的信號成為重要的猶太教。 The contemporaries and, in part, the coworkers of those men who are known from the Talmud and the Midrash as the depositaries of the Jewish doctrine, were the instructors who transmitted this doctrine to the Church Fathers also.在同時代,並在部分中,同事的這些人誰知道從塔木德和米德拉士作為保存的猶太學說,被教官誰轉交了這一理論對教會的教父也。 Hence such a mass of haggadic material is found in the work of the fathers as to constitute an important part of Jewish theological lore.因此,這樣一個大規模的haggadic材料中找到工作的父親構成的一個重要組成部分猶太神學知識。 This article is primarily concerned with their interpreration of the texts of the Bible and of the Apocrypha, which differs in essential points from those of the Jews.本文主要關注其interpreration文聖經和偽經,這些不同的基本點是猶太人。

Personal Relations with Jews:個人與猶太人的關係:

Justin Martyr.賈斯汀烈士。

After the Bar Kokba war against the Romans, Ariston of Pella, a converted Jew, wrote, as is generally accepted, a dialogue in which the Christian Jason and the Jew Papiscus are made the speakers, and in which the nature of Jesus is discussed (Ιάσουος ιαμ Παπίσκου ἀυτιλογία Χριστοῦ).在酒吧Kokba戰爭對羅馬,阿里斯頓的佩拉,一輛經過改裝的猶太人,寫,這是普遍接受的,一個對話,基督教傑森和猶太人Papiscus了發言,並在其中的性質,耶穌是討論( Ιάσουος ιαμ Παπίσκου ἀυτιλογία Χριστοῦ ) 。 This dialogue, already mentioned by Celsus, may be wholly imaginary and without historical basis.這種對話,已經提到了駁克里索,可完全虛構的,沒有歷史基礎。 But the famous dialogue of Justin Martyr with the Jew Tryphon, which took place at Ephesus (Eusebius, "Historia Ecclesiastica," iv. 18) at the time of the Bar Kokba war, is strictly historical, as certain details show; for instance, the statement that on the first day no strangers were present, while on the second day some Jews of Ephesus accompanied Tryphon and took part in the discussion (Justin, "Dialogus cum Tryphone," cxviii.), a certain Mnaseas being expressly mentioned (ib. lxxxv.).但是,著名的對話,賈斯汀烈士的猶太人Tryphon ,發生在以弗所(優西比烏, “歷史Ecclesiastica , ”四。 18歲)的時候,酒吧Kokba戰爭,是嚴格的歷史,因為某些細節顯示,例如,聲明說,第一天沒有陌生人在場,但第二天就一些猶太人以弗所Tryphon陪同並參加了討論(賈斯汀, “ Dialogus暨Tryphone , ” cxviii 。 )某Mnaseas被明確提到(伊布。 lxxxv 。 ) 。 The Jewish auditors are not only able to follow the intricate discussion intelligently, but their demeanor also is seemly; Tryphon especially proves himself a true disciple of Greek philosophy, and his scholarship is freely acknowledged by Justin (ib. lxxx.).猶太審計員,不僅能夠按照錯綜複雜的討論聰明,但他們的風範也是合適的; Tryphon證明自己是一個真正的弟子古希臘哲學,他的獎學金是公認的自由賈斯汀( ib. lxxx 。 ) 。 At the close of, the debate, Jew and Christian confess that they have learned much from each other, and part with expressions of mutual good-will (ib. at the end).收盤時,辯論,猶太人和基督教坦白地說,他們學到了很多東西對方,並與部分的相互表達良好意願( ib.月底) 。 Justin was born and reared in proximity to Jews; for he calls himself a Samaritan (ib. cxx.), meaning thereby probably not that he professed the religion of the Samaritans, but that he came from Samaria. Of the relations of Clement of Alexandria to Judaism nothing positive is known.賈斯汀出生和飼養的接近猶太人,因為他自稱撒瑪利亞( ib. cxx 。 ) ,這意味著從而可能不會,他宣稱的宗教,樂善好施,但他來自撒馬利亞。的關係克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞對猶太教沒有什麼積極的是眾所周知的。 During the persecutions of the Christians of Alexandria, in 202 or 203, Clement sought refuge for a short time in Syria (Eusebius, lc vi. 11).在迫害基督教徒的亞歷山大,在202或203 ,克萊門特尋求避難很短的時間在敘利亞(優西比烏,立法會六。 11 ) 。 Here he may have learned much at first hand from the Jews.在這裡,他可能已經學到了很多第一手的猶太人。 He knew a little Hebrew, also some Jewish traditions; both of 'which facts point to personal relations with Jews.他知道一些希伯來文,也有一些猶太傳統;都'的事實表明,個人與猶太人的關係。

Clement's contemporary, Origen, probably also born in Alexandria about 185, may possibly have been on his mother's side of Jewish descent, if one may judge from the fact that while his father is mentioned as Leonides, the name of his mother is passed over in silence.克萊門特的當代,奧利,也可能出生在亞歷山大約185個,有可能一直在他母親身邊的猶太血統,如果一個法官可能從這一事實,而他的父親是Leonides提到的名字,他的母親是在越過沉默。 A Jewish mother could readily have taught her son the Hebrew language, so that they might sing the Psalms together (Jerome, "Epistola xxxix. ad Paulam").猶太人的母親可以隨時告訴她兒子的希伯來語,所以,他們可能唱詩篇在一起(杰羅姆, “書信集三十九。廣告Paulam ” ) 。 [Both his father and his motherwere, however, Christian in faith.T. [他的父親和他的motherwere然而,基督教在faith.T 。

Clement and Origen.克萊門特和奧利。

In his capacity of presbyter at Cæsarea in Palestine, Origen must have come into frequent contact with learned Jews, as indeed appears from his writings.在他的能力的發起人在該撒利亞在巴勒斯坦,奧利必須開始頻繁的接觸與猶太人的教訓,事實上從他的著作。 He mentions again and again his "magister Hebræus" (ὁ Εβραῖος in the Greek fragment), on whose authority he gives several haggadot ("De Principiis," i. 3, 4; iv. 26).他提到了一次又一次的“教師Hebræus ” ( ὁ Εβραῖος在希臘片段) ,在其權力,他給幾個haggadot ( “德Principiis , ”島3日, 4日;四。 26 ) 。 His dependence on the Jews is sufficiently emphasized by Jerome ("Adversus Rufinum," I. xiii.) in the passage wherein Clement and Eusebius are named among those who did not disdain to learn from Jews.他依賴於足夠的猶太人所強調的杰羅姆( “ Adversus Rufinum , ”一十三。 )在通道,其中克萊門特和優西比烏的命名者誰不鄙視學習猶太人。 Origen often mentions the views of Jews, meaning thereby not the teaching of certain individuals, but the method of exegesis prevalent among the Jews of his time.奧利常常提到的意見猶太人,從而沒有意義的教學某些個人,而是方法的註釋中普遍存在的猶太人的時間。 The Jews with whom he maintained personal intercourse were men of distinguished scientific attainments.猶太人與他保持著個人的交往是男性的傑出的科學素養。 The one Jew whom he mentions by name was no less a personage than Hillel, the patriarch's son, or "Jullos," as Origen calls him (Grätz,"Monatsschrift," 1881, xxx. 433 et seq.).一個猶他提到的名字也同樣人物比希勒爾,老人家的兒子,或“ Jullos , ”作為奧利要求他(格拉茨, “月刊” , 1881年, xxx域名。 433起。 ) 。 His other Jewish acquaintances either were closely related to the patriarch's family, or occupied high positions on account of their erudition. Grätz ("Gesch. der Juden," 3d ed., iv. 231) thinks indeed that some passages in Origen's writings are directed against the contemporary amora of Palestine, Simlaï.他的其他猶太人的熟人或者是密切相關的家長的家庭成員,或佔用高的立場考慮他們的博學。格拉茨( “ Gesch 。德國猶太人, ”三維版。 ,四。 231 )認為,實際上,一些段落中,俄利根的著作是針對對當代阿莫拉巴勒斯坦Simlaï 。 Origen seems, moreover, to have had intercourse with Hoshaya of Cæsarea (Bacher, "Agada der Palästinensischen. Amoräer," i. 92).奧利似乎此外,曾經交往與Hoshaya的愷撒(巴切爾, “ Agada之Palästinensischen 。 Amoräer , ”島92 ) 。

Eusebius, Ephraem Syrus, Epiphanius.優西比烏, Ephraem希如斯,埃皮法尼烏斯。

Eusebius, the celebrated Church historian, also learned from the Jews, as has already been mentioned, and was under the influence of Jewish tradition.優西比烏,著名的教會歷史學家,還了解到從猶太人,正如已經提到的,是的影響下,猶太傳統。 In Cæsarea, where he lived, he met many Jews, with whom he had discussions.在愷撒,他在那裡生活,他會見了許多猶太人,同他進行了討論。 Nevertheless he uses the word "Jew" as a term of reproach, calling his opponent, Marcellus, "a Jew" ("De Ecclesiastica Theologia," ii. 2, 3).不過,他使用“猶太人”作為一個長期的責備,要求他的對手,瑪爾凱, “猶太人” ( “德Ecclesiastica神學, ”二。 2日, 3日) 。 He likewise thinks it a disgrace to be one of the "circumcised" (τις τῶυ ἐκ περιτομῆς, "Demonstratio Evangelica," i. 6).他還認為,一個恥辱是一個“割禮” ( τις τῶυ ἐκ περιτομῆς , “ Demonstratio Evangelica , ”島6 ) 。 This last expression is also used regularly by Ephraem Syrus to designate Jews (, "Opera Syriaca," ii. 469).這最後的表達也經常使用Ephraem希如斯指定猶太人( “歌劇Syriaca , ”二。 469 ) 。 Ephraem distances all his ecclesiasticalpredecessors in his hatred of the Jews, displaying a bitterness that is explicable only on the ground that he at one time had personal relations with them, and had formed an adverse opinion of them. Ephraem距離他的所有ecclesiasticalpredecessors在他仇恨猶太人,展示了怨恨這是唯一解釋,理由是他在同一時間有個人與他們的關係,並已形成了一個不利對他們的看法。 Epiphanius, too, shows his dependence on the Jews, especially in the book, perhaps wrongly ascribed to him, "De Prophetarum Vitis"; which contains, besides many extraneous inventions, numerous Jewish traditions of the lives of the Prophets.埃皮法尼烏斯,也表明了他的依賴猶太人,尤其是在這本書,也許錯誤地歸咎於他, “德Prophetarum葡萄” ;其中載,除了許多不相干的發明,許多猶太人的傳統生活的預言。 In this it was followed by a Syrian work ("The Book of the Bee," published in "Auecdota Oxoniensia," Semitic series, i., part 2).在此其次是敘利亞的工作( “圖書的蜜蜂” ,發表在“ Auecdota Oxoniensia , ”閃系列,島,第2部分) 。

Jerome.杰羅姆。

Jerome surpasses all other Church Fathers in his erudition as well as in his importance for Judaism.杰羅姆超過所有其他教會的父親在他的博學以及他的重要性猶太教。 It must be emphasized, in spite of Christian assertions to the contrary (eg, B. Baue, "Vorlesungen," ii. 36), that he learned much not only from baptized but also from loyal Jews.必須強調,儘管基督教的說法與此相反的(例如,灣Baue , “ Vorlesungen , ”二。 36歲) ,他學到了很多東西不僅來自洗禮,但也從忠於猶太人。 He sought his information in many quarters, especially among the educated Jews (Preface to Hosea; compare "Epistola lxxiii. ad Evangelum").他要求他的資料在很多宿舍,尤其是受過教育的猶太人(序何西阿;比較“書信集lxxiii 。廣告Evangelum ” ) 。 Hence he always cites the opinions of several Jews ("quidam Hebræorum"), not that of one Jew; and these Jewish friends of his accompany him on his journeys (Preface to I Chronicles), though he has one particular guide ("circumducens," Preface to Nahum).因此,他總是列舉了若干意見的猶太人( “奇幻之旅Hebræorum ” ) ,而不是一個猶太人;和這些猶太朋友,他陪他旅途(序我編年史) ,但他有一個特別指導( “ circumducens , “前言內厄姆) 。 Of only three of his Jewish teachers is anything known.只有他的三個猶太教師是什麼不得而知。 A Jew from Lydda, whom Jerome calls "Lyddæus," explained to him the Book of Job, translating it into Greek, and expounding it in Latin. Although he has much to say in praise of this man, Jerome will not admit that he learned much from him (Preface to Job), designating him often as one who merely read the Scriptures to him ("Onomastica Sacra," xc. 12; commentary on Eccles. iv. 14, v. 3).一個猶太人從Lydda ,其中杰羅姆稱之為“ Lyddæus ” ,向他解釋了約伯記,翻譯成希臘文,並闡述了它在拉丁美洲。雖然他有很多話要說在讚揚這個人,杰羅姆不會承認自己的經驗教訓很多從他(序作業) ,指定他作為一個常常只是誰讀了聖經給他( “ Onomastica薩克拉, ”坐標。 12 ;評埃克爾斯。四。 14 ,訴3 ) 。 But from this Lyddan Jerome acquired not only the material for his philological notes, but also the Hebrew pronunciation that gives him a unique importance for Old Testament criticism (Siegfried, in Stade's "Zeitschrift," 1884, p. 34; Krauss, in "Magyár Zsidó Szémle," 1900, vii. 513).但是,從這個Lyddan杰羅姆收購不僅是物質的語文學注意到,而且還希伯來語發音,讓他一個獨特的重要性舊約批評(齊格弗里德,在體育場的“雜誌” , 1884年,第34頁;克勞斯,在“匈牙利Zsidó評論“ , 1900年,七。 513 ) 。

Jerome was more attached to his second teacher, Bar Ḥanina, who, however, can not be identical with R. Ḥama b.杰羅姆更重視他的第二個老師,酒吧尼納,誰,但不能等同於濱灣河 Ḥanina, as Rahmer insists (compare Weiss, in "Bet-Talmud," i. 131, note 3); nor can he possibly be identified until his Midrashim, quoted by Jerome, have been compared with the known sayings of the authors of the Talmud and the Midrash.尼納,作為Rahmer堅持(比較魏斯,在“辛貝特,塔木德經” ,島131 ,注3 ) ;也不能,他可能會發現,直到他米大示,引述杰羅姆,已與著名格言的作者塔木德和米德拉士。 This Bar Ḥanina must have been an eminent teacher of the Law, for Jerome spent much time and money before he could secure him as teacher.這酒吧尼納必須是一位傑出的教師法,為杰羅姆花了很多時間和金錢面前,他不能確保他的老師。 Since Jerome would not visit his teacher by day, for fear of the Jews, he went to Bar Ḥanina, by night ("Epistola lxxxiv. ad Pammachium et Occanum").自杰羅姆不會訪問他的老師的一天,因為害怕猶太人,他去酒吧尼納,夜間( “書信集lxxxiv 。廣告Pammachium等Occanum ” ) 。 Bar Ḥanina came from Tiberias, as is shown by the Hebrew traditions communicated by him to Jerome; for one particular prophecy was held to apply to Tiberias (Jerome, "Quæstiones Hebraicæ in Genesin," xlix. 21). Jerome's third teacher, whom he required especially for the Aramaic portions of the Bible, knew both Hebrew and Aramaic, and was considered by the Jewish scribes as a "Chaldæus" (Preface to Tobit; compare "Epistola xviii. ad Damasum").酒吧尼納來自太巴列,這表明了希伯來傳統送交杰羅姆;為某個特定的預言舉行了適用於巴(杰羅姆, “ Quæstiones Hebraicæ在Genesin , ” xlix 。 21 ) 。杰羅姆的第三次教師,他需要特別是對阿拉姆部分聖經,都知道希伯來語和阿拉姆,並審議了猶太文士為“ Chaldæus ” (序托比書;比較“書信集十八。廣告Damasum ” ) 。

Jerome lived about forty years in Palestine, apparently studying all the time under Jews (commentary on Nahum ii. 1: "a quibus non modico tempore eruditus").杰羅姆生活約40年的巴勒斯坦,顯然是所有學習的時間根據猶太人(評那鴻二。 1 : “一個quibus非modico臨時蟎” ) 。 His enemies severely censured him for his intercourse with the Jews, but he was proud of it.他的敵人嚴厲譴責他的交往與猶太人,但他感到自豪。 He asks how it could be held to impugn his faith in the Church, that he informs his readers in how many ways the Jews construe a single error. ("Adversus Rufinum," book i.).他問如何才能加以責難舉行他的信仰在教會,他告訴他的讀者中有多少猶太人的方式詮釋了一個錯誤。 ( “ Adversus Rufinum , ”書島) 。 "Why should I not be permitted to inform the Latins of what I have learned from the Hebrews. . . . It is most useful to cross the threshold of the masters, and to learn the art directly from the artists" (ib.). “我為什麼要不得向拉丁人的是我從中吸取了教訓,希伯來人。 。 。 。這是最有用的跨越門檻的主人,並學習先進的直接從藝術家” ( ib. ) 。

Augustine.奧古斯丁。

Jerome's contemporary, the great teacher Augustine, did not fare so well in Africa.杰羅姆的當代,偉大的教師,奧古斯丁,沒有車費,以便在非洲。 When he questioned the Jews on Biblical matters, they often either did not answer at all, or, at least from the standpoint of the Church Fathers, "lied" (Jerome, "Epistola cxii. ad Augustinum"), meaning probably that they gave an answer different from what the Christians desired ("Epistola civ. Augustini ad Hieronymum").當他質疑猶太人聖經的問題,他們往往要么沒有回答,或者,至少角度教會教父, “撒謊” (杰羅姆, “書信集cxii 。廣告Augustinum ” ) ,意思大概是他們給答案不同於理想的基督徒( “書信集持續輸注。 Augustini廣告Hieronymum ” ) 。 An alleged letter from Jerome, probably forged by Rufinus, was sent to the Christian communities in Africa, in which Jerome professed to admit that, misled by the Jews, he had translated erroneously ("Adversus Rufinum," book iii., ii. 554, ed. Vallarsi).據稱信杰羅姆,可能偽造Rufinus ,被送往基督教社區在非洲,其中杰羅姆宣稱承認,誤導的猶太人,他曾翻譯錯誤( “ Adversus Rufinum , ”三本書。 ,二。 554編。 Vallarsi ) 。 It mortified Jerome that his translation of the Bible, the Vulgate, so famous later on, should be passed over in silence by all the Jews, and that there was no one who knew enough Hebrew to appreciate the merits of the new translation ("Epistola cxii. ad Augustinum").它羞愧杰羅姆,他翻譯的聖經,拉丁文聖經,所以後來有名的,應該通過保持沉默的所有猶太人,並沒有一個足以誰知道希伯來文欣賞的優點,新的翻譯( “書信集cxii 。廣告Augustinum “ ) 。 He even believed that all the Jews of Africa had conspired to oppose him, as actually happened in one place.他甚至認為,所有的猶太人非洲的陰謀反對他,因為實際發生的在一個地方。 In a certain African town-so Augustine wrote to Jerome (Jerome's works, "Epistola civ. Augustini ad Hieronymum")-the new translation was read in the church, by order of the bishop.在非洲某些城市,使奧古斯丁寫信給杰羅姆(杰羅姆的作品, “書信集持續輸注。 Augustini廣告Hieronymum ” ) ,新的翻譯改為在教堂裡的命令主教。 When they came to the passage in Jonah containing the word "ḳiḳayon" (iv. 6), which differed from the interpretation hitherto accepted, such a tumult arose that the bishop had to ask the Jews for a verification, and they declared, to the great annoyance of both Jerome and Augustine, that Jerome's rendering did not agree with the He brew, or Greek, or (old) Latin codices.當他們來到通道喬納含有單詞“ ḳiḳayon ” ( iv. 6 ) ,這不同於以往接受的解釋,這種動盪產生的主教不得不問猶太人的核查,他們宣布,到偉大的煩惱都杰羅姆和奧古斯丁,這杰羅姆的繪製不同意他釀,或希臘文,或(歲)拉丁美洲codices 。 The bishop had to strike it out as "a lie," being in danger of losing his congregation.主教已經罷工它是“謊言”的危險正在失去他的教會。 Before this, Tertullian of Carthage (165-245) had spoken of the impertinence and derision shown by a Jew ("Apologia," xvi.; "Ad Nationes," i. 11; compare Assworship).在此之前,德爾圖良的迦太基( 165-245 )曾說過的魯莽和嘲笑所表現出一個猶太人( “辯解, ”十六。 “廣告Nationes , ”島11 ;比較Assworship ) 。

Chrysostom, Cyril, and Ambrose.金口,西里爾和劉漢銓。

Among the Greek Church Fathers, Basil the Great hardly knew Hebrew (H. Weiss, "Die Grossen Kappadocier Exegeten," p. 32, Braunsberg, 1872); yet his ability to distinguish between Amos, the prophet, and Amoz, the father of Isaiah (whose names are written alike in the Septuagint), as well as other similar facts, points to his having received oral instruction from Jews [or from some one who knew Hebrew.-T.].在希臘教會的教父,巴茲爾大幾乎不知道希伯來文(閣下魏斯, “模具Grossen Kappadocier Exegeten ” ,第32頁, Braunsberg , 1872年) ,但他有能力區分阿莫斯,先知,並Amoz的父親以賽亞(他們的名字都寫在譯本) ,以及其他類似的事實,指出他收到了口頭指示,猶太人[或從一些人誰知道Hebrew.型。 ] 。 Gregory of Nyssa (c. 331-396), who did not recognize the rending of the garments on the occasion of a death as being a Jewish custom (περὶ τοῦ βίου τῆς Μακαρίας Μακαρίνης, in Oehler, "Bibliothek der Kirchenväter," i. 188), does not seem to have known much about Judaism.格雷戈里的果樹(角331-396 ) ,誰不承認心碎的服裝上的講話死刑作為一個猶太習俗( περὶ τοῦ βίου τῆς Μακαρίας Μακαρίνης ,在Oehler , “圖書館之Kirchenväter , ”島188 ) ,似乎並不知道很多猶太教。 The same maybe said of the other Church Fathers who lived in Europe; that is, in sections sparsely settled by Jews. Irenæus, for instance, who suffered as a martyr in 202 in Lyons, knew nothing of Judaism outside of the Scriptures, although he was reared in Asia Minor.相同的也許說的其他教會教父誰生活在歐洲,也就是說,在解決部分人煙稀少的猶太人。依,例如,誰遭受的烈士202在里昂,不知道外面的猶太教的聖經,但他被飼養在小亞細亞。 In the paschal controversy he advocated separation from Judaism.在逾越節的爭議,他主張脫離猶太教。 But the Greek fathers John Chrysostom and Cyril of Alexandria (see Byzantine Empire) potently affected the fate of the Jewish people, as did Bishop Ambrose of Milan (c. 340-397).但是,希臘父親金口和西里爾亞歷山大(見拜占庭帝國) potently影響命運的猶太人民一樣,劉漢銓主教米蘭(角340-397 ) 。

The Syrian Church, on the whole, was even in the fourth century dependent upon Jewish traditions (Wellhausen, in Bleek's "Einleitung in das Alte Testament," 4th ed., p. 601).敘利亞教會,總體上來說,即使是在第四世紀取決於猶太傳統(威爾,在Bleek的“導論中之老全書” ,第4版。 ,第601名) 。 This appears especially in the "Homilies" of Aphraates (c. 337-345).這似乎是在“講道詞”的Aphraates (角337-345 ) 。 He complains (Hom. xix.) that the monks are led astray and ensnared by the Jewish arguments; he himself had a disputation with one "who is called a wise man among the Jews."他抱怨( Hom. 19 。 )說,僧侶是誤入歧途,並陷入了猶太人的論點;他本人有一個爭論“誰是所謂的聰明人之間的猶太人。 ” Aphraates, who, under the name "Mar-Jacob," was abbot of the monastery of Mar Mattai, and a bishop, gives such a number of Jewish traditions as to place him, in this regard, beside Ephraem Syrus (see Aphraates). Aphraates ,誰下,名稱為“年3月雅各布”是住持的修道院三月Mattai和主教,使這樣的一些猶太傳統,使他在這方面,旁邊Ephraem希如斯(見Aphraates ) 。

The Haggadah:該哈加達:

The Church Fathers adopted from the Jews a mass of interpolations, interpretations, and illustrative anecdotes, which may best be designated by the well-known term, "Haggadah," but which they themselves called variously.父親教會通過的猶太人大量的插,解釋和說明軼事,這可能最好是指定的眾所周知的任期, “哈加達” ,但它們自己的各種要求。 Goldfahn has counted in Justin Martyr ("Dialogus cum Tryphone") twenty-six Hebrew traditions and six polemico-apologetic Haggadot. Goldfahn已在計數賈斯汀烈士( “ Dialogus暨Tryphone ” ) 26希伯來傳統和6 polemico -抱歉Haggadot 。 Among these may be mentioned: the eating by the three angels who appeared to Abraham; the Messiah's concealment and anointment by Elijah; the violent death of Isaiah (a Haggadah found already in the oldest apocrypha, and in nearly all the earlier fathers); Melchizedek's identity with Shem (compare especially Epiphanius, "Adversus Hæreses," xxxv., and the Syriac "Cave of Treasures," translated by Bezold, p. 36).其中提到的可能是:飲食由三個天使誰似乎亞伯拉罕;彌賽亞的隱瞞和塗油的以利亞;的暴力致死的以賽亞(一哈加達已發現最古老的偽經,並在幾乎所有先前的父親) ;麥基洗德的身份與閃(尤其是埃皮法尼烏斯比較, “ Adversus Hæreses , ”三十五。 ,以及敘利亞“洞穴寶物” ,翻譯Bezold ,第36頁) 。

Clement and Origen.克萊門特和奧利。

Clement calls the Jewish haggadists "mystæ" (μύσται "persons initiated"), a term that was probably current in Alexandria; for the writings of all the Church Fathers agree in regarding Jewish tradition as a kind of esoteric doctrine understood only by the initiated.克萊門特呼籲猶太haggadists “ mystæ ” ( μύσται “人發起了” ) ,一個術語,可能是目前在亞歷山大;的著作的所有教會父親同意就猶太傳統作為一種深奧理論的理解只能由啟動。 Clement is acquainted with the old Haggadah to Ex.克萊門特是熟悉的老哈加達,以惠。 ii. 14, according to which Moses killed the Egyptian by merely pronouncing the name of God.二。 14日,根據該摩西在埃及死亡的只是發音以上帝的名義。 Moses is called also "Joiakim" and "Melch" by the mystæ ("Stromata," ed. Migne, viii. 897), and "Melchiel" in Pseudo-Philo, "Antiq. Bibl."摩西也被稱為“ Joiakim ”和“ Melch ”的mystæ ( “ Stromata , ”版。米涅,八。 897 )和“ Melchiel ”偽哲學“ , Antiq 。 Bibl 。 ” ("Jewish Quarterly Review," x. 228; compare x. 726). ( “猶太季刊, ”十228 ;比較十726 ) 。 A relation between Clement and the Seder 'Olam Rabba is shown by the fact that both give the same figure, sixty years, as the period of the prophet Elisha's activity (ib. v. 138).阿關係克萊門特和Seder ' Olam Rabba是表明了一個事實,即都給予同樣的數字,六十歲時,因為期間的先知以利沙的活動( ib.訴138 ) 。

Origen's Debt to the Haggadah.奧利的債務的哈加達。

Origen derives still more from the Haggadot.奧利產生更多的從Haggadot 。 For instance: the Garden of Eden is the center of the world ("Selecta in Genesin," ii. 8; compare 'Erub. 19a; Zion is so called in Enoch, xxvi. 1, 2; and Jubilees, viii.); division of the Red Sea into twelve parts (homily to Ex. v. 5; see also Eusebius, commentary on Ps. lxxvii. 13, and Epiphanius, in the notes to "Adversus Hæreses," pp. 262 et seq.; compare Mekilta on Ex. xiv. 16, and other Jewish sources ["Jewish Quarterly Review," v. 151], and Ḳimḥi on Ps. cxxxvi.); repentance of the sons of Korah (commentary on the Epistle to the Romans x. 7; compare Midrash on Ps. xlv. 4); Israel's strength lies in prayer (homily on Num. xiii. 5; compare Sifre, Num. 157); Phineas and Elijah are identical (com. on John vi. 7; Jerome adopts the same opinion from the Apocrypha [v. 813, ed. Vallarsi; compare Yalḳ., Num. 772, but the earliest sources are lacking]); Daniel, Hananiah, Michael, and Azariah are eunuchs (commentary on Matt. xv. 5; compare homily on Ezek. iv. 8; catena on Ezek. xiv. 5; Jerome, "Adversus Jovin," book i., xxv.; com. on Dan. i. 3; Epiphanius, "De Vitis Prophetarum," ed. Migne, xliv. 424; further Sanh. 93b; Gen. R. xcix.); Moses is the author of eleven Psalms ("Selecta" to Ps. xii., ed. Migne, p. 1055; so also Jerome ["Adversus Rufinum," xiii.; compare Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, p. 198a]); wild beasts are the instruments of divine punishment, as in II Kings xvii.例如:伊甸園為中心的世界( “ Selecta在Genesin , ”二。 8 ;比較' Erub 。 19A條;錫安就是所謂的伊諾克, 26 。 1 , 2 ;和Jubilees ,八。 ) ;分工紅海到12個零件(講道,以惠。訴5 ;又見優西比烏,評物質。 lxxvii 。 13和埃皮法尼烏斯,在說明“ Adversus Hæreses , ”頁。 262起。 ;比較Mekilta關於惠。十四。 16日,和其他猶太人來源[ “猶太季刊, ”訴151 ] ,並在PS Ḳimḥi 。 cxxxvi 。 ) ;悔改的兒子Korah (評注書羅馬十7 ;比較米德拉士在PS 。第四十五。 4 ) ;以色列的力量在於祈禱(講道的數量。十三。 5 ;比較Sifre ,數量。 157 ) ;菲尼亞斯和以利亞是相同的( com.約翰六。 7 ;杰羅姆採用相同的意見偽經[訴813 ,編。 Vallarsi ;比較Yalḳ 。 ,數量。 772 ,但最早的來源是缺乏] ) ;丹尼爾, Hananiah ,邁克爾,並Azariah是太監(評馬特。十五。 5 ;比較關於Ezek講道。四。 8 ;系列的Ezek 。十四。 5 ;杰羅姆, “ Adversus Jovin , ”書島, 25 。 ;的COM 。丹。島3 ;埃皮法尼烏斯, “德葡萄Prophetarum , ”版。米涅,四十四。 424 ;進一步Sanh 。 93b ;將軍河xcix 。 ) ;摩西是作者11詩篇( “ Selecta ”的物質。十二。主編。米涅,第1055頁;也是如此杰羅姆[ “ Adversus Rufinum “十三。 ;比較Pesiḳ 。主編。布伯,第198a ] ) ;野獸的文書神聖的懲罰,如在二國王十七。 2 (homily on Ezek. iv. 7, xiv. 4; compare Mishnah Ta'anit iii. 6; Shab. 33a). 2 (上Ezek講道。四。 7日,十四。 4 ;比較米示拿Ta'anit三。 6 ;沙巴。 33a ) 。

Eusebius.優西比烏。

Eusebius recognizes Jewish tradition as an authority almost equal to the Scriptures, and calls it ἅγρσΦος παράδοσις; ie, "unwritten tradition" ("Historia Ecclesiastica," iv. 22).優西比烏承認猶太傳統作為一個權威幾乎等於聖經,並呼籲它ἅγρσΦος παράδοσις ,即“不成文的傳統” ( “歷史Ecclesiastica , ”四。 22 ) 。 Its depositaries he terms "deuterotæ" (δευτερωταί, "Præparatio Evangelica," xi. 5), and he characterizes them aptly as men of an uncommon strength of intellect, whose faculties have been trained to penetrate to the very heart of Scripture.他保存的“ deuterotæ ” ( δευτερωταί , “ Præparatio Evangelica , ”十一。 5 ) ,他的特點恰當地作為他們的人一種罕見的智慧力量,其學院已培訓滲透到非常核心的聖經。 The Hebrews, he says, call them δευτερωταί (ie, "tannaim"), because they expound Holy Writ (ib. xii. 1). "Deuterosis" (δευτύρωσις, "mishnah") is commonly used by the ecclesiastical writers for the Jewish tradition, and is also found in Justinian's novellæ.希伯來人,他說,給他們打電話δευτερωταί (即“ tannaim ” ) ,因為他們闡述聖經( ib.十二。 1 ) 。 “ Deuterosis ” ( δευτύρωσις , “米示拿” )是常用的教會作家的猶太人傳統,也是在查士丁尼的novellæ 。

Eusebius makes a distinction between esoteric and exoteric exegesis; the Haggadot he often classes with the exoteric interpretation, contrary to Clement and others, who see therein a secret doctrine. Among his Haggadot may be mentioned the following: Abraham observed the precepts of the Torah before it had been revealed ("Demonstratio Evangelica," i. 6; compare Yoma 28b); King Hezekiah's sin in omitting a hymn of praise to God after Sennacherib's defeat (commentary on Isa. xxxix. 1; Jerome, ad loc., quotes the same tradition; compare Sanh. 94a; Cant. R. iv. 8; Lam. R. iv. 15); Merodach-baladan's relations to Hezekiah (com. on Isa. xxxix. 1; the same Haggadah is given in Ephraem Syrus' commentary on II Kings xx. 10 ["Opera Syriaca," i. 562], as in one of Jacob of Edessa's scholia; compare Sanh. 96a).優西比烏作出了區分深奧的和開放的註釋;的Haggadot ,他經常上課的開放解釋,相反克萊門特和其他人,誰見有一個秘密的理論。 Haggadot在他可能會提及以下內容:亞伯拉罕遵守戒律的律法之前已發現( “ Demonstratio Evangelica , ”島6 ;比較山脈28B款) ;國王Hezekiah的罪孽在省略一讚美詩讚美上帝後森納赫里布的失敗(評伊薩。三十九。 1 ;杰羅姆,廣告祿。 ,引用同傳統;比較Sanh 。 94a ;公會。河四。 8 ;林。河四。 15 ) ;米羅達巴拉- baladan的關係Hezekiah ( com.的伊薩。三十九。 1 ;同一哈加達給出Ephraem希如斯'評注二國王第xx 。 10 [ “歌劇Syriaca , ”島562 ] ,如在一個雅各布的埃德薩的scholia ; Sanh比較。 96a ) 。 The traitor Shebna was a high priest (compare Lev. R. v.), treacherous (compare Sanh. 26a) and sensual (ib.), as Eusebius asserts in the name of δ Εβραῖος (com. on Isa. xii. 10, 11; Jerome makes the same statement ad loc.).叛徒Shebna是一個高神父(比較列夫。 R.訴) ,奸詐(比較Sanh 。 26A條)和感性( ib. ) ,聲稱如優西比烏的名義δ Εβραῖος ( com.的伊薩。十二。 10 11 ;杰羅姆作出了同樣的聲明廣告祿。 ) 。 The passage Zech.通過撒加利亞。 xi.十一。 8 received very early the following Christological interpretation: After the advent of Jesus, the three powerful estates, kings, priests, and prophets, disappeared from Israel ("Demonstratio Evangelica," x. 1). 8日很早就收到下列基督的解釋:在耶穌的到來,三個強大的屋苑,國王,神父,和先知,失踪的以色列( “ Demonstratio Evangelica , ”十1 ) 。 Jerome, on Zech.杰羅姆,對撒加利亞。 xi.十一。 8, quotes it only to reject it, preferring the Jewishexegesis, which applies the text to Moses, Aaron, and Miriam; but he does not credit it to the Jews; compare also Pseudo-Philo ("Jewish Quarterly Review," x. 321), and Mekilta xvi. 8 ,報價只將它拒絕它,寧可在Jewishexegesis ,它適用於文本摩西,亞倫,和劉健,但他並不信貸向猶太人;也比較偽斐羅( “猶太季刊, ”十321 ) ,並Mekilta十六。 35; Seder 'Olam Rabba x.; Ta'anit 9a. 35 ; Seder ' Olam Rabba十; Ta'anit 9A條。 Something similar is found in Aphraates on Num.類似的發現在Aphraates的數量。 xx.第xx 。 1. 1 。

Acceptance by Church Fathers of Haggadot.接受教會的教父們Haggadot 。

Aphraates gives the above as a self-evident exegesis without mentioning its Jewish origin. Aphraates使上述作為一個不言自明的註釋而不提其猶太血統。 He does the same with his numerous other Haggadot, which were doubtless derived from the Jews.他同他的許多其他Haggadot ,這是毫無疑問來自猶太人。 Ephraem Syrus likewise gives his Haggadot in the name of scholars (, expounders , etc., but never in the name of Jews. The Haggadot, however, were so generally accepted, that their Jewish origin gradually came to be forgotten. Ephraem Syrus, for instance, says, on Gen. xi. 29, that Sarah was called "Iscah" on account of her beauty; but this Haggadah is already found in Seder 'Olam R. ii. His explanation of Gen. xxxvi. 24 is similar to that found in Onkelos and the Samaritan Version. On II Kings iv. he has the same Haggadah about Obadiah's wife that is found in the Targum Yerushalmi and in part in Ex. R. xxxi. These and similar passages prove Ephraem's knowledge of Hebrew-a knowledge which many investigators have unjustly disputed. Ephraem希如斯同樣讓他Haggadot的名義學者( , expounders等,但從來沒有在猶太人的名字。 Haggadot的,但如此普遍接受的,他們的猶太血統逐漸被人遺忘。 Ephraem希如斯,對於例如,說,將軍溪上。 29日,即薩拉被稱為“ Iscah ”考慮到她的美貌;但這一哈加達已經發現Seder ' Olam河二。他解釋將軍三十六。 24相似,發現Onkelos和撒瑪利亞版本。二世國王在四。他有相同的哈加達有關俄巴底亞的妻子發現是在根•耶路莎米和部分地在惠。河三十一。這些和類似的證明Ephraem通道的知識希伯萊知識許多調查都受到不公正的爭議。

Jerome's Wide Knowledge of Hebrew Tradition.杰羅姆的廣泛知識希伯來傳統。

But the one most conversant with Jewish traditions, and their greatest admirer, is Jerome.但是,最精通猶太傳統,他們最大的崇拜者,是杰羅姆。 His "Quæstiones Hebraicæ in Genesin" form an almost uninterrupted series of such traditions; and he quotes them frequently in his other writings also.他的“ Quæstiones Hebraicæ在Genesin ”形式幾乎不間斷的一系列這樣的傳統,他經常引用他們在他的其他著作也。 They are mostly historical episodes as additions to Bible history, which he calls either "traditiones" or frequently "fabulæ."他們大多是歷史事件作為補充聖經的歷史,他呼籲是“ traditiones ”或經常“ fabulæ 。 ” These Haggadot were not only imparted to him orally by his Jewish teachers, but, remarkably enough, he also read Midrashic works himself.這些Haggadot不僅傳授給他,他口頭猶太教師,但明顯不夠,他還閱讀Midrashic自己的作品。 He says, for example, on Jer.他說,例如,在哲。 xxix.二十九。 21: "Nec legitur in synagogis corum"; on Zech. 21日: “壞死legitur在synagogis喬魯姆” ;對撒加利亞。 iv.四。 2: "Hæc ab Hebrís dicta reperimus." 2 : “ Hæc從頭Hebrís論述reperimus 。 ” Yet he speaks of these traditions as if they were a secret doctrine, "arcanæ eruditionis Hebraicæ et magistrorum synagogæ recondita disciplina" (Zech. vi. 9).然而,他講的這些傳統,好像他們是一個秘密的理論, “ arcanæ eruditionis Hebraicæ等magistrorum synagogæ銹菌disciplina ” ( Zech.六。 9 ) 。 He is also the only Church Father who is acquainted with the technical terms of the Hebrew tradition; for instance: "hoc Scriptura nunc dicit" ; "hoc est quod dicitur" ; "non debemus legere," or "non legi potest" .他也是唯一的教會之父誰是熟悉的技術術語的希伯來傳統,例如: “特設聖經孔培養dicit ” , “特設東方獄吏dicitur ” , “非debemus萊傑爾, ”或“非普通法potest ” 。 He knows and applies the method of "notarikon" or "gemaṭria" (on Nahum iii. 8, on Haggai i. 1).他知道,適用的方法“ notarikon ”或“ gemaṭria ” (上那鴻三。 8日,在哈島1 ) 。 This technical knowledge has so far been noted only in Barnabas' writings.這項技術知識至今指出只有在巴拿巴'的著作。

The haggadic elements in Jerome are so numerous that they would fill volumes; some of the more noteworthy ones may be mentioned here.該haggadic內容杰羅姆是如此眾多,他們將填補卷;一些更值得注意的可能是這裡提到的。 On Eccles.在埃克爾斯。 iv.四。 13 he quotes a lost Midrash of R. Akiba, which has come down only anonymously (compare Eccl. R. iv. 13; Abot de-R. Nathan, version ii., ch. 4; Midr. Ps. ix. 5) and in secondary sources. 13日,他引述了米德拉士鋼筋秋葉忠利,這不僅降低庫存(比較傳道書。河四。 13 ; Abot德- R的。彌敦道,版本二。 ,膽固醇。 4 ; Midr 。物質。九。 5 )和次要來源。 He is entirely unsupported, however, in his view that Elihu (in Job) and Balaam are identical ("Quæst. Hebr. in Gen." xxii. 21). On Ezek.他完全是不受支持的,然而,在他認為,伊萊休(就業)和巴蘭是相同的( “ Quæst 。 Hebr 。將軍在” 22 。 21 ) 。論Ezek 。 xlv.第四十五。 13, 14 Jerome quotes a halakic Midrash which treats of the heave-offering (compare Yer. Terumot vi. 1, 42d). 13日, 14日杰羅姆引述這halakic米德拉士對待的隆起,募股(比較層。 Terumot六。 1 , 42d ) 。 Epiphanius also knew this; the Pharisees are said to have offered τριακοντάδες τε καὶ πεντηκοντάδες (Hilgenfeld, "Judenthum und Juden-Christenthum," p. 73, Leipsic, 1886).埃皮法尼烏斯也知道這一點;的法利賽人據說已經提供τριακοντάδες τε καὶ πεντηκοντάδες ( Hilgenfeld , “ Judenthum和猶太人, Christenthum ” ,第73頁, Leipsic , 1886年) 。 On Zech.論撒加利亞。 xi.十一。 13 he has a curious Haggadah on the number of the affirmative and negative precepts; a closer investigation shows that he has preserved this Haggadah more correctly than it is found in Jewish sources ("Jewish Quarterly Review," vi. 258; Jacob Bernays, "Abhandlungen," i. 252). The Church Fathers who lived after Jerome knew less and less about Judaism, so that, the history of the later periods is no longer of any interest in this connection. 13他有一個奇怪的哈加達的數目肯定的和負面的戒律;建立更密切的調查結果顯示,他已保存這一哈加達更正確而不是發現猶太人來源( “猶太季刊, ”六。 258 ;雅各布伯奈斯“ Abhandlungen , “島252 ) 。父輩的教會生活後,誰知道杰羅姆越來越少,猶太教,因此,歷史的後期不再是任何興趣在這方面。

Polemics:論戰:

The dialogue between Justin and the Jew Tryphon is remarkable for the politeness with which Jews and Christians speak of one another; later on, however, examples are not wanting of passionate and bitter language used by Christians and Jews in their disputations.之間的對話賈斯汀和猶太人Tryphon是了不起的禮貌與猶太人和基督徒談論彼此;後來然而,例子是不想的激情和痛苦使用的語言基督教徒和猶太人在其disputations 。 Origen complains of the stubbornness of the Jews (Homily x., on Jer. viii.), and accuses them of no longer possessing sound knowledge (lc iii.).奧利抱怨的頑固的猶太人(講道十,關於哲。八。 ) ,並指責他們不再擁有良好的知識(立法會三。 ) 。 Ephraem Syrus assumes a very insulting tone toward the Jews; he calls them by opprobrious names, and sees in them the worthless vineyard that bears no good fruit. Ephraem希如斯假定一個非常侮辱性的口氣對猶太人,他呼籲他們的可恥的名字,並認為在他們的毫無價值的葡萄園承擔沒有好結果。 Like Eusebius, who used the misfortunes of the Jews for polemic purposes (com. on Ps. lviii. 7-12), Ephraem sees in their wretched condition the visitation of God (on Gen. xlix. 8); because the Jews "betrayed Christ," they were driven from their country and condemned to perpetual wandering (on II Kings ii., toward the end).優西比烏一樣,誰使用了不幸的猶太人的論戰目的( com.的物質。 lviii 。 7-12 ) , Ephraem看到他們可憐的條件下,探訪神(上將軍xlix 。 8 ) ; ,因為猶太人的“背叛基督“ ,他們被趕出自己的國家,注定要永遠流浪(上二國王二。 ,年底) 。 After Jerome has enumerated all the countries whither the Jews had been dispersed, he exclaims: "Hæe est, Judæe, tuarum longitudo et latitudo terrarum" ("Epistola cxxix. ad Dardanum").杰羅姆後列舉了所有國家的猶太人何處已經散去,他感嘆: “ Hæe東Judæe , tuarum longitudo等latitudo terrarum ” ( “書信集cxxix 。廣告Dardanum ” ) 。

What especially angered the Christians was the fact that the Jews persisted in their Messianic hopes.什麼是激怒了基督徒的事實是存在的猶太人在他們的救世主的希望。 In his sermon against the Jews Ephraem says: "Behold! this people fancies that it will return; after having provoked God by all its ways, it awaits and expects a time when it shall be comforted."在他的講道反對猶太人Ephraem說: “看哪!這個人的幻想,它將返回;後挑起了上帝其所有的方式,它正在等待和期望的時候,應安慰。 ” Ephraem, as well as Justin and Origen, mentions that at this period Judaism was receiving numerous accessions from the ranks of paganism, a phenomenon ascribed by the Church Fathers to the machinations of Satan. Ephraem ,以及賈斯汀和奧利,提到,在此期間,猶太教是收到許多來自加入隊伍的異教,這種現象歸因於教會教父的陰謀詭計撒旦。

Jerome, on the other hand, speaks with great eloquence of the Messianic hopes of the Jews.杰羅姆,另一方面,講雄辯地的彌賽亞希望的猶太人。 Many Messianic passages of the Bible were applied by the latter to the emperor Julian, others to the distant future, differences which resulted in interminable polemics. The Church Fathers looked upon the Jews as demons, upon their synagogues as houses of Satan; Rufinus mockingly styles Bar Ḥanina, Jerome's Jewish teacher, "Barabbas," and Jerome himself a rabbi.許多彌賽亞通道聖經適用於由後者向皇帝朱利安,其他遙遠的未來,分歧導致無休止的論戰。教堂望著父親的猶太人的惡魔,在他們的猶太教堂作為房屋的撒旦; Rufinus風格調侃酒吧尼納,杰羅姆的猶太老師, “巴拉巴” ,並杰羅姆自己拉比。 The one word "circumcisio" was used to condemn the whole of Judaism; the Jews, they said, took everything carnally (σωματικῶς), the Christians took all things spiritually (πνευματικῶς).一個字“ circumcisio ”被用來譴責整個猶太教的猶太人,他們說,奪走了一切肉體( σωματικῶς ) ,基督徒了一切精神( πνευματικῶς ) 。

Disputations Between Jews and Christians. Disputations與猶太人和基督徒。

The writings of Jerome vividly portray the character of the polemics of that period.的著作生動地描繪杰羅姆的性質論戰的時期。 The Christian who should undertake to dispute with the Jews hadto be learned in doctrine (Preface to Psalms).基督教誰應承擔的爭端與猶太人hadto學到的理論(序詩篇) 。 But these disputations must be held lest the Jews should consider the Christians ignorant (on Isa. vii. 14).但是,這些disputations必須追究,以免猶太人應考慮基督徒無知(對伊薩。七。 14 ) 。 The proceedings were very lively.程序是非常活躍。 Reference is made, even if only figuratively, to the planting of the feet against each other, to the pulling of the rope, etc.提到了,即使只是象徵性,以種植腳對彼此,對拉的繩子,等 (lc). (立法會) 。 It is incredible that the Jews were so frantic as to "scream with unbridled tongues, foaming at the mouth, and hoarse of voice" (on the Epistle to Titus, iii. 9).令人難以置信的是,猶太人是如此瘋狂,以“肆無忌憚的尖叫聲與舌頭,發泡的嘴,和嘶啞的聲音” (關於書泰特斯,三。 9 ) 。 Nor is it probable that the Jews "regretted when they had no opportunity to slander and vilify the Christians" (Preface to Joshua), although the Jews of that age show no diffidence in sustaining their part in these discussions.它也不是可能是猶太人“感到遺憾時,他們沒有機會誣衊和醜化的基督徒” (序光) ,但猶太人的年齡沒有任何diffidence在維持其參加了這些討論。 They were accused of avoiding questions that arose on the more difficult passages of the Bible (on Isa. xliv. 6), which proved simply that they wanted to avoid disputations altogether.他們被指控以避免出現問題,就更加困難通道聖經(關於伊薩。四十四。 6 ) ,這證明,他們只是想避免disputations完全。 But the Jews had allies in their opinions; for pagans and Christian sectaries agreed with them on many points, drawing upon themselves the polemics of the Church Fathers.但是,猶太人在其盟國的意見;為異教徒和基督教sectaries同意他們對許多問題的看法,依靠自己的論戰教會的父親。

Avowed Attacks on Jews.公開攻擊猶太人。

Of the numerous polemical works directed against the Jews, only a few can be mentioned here.許多爭論的作品針對猶太人的,只有少數幾個可以在這裡提及。 Of Clement's work, "Canon of the Church, or Against the Judaizers" (Κανὼν 'Εκκλησιαστικὸς ἢ Πρὸς τονς 'Ιουδαιζοντας; Eusebius, "Historia Ecclesiastica," vi. 13), only a few fragments have been preserved.在克萊門特的工作, “佳能的教會,或對Judaizers ” ( Κανὼν ' Εκκλησιαστικὸς ἢ Πρὸς τονς ' Ιουδαιζοντας ;優西比烏, “歷史Ecclesiastica , ”六。 13 ) ,只有少數幾個片段已經保存。 Origen's famous work, "Contra Celsum," is directed no less against the Jews than against the pagans, since Celsus had brought forward many Jewish doctrines. Eusebius' "Demonstratio Evangelica" was avowedly a direct attack on the Jews (see i. 1, 11).奧利著名的工作, “魂斗羅Celsum ” ,是針對不反對猶太人比對異教徒,因為駁克里索提出了許多猶太人的學說。優西比烏“ Demonstratio Evangelica ”是avowedly直接攻擊猶太人(見島1 , 11 ) 。 Aphraates' Homily xix. Aphraates '講道十九。 is largely directed against the Jews, and Homilies xi., xiii., xv.主要是針對猶太人,講道詞喜。 ,十三。 ,十五。 denounce circumcision, the Sabbath, and the discrimination between clean and unclean food, "of which they are proud."退出割禮,安息日,以及清潔之間的歧視和不乾淨的食物, “對他們感到非常自豪。 ”

A little work of Novatian, formerly ascribed to Tertullian ("Epistola de Cibis Judaicis," Leipsie, 1898, ed. G. Landgraf and C. Weyman, reprinted from "Archiv für Lateinische Lexicographie und Grammatik," xi.), is also directed against the Jewish dietary laws. Isidore of Seville has copied this work almost verbatim in his "Quæstiones in Leviticum," ix.一個小Novatian工作的,原屬於良( “書信集德Cibis Judaicis , ” Leipsie , 1898年版。灣Landgraf和C.韋曼,重印的“檔案館獻給Lateinische Lexicographie和語法, ”十一。 ) ,也是針對對猶太人的飲食法。伊西多爾的塞維利亞已複製這項工作幾乎逐字在他的“ Quæstiones在Leviticum , ”九。 Presumably also by Novatian, and thus of the fourth century, is the treatise "Adversus Judæos," often ascribed to Cyprian; this is, however, somewhat conciliatory in tone (Landgraf, in "Archiv," xi. 1897).大概也由Novatian ,因此,第四世紀,是論文“ Adversus Judæos ” ,往往歸因於塞浦路斯,這是然而,有些和解的語氣( Landgraf ,在“檔案, ”十一。 1897年) 。 In Tertullian's works there is also found a treatise, "Adversus Judæos," similar in many ways to Cyprian's "Testimonia," both having drawn upon the older work, "Altercatio Simonis Judæi et Theophili Christiani" (P. Corssen, Berlin, 1890); in the "Altercatio" the Jew is converted.在良的作品也找到了論文, “ Adversus Judæos , ”類似,在許多方面為塞浦路斯的“ Testimonia , ”既吸取了老年人的工作, “ Altercatio西蒙尼斯Judæi等Theophili克里斯蒂亞尼” (體育Corssen ,柏林, 1890 ) ;在“ Altercatio ”猶太人的轉換。

After Julian's death Ephraem composed four hymns: against Emperor Julian the Apostate, against heresies, and against the Jews (in "S. Ephraemi Syri Carmina Nisibena," ed. Bickell, Latin transl., Leipsic, 1866; and Overbeck, "S. Ephraemi Syri Aliorumque Opera Selecta," Syriac text, Oxford, 1865).在朱利安的死亡Ephraem組成四個讚美詩:對皇帝的叛教者朱利安,反對邪教,反對猶太人(在“美國Ephraemi Syri布蘭Nisibena , ”版。 Bickell ,拉丁美洲譯。 , Leipsic , 1866年和奧維貝克, “南Ephraemi Syri Aliorumque歌劇Selecta “ ,敘利亞文,牛津, 1865年) 。 Connected with these in time as well as in subject are the six sermons of John Chrysostom against the Jews ("Homilies," i.).與這些時間以及主題的六個說教金口約翰對猶太人( “講道詞, ”島) 。 In these he bitterly complains of the Christians for still clinging to Jewish customs, a circumstance mentioned by other Church Fathers as well.在這些抱怨,他痛苦的基督徒仍抱住猶太習俗,這種情況所提到的其他教會以及父親。 Jerome gives striking examples in his commentaries on Matt.杰羅姆使突出的例子在他的評注馬特。 xxiii.二十三。 5 and on Ezek. 5 ,關於Ezek 。 xxxiii., and more characteristic still are the following words of his: "The Jewish laws appear to the ignorant and the common people as the very ideals of wisdom and human reason" ("Epistola cxxi. ad Algasiam"). This attitude of the multitude was of course earnestly combated by the Church Fathers; thus an anonymous work mentioned by Photius ("Myriobiblion," ed. Migne, p. 390) is directed against the Jews and against those who, like the Jews, celebrated Easter on the 14th of Nisan.三十三。 ,以及更多的特點仍然是下面的話他: “猶太法律似乎無知和人民共同的理想的智慧和人類理性” ( “書信集cxxi 。廣告Algasiam ” ) 。這種態度的眾多當然是認真打擊教會教父,因此一個匿名的工作提到了Photius ( “ Myriobiblion , ”版。米涅,第390頁)是針對猶太人和打擊那些誰,像猶太人,慶祝復活節14日的尼桑。 Epiphanius' celebrated work "Adversus Hæreses," as also his "Ancoratus," treats of the Jewish faith; regarding it only as a third religious system, to be reckoned alongside of Scythism and Hellenisin, while the only divine revelation is Christianity.埃皮法尼烏斯'慶祝工作“ Adversus Hæreses ” ,這也是他的“ Ancoratus , ”對待猶太人的信仰;就只能作為第三方的宗教制度,同時不可忽視的Scythism和Hellenisin ,而唯一的神的啟示是基督教。 The founder of Christian dogmatics, Augustine, in defiance of all dogmatic principles of classification, groups Jews, heathens, and Arians in one class ("Concio ad Catechumenos").創辦的基督教教義學,奧古斯丁,不顧一切教條式的分類原則,團體猶太人,異教徒,並Arians在一類( “ Concio廣告Catechumenos ” ) 。

The points animadverted upon by the Church Fathers are manifold; they include such fundamental laws as those of the Sabbath, concerning the transfer of which to Sunday Justin already treats ("Dialogue," ch. 24)-a change which was opposed by Origen (compare Diestel, "Geschichte des Alten Testaments," p. 37), and which Origen (commentary on Rom. vi. 2) and Jerome ("Epistola cxxi. ad Algasiam") seek to prove to be impossible of observance ("Grätz Jubelschrift," p. 191).點animadverted所教會父親是多方面的,其中包括等基本法律,是安息日,關於轉讓來已經週日賈斯汀對待( “對話”膽固醇。 24日)的變化是反對的奧利(比較Diestel , “史老聖經” ,第37頁) ,其中俄利根(評光盤。六。 2 )和杰羅姆( “書信集cxxi 。廣告Algasiam ” )試圖證明是不可能的紀念( “格拉茨Jubelschrift “第191頁) 。 Circumcision, which is also violently assailed by Origen (see Diestel, "Gesch. des Alten Testaments," p. 37), the dietary laws, and many minor matters, such, for instance, as the washing of the hands, are made in turn to serve as subjects of polemical writing (Origen, commentary on Matt. xi. 8).包皮環切術,這也是暴力攻擊的奧利(見Diestel , “ Gesch 。沙漠老聖經” ,第37頁) ,飲食規律,而且許多小問題,例如,例如,如洗的手,是在反過來,作為主體的論戰寫作(奧利,評馬特。喜。 8 ) 。 Indeed, the Church Fathers even in the fourth century afford more information concerning the observance of the Levitical laws of purity than the rabbinical sources, Neubürger (in "Monatsschrift," 1873, p. 433) to the contrary notwithstanding.事實上,即使父親教會在第四世紀負擔更多信息,關於遵守法律的利未的純度比猶太教來源,紐伯格(在“月刊” , 1873年,第433頁)相反儘管。

Baseless Charges Against the Jews.毫無根據的指控猶太人。

Jerome says ("Epistola cix. ad Riparium") that the Samaritans and the Jews considered not only the bodies of the dead as unclean, but also the utensils in the house containing a corpse.杰羅姆說, ( “書信集捷達夥伴。廣告Riparium ” )的樂善好施和猶太人不僅考慮的屍體,死者為不潔,而且用具在家裡載有屍體。 Probably in consequence of the Levitical laws of purification the Jews, as well as the Samaritans and heretics, avoided contact with the Christians, a fact of which Jerome bitterly but most unjustly complains (on Isa. lxv. 4).可能的後果法律的利未淨化的猶太人,以及撒瑪利亞會和異教徒,避免接觸基督徒,這一事實杰羅姆痛苦,但最不公正的抱怨(關於伊薩。 lxv 。 4 ) 。 Equally preposterous is it when Justin accuses the Jews, even their rabbis and sages, of immorality ("Dialogus cum Tryphone," cxxxiv., cxli.).同樣荒謬的是當上指責猶太人,甚至他們的猶太教士和先賢,不道德( “ Dialogus暨Tryphone , ” cxxxiv 。 , cxli 。 ) 。 A characteristic polemical sentence of Tertullian may well be added in this connection: "We have everything in common, except our women; you have community only in that respect" (see Hefele, "Beiträge zur Kirchengesch." i. 16, Tübingen, 1864). Perhaps more plausible, though often discussed and denied in more recent times, is the charge of the Church Fathers Justin, Origen, Epiphanius, andJerome that the Jews revile and curse Jesus-that is, Christianity-three times a day in their prayers ("Jewish Quarterly Review," v. 130, ix. 515; compare Wulfer, "Adnot. Theriaca Judaica," p. 305; Krauss, "Das Leben Jesu," p. 254, Berlin, 1902). Dogmatic questions, of course, were the subject of controversy-never-ending questions on the abrogation of the Mosaic law, the person of the Messiah, etc. Yet there was some agreement between Christians and Jews in such matters as Antichrist (see Irenæus, passim; Hippolytus, "De Antichristo"; compare "Revue Etudes Juives," xxxviii. 28, and Bousset, "Der Antichrist," Göttingen, 1895), chiliasm (Ephraem Syrus on II Kings iv. 35; compare Sanh. 97a; 'Ab. Zarah 9a; and other Church Fathers), angelology, the Resurrection, etc.論戰的一個特點一句良很可能是說在這方面: “我們有共同的一切,但我們的婦女;你有社會只有在這方面” (見Hefele , “ Beiträge楚Kirchengesch 。 ”島16日,蒂賓根大學, 1864年) 。也許更可信的,但經常討論,並否認在最近的時代,是負責教會的父親賈斯汀,奧利,埃皮法尼烏斯, andJerome猶太人唾罵和詛咒耶穌,也就是說,基督教,每日3次,在他們的祈禱( “猶太季刊, ”訴130 ,九。 515 ;比較Wulfer , “ Adnot 。 Theriaca猶太” ,第305頁;克勞斯, “耶穌之生活” , 254頁,柏林, 1902年) 。教條主義的問題,對當然,有爭論的主題,永無止境的問題,廢除摩西的法律,人的救世主,等等然而,有一些協定,基督徒和猶太人等事項敵基督(見依,各處;希波呂托斯, “德Antichristo ” ;比較“雜誌研究Juives , ”三十八。 28日, Bousset , “明鏡反基督” ,哥廷根, 1895年) ,千禧年( Ephraem希如斯的二國王四。 35 ;比較Sanh 。汕97A ; '抗體。 Zarah 9A條;和其他教會的教父) ,天使,復活等

Skill of Jews in Controversy.技巧猶太人的爭議。

The ability of the Jews to cope successfully with the Christians in these controversies is due to the fact that they were well versed in all the questions under discussion.的能力,以應付猶太人成功的基督徒在這些爭議的原因是,他們熟諳所有的問題正在討論之中。 Jerome assumes that in Scriptural questions every Jew is able to give satisfactory replies (Preface to Samuel).杰羅姆認為,在聖經的問題是每一個猶太人能夠給予令人滿意的答复(塞繆爾序) 。 The Jews, moreover, were acquainted not only with the original text, but also with the Septuagint, the Apocrypha, Aquila's version, and in general with all works relating to Holy Writ.猶太人,此外,有熟悉不僅與原來的文字,而且還與七十的偽經,雕的版本,並在一般性的所有作品有關聖經。 No sooner had Apollinaris Laodicinus' writings appeared than the Jews read and discussed them (Jerome on Eccl. v. 17). Especially noteworthy is the fact that the Jews were as well versed in the New Testament as in the Old, being able to explain difficulties therein that puzzled even the officially appointed Christian teachers (idem on Isa. xi. 1).剛Apollinaris Laodicinus '著作似乎比猶太人的閱讀和討論他們(杰羅姆的傳道書。訴17 ) 。尤其值得注意的是事實,即猶太人作為精通新約中老,能夠解釋有困難的困惑甚至是官方指定的基督徒教師(同上的伊薩。喜。 1 ) 。 Ephraem Syrus asserts, curiously enough (Sermon xxv., in Zingerle, "Bibliothek der Kirchenväter," ii. 271), that the Jews admitted that John the Baptist really had appeared. Ephraem希如斯斷言,好奇地不夠(講道25 。 ,在Zingerle , “圖書館之Kirchenväter , ”二。 271 ) ,即猶太人的承認,施洗約翰真的出現了。 Origen relates a Jewish tradition concerning Judas Iscariot (on Matt., Com. ser., § 78).奧利涉及一個猶太傳統有關猶大(關於馬特。 ,玉米。服務。 , § 78 ) 。 Jerome is therefore to be believed when he says that the Jews were often in a position to applaud their own champions (on Ezek. xxxiii. 33), which they did in a sensational way (ib. xxxiv. 3).杰羅姆因此,可以相信,他說,猶太人往往能夠讚揚自己的冠軍(上Ezek 。三十三。 33 ) ,而他們在一個聳人聽聞的方式( ib.三十四。 3 ) 。 Chrysostom also taxes the Jews with their theatrical manner ("Opera," ed. Montfaucon, i. 656), and before him the just and cautious Justin says the same thing ("Dialogus cum Tryphone," cxxii.).金口還稅的猶太人與戲劇的方式( “歌劇”版。蒙福島656 ) ,並在他面前的公正和審慎的賈斯汀說,同樣的事情( “ Dialogus暨Tryphone , ” cxxii 。 ) 。

The Old Testament and the Apocrypha:舊約和偽經:

Christians and the Jewish Hellenists.基督徒和猶太人Hellenists 。

The main object of the Christian endeavor was to wrest the Old Testament from the Jews and to make of it a Christian weapon. Therefore, as Jerome says (on Micah vii. 9), the Jews were hoping that in the Messianic times the Law and the Prophets would be taken away from the Christians and given to the Jews exclusively (compare the polemic passage in Ex. R. xlvii.).主要對象是基督教的努力,好景不長,從舊約的猶太人,使這一個基督教的武器。因此,杰羅姆說, (關於米卡七。 9 ) ,猶太人的希望,在彌賽亞倍的法律和先知將帶走的基督徒和給予完全的猶太人(比較通行的論戰中惠。河四十七。 ) 。 To accomplish their purpose the Christians made use of the allegorical exegesis as developed by Philo and other Jewish Hellenists.為了實現其目的的基督徒利用寓言註釋制定的斐洛和其他猶太Hellenists 。 The literal meaning, says Origen, is good enough only for the Jews, in order that nothing may be applied to Jesus.字面意思表示,俄利根,是不夠好只為猶太人,為了什麼可以適用於耶穌。 Only Isidor of Pelusium had sense enough to warn against applying the whole of the Old Testament to Jesus, lest the Jews and pagans find cause for ridicule (Epistles, i., ep. cvi.; ii., ep. cxcv.).只有伊西多的佩魯西亞了足夠的常識警告適用整個舊約耶穌,以免猶太人和異教徒找到原因嘲笑(書信,島,上皮。 CVI的。 ;二。腸梗阻。 cxcv 。 ) 。 Nevertheless the whole Christian Church fell into this exaggeration; and into what absurdities they were led is shown by the following examples: Sarah and Hagar, already explained allegorically by Paul (Gal. iv. 24), are, according to Clement ("Stromata," i. 5), wisdom and the world.儘管如此,整個基督教會落入這種誇張和荒唐到什麼導致他們表明了以下的例子:莎拉和黑格, allegorically已經解釋的保羅( Gal.四。 24 ) ,是根據克萊門特( “ Stromata , “島5 ) ,智慧和世界。 The two women who appeared before Solomon symbolize the Synagogue and the Church; to the former belongs the dead child; to the latter, the living one, that is, the Jewish faith is dead; the Christian faith is living (Ephraem Syrus on I Kings iii. 6).兩個女人誰出現在所羅門群島象徵猶太教堂和教會;前者屬於死者子女;後者,生活之一,就是猶太信仰已經死了;基督教信仰生活( Ephraem希如斯,我國王三。 6 ) 。 These might pass; but it becomes mere childishness when David is made to signify old and worn-out Israel, but Abishag Jesus (on I Kings i. 1).這些問題可能通過,但它僅僅是孩子氣成為當大衛是意味著舊的和破舊的以色列,但是Abishag耶穌(在I國王島1 ) 。 Equally unnatural is the assertion of Fulgentius in his "Epistola Synodica" (in Hefele, "Conciliengesch," 2d ed., ii. 699), that Esau represents the "figura populi Judæorum," and Jacob the people destined to be saved.同樣的自然是主張Fulgentius在他的“書信集Synodica ” (在Hefele , “ Conciliengesch , ” 2版。 ,二。 699 ) ,即以掃代表“ figura楊Judæorum ”和雅各布的人注定要被保存。 The Jews made things much more easy by looking upon themselves as Jacob, and upon the Christians as Esau or Edom.猶太人的事情了更方便的尋找自身的雅各,並籲請基督信徒以掃或以東。 At disputations the Christians knew in advance how the Jews would interpret certain passages.在disputations基督徒事先知道如何解釋猶太人將某些段落。 "If we ask the Jews who that daughter is [Ps. xlv.], I do not doubt that they will answer: the synagogue" (Jerome, "Epistola xlii. ad Principiam"). “如果我們要問的猶太人誰,女兒是[物質。第四十五。 ] ,我不懷疑,他們將答案是:猶太教堂” (杰羅姆, “書信集四十二。廣告Principiam ” ) 。 The Jews therefore not only opposed the Christian exegesis with the literal sense, but also had ready allegorical interpretations of their own.因此,猶太人不僅反對基督教註釋的字面意義,而且還準備寓言解釋自己。

Only Tertullian and Irenæus were rational enough to follow the simple literal meaning.只有良和依是合理足夠的後續簡單的字面意義。 The so-called school of Antioch, whose most eminent representatives were Theodore of Mopsuestia and Theodoret, also taught a wholly rational exegesis; although the disciples of this school, such as Cosmas Indicopleustes, used the allegorical and typical methods extensively (Barjean, "L'Ecole Exégétique d'Antioche," Paris, 1898).所謂學校的安提阿,其最傑出的代表西奧多的Mopsuestia和Theodoret ,還教完全合理的註釋;雖然弟子這所學校,如科斯馬斯Indicopleustes ,用寓言和廣泛的典型方法( Barjean ,的“ L高等Exégétique德Antioche , “巴黎, 1898年) 。 Still, it can not be denied that other Church Fathers, and above all Jerome, did excellent work in simple exegesis.然而,不容否認的是,其他教會的教父,最重要的杰羅姆,沒有出色的工作簡單的註釋。

Corrupted Texts of the Bible.損壞的文本聖經。

Good exegesis depends upon a good text, and this the Christians did not possess; for the copies of the Bible circulating among them were corrupt in a number of passages.良好的註釋取決於一個良好的文字,這是基督徒不具備;的副本聖經循環其中有腐敗在一些段落。 At a certain disputation between Jews and Christians, the former, naturally enough, referred to these mistakes, and mocked their opponents for allowing such obvious blunders.在某之間的爭論猶太人和基督徒,前,自然不夠,提到這些錯誤,並嘲笑他們的對手讓這種明顯的失誤。 Jewish arguments of that kind are often quoted by Justin, Origen, Jerome, and other fathers.猶太人的論點這種引用常常是由賈斯汀,奧利,杰羅姆,和其他父親。 In order to free the Church from the just reproaches of the Jews on this score, Origen undertook his gigantic work, the Hexapla (Epiphanius, "De Ponderibus et Mensuris," ii.), in which he frequently restores the Jewish reading (eg, homily on Num. xvi. 4; Com. on Rom., books ii., xiii.; compare Rufinus, "Apologia s. Invectiv. in Hieronymum," book v., chap. iv.). Justin is honest enough to reject a manifest Christological gloss, the notorious ἀπῗ8 τοῦξύλου, which was said to be the reading in Ps. xcvi.為了自由,教會從剛剛指責猶太人在這個評分,奧利進行了巨大的工作, Hexapla (埃皮法尼烏斯, “德Ponderibus等Mensuris , ”二。 ) ,其中他經常恢復猶太人讀(例如,講道的數量。十六。 4 ;通信。對光盤。 ,書籍二。 ,十三。 ;比較Rufinus , “縱容第Invectiv 。中Hieronymum , ”書訴,第三章。四。 ) 。賈斯汀是誠實足夠的拒絕艙單基督光澤,臭名昭著的ἀπῗ8 τοῦξύλου ,這是說,閱讀在PS 。 xcvi 。 (xcv. 10), interpolated in the Greek version ("the Lord reigned from the wood"). ( xcv. 10 ) ,插在希臘版( “上帝統治的木” ) 。 Aside from Justin ("Dial. cum Tryphone," lxxiii.), this interpolation is found only in the Latin fathers-Tertullian, Ambrose, Augustine, Leo, and Gregory the Great-who indulge in much nonsense concerningthe words "a ligno." Augustine ("De Civitate Dei," xvi. 3) had a text in Gen. x.除了賈斯汀( “撥打。暨Tryphone , ” lxxiii 。 ) ,這插值發現,只有在拉美的父親,良,劉漢銓,奧古斯丁,利奧和格里高利大是誰沉迷於許多無稽之談concerningthe話“一個ligno 。 ”奧古斯丁( “德Civitate棣, ”十六。 3 )有文字將軍十 2 in which not seven but eight sons of Japheth were mentioned, a reading that is found in none of the known texts. 2 ,其中7個,但不是八個兒子雅弗還提到,一個是閱讀中發現任何已知的文本。 Hence the Jews rejected all translations, recognizing at most Aquila's "secunda editio," because this was correct (κατὰ U7+1F00κρίβειαν; Jerome on Ezek. iv. 15).因此,猶太人拒絕了所有的翻譯,認識到在大多數雕的“塞康達editio , ”因為這是正確的( κατὰ U7線一F00κρίβειαν ;杰羅姆的Ezek 。四。 15 ) 。 Jerome is the only Church Father who, as against the Septuagint, constantly refers to the "Hebraica veritas."杰羅姆是唯一的教會神父誰,對七十,不斷提到“ Hebraica真理。 ” At great cost he had a Bible copied for himself by his Jewish friend ("Adversus Rufinum," book ii.), who borrowed for him, although with "pia fraus," the copies belonging to the synagogue ("Epistola xxxvi. ad Damasum").在付出巨大代價,他一本聖經為自己抄襲他的猶太朋友( “ Adversus Rufinum , ”二書。 )誰借來的,他雖然與“軟欺詐”的副本,屬於猶太教堂( “書信集三十六。廣告Damasum “ ) 。 Nevertheless, even Jerome accuses the Jews of tampering with the text of the Bible (Mal. ii. 2); and thereafter the accusation constantly recurs.然而,即使杰羅姆指責猶太人篡改文聖經( Mal.二。 2 ) ;並在其後的指控不斷復發。

The Christians fared no better with the Apocrypha, which they rated altogether too high, although these at times offended good taste. Origen fared badly at the hands of the Jews with his apocryphon Susanna ("Epistola ad Africanum de Historia Susannæ," v.) nor was Jerome's obscene legend to Jer.基督徒沒有更好的表現與偽經,因為他們完全額定得太高,儘管這些有時得罪良好的口味。奧利表現嚴重之手的猶太人與他apocryphon蘇珊娜( “書信集廣告Africanum的歷史Susannæ , ”訴)也不是杰羅姆的色情傳說,以哲。 xxix.二十九。 21-a legend which is evidently connected with this apocryphon (see N. Brüll's "Jahrbücher," iii. 2), favorably received by the Jews. 21日,一個傳奇這顯然是與這一apocryphon (見注Brüll的“年鑑” ,三。 2 ) ,收到了良好的猶太人。 Jerome (on Matt. xxvii. 9) claims to have received an apocryphon on Jeremiah from a Jewish Nazarite, and to have found in a Hebrew book ("Epistola xxxvi. ad Damasum," "in quodam Hebræo volumine") a history of Lamech; but his Jewish teacher speaks contemptuously of the additions to Daniel, as having been written by some Greek (Preface to Daniel).杰羅姆(關於馬特。二十七。 9 )聲稱已經收到了關於耶利米apocryphon從一個猶太Nazarite ,並已發現在希伯來書( “書信集三十六。廣告Damasum ” , “在quodam Hebræo volumine ” )的歷史拉麥但他的猶太老師講輕蔑的補充丹尼爾,因為寫了一些希臘語(序丹尼爾) 。 See Bible Canons.見聖經大砲。

The importance of the Church Fathers for Jewish learning, already recognized by David Ḳimḥi and Azariah dei Rossi, becomes evident, if one considers that many sentences of Talmud and Midrash can be brought into the right perspective only by the light of the exegesis and the polemics of these Christian writers.的重要性父親教會的猶太人學習,已經認識到了大衛Ḳimḥi和Azariah代羅西,很明顯,如果考慮到許多判決塔木德和米德拉士可帶進觀點的權利只有通過根據註釋和論戰這些基督教作家。 Therefore modern Jewish learning turns, although not yet with sufficient eagerness, to the investigation of the works of the Church Fathers.因此,現代的猶太人輪流學習,但尚未有足夠渴望,對調查工作的父親教會。

Crawford Howell Toy, Samuel Krauss克勞福德豪玩具,塞繆爾克勞斯
Jewish Encyclopedia猶太百科全書

Bibliography: M. Rahmer, Die Hebräischen Traditionen in den Werken des Hieronymos, i.: Quœstiones in Genesin, Breslau, 1861; idem, Die Hebräischen Traditionen in dem Bibelcommentar des Hieronymos, in Ben Chananja, 1864, vii.; idem, Die Hebräischen Traditionen des Hieronymos, in Frankel's Monatsschrift, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1868; in the Grätz Jubelschrift, 1887; in Monatsschrift, 1897, pp.參考書目:先生Rahmer ,模具Hebräischen Traditionen在大街韋爾肯萬Hieronymos島: Quœstiones在Genesin ,布雷斯勞, 1861年;同上,模具Hebräischen Traditionen在串聯Bibelcommentar萬Hieronymos ,在本Chananja , 1864年,七。 ;同上,模具Hebräischen Traditionen萬Hieronymos ,在弗蘭克爾的月刊, 1865年, 1866年, 1867年, 1868年,在格拉茨Jubelschrift , 1887年,在月刊, 1897年,頁。 625-639, 691-692; 1898, pp. 625-639 , 691-692 ; 1898年,頁。 1-16; S. 1-16 ;南 Krauss, Die Juden in den Werken des Heiligen Hieronymos, in Magyár Zsidó Szémle, vii., 1890; Grätz, Haggadische Elemente bei den Kirchenvätern, in Monatsschrift, 1854, iii.; Goldfahn, Justin Martyr und die Agada, ib.克勞斯,模具猶太人在大街韋爾肯萬聖Hieronymos ,在匈牙利Zsidó評論,七。 , 1890 ;格拉茨, Haggadische要素北大街Kirchenvätern ,在月刊, 1854年,三。 ; Goldfahn ,賈斯汀與烈士死亡Agada ,興業。 1873, xxvii., and reprinted; Gerson, Die Commentarien des Ephraem Syrus im Ihrem Verhältniss zur Jüdischen Exegese, Breslau, 1868; Grünwald, Das Verhältniss der Kirchenväter zur Talmudischen und Midraschischen Literatur, in Königsberger's Monatsblätter, and reprinted, Jung-Bunzlau, 1891; S. 1873年,二十七。 ,並重印;格爾森,模具Commentarien萬Ephraem希如斯免疫Ihrem Verhältniss楚Jüdischen Exegese ,布雷斯勞, 1868年;格倫瓦爾德,達斯Verhältniss之Kirchenväter楚Talmudischen與Midraschischen文學,在Königsberger的Monatsblätter ,並重印,正Bunzlau , 1891年;南 Funk, Die Haggadischen Elemente in den Homilien des Aphraates, des Persischen Weisen, Vienna, 1891; S.馮克,模具Haggadischen要素在大街Homilien萬Aphraates沙漠Persischen Weisen ,維也納, 1891年;南 Krauss, The Jews in the Works of the Church Fathers, in Jewish Quarterly Review, 1892, v. 122-157; 1893, vi.克勞斯,猶太人在工程的教會教父,在猶太季刊, 1892年,訴122-157 ; 1893年,六。 82-99, 225-261. 82-99 , 225-261 。 A very thorough investigation is the treatise of L. Ginzberg, Die Haggada bei den Kirchenvätern und in der Apokryphischen Litteratur, in Monatsschrift, 1898, xlii.一個非常徹底的調查是論文的研究金茲伯格,模具Haggada北大街Kirchenvätern與Apokryphischen中的文學,在月刊, 1898年,四十二。 et seq., and reprinted, Berlin, 1900; idem, Die Haggada bei den Kirchenvätern, vol.起。 ,並重印,柏林, 1900年;同上,模具Haggada北大街Kirchenvätern ,第二卷。 i., Amsterdam, 1809.TS Kr.島,阿姆斯特丹, 1809.TS氪。


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