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A French movement with the intent of diminishing papal authority and increasing the power of the state over the church.法國運動的意圖削弱教皇的權威和提高國家權力的教堂。 It was viewed as heretical by the Roman Catholic Church.它被視為異端的羅馬天主教。 Its earliest exponents were the fourteenth century Franciscans William of Ockham, John of Jandun, and Marsilius of Padua.其最早的指數是14世紀濟奧卡姆的威廉,約翰Jandun ,並馬西帕多瓦。 Marsilius's writings helped to cause the schism in the church which resulted in two rival popes (1275-1342).馬西的著作有助於造成分裂的教會,導致兩個對立教皇( 1275年至1342年) 。 Conciliarism, an early form of Gallicanism, was the attempt to patch up the breach between the opposing factions in the Catholic Church. Conciliarism ,早期形式的Gallicanism ,是企圖修補違背之間的對立派別的天主教教會。 In the conciliar spirit a church council's authority would prevail over the edicts of any pope.在conciliar精神教堂安理會的權威將壓倒任何法令教皇。 The Council of Constance (1414-18) adopted conciliarism as a stance, hoping that it would permit the election of a pope acceptable to both Catholic factions.安理會的康斯坦茨( 1414年至1418年)通過conciliarism的立場,希望這將使選舉教宗都能接受的天主教派系。 John Gerson (1363-1429) and Peter d'Ailly (1350-1420) were influential figures in the development of Gallicanism during the early fifteenth century.約翰格爾森( 1363年至1429年)和彼得德阿伊( 1450至20年)是有影響力的人物的發展Gallicanism在15世紀初。

Thus far Gallicanism had remained an ecclesiastical affair, but in 1594 Pierre Pithou brought it into the secular political arena.到目前為止Gallicanism已經仍然是一個教會的事,但在1594年皮埃爾Pithou把它變成世俗的政治舞台。 Pithou, a Parisian lawyer, wrote The Liberties of the Gallican Church that year. Pithou ,巴黎律師,寫了自由的高盧聖教會的這一年。 The Gallican Liberties, as Pithou's proposals came to be called, infringed on the traditional rights of the papacy in favor of increased governmental power over the church.在高盧聖自由,因為Pithou的建議後來被稱為,侵犯了傳統的權利教皇有利於增加政府權力的教堂。 The liberties explicitly claimed royal authority to assemble councils and make church law.在自由的明確要求王室權威組裝議會和教會法。 They crippled communication between the pope and his bishops in France: the bishops were made subject to the French sovereign, they were prevented from traveling to Rome, papal legates were denied visits to the French bishops, and any communication with the pope without express royal consent was prohibited.他們之間的溝通致殘,教宗和他的主教在法國:主教作了主題法國的主權,他們被阻止前往羅馬,羅馬教皇legates被拒絕訪問的法國主教,以及任何溝通,教宗表示,王室不同意是被禁止的。 Furthermore, publication of papal decrees in France was made subject to royal approval, and any papal decision could lawfully be appealed to a future council.此外,出版了教皇的法令,法國是受到王室的批准,任何教皇的決定可能合法地呼籲今後的安理會。

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In 1663 the Sorbonne endorsed Gallicanism.在1663年索邦大學Gallicanism贊同。 Bossuet drew up the Gallican Articles, published by the Assembly of the Clergy in 1682. These attempted to clarify the theological justification of the Gallican Liberties by appealing to the conciliar theory and reasoning that Christ gave Peter and the popes spiritual authority but not temporal.波舒哀制定了高盧聖文章,出版了大會的神職人員在1682年。這些試圖澄清的神學理由,高盧聖自由的呼籲conciliar理論和推理,基督給彼得與教皇的權力,但精神沒有時間。 In support of the conciliar theory Bossuet attributed direct authority from Christ to the ecclesiastical councils.在支持conciliar理論波舒哀歸因直接的權力從基督的教會理事會。 He declared that papal decisions could be reversed until they were ratified by the whole church, and he advocated faithfulness to the traditions of the Church of France (significantly, not the Church of Rome).他宣稱,教皇的決定可以扭轉,直到他們批准了整個教堂,他主張忠實於傳統的聖誕教堂的法國(顯著,而不是羅馬教會) 。 The Gallican Articles became an obligatory part of the curriculum in every French school of theology, and the movement flourished during the seventeenth century.在高盧聖文章成為一個強制性的課程的一部分,在每一個法國學校的神學,並在運動蓬勃發展的17世紀。 The French Revolution struck a fatal blow to Gallicanism near the end of the next century by forcing the French clergy to turn to Rome for help when they, along with the government, came under attack. Eventually the movement died out.法國大革命的一個致命打擊Gallicanism接近尾聲,下一世紀,迫使法國的神職人員把羅馬的幫助時,隨著政府,遭到襲擊。最終的運動熄滅了。

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Bibliography 目錄
A. Barry, "Bossuet and the Gallican Declaration of 1682," CHR 9:143-53; CB du Chesnay, NCE; FP Drouet, "Gallicanism," The New Catholic Dictionary; JA Hardon, Modern Catholic Dictionary, 225; WH Jervis, The Gallican Church and the Revolution.字母a.巴里, “波舒哀和高盧聖宣言1682年, ”中心9:143-53 ; CB認證公司Chesnay ,競爭性考試;計劃生育杜洛埃, “ Gallicanism , ”新天主教詞典;茉莉Hardon ,現代天主教辭典, 225 ;武漢傑維斯,在高盧聖教會和革命。

Gallic Confession高盧自白

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(1559) ( 1559 )

The Gallic Confession was a French Protestant statement of religious belief.懺悔的高盧是法國新教聲明宗教信仰。 Protestantism began to take hold during the second and third quarters of the sixteenth century, mainly under the sponsorship of Calvin's Geneva.新教開始紮根在第二季度和第三季度的16世紀,主要的贊助下,加爾文的日內瓦。 In 1555 a congregation was organized in Paris, holding regular services and having a formal organization; and during the years immediately following, similar groups sprang up elsewhere in France.在1555年教會組織在巴黎舉行定期的服務和有一個正式的組織,並在幾年後,類似的團體興起在法國其他地方。 In May, 1559, representatives of these congregations met in Paris under the moderatorship of Francois de Morel, the local pastor, for their first national synod, at which a system of church discipline was approved. This assembly received from Geneva a draft confession of faith in thirty-five articles and expanded it into forty.今年5月, 1559號決議,代表這些教會在巴黎召開會議,根據moderatorship的弗朗索瓦德毛磊,當地的牧師,他們的第一次全國主教會議,在系統的教會紀律獲得批准。本屆大會收到的來自日內瓦的供詞草案的信念在35篇文章和擴大到第四十一。 These articles began with the Triune God, revealed in his written Word, the Bible.這些文章開始的三位一體的上帝,發現在他的書面文字的聖經。 Then they affirmed adherence to the three ecumenical creeds, Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian, "because they are in accordance with the Word of God." Then they proceeded to expound basic Protestant beliefs: man's corruption through sin, Jesus Christ's essential deity and vicarious atonement, justification by grace through faith, the gift of the regenerating Holy Spirit, the divine origin of the church and its two sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper, and the place of the political state as ordained by God "for the order and peace of society."然後,他們肯定堅持三個基督教信仰,使徒,尼西亞,並Athanasian , “因為他們是按照天主的聖言。 ”然後,他們進行闡述基督教的基本信仰:人的腐敗罪,耶穌基督的基本神和替代贖罪,理由寬限期通過信仰,禮品的再生聖靈的神聖起源的教堂和它的兩個聖禮的洗禮和上帝的晚餐,和地點的政治狀態祝上帝“的秩序和和平的社會。 “ They asserted the doctrine of predestination in a moderate form.他們主張的理論,預定在一個溫和的形式。

This revamped confession was adopted by the synod, and in 1560 a copy was presented to King Francis II with a plea for tolerance for its adherents.這是改革的供詞通過的主教,在1560的副本提交給國王弗朗西斯二世呼籲容忍其信徒。 At the seventh national synod, held at La Rochelle in 1571, this Gallic Confession was revised and reaffirmed.在第七屆全國主教會議,在拉羅謝爾在1571年,這個沒食子供認了修訂和重申。 It remained the official confessional statement of French Protestantism for over four centuries.它仍然是官方宗教的聲明法語基督教4個多世紀。

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Bibliography 目錄
AC Cochrane, Reformed Confessions of the Sixteenth Century; P. Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, I, 490-98.交流科克倫,改革的自白十六世紀;體育沙夫,在信仰的基督教,我, 490-98 。

The Four Gallican Articles四高盧聖條款

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(1682) ( 1682 )

Drawn up at a specially convened assembly of the French bishops at Paris in March, 1682, these articles sought to delineate as clearly as possible the respective powers of popes, kings, and bishops in the French Catholic Church.制定了一個專門召開大會的法國主教在巴黎3月, 1682年,這些條款要求劃定盡可能明確各自的權力的教皇,國王和主教在法國天主教教會。 The immediate occasion for this gathering was a dispute that had broken out between the French king Louis XIV and Pope Innocent XI, concerning the right of nomination to vacant bishoprics and the disposition of their revenues.眼前的機會,這次聚會是一個糾紛,爆發了法國之間的國王路易十四和諾森十一,關於提名權的空缺bishoprics和處置自己的收入。 The 1682 assembly adopted four proposals drafted by Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, on the basis of an earlier pronouncement of the theological faculty at the Sorbonne.在1682年大會通過了四點建議起草的波舒哀,莫主教的基礎上,早先宣布的神學教授在索邦大學。 These articles declared: (1) that popes have no control over matters temporal, that kings are not subject to any ecclesiastical authority in civil affairs, that kings could not legitimately be deposed by the church, and that their subjects could not be released from their political allegiance by any papal decree; (2) that the papacy is subject to the authority of general councils of the church, as decreed by the Council of Constance (1414-18); (3) that papal authority must be exercised with due respect for local and national church usages and customs; (4) that, though the pope has "the principal part in questions of faith," pending the consent of a general council, his judgments are not irreformable.這些文章宣稱: ( 1 )教皇沒有控制權的問題時,即國王不受任何教會權威的民事,即國王不能合理地廢黜的教堂,其主體不能從他們的釋放政治效忠教皇的任何法令; ( 2 )受教皇的權威理事會一般的教堂,如頒布理事會的康斯坦茨( 1414年至1418年) ; ( 3 )教皇權力的行使必須給予應有的尊重地方和國家教會的慣例和習俗; ( 4 ) ,儘管教皇“的主要組成部分中的信仰問題, ”之前同意的總理事會,他的判斷沒有irreformable 。

The articles, a classic expression of Gallicanism, ie, French national Catholicism, were ordered by Louis XIV to be taught in all French universities; but since they were not acceptable to the papacy, a number of French bishoprics remained vacant for years.的文章,一個典型的表達Gallicanism ,即法國國家天主教,下令由路易十四要教所有的法國大學,但因為它們是不能接受的教皇,一些法國bishoprics仍然空缺多年。 In 1693 Pope Alexander VIII allowed the French king to retain the revenues from vacant bishoprics, in return for abandonment of the Gallican Articles; but they continued to be taught in France throughout the eighteenth century.在1693年教皇亞歷山大八允許法國國王保留收入空置bishoprics ,以換取放棄高盧聖文章,但他們仍然是教授在法國整個18世紀。

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Bibliography 目錄
WH Jervis, The Gallican Church; SZ Ehler and JB Morrall, Church and State Through the Centuries; A. Galton, Church and State in France, 1300-1907.武漢傑維斯,在高盧聖教會;深圳Ehler和JB Morrall ,教會與國家通過對世紀之交的A.高爾頓,教會和國家在法國, 1300年至1907年。


Catholic Information 天主教新聞

This term is used to designate a certain group of religious opinions for some time peculiar to the Church of France, or Gallican Church, and the theological schools of that country.這個詞是用來指定某集團軍的宗教意見一段時間特有的法國教堂,或高盧聖教會,和神學院的國家。 These opinions, in opposition to the ideas which were called in France "Ultramontane", tended chiefly to a restraint of the pope's authority in the Church in favour of that of the bishops and the temporal ruler. It is important, however, to remark at the outset that the warmest and most accredited partisans of Gallican ideas by no means contested the pope's primacy in the Church, and never claimed for their ideas the force of articles of faith. They aimed only at making it clear that their way of regarding the authority of the pope seemed to them more in conformity with Holy Scripture and tradition.這些意見,反對意見,被稱為法國的“ Ultramontane ” ,往往主要以克制教皇的權威在教會了贊成票,在主教和時間的統治者。重要的是,不過,是在首先指出,最熱烈和最認可的游擊隊員的高盧聖想法絕非有爭議的教皇至高無上的教會,從來沒有人對他們的思想的力量條款的信念。他們只針對決策清楚地表明,他們的有關權威教宗向他們似乎更符合聖經和傳統。 At the same time, their theory did not, as they regarded it, transgress the limits of free opinions, which it is allowable for any theological school to choose for itself provided that the Catholic Creed be duly accepted.與此同時,他們的理論沒有,因為他們認為這是,超越界限的意見的自由,它是允許任何神學院選擇為自己提供,天主教信條正式接受。

General Notions一般概念

Nothing can better serve the purpose of presenting an exposition at once exact and complete of the Gallican ideas than a summary of the famous Declaration of the Clergy of France of 1682.沒有任何東西可以提供更好的服務,目的是介紹世博一次準確和完整的高盧聖的想法比總結了著名的宣言神職人員法國的1682年。 Here, for the first time, those ideas are organized into a system, and receive their official and definitive formula. Stripped of the arguments which accompany it, the doctrine of the Declaration reduces to the following four articles:在這裡,第一次,這些意見整理成一個系統,並接受其正式和明確的公式。剝奪的論點伴隨它的理論宣言降低了以下四個文件:

St. Peter and the popes, his successors, and the Church itself have received dominion [puissance] from God only over things spiritual and such as concern salvation and not over things temporal and civil.聖彼得和教皇,他的繼任者,和教會本身已收到自治領[ puissance ]只有上帝事情的精神和關注,如救亡圖存,不超過事物的時間和民間。 Hence kings and sovereigns are not by God's command subject to any ecclesiastical dominion in things temporal; they cannot be deposed, whether directly or indirectly, by the authority of the rulers of the Church, their subjects cannot be dispensed from that submission and obedience which they owe, or absolved from the oath of allegiance.因此,國王和君主不是上帝的命令不受任何宗教統治的事情時,他們不能被推翻,無論是直接或間接,由權威的統治者的教會,其主體不能免除從提交和服從他們欠,或免除宣誓效忠。

The plenitude of authority in things spiritual, which belongs to the Holy See and the successors of St. Peter, in no wise affects the permanence and immovable strength of the decrees of the Council of Constance contained in the fourth and fifth sessions of that council, approved by the Holy See, confirmed by the practice of the whole Church and the Roman pontiff, and observed in all ages by the Gallican Church.在豐富的權威精神的東西,屬於羅馬教廷和接班人的聖彼得大教堂,在沒有明智的影響的持久性和強度的不動產法令理事會的康斯中所載的第四次和第五次會議,理事會,批准了羅馬教廷,確認了實踐的整個教會和羅馬教皇,並指出在建立不分年齡人人共享的高盧聖教會。 That Church does not countenance the opinion of those who cast a slur on those decrees, or who lessen their force by saying that their authority is not well established, that they are not approved or that they apply only to the period of the schism.這會不會贊同的意見是誰蒙上了污點對這些法令,或減輕其誰武力說,他們的權力沒有很好地建立,他們不批准,或者說它們只適用於時期的分裂。

The exercise of this Apostolic authority [puissance] must also be regulated in accordance with the canons made by the Spirit of God and consecrated by the respect of the whole world.行使這一權力使徒[ puissance ]也必須按照規定的大砲所提出的精神上帝和神聖的尊重整個世界。 The rules, customs and constitutions received within the kingdom and the Gallican Church must have their force and their effect, and the usages of our fathers remain inviolable since the dignity of the Apostolic See itself demands that the laws and customs established by consent of that august see and of the Churches be constantly maintained.該規則,海關和憲法範圍內得到英國和高盧聖教會必須有他們的力量和效果,以及慣例的父親仍然是不可侵犯的尊嚴,因為使徒見自己要求的法律和慣例,設立了同意8月看到和教會不斷得到保持。

Although the pope have the chief part in questions of faith, and his decrees apply to all the Churches, and to each Church in particular, yet his judgment is not irreformable, at least pending the consent of the Church.雖然教宗的首席參與問題的誠意,和他的法令適用於所有的基督教協進會,以及各教會特別,但他的判斷是不是irreformable ,至少待同意的教會。

According to the Gallican theory, then, the papal primacy was limited, first, by the temporal power of princes, which, by the Divine will, was inviolable; secondly by the authority of the general council and that of the bishops, who alone could, by their assent, give to his decrees that infallible authority which, of themselves, they lacked; lastly, by the canons and customs of particular Churches, which the pope was bound to take into account when he exercised his authority.據高盧聖理論,那麼,教皇至高無上是有限的,首先是時間的力量的王子,其中,由神將,是不可侵犯的;其次是權威的總理事會和主教,誰就有可能,他們的同意,給他的法令,絕對權威,自己的,但它們缺乏;最後,由大砲和習俗特別是教會,這是教皇必然會考慮到他行使他的權威。

But Gallicanism was more than pure speculation.但是Gallicanism超過了純粹是猜測。 It reacted from the domain of theory into that of facts.它的反應從域的理論這一事實。 The bishops and magistrates of France used it, the former as warrant for increased power in the government of dioceses, the latter to extend their jurisdiction so as to cover ecclesiastical affairs.主教和法國的法官用它,前為令,增加電力在政府的教區,後者將其管轄範圍內,以涵蓋教會事務。 Moreover, there was an episcopal and political Gallicanism, and a parliamentary or judicial Gallicanism.此外,有一個主教和政治Gallicanism ,以及議會或司法Gallicanism 。 The former lessened the doctrinal authority of the pope in favour of that of the bishops, to the degree marked by the Declaration of 1682; the latter, affecting the relations of the temporal and spiritual powers, tended to augment the rights of the State more and more, to the prejudice of those of the Church, on the grounds of what they called "the Liberties of the Gallican Church" (Libertes de l'Eglise Gallicane).前減少了理論權威的教皇了贊成票,在主教的程度顯著的宣言1682 ;後者,影響關係的時間和精神的權力,往往以增強權利的國家越來越此外,對那些損害了教會,理由是他們所謂的“自由的高盧聖教會” (自由法國教堂Gallicane ) 。

These Liberties, which are enumerated in a collection, or corpus, drawn up by the jurisconsults Guy Coquille and Pierre Pithou, were, according to the latter, eighty-three in number.這些自由,這是列舉了收集,或人身,制定了由法學蓋伊科基爾和皮埃爾Pithou ,是根據後者, 83的人數。 Besides the four articles cited above, which were incorporated, the following may be noted as among the more important: The Kings of France had the right to assemble councils in their dominions, and to make laws and regulations touching ecclesiastical matters.除了四個上述條款,其中被納入,以下可能是中指出,更重要的:在法國國王有權召集議會在其領地,使法律和規章涉及宗教問題。 The pope's legates could not be sent into France, or exercise their power within that kingdom, except at the king's request or with his consent.教宗的legates無法傳送到法國,或行使他們的權力範圍內的王國,但在國王的請求或經其同意。 Bishops, even when commanded by the pope, could not go out of the kingdom without the king's consent.主教,即使指揮的教皇,無法走出王國沒有國王的同意。 The royal officers could not be excommunicated for any act performed in the discharge of their official duties.王室成員不能逐出教會的任何行動,在履行其職務。 The pope could not authorize the alienation of any landed estate of the Churches, or the diminishing of any foundations.教皇授權不能疏遠任何降落房地產教會,或減少的任何基礎。 His Bulls and Letters might not be executed without the Pareatis of the king or his officers. He could not issue dispensations to the prejudice of the laudable customs and statutes of the cathedral Churches.他的公牛隊和文學可能不會被處決,但Pareatis國王或他的警官。他不能問題特許的偏見值得稱讚的習俗和法規的基督教教堂。 It was lawful to appeal from him to a future council, or to have recourse to the "appeal as from an abuse" (appel comme d'abus) against acts of the ecclesiastical power.這是合法的上訴,他未來的議會,或訴諸“的吸引力從一個虐待” (上訴紀念德濫用)對行為的教會權力。

Parliamentary Gallicanism, therefore, was of much wider scope than episcopal; indeed, it was often disavowed by the bishops of France, and about twenty of them condemned Pierre Pithou's book when a new edition of it was published, in 1638, by the brothers Dupuy.議會Gallicanism ,因此,是更廣泛的範圍比主教,實際上,這往往是否定的主教,法國和大約20人譴責皮埃爾Pithou的書時,新版本的出版是在1638年,由兄弟迪皮伊。

Origin and History由來和歷史

The Declaration of 1682 and the work of Pithou codified the principles of Gallicanism, but did not create them.宣言和1682年的工作Pithou編纂的原則Gallicanism ,但沒有創建它們。 We have to inquire, then, how there came to be formed in the bosom of the Church of France a body of doctrines and practices which tended to isolate it, and to impress upon it a physiognomy somewhat exceptional in the Catholic body.我們已經打聽,那麼,如何有來形成的懷裡教會的法國一套理論和做法往往孤立它,並說服了一些特殊的地貌的天主教機構。 Gallicans have held that the reason of this phenomenon is to be found in the very origin and history of Gallicanism. Gallicans舉行的原因,這種現象可能是在非常起源和歷史Gallicanism 。

For the more moderate among them, Gallican ideas and liberties were simply privileges -- concessions made by the popes, who had been quite willing to divest themselves of a part of their authority in favour of the bishops or kings or France.對於較為溫和其中,高盧聖的想法和自由,只是特權-作出讓步的教宗,誰已經很願意放棄自己的一部分,他們的權威有利於主教或國王或法國。 It was thus that the latter could lawfully stretch their powers in ecclesiastical matters beyond the normal limits.因此,後者可以合法地伸展自己的權力在教會以外的事項正常範圍。 This idea made its appearance as early as the reign of Philip the Fair, in some of the protests of that monarch against the policy of Boniface VIII.這個想法提出其外觀早在統治菲利普公平,在一些抗議,認為君主對政策的波尼法爵八世。 In the view of some partisans of the theory, the popes had always thought fit to show especial consideration for the ancient customs of the Gallican Church, which in every age had distinguished itself by its exactitude in the preservation of the Faith and the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline.在一些人認為游擊隊員的理論,教皇一直以為適合顯示特殊考慮的古老習俗高盧聖教會,這在每個年齡區分其本身的精確性在維護信仰和維護教會紀律。 Others, again, assigned a more precise date to the granting of these concessions, referring their origin to the period of the earliest Carlovingians and explaining them somewhat differently.其他人,再次指派一個更精確的日期給予這些讓步,指其來源的時期最早的Carlovingians和解釋他們有些不同。 They said that the popes had found it impossible to recall to their allegiance and to due respect for ecclesiastical discipline the Frankish lords who had possessed themselves of episcopal sees; that these lords, insensible to censures and anathemas, rude and untaught, recognized no authority but that of force; and that the popes had, therefore, granted to Carloman, Pepin, and Charles the Great a spiritual authority which they were to exercise only under papal control.他們說,教皇發現了它不可能記得他們的效忠,並給予應有的尊重教會紀律的法蘭克領主誰擁有了自己的主教認為,這些毒梟,昏迷,以責難anathemas ,粗魯和untaught ,確認沒有權力,但這武力; ,而且教皇了,因此,給予卡洛曼,丕平,和查爾斯大精神權威它們行使只有在教皇的控制。 It was this authority that the Kings of France, successors of these princes, had inherited.正是這種權力,國王的法國,這些接班人的王子,繼承了。 This theory comes into collision with difficulties so serious as to have caused its rejection as well by the majority of Gallicans as by their Ultramontane adversaries.這一理論開始碰撞與困難,從而嚴重,造成其拒絕以及大多數Gallicans作為其Ultramontane對手。 The former by no means admitted that the Liberties were privileges since a privilege can be revoked by him who has granted it; and, as they regarded the matter, these Liberties could not be touched by any pope. Moreover, they added, the Kings of France have at times received from the popes certain clearly defined privileges; these privileges have never been confounded with the Gallican Liberties.前絕不承認,自由人的特權,因為特權可以撤銷他誰給予它;和,因為他們認為這個問題,這些自由不能接觸到任何教宗。此外,他們還補充說,國王法國有時收到了教皇某些明確界定的特權;這些特權從來沒有困惑與高盧聖自由。 As a matter of fact, historians could have told them, the privileges accorded by popes to the King of France in the course of centuries are known from the texts, of which an authentic collection could be compiled, and there is nothing in them resembling the Liberties in question. Again, why should not these Gallican Liberties have been transmitted to the German Emperors as well since they, too, were the heirs of Pepin and Charlemagne?事實上,歷史學家可以告訴他們,特權教皇給予的法國國王的過程中被稱為世紀的文本,其中真正可收集彙編,並沒有什麼他們類似自由的問題。同樣,為什麼不能自由這些高盧聖已轉交德國皇帝也因為他們,也被繼承人的丕平和查理? Besides, the Ultramontanes pointed out there are some privileges which the pope himself could not grant.此外, Ultramontanes指出,還有一些特權,教皇本人不能補助金。 Is it conceivable that a pope should allow any group of bishops the privilege of calling his infallibility in question, putting his doctrinal decisions upon trial, to be accepted or rejected?這是可以想像,教皇應該允許任何團體主教的特權,要求他犯錯誤的問題,使他的理論對審判的決定,將接受或拒絕? -- or grant any kings the privilege of placing his primacy under tutelage by suppressing or curtailing his liberty of communication with the faithful in a certain territory? -或給予任何國王的特權把他的首要監護下通過抑制或減少其自由的溝通與忠實在一定的領土?

Most of its partisans regarded Gallicanism rather as a revival of the most ancient traditions of Christianity, a persistence of the common law, which law, according to some (Pithou, Quesnel), was made up of the conciliar decrees of the earliest centuries or, according to others (Marca, Bossuet), of canons of the general and local councils, and the decretals, ancient and modern, which were received in France or conformable to their usage.其大多數黨派認為Gallicanism而不是作為一個復興的最古老的基督教傳統,一個持續的普通法,衡平法,其中法,根據一些( Pithou ,克內爾) ,是由該conciliar法令最早的世紀,或根據其他國家(馬卡,波舒哀) ,在大砲的一般和地方議會,並decretals ,古老和現代的,它收到了在法國或符合他們的使用。 "Of all Christian countries", says Fleury, "France has been the most careful to conserve the liberty of her Church and oppose the novelties introduced by Ultramontane canonists". “在所有基督教國家” ,說Fleury說: “法國一直是最認真的以保護她的自由,反對教會的新奇介紹了Ultramontane canonists ” 。 The Liberties were so called, because the innovations constituted conditions of servitude with which the popes had burdened the Church, and their legality resulted from the fact that the extension given by the popes to their own primacy was founded not upon Divine institution, but upon the false Decretals. If we are to credit these authors, what the Gallicans maintained in 1682 was not a collection of novelties, but a body of beliefs as old as the Church, the discipline of the first centuries.自由人的所謂的,因為創新構成條件的奴役與該背負了教皇的教會,其合法性源於事實,即延長給予教皇自己的首要成立後沒有神聖的機構,但經虛假Decretals 。如果我們的信貸這些作者,什麼Gallicans保持在1682年不是一個收集的新奇,而是一個機構的信念一樣古老的教堂,紀律的第一個世紀。 The Church of France had upheld and practised them at all times; the Church Universal had believed and practised them of old, until about the tenth century; St. Louis had supported, but not created, them by the Pragmatic Sanction; the Council of Constance had taught them with the pope's approbation.教堂的法國堅持和實行他們在任何時候都;教會世界曾認為他們的做法和舊的,直到十世紀;聖路易斯支持,但沒有建立,他們的語用制裁;理事會的康斯坦斯告訴他們與教皇的讚許。 Gallican ideas, then, must have had no other origin than that of Christian dogma and ecclesiastical discipline.高盧聖的想法,那麼,必須有沒有其他來源相比,基督教教義和教會的紀律。 It is for history to tell us what these assertions of the Gallican theorists were worth.這是歷史告訴我們什麼這些說法的高盧聖理論家都值得。

To the similarity of the historical vicissitudes through which they passed, their common political allegiance, and the early appearance of a national sentiment, the Churches of France owed it that they very soon formed an individual, compact, and homogeneous body.為了相似的歷史滄桑通過這些過去了,他們的共同的政治效忠,早期出現的民族情感,教會法國欠它,他們很快形成了個人,緊湊,均勻機構。 From the end of the fourth century the popes themselves recognized this solidarity.從結束的第四世紀的教皇自己認識到這一點的團結。 It was to the "Gallican" bishops that Pope Damasus -- as M. Babut seems to have demonstrated recently -- addressed the most ancient decretal which has been preserved to our times.這是對“高盧聖”主教認為教宗達瑪斯-作為B abut先生似乎已經表明最近-給最古老的法令一直保存到我們的時代。 Two centuries later St. Gregory the Great pointed out the Gallican Church to his envoy Augustine, the Apostle of England, as one of those whose customs he might accept as of equal stability with those of the Roman Church or of any other whatsoever.兩個世紀後聖格里高利大指出,高盧聖教會他的特使,奧古斯丁,使徒的英格蘭,作為一個海關的人,他可能會接受平等的穩定與羅馬教會或任何其他的。 But already -- if we are to believe the young historian just mentioned -- a Council of Turin, at which bishops of the Gauls assisted, had given the first manifestation of Gallican sentiment.但是,已經-如果我們要相信年輕的歷史學家剛才提到的-安理會的都靈,在主教的高盧人協助,提供了第一次的表現高盧聖情緒。 Unfortunately for M. Babut's thesis, all the significance which he attaches to this council depends upon the date, 417, ascribed to it by him, on the mere strength of a personal conjecture, in opposition to the most competent historians.不幸的是,先生Babut的論文,所有的意義,他非常重視這個取決於安理會的日期, 417 ,歸因於它的他,就僅僅是實力的個人猜想,反對最稱職的歷史學家。 Besides, It is not at all plain how a council of the Province of Milan is to be taken as representing the ideas of the Gallican Church.此外,這並不是在所有平原如何理事會米蘭省將採取的想法代表了高盧聖教會。

In truth, that Church, during the Merovingian period, testifies the same deference to the Holy See as do all the others.事實上,這教會,在梅羅文加王朝時期,證明了同樣的尊重教廷象所有其他國家。 Ordinary questions of discipline are in the ordinary course settled in councils, often held with the assent of the kings, but on great occasions -- at the Councils of Epaone (517), of Vaison (529), of Valence (529), of Orléans (538), of Tours (567) -- the bishops do not fail to declare that they are acting under the impulse of the Holy See, or defer to its admonitions; they take pride in the approbation of the pope; they cause his name to be read aloud in the churches, just as is done in Italy and in Africa they cite his decretals as a source of ecclesiastical law; they show indignation at the mere idea that anyone should fail in consideration for them. Bishops condemned in councils -- like Salonius of Embrun Sagitarius of Gap, Contumeliosus of Riez -- have no difficulty in appealing to the pope, who, after examination, either confirms or rectifies the sentence pronounced against them. The accession of the Carlovingian dynasty is marked by a splendid act of homage paid in France to the power of the papacy: before assuming the title of king, Pepin makes a point of securing the assent of Pope Zachary.普通的紀律問題是正常經營過程中解決的理事會,往往與同意的國王,但在偉大的場合-在議會E paone( 5 17) ,對V aison( 5 29) ,價( 5 29) ,中奧爾良( 538人) ,圖爾( 567 ) -主教不失敗宣布,他們正在採取行動的衝動下的羅馬教廷,或推遲到告誡他們感到自豪的認可,教皇;它們所造成的名稱朗讀的教堂,就像是在意大利和非洲,他們列舉了decretals作為一個來源的教會法;它們顯示憤慨,僅僅是想法,任何人不應該考慮他們。主教譴責議會- -如S alonius的恩伯潤S agitarius的差距, C ontumeliosus的R iez-有任何困難,呼籲教宗,誰後,考試,無論是證實或糾正了一句對他們的宣判。加入的C a rlovingian王朝的特點是美好的行為的致敬在法國的權力的教皇:就職前的標題國王丕平提出了一點保障贊同教皇451 。 Without wishing to exaggerate the significance of this act, the bearing of which the Gallicans have done every thing to minimize, one may be permitted to see in it the evidence that, even before Gregory VII, public opinion in France was not hostile to the intervention of the pope in political affairs.不希望誇大意義行為,同時該Gallicans所做的一切,盡量減少一個可允許地看到它的證據,甚至在格雷戈里七,公眾輿論在法國不是敵對的干預教宗參政議政。 From that time on, the advances of the Roman primacy find no serious opponents in France before Hincmar, the famous Archbishop of Reims, in whom some have been willing to see the very founder of Gallicanism.從那時起,進步的羅馬至高無上沒有發現嚴重的反對者在法國之前Hincmar ,著名的蘭斯大主教,在其中一些已經願意看到的創始人Gallicanism 。 It is true that with him there already appears the idea that the pope must limit his activity to ecclesiastical matters, and not intrude in those pertaining to the State, which concern kings only; that his supremacy is bound to respect the prescriptions of the ancient canons and the privileges of the Churches; that his decretals must not be placed upon the same footing as the canons of the councils.誠然,同他在那裡已經出現這樣的設想,即教皇必須限制他的活動,教會事項,並沒有打擾這些有關國家,只有國王關注; ,他的優勢是必須遵守的處方古老的大砲和特權的教會; ,他decretals絕不能放在同等的地位的大砲的理事會。 But it appears that we should see here the expression of passing feelings, inspired by the particular circumstances, much rather than a deliberate opinion maturely conceived and conscious of its own meaning.但看來,我們應該在這裡看到的表達,傳遞感情,激勵的具體情況,但不是故意的意見成熟的設想,並意識到自己的意義。 The proof of this is in the fact that Hincmar himself, when his claims to the metropolitan dignity are not in question, condemns very sharply, though at the risk of self-contradiction, the opinion of those who think that the king is subject only to God, and he makes it his boast to "follow the Roman Church whose teachings", he says quoting the famous words of Innocent I, "are imposed upon all men".證明這是一個事實,即Hincmar自己,當他要求首都的尊嚴不是問題,非常急劇譴責,但在風險的自我矛盾,認為那些誰認為國王是只受上帝,他讓他吹噓為“按照羅馬教會的教義” ,他說,引用這句名言的無辜的我, “是強加給所有的人。 ” His attitude, at any rate, stands out as an isolated accident; the Council of Troyes (867) proclaims that no bishop can be deposed without reference to the Holy See, and the Council of Douzy (871), although held under the influence of Hincmar condemns the Bishop of Laon only under reserve of the rights of the pope.他的態度,無論如何,站在了一個孤立的事故;理事會的特魯瓦( 867 )宣布,沒有主教廢黜可以不提及教廷,和安理會的Douzy ( 871 ) ,雖然下召開的影響Hincmar譴責主教拉昂只保留下的權利的教宗。

With the first Capets the secular relations between the pope and the Gallican Church appeared to be momentarily strained.隨著第一Capets世俗之間的關係教皇和高盧聖教會似乎是暫時的緊張。 At the Councils of Saint-Basle de Verzy (991) and of Chelles (c. 993), in the discourses of Arnoul, Bishop of Orléans, in the letters of Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II, sentiments of violent hostility to the Holy See are manifested, and an evident determination to elude the authority in matters of discipline which had until then been recognized as belonging to it.在安理會的聖巴塞爾德Verzy ( 991 )和Chelles (角993 ) ,在話語Arnoul ,奧爾良教區主教,在信用證的熱爾貝特,隨後西爾維斯特二世教皇,情緒的暴力敵對羅馬教廷表現,並具有明顯的決心躲避當局的紀律問題而在此之前,被確認為屬於它。 But the papacy at that period, given over to the tyranny of Crescentius and other local barons, was undergoing a melancholy obscuration.但是,教皇在此期間,給了暴政的Crescentius和其他地方毒梟,正在經歷一個憂鬱的黑暗。 When it regained its independence, its old authority in France came back to it, the work of the Councils of Saint-Basle and of Chelles was undone; princes like Hugh Capet, bishops like Gerbert, held no attitude but that of submission.當它重新獲得獨立,舊的權力在法國回來,該工作委員會的聖巴塞爾和Chelles被撤消;王子像休卡佩,主教像熱爾貝特,沒有舉行態度,但提交。 It has been said that during the early Capetian period the pope was more powerful in France than he had ever been.有人說,在早期卡佩期間,教皇是更強大的法國比他過。 Under Gregory VII the pope's legates traversed France from north to south, they convoked and presided over numerous councils, and, in spite of sporadic and incoherent acts of resistance, they deposed bishops and excommunicated princes just as in Germany and Spain In the following two centuries Gallicanism is even yet unborn; the pontifical power attains its apogee in France as elsewhere, St. Bernard, then the standard bearer of the University of Paris, and St. Thomas outline the theory of that power, and their opinion is that of the school in accepting the attitude of Gregory VII and his successors in regard to delinquent princes, St. Louis, of whom it has been sought to make a patron of the Gallican system, is still ignorant of it -- for the fact is now established that the Pragmatic Sanction, long attributed to him was a wholesale fabrication put together (about 1445) in the purlieus of the Royal Chancellery of Charles VII to lend countenance to the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges.根據第七格雷戈里教皇legates走過法國從北到南,他們召集和主持理事會眾多,儘管零星的和不連貫的抵抗行為,他們廢黜主教逐出教會和王子一樣在德國和西班牙在以下兩個世紀Gallicanism甚至尚未出生的宗座權力達到其地點在法國與其他地方一樣,聖伯納德,然後旗手的巴黎大學和聖托馬斯大綱的理論,權力,他們的看法是,學校在接受的態度格雷戈里七和他的繼任者方面的不良王子,聖路易斯,其中已力求使贊助的高盧聖制度,仍然是不了解它-為現在的事實是成立的務實的制裁,長期歸因於他是一個批發加工整理(約1445 )在purlieus皇家總理的查理七世的面容貸款的語用制裁的布爾。

At the opening of the fourteenth century, however, the conflict between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII brings out the first glimmerings of the Gallican ideas.在開幕式的14世紀,然而,菲利普之間的衝突,公平和波尼法爵八世帶來了第一次glimmerings的高盧聖的想法。 That king does not confine himself to maintaining that, as sovereign he is sole and independent master of his temporalities; he haughtily proclaims that, in virtue of the concession made by the pope, with the assent of a general council to Charlemagne and his successors, he has the right to dispose of vacant ecclesiastical benefices.這國王並不僅限於維持,作為國家主權,他是唯一的和獨立的主人,他temporalities ;他傲慢地宣稱,在憑藉特許權所作的教宗,並同意了總理事會查理曼和他的繼任者,他有權處置空置教會benefices 。 With the consent of the nobility, the Third Estate, and a great part of the clergy, he appeals in the matter from Boniface VIII to a future general council -- the implication being that the council is superior to the pope.徵得貴族,第三產業,以及很大一部分神職人員,他呼籲在這個問題上的波尼法爵八世的未來總理事會-含義是,安理會優於教宗。 The same ideas and others still more hostile to the Holy See reappear in the struggle of Fratricelles and Louis of Bavaria against John XXII; they are expressed by the pens of William Occam, of John of Jandun, and of Marsilius of Padua, professors in the University of Paris.同樣的想法和其他人更敵視羅馬教廷出現的鬥爭中Fratricelles和巴伐利亞州聖路易斯對約翰二十二;他們所表達的鋼筆奧卡姆的威廉,約翰的Jandun和馬西帕多瓦,教授巴黎大學。 Among other things, they deny the Divine origin of the papal primacy, and subject the exercise of it to the good pleasure of the temporal ruler.除其他事項外,他們否認神的起源,教皇至高無上,和主題行使它的良好愉快的時間標尺。 Following the pope, the University of Paris condemned these views; but for all that they did not entirely disappear from the memory, or from the disputations, of the schools, for the principal work of Marsilius, "Defensor Pacis", wax translated into French in 1375, probably by a professor of the University of Paris The Great Schism reawakened them suddenly. The idea of a council naturally suggested itself as a means of terminating that melancholy rending asunder of Christendom.繼教宗,巴黎大學譴責了這些意見,但所有這些並沒有完全消失的記憶,或從disputations ,學校,主要工作馬西, “保衛和平的” ,蠟翻譯成法文在1375年,可能由一名教授巴黎大學的大分裂重新喚起他們突然。想法的一個委員會建議自然本身作為一種手段終止的憂鬱心碎的基督教四分五裂。 Upon that idea was soon grafted the "conciliary theory", which sets the council above the pope, making it the sole representative of the Church, the sole organ of infallibility.一旦這一想法很快被嫁接的“ conciliary理論” ,其中規定,安理會上述教皇,成為唯一代表教會的唯一機關,犯錯誤。 Timidly sketched by two professors of the University of Paris, Conrad of Gelnhausen and Henry of Langenstein, this theory was completed and noisily interpreted to the public by Pierre d'Ailly and Gerson.怯生生地描繪了兩位教授的巴黎大學,康拉德的Gelnhausen和亨利的朗根施泰因,這一理論已經完成,並大肆解釋為市民皮埃爾德阿伊和格爾森。 At the same time the clergy of France, disgusted with Benedict XIII, took upon itself to withdraw from his obedience.與此同時,法國的神職人員,反感篤十三,採取自行退出他的服從。 It was in the assembly which voted on this measure (1398) that for the first time there was any question of bringing back the Church of France to its ancient liberties and customs -- of giving its prelates once more the right of conferring and disposing of benefices.正是在集會表決這項措施( 1398 ) ,首次有任何問題帶回教會的法國古老的自由和海關-給予其主教再次授予權和處置benefices 。 The same idea comes into the foreground in the claims put, forward in 1406 by another assembly of the French clergy; to win the votes of the assembly, certain orators cited the example of what was happening in England.同樣的想法進入的前景提出的要求,在1406年提出的另一個集會的法國神職人員;贏得票數的集會,某些演講者提到了發生了什麼事在英格蘭。 M. Haller has concluded from this that these so-called Ancient Liberties were of English origin, that the Gallican Church really borrowed them from its neighbour, only imagining them to be a revival of its own past.哈勒先生已結束從這個,這些所謂的自由是古代英語原產地,即高盧聖教會他們真正從借來的鄰國,只有想像他們能夠恢復自己的過去。 This opinion does not seem well founded.這一意見似乎並不很有道理。 The precedents cited by M. Haller go back to the parliament held at Carlisle in 1307, at which date the tendencies of reaction against papa reservations had already manifested themselves in the assemblies convoked by Philip the Fair in 1302 and 1303.引用的先例由M.哈勒回到議會舉行卡萊爾在1307年,在迄今為止的反應傾向對保留的爸爸已經體現在議會的召集由菲利普博覽會1302年和1303年。 The most that we can admit is, that the same ideas received parallel development from both sides of the channel.最使我們可以承認的是,同樣的想法得到並行發展,雙方的渠道。

Together with the restoration of the "Ancient Liberties" the assembly of the clergy in 1406 intended to maintain the superiority of the council to the pope, and the fallibility of the latter.連同恢復“古代自由”的集會神職人員打算在1406年保持的優勢,安理會對教皇,以及出錯的後者。 However widely they may have been accepted at the time, these were only individual opinions or opinions of a school, when the Council of Constance came to give them the sanction of its high authority.然而廣泛他們可能已被接受的時候,這些只是個人意見或意見的一所學校,當安理會的康斯來給他們的制裁高的權威。 In its fourth and fifth sessions it declared that the council represented the Church that every person, no matter of what dignity, even the pope, was bound to obey it in what concerned the extirpation of the schism and the reform of the Church; that even the pope, if he resisted obstinately, might be constrained by process of law to obey It in the above-mentioned points.在其第四次和第五次會議上宣布,安理會派教會,每個人,不管什麼尊嚴,即使是教皇,必將服從它在什麼有關摘除的分裂和改革教會; ,即使教皇,如果他執意拒絕,可能會受到限制的法律程序服從它在上述各點。 This was the birth or, if we prefer to call it so, the legitimation of Gallicanism.這是出生或,如果我們喜歡將它命名為如此,合法化Gallicanism 。 So far we had encountered in the history of the Gallican Church recriminations of malcontent bishops, or a violent gesture of some prince discomforted in his avaricious designs; but these were only fits of resentment or ill humor, accidents with no attendant consequences; this time the provisions made against exercise of the pontifical authority took to themselves a body and found a fulcrum.到目前為止,我們遇到了歷史上的高盧聖教會的指責抱不平主教,或暴力的姿態discomforted一些王子在他的貪婪設計;但這些都只是適合的怨恨或虐待幽默,事故沒有隨之而來的後果;這時候,規定了對行使權力的宗座了自己的一個機構,並找到了支點。 Gallicanism has implanted itself in the minds of men as a national doctrine e and it only remains to apply it in practice. Gallicanism本身已經植入在人的頭腦中作為一個國家學說e和它不僅仍然適用的做法。 This is to be the work of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges.這將是工作的務實的布爾制裁。 In that instrument the clergy of France inserted the articles of Constance repeated at Basle, and upon that warrant assumed authority to regulate the collation of benefices and the temporal administration of the Churches on the sole basis of the common law, under the king's patronage, and independently of the pope's action.在該文書神職人員法國插入條款的康斯一再在巴塞爾,並呼籲,值得承擔的權力規範整理benefices和時間管理教會的唯一依據普通法,衡平法,根據國王的贊助,並獨立於教皇的行動。 From Eugene IV to Leo X the popes did not cease to protest against the Pragmatic Sanction, until it was replaced by the Concordat of 1516.由Eugene四里奧十世的教皇並沒有因此而停止抗議語制裁,直至它取代了1516年協約。 But, if its provisions disappeared from the laws of France, the principles it embodied for a time none the less continued to inspire the schools of theology and parliamentary jurisprudence.但是,如果其規定失踪的法律法國,它的原則體現在一段時間內沒有不繼續鼓勵學校神學和議會判例。 Those principles even appeared at the Council of Trent, where the ambassadors, theologians, and bishops of France repeatedly championed them, notably when the questions for decision were as to whether episcopal jurisdiction comes immediately from God or through the pope, whether or not the council ought to ask confirmation of its decrees from the sovereign pontiff, etc. Then again, it was in the name of the Liberties of the Gallican Church that a part of the clergy and the Parlementaires opposed the publication of that same council; and the crown decided to detach from it and publish what seemed good, in the form of ordinances emanating from the royal authority.這些原則甚至出現在安理會的遄達,那裡的大使,神學家,和主教的法國一再倡導,尤其是當問題的決定是否是主教管轄範圍內立即從上帝或通過教皇,不管安理會應該要求確認其法令,從教皇的主權,等等再說,它的名字自由的高盧聖教會的一部分,神職人員和Parlementaires反對出版同安理會和冠決定分離,並從發布似乎很好的形式,法令來自王室的權威。

Nevertheless, towards the end of the sixteenth century, the reaction against the Protestant denial of all authority to the pope and, above all, the triumph of the League had enfeebled Gallican convictions in the minds of the clergy, if not of the parliament.然而,接近年底的16世紀,反應對新教剝奪所有權力,教皇和最重要的是,勝利聯盟已enfeebled高盧聖信念的頭腦中的神職人員,如果不是議會。 But the assassination of Henry IV, which was exploited to move public opinion against Ultramontanism and the activity of Edmond Richer, syndic of the Sorbonne, brought about, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, a strong revival of Gallicanism, which was thenceforward to continue gaining in strength from day to day.但是,暗殺亨利四世,這是利用移動公眾輿論反對Ultramontanism和活動的愛德蒙豐富,理事的索邦大學,帶來的,開始時的17世紀,一個強大復興Gallicanism ,這是thenceforward繼續在實力獲得每天。 In 1663 the Sorbonne solemnly declared that it admitted no authority of the pope over the king's temporal dominion, nor his superiority to a general council, nor infallibility apart from the Church's consent.在1663年索邦大學鄭重宣布,它不承認權威,教皇在國王的統治時間,他的優勢也沒有一個總理事會,也沒有犯錯誤除了教會的同意。 In 1682 matters were much worse.在1682事項更糟。 Louis XIV having decided to extend to all the Churches of his kingdom the regale, or right of receiving the revenue of vacant sees, and of conferring the sees themselves at his pleasure, Pope Innocent XI strongly opposed the king's designs.路易十四已決定向所有教會他的王國的盛宴,或有權獲得收入的空置看到,並授予認為自己說,他很高興,諾森十一強烈反對國王的設計。 Irritated by this resistance, the king assembled the clergy of France and, on 19 March, 1682, the thirty-six prelates and thirty-four deputies of the second order who constituted that assembly adopted the four articles recited above and transmitted them to all the other bishops and archbishops of France.這激怒了抵抗,國王組裝神職人員法國,並於1682年3月19日,在36主教和34議員二階誰組成的大會通過了4條以上,並背誦轉發給所有的其他的主教和大主教的法國。 Three days later the king commanded the registration of the articles in all the schools and faculties of theology; no one could even be admitted to degrees in theology without having maintained this doctrine in one of his theses and it was forbidden to write anything against them.三天後,國王命令的註冊條款的所有學校和學院的神學,沒有人甚至可以接納程度的神學,而不必保持了這一理論在他的論文和被禁止寫東西對付他們。 The Sorbonne, however, yielded to the ordinance of registration only after a spirited resistance.索邦大學,然而,產生本條例登記後,不僅熱心的抵抗。 Pope Innocent XI testified his displeasure by the Rescript of 11 April, 1682, in which he voided and annulled all that the assembly had done in regard to the regale, as well as all the consequences of that action; he also refused Bulls to all members of the assembly who were proposed for vacant bishoprics.諾森十一作證不滿的詔書的1682年4月11日,他在作廢,並取消所有,大會所做的關於款待,以及所造成的一切後果的行動;他也拒絕公牛隊的所有成員大會提出了誰的空缺bishoprics 。 In like manner his successor Alexander VIII by a Constitution dated 4 August, 1690, quashed as detrimental to the Holy See the proceedings both in the matter of the regale and in that of the declaration on the ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction, which had been prejudicial to the clerical estate and order.同樣他的繼任者亞歷山大八的憲法日1690年8月4日,撤銷作為有損於羅馬教廷的程序都在這個問題上的盛宴,並在該宣言對教會權力和管轄權,這是有損於文書房地產和秩序。 The bishops designate to whom Bulls had been refused received them at length, in 1693, only after addressing to Pope Innocent XII a letter in which they disavowed everything that had been decreed in that assembly in regard to the ecclesiastical power and the pontifical authority.主教候了公牛隊人被拒絕在他們收到的長度,在1693年,只有處理後,以諾森十二信他們在信中否認一切,已下令在該大會關於教會權力和教皇的權威。 The king himself wrote to the pope (14 September, 1693) to announce that a royal order had been issued against the execution of the edict of 23 March, 1682.國王親自寫信給教皇( 1693年九月十四日)宣布,國王命令已經發出的執行法令1682年3月23號。 In spite of these disavowals, the Declaration of 1682 remained thenceforward the living symbol of Gallicanism, professed by the great majority of the French clergy, obligatorily defended in the faculties of theology, schools, and seminaries, guarded from the lukewarmness of French theologians and the attacks of foreigners by the inquisitorial vigilance of the French parliaments, which never failed to condemn to suppression every work that seemed hostile to the principles of the Declaration.儘管有這些disavowals ,該宣言的1682年仍然thenceforward生活的象徵Gallicanism ,聲稱絕大多數的法國教士,強制辯護的神學系,學校和神學院,守衛從lukewarmness的法國神學家和襲擊外國人的審問警惕的法國議會,而從未失敗過,譴責以制止一切工作似乎敵視的原則宣言。

From France Gallicanism spread, about the middle of the eighteenth century, into the Low Countries, thanks to the works of the jurisconsult Van-Espen.由法國Gallicanism蔓延,對中間的十八世紀,進入低地國家,由於工作的法學家範,埃斯。 Under the pseudonym of Febronius, Hontheim introduced it into Germany where it took the forms of Febronianism and Josephism.根據假名的Febronius , Hontheim介紹到德國了各種形式的Febronianism和Josephism 。 The Council of Pistoia (1786) even tried to acclimatize it in Italy.安理會的皮斯托亞( 1786 )甚至試圖適應它在意大利。 But its diffusion was sharply arrested by the Revolution, which took away its chief support by overturning the thrones of kings.但它的擴散大幅逮捕的革命,它拿走了其主要的支持推翻國王王位。 Against the Revolution that drove them out and wrecked their sees, nothing was left to the bishops of France but to link themselves closely with the Holy See.對革命將它們和破壞它們認為,沒有留給法國主教,而是緊密聯繫自己的羅馬教廷。 After the Concordat of 1801 -- itself the most dazzling manifestation of the pope's supreme power -- French Governments made some pretence of reviving, in the Organic Articles, the "Ancient Gallican Liberties" and the obligation of teaching the articles of 1682, but ecclesiastical Gallicanism was never again resuscitated except in the form of a vague mistrust of Rome.協約後的1801年-自己的最耀眼的表現,教皇的最高權力-法國政府提出了一些藉口恢復,在有機文章,在“古代高盧聖自由”和義務教學的條款16 82年,但教會Gallicanism是永遠不會再復甦,除非形式的一個模糊的不信任羅馬。 On the fall of Napoleon and the Bourbons, the work of Lamennais, of "L'Avenir" and other publications devoted to Roman ideas, the influence of Dom Guéranger, and the effects of religious teaching ever increasingly deprived it of its partisans.在秋季拿破崙和波旁王朝的工作Lamennais ,對“歐萊雅前途”和其他出版物專門羅馬的思想,影響大教堂Guéranger ,和影響宗教團體教學以往任何時候都越來越多地被剝奪了其黨籍。 When the Vatican Council opened, in 1869, it had in France only timid defenders.當梵蒂岡理事會開幕,於1869年,它已在法國只有膽怯的維護者。 When that council declared that the pope has in the Church the plenitude of jurisdiction in matters of faith, morals discipline, and administration that his decisions ex cathedra.當該理事會宣布,教宗在教會的豐富的管轄權問題的信仰,道德紀律,行政管理,他的決定前教堂。 are of themselves, and without the assent of he Church, infallible and irreformable, it dealt Gallicanism a mortal blow.是自己的,並未經他同意的教會,可靠和irreformable ,它涉及Gallicanism一個致命的打擊。 Three of the four articles were directly condemned. 3個條款直接譴責。 As to the remaining one, the first, the council made no specific declaration; but an important indication of the Catholic doctrine was given in the condemnation fulminated by Pius IX against the 24th proposition of the Syllabus, in which it was asserted that the Church cannot have recourse to force and is without any temporal authority, direct or indirect.至於其餘的,第一,安理會並未作出具體的聲明,但一個重要標誌的天主教教義是在譴責猛烈的庇護九對第24次命題的課程,其中有人聲稱,教會不能訴諸武力,並沒有任何時間的權力,直接或間接的。 Leo XIII shed more direct light upon the question in his Encyclical "Immortale Dei" (12 November, 1885), where we read: "God has apportioned the government of the human race between two powers, the ecclesiastical and the civil, the former set over things divine, the latter over things human. Each is restricted within limits which are perfectly determined and defined in conformity with its own nature and special aim. There is therefore, as it were a circumscribed sphere in which each exercises its functions jure proprio".利奧十三世更直接的下跌後輕的問題在他的通諭“ Immortale羔羊” ( 1885年11月12日) ,在那裡我們讀到: “上帝已經分攤政府的人類之間的權力,教會和民間,前成立神聖的東西,後者對人類的東西。每個限制在一定範圍內是完美的決心,並確定符合其自身的性質和特殊的目的。因此,它是一個限定範圍內,每個行使其職能法律上自行“ 。 And in the Encyclical "Sapientiae Christianae" (10 January, 1890), the same pontiff adds: "The Church and the State have each its own power, and neither of the two powers is subject to the other." Stricken to death, as a free opinion, by the Council of the Vatican, Gallicanism could survive only as a heresy; the Old Catholics have endeavoured to keep it alive under this form.並在通諭“ Sapientiae Christianae ” ( 1890年1月10日) ,同教皇補充說: “教會和國家都自己的力量,這兩種權力是受其他。 ”受災死亡,作為免費認為,理事會的梵蒂岡, Gallicanism能夠生存不僅是一種異端邪說;老天主教徒一直在努力保持活著根據本形式。 Judging by the paucity of the adherents whom they have recruited -- daily becoming fewer -- in Germany and Switzerland, it seems very evident that the historical evolution of these ideas has reached its completion.判斷缺乏信徒他們招募-日趨減少-在德國和瑞士,它似乎非常明顯,歷史演變的這些想法已達到其完成。

Critical Examination嚴格審查

The principal force of Gallicanism always was that which it drew from the external circumstances in which it arose and grew up: the difficulties of the Church, torn by schism; the encroachments of the civil authorities; political turmoil; the interested support of the kings of France.的主要力量Gallicanism始終是它提請從外部在何種情況下產生和成長起來:困難的教會,飽受分裂的侵犯民事當局的;政治動盪;感興趣的支持國王法國。 None the less does it seek to establish its own right to exist, and to legitimize its attitude towards the theories of the schools.然而,更不謀求建立自己的生存權利,使之合法化的態度對待理論的學校。 There is no denying that it has had in its service a long succession of theologians and jurists who did much to assure its success. At the beginning, its first advocates were Pierre d'Ailly and Gerson, whose somewhat daring theories, reflecting the then prevalent disorder of ideas, were to triumph in the Council of Constance.無可否認,它已在其服務的一項長期繼承的神學家和法學家誰也很多,以確保其成功。一開始,其第一主張是皮埃爾德阿伊和格爾森,他們有些大膽的理論,反映了當時流行混亂的思想,以勝利在安理會的康斯。 In the sixteenth century Almain and Major make but a poor figure in contrast with Torquemada and Cajetan, the leading theorists of pontifical primacy.在16世紀Almain和重大使一個貧窮,但數字與Torquemada和Cajetan ,領先理論家至高無上的教皇。 But in the seventeenth century the Gallican doctrine takes its revenge with Richer and Launoy, who throw as much passion as science into their efforts to shake the work of Bellarmine, the most solid edifice ever raised in defence of the Church's constitution and the papal supremacy.但在17世紀的高盧聖學說考慮其報復與豐富和Launoy ,誰扔了熱情,科學納入他們的努力擺脫工作的貝拉明,最牢固的大廈以往任何時候都提出了維護教會的憲法和教皇的優勢。 Pithou, Dupuy, and Marca edited texts or disinterred from archives the judicial monuments best calculated to support parliamentary Gallicanism. After 1682 the attack and defence of Gallicanism were concentrated almost entirely upon the four Articles. Pithou ,迪皮伊,並馬卡編輯文本或從檔案挖出的司法紀念碑最好的計算,以支持議會Gallicanism 。經過1682年的攻擊和防禦的Gallicanism了幾乎全部集中的4條。 While Charlas in his anonymous treatise on the Liberties of the Catholic Church, d'Aguirre, in his "Auctoritas infallibilis et summa sancti Petri", Rocaberti, in his treatise "De Romani pontificis auctoritate", Sfondrato, in his "Gallia vindicata", dealt severe blows at the doctrine of the Declaration, Alexander Natalis and Ellies Dupin searched ecclesiastical history for titles on which to support it.雖然Charlas在他的論文匿名的自由天主教,德阿吉雷,在他的“權威infallibilis等大全聖的Petri ” , Rocaberti ,在他的論文“德吉普賽pontificis auctoritate ” , Sfondrato ,在他的“高盧vindicata ”嚴厲打擊處理的原則宣言,亞歷山大和Ellies升入Dupin搜查教會歷史的書籍,來支持它。 Bossuet carried on the defence at once on the ground of theology and of history.波舒哀進行了辯護一次在地面上的神學和歷史。 In his "Defensio declarationis", which was not to see the light of day until 1730, he discharged his task with equal scientific power and moderation.他在“ Defensio declarationis ” ,這是沒有看到光明的一天,直到1730年,他履行他的任務與平等的科學力量和節制。 Again Gallicanism was ably combatted in the works of Muzzarelli, Bianchi, and Ballerini, and upheld in those of Durand de Maillane, La Luzerne, Maret and Döllinger.再次Gallicanism幹練combatted是在作品的Muzzarelli ,比安奇,並巴萊里尼,並堅持這些杜蘭德德Maillane ,香格里拉盧澤恩, 3月和多林格。 But the strife is prolonged beyond its interest; except for the bearing of some few arguments on either side, nothing that is altogether new, after all, is adduced for or against, and it may be said that with Bossuet's work Gallicanism had reached its full development, sustained its sharpest assaults, and exhibited its most efficient means of defence.但是,長期的內亂是超出其利益;除軸承爭論的一些少數任何一方,沒有什麼是完全新的,畢竟是引證支持或反對,而且可以說,與波舒哀的工作Gallicanism已經達到了充分發展,其最大持續攻擊,並展示其最有效的防禦手段。

Those means are well known.這些手段是眾所周知的。 For the absolute independence of the civil power, affirmed in the first Article, Gallicans drew their argument from the proposition that the theory of indirect power, accepted by Bellarmine, is easily reducible to that of direct power, which he did not accept.絕對獨立的民間力量,肯定了第一條, Gallicans提請他們的論點的主張,即理論的間接的權力,接受貝拉明,很容易還原到直接權力,他沒有接受。 That theory was a novelty introduced into the Church by Gregory VII; until his time the Christian peoples and the popes had suffered injustice from princes without asserting for themselves the right to revolt or to excommunicate.這一理論是一個新事物引入教會格雷戈里第七;時間,直到他的基督教人民和教皇受到不公正的王子不主張為自己的權利,反抗或破門。 As for the superiority of councils over popes, as based upon the decrees of the Council of Constance, the Gallicans essayed to defend it chiefly by appealing to the testimony of history which, according to them, shows that general councils have never been dependent on the popes, but had been considered the highest authority for the settlement of doctrinal disputes or the establishment of disciplinary regulations.至於議會優勢超過教皇,因為根據法令,理事會的康斯坦茨的Gallicans essayed來保護它主要由吸引力的證詞,歷史,據他們表明,一般議會從來沒有依賴教皇,但一直被視為最高權力機構為解決理論爭端或設立紀律條例。 The third Article was supported by the same arguments or upon the declarations of the popes.第三條得到了同樣的觀點或應申報的教皇。 It is true that that Article made respect for the canons a matter rather of high propriety than of obligation for the Holy See.的確,這條作出尊重大砲的事,而高禮,而不是義務,羅馬教廷。 Besides, the canons alleged were among those that had been established with the consent of the pope and of the Churches, the plenitude of the pontifical jurisdiction was therefore safeguarded and Bossuet pointed out that this article had called forth hardly any protests from the adversaries of Gallicanism.此外,大砲據稱是那些已經建立徵得教皇和教會的豐富的宗座管轄權,因此維護和波舒哀指出,這條規定要求幾乎沒有任何抗議的敵人Gallicanism 。 It was not so with the fourth Article, which implied a negation of papal infallibility.這不是做的第四條,這意味著否定教皇犯錯誤。 Resting chiefly on history, the whole Gallican argument reduced to the position that the Doctors of the Church -- St. Cyprian, St. Augustine, St. Basil, St. Thomas, and the rest -- had not known pontifical infallibility; that pronouncements emanating from the Holy See had been submitted to examination by councils; that popes -- Liberius, Honorius, Zosimus, and others -- had promulgated erroneous dogmatic decisions.靜主要集中在歷史,整個高盧聖論點減少的立場是,醫生的教會-聖塞浦路斯,聖奧古斯丁,聖羅勒,聖托馬斯,其餘的-不知道宗座犯錯誤;的聲明來自羅馬教廷已提交審查委員會;的教皇-L iberius,挪留, Z osimus,和其他人-頒布了錯誤的教條式的決定。 Only the line of popes, the Apostolic See, was infallible; but each pope, taken individually, was liable to error.只有線教皇,教廷教廷,是萬無一失的,但每一個教宗,採取單獨,任何錯誤。

This is not the place to discuss the force of this line of argument, or set forth the replies which it elicited; such an enquiry will more appropriately form part of the article devoted to the primacy of the Roman See.這是不適合討論武力的這種論點,或提出答复它引起;這樣的查詢會更恰當的組成部分文章專門討論的首要羅馬教廷。 Without involving ourselves in technical developments, however, we may call attention to the weakness, of the Scriptural scaffolding upon which Gallicanism supported its fabric.不涉及自己的技術發展,但是,我們可能會引起人們注意的弱點,在聖經腳手架賴以Gallicanism支持其織物。 Not only was it opposed by the luminous clearness of Christ's words -- "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build My Church"; "I have prayed for thee, Peter, that thy faith fail not . . . confirm thy brethren" -- but it finds nothing in Scripture which could warrant the doctrine of the supremacy of council or the distinction between the line of popes and the individuals -- the Sedes and the Sedens.它不僅是反對的清晰明亮的基督的話-“你是彼得,並根據這一岩石我將建立我的教會” , “我為你祈禱,彼得,你的信念是不會失敗。 。 。確認你的兄弟“ -但它認為聖經的任何可能令學說至高無上的理事會或區分線的教皇和個人-的S e des和S e dens。 Supposing there were any doubt of Christ's having promised infallibility to Peter, it is perfectly certain that He did not promise it to the council, or to the See of Rome, neither of which is named in the Gospel. The pretension implied in Gallicanism -- that only the schools and the churches of France possessed the truth as to the pope's authority, that they had been better able than any others to defend themselves against the encroachments of Rome -- was insulting to the sovereign pontiff and invidious to the other churches.假如有任何疑問,基督的許諾絕對有彼得,這是完全肯定,但他沒有許諾給理事會,或見羅馬,無論是命名的福音。隱含的企圖在Gallicanism -只有學校和教堂,法國擁有的真相,以教皇的權威,他們已經能夠更好地比任何其他保衛自己不受侵犯的羅馬-侮辱教皇的主權和反感的其他教堂。 It does not belong to one part of the Church to decide what council is oecumenical, and what is not.它不屬於某一部分的教會理事會決定什麼是oecumenical ,什麼不是。 By what right was this honour refused in France to the Councils of Florence (1439) and the Lateran (1513), and accorded to that of Constance?根據什麼權利,這一榮譽在法國拒絕安理會的佛羅倫薩( 1439年)和拉特蘭( 1513 ) ,並給予到康斯? Why, above all, should we attribute to the decision of this council, which was only a temporary expedient to escape from a deadlock, the force of a general principle, a dogmatic decree?為什麼最重要的是,我們應該屬性決定本局,這只是暫時的權宜之計擺脫僵局,該部隊的一般原則,教條式的法令? And moreover, at the time when these decisions were taken, the council presented neither the character, nor the conditions, nor the authority of a general synod; it is not clear that among the majority of the members there was present any intention of formulating a dogmatic definition, nor is it proved that the approbation given by Martin V to some of the decrees extended to these.而且,在這些時候作出決定,安理會既不提出的性質,也沒有條件,也沒有權威的一般主教;目前尚不清楚,在大多數成員有任何打算制定一項教條式的定義,它也不是證明了讚許給予馬丁五世的一些法令延長到這些。 Another characteristic which is apt to diminish one's respect for Gallican ideas is their appearance of having been too much influenced, originally and evolutionally, by interested motives.另一個特點是容易削弱一個人的尊重高盧聖的想法是他們的外貌而受到太大影響,原本和evolutionally ,有興趣的動機。 Suggested by theologians who were under bonds to the emperors, accepted as an expedient to restore the unity of the Church, they had never been more loudly proclaimed than in the course of the conflicts which arose between popes and kings, and then always for the advantage of the latter.建議的神學誰正在債券的皇帝,接受作為權宜恢復教會合一的,他們從來沒有大聲宣布更多的比的過程中所產生的衝突與教皇和國王,然後永遠的優勢後者。 In truth they savoured too much of a courtly bias.事實上,他們味道太多的典雅偏見。 "The Gallican Liberties", Joseph de Maistre has said, "are but a fatal compact signed by the Church of France, in virtue of which she submitted to the outrages of the Parliament on condition of being allowed to pass them on to the sovereign pontiff". “自由的高盧聖” ,約瑟夫的梅斯特爾說, “只不過是一個致命契約簽署了教會的法國,憑藉她提交的暴行議會下被允許轉告教皇的主權“ 。 The history of the assembly of 1682 is not such as to give the lie to this severe judgment.歷史上的組裝1682不是如給騙這種嚴重的判斷。 It was a Gallican -- no other than Baillet -- who wrote: "The bishops who served Philip the Fair were upright in heart and seemed to be actuated by a genuine, if somewhat too vehement, zeal for the rights of the Crown; whereas among those whose advice Louis XIV followed there were some who, under pretext of the public welfare, only sought to avenge themselves, by oblique and devious methods, on those whom they regarded as the censors of their conduct and their sentiments."這是一個高盧聖-沒有其他比B aillet-誰信中寫道:“誰的主教擔任菲利普公平是頂天立地的心臟和似乎是啟動了一個真正的,如果有些過於強烈,熱情的權利,皇冠,而那些在路易十四的意見之後出現了一些誰下,藉口公共福利,只有尋求報復自己,傾斜和狡猾的方法,對那些他們視為審查其行為和他們的感情。 “

Even apart from every other consideration, the practical consequences to which Gallicanism led, and the way in which the State turned it to account should suffice to wean Catholics from it forever.即使除了所有其他的考慮,實際後果的Gallicanism領導,並在該國把它佔應足以斷奶天主教徒永遠。 It was Gallicanism which allowed the Jansenists condemned by popes to elude their sentences on the plea that these had not received the assent of the whole episcopate.這是Gallicanism允許詹森主義者譴責教皇逃避服刑的請求,這些並沒有得到議會的全體主教。 It was in the name of Gallicanism that the kings of France impeded the publication of the pope's instructions, and forbade the bishops to hold provincial councils or to write against Jansenism -- or at any rate, to publish charges without endorsement of the chancellor.正是在名稱Gallicanism的法國國王阻礙了出版的教皇的指示,並禁止主教舉行省議會或寫信對詹森主義-或在任何速度,發布未經批准收費的校長。 Bossuet himself, prevented from publishing a charge against Richard Simon, was forced to complain that they wished "to put all the bishops under the yoke in the essential matter of their ministry, which is the Faith". Alleging the Liberties of the Gallican Church, the French Parliaments admitted appels comme d'abus against bishops who were guilty of condemning Jansenism, or of admitting into their Breviaries the Office of St. Gregory, sanctioned by Rome; and on the same general principle they caused pastoral letters to be burned by the common executioner, or condemned to imprisonment or exile priests whose only crime was that of refusing the sacraments and Christian burial to Jansenists in revolt against the most solemn pronouncements of the Holy See. Thanks to these "Liberties", the jurisdiction and the discipline of the Church were almost entirely in the hands of the civil power, and Fénelon gave a fair idea of them when he wrote in one of his letters: "In practice the king is more our head than the pope, in France -- Liberties against the pope, servitude in relation to the king -The king's authority over the Church devolves upon the lay judges -- The laity dominate the bishops".波舒哀自己,不讓出版指控理查德西蒙,被迫抱怨說,他們希望“把所有的主教的枷鎖下的重要事項的部門,這是信仰。 ”指稱自由的高盧聖教會,法國議會承認appels紀念德反對濫用主教誰有罪譴責詹森主義,或承認其Breviaries辦公室的聖格里高利,認可的羅馬;和相同的一般原則,他們造成的牧函將燒毀的共同的劊子手,或譴責監禁或流放神職人員,他們的唯一罪名是拒絕的聖禮和基督教的葬禮,以詹森主義反抗最莊嚴宣告了羅馬教廷。由於這些“自由”的管轄範圍和紀律教會幾乎完全掌握在民間力量,費內龍了一個公平的想法,其中他寫道時,在他的信: “在實踐中,國王是我們的頭比教皇,在法國-自由對教皇,奴役與國王,國王的權威,教會落在了非專業法官-俗人佔主導地位的主教“ 。 And Fénelon had not seen the Constituent Assembly of 1790 assume, from Gallican principles, authority to demolish completely the Constitution of the Church of France.與費內龍還沒有看到制憲大會承擔的1790年,從高盧聖原則,權力完全拆除憲法的法國教堂。 For there is not one article of that melancholy Constitution that did not find its inspiration in the writings of Gallican jurists and theologians.對於沒有一條憂鬱的憲法沒有找到靈感的著作高盧聖法學家和神學家。 We may be excused the task of here entering into any lengthy proof of this; indeed the responsibility which Gallicanism has to bear in the sight of history and of Catholic doctrine is already only too heavy.我們可以原諒的任務是在這裡進入任何冗長的證明了這一點;確實Gallicanism的責任,必須承擔的忽視歷史和天主教教義已經不僅過於沉重。

Publication information Written by Antoine Degert.出版信息撰稿:安托萬Degert 。 Transcribed by Gerard Haffner. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VI.轉錄的杰拉德哈夫納。天主教百科全書,第六卷。 Published 1909. 1909年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, September 1, 1909. Nihil Obstat , 09年九月一日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.雷米Lafort ,檢查員。 Imprimatur.認可。 +John M. +約翰M Farley, Archbishop of New York法利,大主教紐約

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