The Inquisition was a medieval church court instituted to seek out and prosecute heretics.宗教裁判所是一個中世紀的教會法院提起去尋找和起訴異端。 The term is applied to the institution itself, which was episcopal or papal, regional or local; to the personnel of the tribunal; and to the judicial procedure followed by the court.術語是適用於該機構本身，它是聖公會或天主教，區域或地方;給人事的法庭，以及審判程序之後，由法庭處理。 Notoriously harsh in its procedures, the Inquisition was defended during the Middle Ages by appeal to biblical practices and to the church father Saint Augustine, who had interpreted Luke 14:23 as endorsing the use of force against heretics.眾所周知，在苛刻的，其程序，宗教裁判辯護，在中世紀所呼籲聖經的行為，並教會神父聖奧古斯丁，曾解釋盧克14時23分，作為批准使用武力對付異端。
The papal Inquisition was formally instituted by Pope Gregory IX in 1231.教皇宗教裁判所正式由羅馬教皇格雷戈里九，在1231年。 Following a law of Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, enacted for Lombardy in 1224 and extended to the entire empire in 1232, Gregory ordered convicted heretics to be seized by the secular authorities and burned.繼法的神聖羅馬帝國，馮檢二，制定倫巴第在1224年，並擴展到整個帝國，在1232年，格雷戈里下令定罪異端，以抓住這個世俗當局和焚燒。 Like Frederick, Gregory also mandated that heretics be sought out and tried before a church court.像馮檢，格雷戈里還規定異端尋求出，並試圖在教會法庭。 For this purpose, he first appointed special inquisitors (for example, Conrad of Marburg in Germany and Robert le Bougre in Burgundy) and later entrusted the task to members of the newly established Dominican and Franciscan Orders of friars.為達到此目的，他首先任命的特別監獄（例如，康拉德的馬爾堡在德國和羅伯特樂bougre在勃艮） ，後來委託的任務，委員對新成立的多米尼加和方濟各訂單的方濟各會士。 The independent authority of the inquisitors was a frequent cause of friction with the local clergy and bishops.獨立的權威，該監獄是一個常見的原因摩擦與當地牧師和主教。
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At the beginning of the interrogation, which was recorded summarily in Latin by a clerk, suspects and witnesses had to swear under oath that they would reveal everything.在開始的審訊，這是記錄簡易程序在拉丁語由一個秘書，嫌疑人和證人宣誓，在宣誓後表示，他們會揭露一切。 Unwillingness to take the oath was interpreted as a sign of adherence to heresy.不願意採取誓言被解釋為標誌的堅持異端。 If a person confessed and was willing to submit, the judges prescribed minor penances like flogging, fasts, prayers, pilgrimages, or fines.如果一個人供認，並願意以提交，法官明輕微penances像鞭笞，齋戒，祈禱，朝拜，或罰款。 In more severe cases the wearing of a yellow "cross of infamy," with its resulting social ostracism, or imprisonment could be imposed.在嚴重的情況下佩戴一個黃色的"十字臭名" ，其造成的社會排斥，或監禁有可能發生。 Denial of the charges without counterproof, obstinate refusal to confess, and persistence in the heresy resulted in the most severe punishments: life imprisonment or execution accompanied by total confiscation of property.否認控罪無counterproof ，頑固拒絕招供，和毅力，在異端，導致最嚴重的懲罰：終身監禁或處決的陪同下，共沒收財產。
Since the church was not permitted to shed blood, the sentenced heretic was surrendered to the secular authorities for execution, usually by burning at the stake.自教會是不允許的拋頭顱，灑熱血，判處邪教上繳世俗當局執行時，通常是由燃燒時的股權。
When the Inquisition had completed its investigations, the sentences were pronounced in a solemn ceremony, known as the sermo generalis ("general address") or, in Spain, as the auto-da-fe ("act of faith"), attended by local dignitaries, clergy, and townspeople.當宗教裁判所已完成調查後，判決宣判在莊嚴的儀式上，被稱為該sermo是一般 （ "一般處理" ） ，或在西班牙，由於汽車達-鐵 （下稱"法的信仰" ） ，出席當地政要，神職人員，以及鄉民。 Here the penitents abjured their errors and received their penalties; obstinate heretics were solemnly cursed and handed over to be burned immediately in public.這裡penitents abjured自己的過失，並收到他們的處罰;頑固異端被莊嚴地詛咒，並移交給被燒毀，立即公開亮相。
Several inquisitors' manuals have survived, among them those of Bernard Gui and Nicolas Eymeric.幾個監獄'手冊倖存，其中包括那些伯納德桂和Nicolas eymeric 。 Other sources include checklists of standard questions and numerous official minutes of local inquisitions.其他來源包括檢查單標準問題，以及眾多官方分鐘的本地inquisitions 。 Some of these materials have been published, but most exist in manuscript only.部分這些材料已公佈，但大多數存在於手稿只。
The first inquisitors worked in central Europe (Germany, northern Italy, eastern France).第一監獄工作，在黨中央，歐洲（德國，意大利北部，法國東部） 。 Later centers of the Inquisition were established in the Mediterranean regions, especially southern France, Italy, Portugal, and Spain.後來中心的宗教裁判所設立於地中海地區，尤其是法國南部，意大利，葡萄牙和西班牙。 The tribunal was used in England to suppress the Lollards (followers of the 14th-century reformer John Wycliffe).法庭是用來在英國鎮壓lollards （追隨者的14世紀的改革者約翰wycliffe ） 。 Queen Mary I of England (r. 1553-58) used the tribunal in her effort to reverse the Protestant Reformation.瑪麗本人英格蘭（傳譯1553年至1558年）主要用作法庭在她的努力，以扭轉新教改革。 The Inquisition's long survival can be attributed to the early inclusion of offenses other than heresy: sorcery, alchemy, blasphemy, sexual aberration, and infanticide. The number of witches and sorcerers burned after the late 15th century appears to have been far greater than that of heretics.宗教裁判所的長期生存，可以歸因於早日列入犯罪以外的異端：巫術，煉丹術，褻瀆，性畸變，並殺嬰案。 多少女巫和巫師燒毀後， 15世紀末似乎已經遠遠超過了異端。
The truth is that the Spanish Inquisition was particularly severe, strict, and efficient because of its strong ties with the crown.事實的真相是，在西班牙宗教裁判所是特別嚴重，嚴格，高效的，因為它擁有強大的關係與皇冠。 Its major targets were the Marranos (converts from Judaism) and Moriscos (converts from Islam), many of whom were suspected of secretly adhering to their original faiths.其主要指標均marranos （皈依從猶太教）和摩利斯科人（皈依伊斯蘭教） ，其中許多人被懷疑暗中在堅持其原有的信仰。 During the 16th century, Protestants and Alumbrados (Spanish mystics) seemed to be the major danger.在16世紀，新教徒和alumbrados （西班牙語神秘主義者） ，似乎是主要的危險。 Often serving political ends, the inquisitors also exercised their dreaded functions among the converted Indian populations of the Spanish colonies in America.往往是政治目的，監獄也行使其職能可怕之間轉換印度人口的西班牙殖民地，在美國。 The Inquisition was finally suppressed in Spain in 1834 and in Portugal in 1821.宗教裁判所，終於壓抑在西班牙和1834年在葡萄牙於1821年。
Karlfried Froehlich karlfried Froehlich ）
Bibliography
參考書目
Coulton, George
G., The Inquisition (1929; repr. 1974); Hauben, Paul J., ed., The Spanish
Inquisition (1969); Kamen, Henry A., The Spanish Inquisition and Society in
Spain in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (1985); Langdon-Davies, John,
The Spanish Inquisition (1938; repr. 1964); Lea, Henry C., A History of the
Inquisition in the Middle Ages, 3 vols. coulton ，喬治g. ，宗教裁判所（ 1929年; repr
。 1974年） ; hauben ，保羅j. ，版中，西班牙宗教裁判所（ 1969年） ;卡門，亨利甲，西班牙宗教裁判所和社會西班牙在第十六和第十七數百年（
1985年） ;蘭登-戴維斯，約翰，西班牙宗教裁判所（ 1938年; repr 。 1964 ） ; lea ，亨利長，歷史上的宗教裁判所，在中世紀，
3卷。 (1888; repr.
1988); Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel, Montaillou: The Promised Land of Error,
trans. （ 1888年; repr 。 1988年） ;勒羅伊ladurie ，靈光，到蒙泰羅：應許之地的錯誤，跨。
by Barbara Bray (1978).由芭芭拉布雷（
1978年） 。 Monter, William,
Frontiers of Heresy (1990); O'Brien, John A., The Inquisition (1973); Peters,
Edward, Inquisition (1988; repr. 1989); Roth, Cecil, The Spanish Inquisition
(1938; repr. 1987); Wakefield, Walter L., Heresy, Crusade, and Inquisition in
Southern France, 1100-1250 (1974). monter ，威廉，國界的異端（ 1990年）
;奧布萊恩，約翰甲，宗教裁判所（ 1973年） ;彼得斯，何承天，宗教裁判所（ 1988年; repr 。 1989 ） ;陸士達，塞西爾，西班牙宗教裁判所（
1938年; repr 。 1987年） ;韋克菲爾德，沃爾特的影響，異端，十字軍東征，宗教裁判所，在法國南部， 1100年至1250年（ 1974年）
。
(Latin inquirere, to look to). （拉丁語inquirere ，往前看） 。
By this term is usually meant a special ecclesiastical institution for combating or suppressing heresy.由這個名詞，通常是指一個特殊的教會機構，為打擊或壓制異端。 Its characteristic mark seems to be the bestowal on special judges of judicial powers in matters of faith, and this by supreme ecclesiastical authority, not temporal or for individual cases, but as a universal and permanent office.其特徵標誌似乎被賦予特別法官的司法權力，在信仰方面，而這是由最高人民法院教會的權威，而不是時空的個別情況，但作為一個普遍的和永久辦事處。 Moderns experience difficulty in understanding this institution, because they have, to no small extent, lost sight of two facts.現代人的經驗，很難理解這個機構，因為他們有了，但沒有小程度上忽略了兩個事實。
On the one hand they have ceased to grasp religious belief as something objective, as the gift of God, and therefore outside the realm of free private judgment; on the other they no longer see in the Church a society perfect and sovereign, based substantially on a pure and authentic Revelation, whose first most important duty must naturally be to retain unsullied this original deposit of faith.在一方面，他們已不再掌握宗教信仰看成是客觀的，因為神的恩賜，因此，外界的境界免費私人判斷;另一方面，他們再也看不到在教會的社會，完善和主權的基礎上大幅一個純粹性和真實性的啟示，他們的第一個最重要的職責，必須自然保留unsullied這原來存款的信心。 Before the religious revolution of the sixteenth century these views were still common to all Christians; that orthodoxy should be maintained at any cost seemed self-evident.前宗教革命， 16世紀這些意見仍十分普遍，所有基督徒認為正統應予維持不惜任何代價似乎不言自明。
However, while the positive suppression of heresy by ecclesiastical and civil authority in Christian society is as old as the Church, the Inquisition as a distinct ecclesiastical tribunal is of much later origin.不過，雖然積極鎮壓異端，由教會和民間管理局在基督教社會，是因為舊的教會，宗教裁判所作為一個獨特的宗教法庭是晚得多的起源。 Historically it is a phase in the growth of ecclesiastical legislation, whose distinctive traits can be fully understood only by a careful study of the conditions amid which it grew up.在歷史上它是一個階段，在成長的教會立法，其鮮明的特點，可以充分理解，只有通過仔細的研究條件中，它成長起來的。 Our subject may, therefore, be conveniently treated as follows:我們的題目可能，因此，可以方便地處理如下：
I. The Suppression of Heresy during the first twelve Christian centuries;一，鎮壓異端在首12個基督教百年;
II.二。 The Suppression of Heresy by the Institution known as the Inquisition under its several forms:鎮壓異端，由該機構被稱為宗教裁判所根據其幾種形式：
(A) The Inquisition of the Middle Ages; （一）宗教裁判所的中世紀;
(B) The Inquisition in Spain; （二）宗教裁判所，在西班牙;
(C) The Holy Office at Rome. （三）聖辦公室於羅馬。
I. THE SUPPRESSION OF HERESY DURING THE FIRST TWELVE CENTURIES一，鎮壓異端，在頭12個世紀
(1) Though the Apostles were deeply imbued with the conviction that they must transmit the deposit of the Faith to posterity undefiled, and that any teaching at variance with their own, even if proclaimed by an angel of Heaven, would be a culpable offense, yet St. Paul did not, in the case of the heretics Alexander and Hymeneus, go back to the Old Covenant penalties of death or scourging (Deuteronomy 13:6 sqq.; 17:1 sqq.), but deemed exclusion from the communion of the Church sufficient (1 Timothy 1:20; Titus 3:10). （ 1 ）雖然使徒保羅充滿信念，即他們必須傳送存款的信仰後人undefiled ，而任何教學的差異與自己的，即使是宣布了一個天使的天堂，會是一個受處罰的行為，然而，聖保羅沒有，在有關案件的異端亞歷山大和hymeneus ，回到舊盟約的懲罰而導致死亡或scourging （申命記13時06 sqq ; 17時01 sqq ） ，但被視為排斥的共融教會充足（ 1蒂莫西1:20 ;弟兄下午3點10分） 。 In fact to the Christians of the first three centuries it could scarcely have occurred to assume any other attitude towards those who erred in matters of faith.事實上，以基督徒的首三個世紀，它幾乎可以發生承擔任何其他的態度對待那些犯了錯誤事項信念。 Tertullian (Ad. Scapulam, c. ii) lays down the rule:戴爾都良（ ad. scapulam ，長二）規定了一個規矩：
Humani iuris et naturalis potestatis, unicuique quod putaverit colere, nec alii obest aut prodest alterius religio. humani iuris等naturalis potestatis ， unicuique和putaverit colere ， NEC公司alii obest奧地利prodest alterius religio 。 Sed nec religionis est religionem colere, quae sponte suscipi debeat, non vi. NEC公司的SED religionis預測religionem colere ， quae sponte suscipi debeat ，非六。
In other words, he tells us that the natural law authorized man to follow only the voice of individual conscience in the practice of religion, since the acceptance of religion was a matter of free will, not of compulsion.或者換句話說，他告訴我們說，自然法授權男子跟隨唯一的聲音，個人的良知，在實踐中的宗教，自接受宗教，是一個值得我們的自由意志，而不是強迫。 Replying to the accusation of Celsus, based on the Old Testament, that the Christians persecuted dissidents with death, burning, and torture, Origen (C. Cels., VII, 26) is satisfied with explaining that one must distinguish between the law which the Jews received from Moses and that given to the Christians by Jesus; the former was binding on the Jews, the latter on the Christians.在回答這項指控的celsus ，根據舊約聖經，基督徒受迫害的異議人士與死亡，焚燒，並酷刑，淵源（丙cels ，七， 26 ）是滿意的解釋說，一要分清法律，其中猶太人收到摩西，並考慮到由基督徒耶穌;前者是有約束力的猶太人，而後者對基督徒。 Jewish Christians, if sincere, could no longer conform to all of the Mosaic law; hence they were no longer at liberty to kill their enemies or to burn and stone violators of the Christian Law.猶太人，基督信徒，如果有誠意的話，可以不再符合所有的鑲嵌法，因此，他們已不再隨意殺死他們的敵人或燒傷及石料違反基督教法律。
St. Cyprian of Carthage, surrounded as he was by countless schismatics and undutiful Christians, also put aside the material sanction of the Old Testament, which punished with death rebellion against priesthood and the Judges.聖塞浦路斯的迦太基，包圍了，因為他是由無數schismatics和undutiful基督徒，也放下材料制裁的舊約，其中判處死刑反抗神職人員和法官。 "Nunc autem, quia circumcisio spiritalis esse apud fideles servos Dei coepit, spiritali gladio superbi et contumaces necantur, dum de Ecclesia ejiciuntur" (Ep. lxxii, ad Pompon., n. 4) religion being now spiritual, its sanctions take on the same character, and excommunication replaces the death of the body. "很快autem ， quia circumcisio spiritalis本質apud fideles伺服dei coepit ， spiritali gladio蘇博比等contumaces necantur ，達姆彈德教會ejiciuntur " （ ep. lxxii ，專案pompon ， 12月31日4 ）宗教，現在正在精神，其制裁採取對同一特色，並禁教，取代了死亡的人體。 Lactantius was yet smarting under the scourge of bloody persecutions, when he wrote this Divine Institutes in AD 308. lactantius尚未smarting下災禍的血腥迫害，當他寫這個神學院在公元308 。 Naturally, therefore, he stood for the most absolute freedom of religion.自然，因此，他主張以最絕對的新聞自由，宗教自由。 He writes:他寫道：
Religion being a matter of the will, it cannot be forced on anyone; in this matter it is better to employ words than blows [verbis melius quam verberibus res agenda est].宗教作為此事的意願，不能強迫任何人在這件事最好是聘請話要大於造成的衝擊[ verbis melius怎麼verberibus第議程預測] 。 Of what use is cruelty?什麼樣的用途是殘酷？ What has the rack to do with piety?什麼機架做虔誠？ Surely there is no connection between truth and violence, between justice and cruelty .毫無疑問，兩者之間沒有聯繫真相和暴力，正義與殘酷。 . 。 . 。 . 。 It is true that nothing is so important as religion, and one must defend it at any cost [summâ vi] .這是事實無關，是如此重要，因為宗教，一個人必須捍衛它不惜任何代價[ summâ六] 。 . 。 . 。 It is true that it must be protected, but by dying for it, not by killing others; by long-suffering, not by violence; by faith, not by crime.這是事實，它必須受到保護，而是由臨終的話，而不是殺死他人，通過長期受苦受難，而不是通過暴力，通過真誠，而不是犯罪。 If you attempt to defend religion with bloodshed and torture, what you do is not defense, but desecration and insult.如果你在試圖保衛宗教流血和酷刑，你做什麼，是不是防禦，而是褻瀆和侮辱。 For nothing is so intrinsically a matter of free will as religion.什麼也沒有，所以是有內在的問題，自由意志的一種信仰。 (Divine Institutes V:20) （神學院五： 20 ）
The Christian teachers of the first three centuries insisted, as was natural for them, on complete religious liberty; furthermore, they not only urged the principle that religion could not be forced on others -- a principle always adhered to by the Church in her dealings with the unbaptised -- but, when comparing the Mosaic Law and the Christian religion, they taught that the latter was content with a spiritual punishment of heretics (ie with excommunication), while Judaism necessarily proceeded against its dissidents with torture and death.基督教教師的首三個世紀堅持，因為是自然對他們來說，對宗教完全自由;此外，他們不僅敦促原則，即宗教不能強迫別人-一個原則，始終堅持由教會，在她打交道與unbaptised -但是，當比較鑲嵌法和基督教的宗教，他們教導說，後者的內容與精神懲罰異教徒（即與禁教） ，而猶太教一定接著對持不同政見者與酷刑和死亡。
(2) However, the imperial successors of Constantine soon began to see in themselves Divinely appointed "bishops of the exterior", ie masters of the temporal and material conditions of the Church. （ 2 ）但是，帝國接班人的君士坦丁很快開始看到在自己神聖的任命"主教的外表" ，即主人翁的時間和物質條件的教會。 At the same time they retained the traditional authority of "Pontifex Maximus", and in this way the civil authority inclined, frequently in league with prelates of Arian tendencies, to persecute the orthodox bishops by imprisonment and exile.在同一時間，他們保留了傳統權威的"日Bishop鮃" ，並以這種方式公務員管理局傾向，而且往往在聯賽與主教的阿里安傾向，迫害東正教會主教監禁和流放。 But the latter, particularly St. Hilary of Poitiers (Liber contra Auxentium, c. iv), protested vigorously against any use of force in the province of religion, whether for the spread of Christianity or for preservation of the Faith.但後者，尤其是聖希拉里的普瓦捷（ liber矛盾auxentium ，丙四） ，大力抗議，反對任何使用武力，在該省的宗教，無論是為傳播基督教或保存的信念。 They repeatedly urged that in this respect the severe decrees of the Old Testament were abrogated by the mild and gentle laws of Christ.他們再三催促，在這方面嚴厲的法令舊約被廢止，由溫和而溫柔的法律基督。 However, the successors of Constantine were ever persuaded that the first concern of imperial authority (Theodosius II, "Novellae", tit. III, AD 438) was the protection of religion and so, with terrible regularity, issued many penal edicts against heretics.然而，接班人的君士坦丁人分別勸說說，第一個關切的帝國管理局（ theodosius二， " novellae " ，鐵三，專案438個） ，保護宗教等，與可怕的規律，發出許多刑事法令對異教徒。 In the space of fifty seven years sixty-eight enactments were thus promulgated.在太空生活的57年68成文法，因此頒布。 All manner of heretics were affected by this legislation, and in various ways, by exile, confiscation of property, or death.各種形式的異端而受這條法例，並以各種方式，由流放，沒收財產，甚至導致死亡。 A law of 407, aimed at the traitorous Donatists, asserts for the first time that these heretics ought to be put on the same plane as transgressors against the sacred majesty of the emperor, a concept to which was reserved in later times a very momentous role.一項法律的407 ，其目的是在賣國donatists斷言為第一次，這些異端應該放在同一平面，因為transgressors對神聖陛下的皇帝，一個概念，而被保留在稍後的時間非常重大的作用。 The death penalty however, was only imposed for certain kinds of heresy; in their persecution of heretics the Christian emperors fell far short of the severity of Diocletian, who in 287 sentenced to the stake the leaders of the Manichæans, and inflicted on their followers partly the death penalty by beheading, and partly forced labor in the government mines.死刑，但僅因某些種類的異端，在他們的迫害異端基督教皇帝遠低於嚴重性diocletian ，他們在287名被判處股份領導人的manichæans ，以及對他們的追隨者部分死刑斬首的，而部分強迫性勞動，在政府的地雷。
So far we have been dealing with the legislation of the Christianized State.到目前為止，我們已處理的立法工作christianized狀態。 In the attitude of the representatives of the Church towards this legislation some uncertainty is already noticeable.在態度對教會的代表對這項立法的一些不明朗因素已經明顯。 At the close of the forth century, and during the fifth, Manichaeism, Donatism, and Priscillianism were the heresies most in view.結束時，第四世紀時，在第五，摩尼教， donatism ， priscillianism分別是異端邪說最著想。 Expelled from Rome and Milan, the Manichaeism sought refuge in Africa.逐出羅馬和米蘭，摩尼教尋求避難的是在非洲。 Though they were found guilty of abominable teachings and misdeeds (St. Augustine, De haeresibus", no. 46), the Church refused to invoke the civil power against them; indeed, the great Bishop of Hippo explicitly rejected the use force. He sought their return only through public and private acts of submission, and his efforts seem to have met with success. Indeed, we learn from him that the Donatists themselves were the first to appeal to the civil power for protection against the Church. However, they fared like Daniel's accusers: the lions turned upon them. State intervention not answering to their wishes, and the violent excesses of the Circumcellions being condignly punished, the Donatists complained bitterly of administrative cruelty. St. Optatus of Mileve defended the civil authority (De Schismate Donatistarum, III, cc. 6-7) as follows:雖然他們被發現有罪的可惡的教義和劣跡斑斑（聖奧古斯丁，德haeresibus " ，沒有。 46 ） ，教會拒絕引用民事權力，對付他們，事實上，偉大的主教河馬明確拒絕使用武力，他曾經希望他們的回報，只有通過公共和私人行為的意見書，他的努力似乎已經取得了成功，事實上，我們從他的看法donatists自己的人是首先要上訴到民事權力，為保護教堂，但他們的表現像丹尼爾的控訴：獅子拒絕他們。國家干預不回答他們的意願和暴力的過分行為circumcellions正在condignly處罰， donatists抱怨不已行政暴戾聖optatus的mileve辯護，民事管理局（德schismate donatistarum ，三，消委會6-7 ） ，內容如下：
. 。 . 。 . 。 as though it were not permitted to come forward as avengers of God, and to pronounce sentence of death!好像這是不得挺身復仇者的上帝，並宣判的死刑！ . 。 . 。 . 。 But, say you, the State cannot punish in the name of God.但是，說你，國家就不能懲治，在上帝的名義。 Yet was it not in the name of God that Moses and Phineas consigned to death the worshippers of the Golden Calf and those who despised the true religion?然而，難道不正是在上帝的名義說，摩西和菲尼亞斯寄售死亡信徒的金犢和那些輕蔑真正的宗教？
This was the first time that a Catholic bishop championed a decisive cooperation of the State in religious questions, and its right to inflict death on heretics.這是第一次有一名天主教主教倡導的一個決定性合作的國家在宗教問題，並就其權利所造成的死亡對異教徒。 For the first time, also, the Old Testament was appealed to, though such appeals had been previously rejected by Christian teachers.對於第一個時間，同時，舊約是呼籲，但這種呼籲已先前拒絕了基督教教師。
St. Augustine, on the contrary, was still opposed to the use of force, and tried to lead back the erring by means of instruction; at most he admitted the imposition of a moderate fine for refractory persons.聖奧古斯丁，與此相反，是仍然反對使用武力，並試圖帶領回出問題的方式教學;頂多他承認強加的一個溫和的罰款難治者。 Finally, however, he changed his views, whether moved thereto by the incredible excesses of the Circumcellions or by the good results achieved by the use of force, or favoring force through the persuasions of other bishops.最後，然而，他改變了他的意見後，提出是否由經難以置信的過分行為circumcellions還是取得了良好的效果，使用武力或武力偏袒通過的人，其他的主教。 Apropos of his apparent inconsistency it is well to note carefully whom he is addressing.中肯的，他明顯不一致的，它是要注意他是如何處理。 He appears to speak in one way to government officials, who wanted the existing laws carried out to their fullest extent, and in another to the Donatists, who denied to the State any right of punishing dissenters.他似乎是在講一個方法，以政府官員，他們希望現有的法律進行檢討，以最充分的程度，以及另外向donatists ，誰不向該國的任何權利懲罰異議人士。 In his correspondence with state officials he dwells on Christian charity and toleration, and represents the heretics as straying lambs, to be sought out and perhaps, if recalcitrant chastised with rods and frightened with threats of severer but not to be driven back to the fold by means of rack and sword .在他的書信與州政府官員，他整篇基督教慈善和容忍，並代表著異端作為悖離羔羊，可找了，或許，如果不守法的指責與棒和恐懼與威脅，更嚴厲的，而不是被趕回給倍手段機架和劍。 On the other hand, in his writings against the Donatists he upholds the rights of the State: sometimes, he says, a salutary severity would be to the interest of the erring ones themselves and likewise protective of true believers and the community at large (Vacandard, 1. c., pp. 17-26).另一方面，就在他的著作對donatists他堅持權利的國家：有時，他說，一個有益的嚴重性，將是利益的過錯者自己和同樣的保護真正的信徒及社會大眾（ vacandard 1 。丙，頁17-26 ） 。
As to Priscillianism, not a few points remain yet obscure, despite recent valuable researches.至於priscillianism ，而不是幾個點，但仍然模糊，儘管最近寶貴的研究工作。 It seems certain, however, that Priscillian, Bishop of Avila in Spain, was accused of heresy and sorcery, and found guilty by several councils.似乎可以肯定，不過，這普里西利安，主教阿維拉在西班牙，被指控的異端巫術，並被判罪名成立，由幾個議會。 St. Ambrose at Milan and St. Damascus at Rome seem to have refused him a hearing.聖劉漢銓在米蘭聖大馬士革在羅馬似乎已拒絕他的聽證會。 At length he appealed to Emperor Maximus at Trier, but to his detriment, for he was there condemned to death.在全長他呼籲皇帝鮃在特里爾的，但他不利，因為他有譴責死刑。 Priscillian himself, no doubt in full consciousness of his own innocence, had formerly called for repression of the Manichæans by the sword.普里西利安自己，毫無疑問，在充分意識自己的清白，以前曾呼籲鎮壓的manichæans由劍。 But the foremost Christian teachers did not share these sentiments, and his own execution gave them occasion for a solemn protest against the cruel treatment meted out to him by the imperial government.但首要的基督教教師不同意這些觀點，與他自己的執行給了他們機會，一個莊嚴的抗議反對殘酷對待平時給他的帝國政府。 St. Martin of Tours, then at Trier, exerted himself to obtain from the ecclesiastical authority the abandonment of the accusation, and induced the emperor to promise that on no account would he shed the blood of Priscillian, since ecclesiastical deposition by the bishops would be punishment enough, and bloodshed would be opposed to the Divine Law (Sulpicius Severus, "Chron.", II, in PL, XX, 155 sqq.; and ibid., "Dialogi", III, col.217).聖馬丁的旅行團，然後在特里爾，極力爭取從教會權力機構放棄這項指控，並誘導皇帝許諾說，從來沒有帳戶，將他大棚的鮮血普里西利安的，因為教會沉積，由主教會處罰不夠的，流血的，將反對以神權法（ sulpicius塞維魯， "慢性" ，第二，在臨時立法會， XX條， 155 sqq 。和同上， " dialogi " ，三， col.217 ） 。 After the execution he strongly blamed both the accusers and the emperor, and for a long time refused to hold communion with such bishops as had been in any way responsible for Priscillian's death.處決後，他強烈譴責無論是原告和皇帝，並在相當長的時間，拒絕舉行共融與這種主教已被以任何方式負責普里西利安的死因。 The great Bishop of Milan, St. Ambrose, described that execution as a crime.偉大的主教米蘭，聖劉漢銓，形容處決是一種罪行。
Priscillianism, however, did not disappear with the death of its originator; on the contrary, it spread with extraordinary rapidly, and, through its open adoption of Manichaeism, became more of a public menace than ever. priscillianism ，卻並沒有消失與死亡的，其發端;相反，它的蔓延與不平凡的迅速，並通過其公開的通過，摩尼教，成為更多的是公眾的威脅比以往任何時候。 In this way the severe judgments of St. Augustine and St. Jerome against Priscillianism become intelligible.在這樣嚴峻的判決聖奧古斯丁和聖杰羅姆對priscillianism成為理解。 In 447 Leo the Great had to reproach the Priscillianists with loosening the holy bonds of marriage, treading all decency under foot, and deriding all law, human and Divine.在447利奧偉大了譴責priscillianists與鬆動聖地債券的婚姻，對待所有體統腳下，並嘲諷一切法律，人類與神靈。 It seemed to him natural that temporal rulers should punish such sacrilegious madness, and should put to death the founder of the sect and some of his followers.在他看來，自然顳統治者應該懲罰這些褻瀆瘋了，並應置於死亡的創始人，該教派和他的一些追隨者。 He goes on to say that this redounded to the advantage of the Church: "quae etsi sacerdotali contenta iudicio, cruentas refugit ultiones, severis tamen christianorum principum constitutionibus adiuratur, dum ad spiritale recurrunt remedium, qui timent corporale supplicium" - though the Church was content with a spiritual sentence on the part of its bishops and was averse to the shedding of blood, nevertheless it was aided by the imperial severity, inasmuch as the fear of corporal punishment drove the guilty to seek a spiritual remedy (Ep. xv ad Turribium; PL, LIV, 679 sq.).他接著說，這redounded向優勢教會說： " quae的ETSI sacerdotali contenta iudicio ， cruentas refugit ultiones ， severis僅christianorum principum constitutionibus adiuratur ，達姆彈專案spiritale recurrunt remedium ， qui timent corporale supplicium " -儘管教堂內容同一種精神一句就其部分主教，並於反感，讓人們看到血，不過這是由計算機輔助帝國的嚴重性，因為害怕體罰驅車有罪者，以尋求一種精神的補救措施（ ep.第十五專案turribium ;特等， 54 ， 679平方米） 。
The ecclesiastical ideas of the first five centuries may be summarized as follows:教會思想的第一個五年百年可歸納如下：
the Church should for no cause shed blood (St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, St. Leo I, and others); other teachers, however, like Optatus of Mileve and Priscillian, believed that the State could pronounce the death penalty on heretics in case the public welfare demanded it; the majority held that the death penalty for heresy, when not civilly criminal, was irreconcilable with the spirit of Christianity.教會應該為任何事業拋頭顱，灑熱血（聖奧古斯丁，聖劉漢銓，聖利奧，我和其他人） ，其他教師，但它像optatus的mileve和普里西利安認為，該國可以在宣判死刑對異教徒在宗案件中，公眾福利要求;大多數人認為執行死刑的異端時，沒有民事刑事，是不可調和的與精神的基督教。
St. Augustine (Ep. c, n. 1), almost in the name of the western Church, says: "Corrigi eos volumus, non necari, nec disciplinam circa eos negligi volumus, nec suppliciis quibus digni sunt exerceri" - we wish them corrected, not put to death; we desire the triumph of (ecclesiastical) discipline, not the death penalties that they deserve.聖奧古斯丁（ ep. c ， 12月31日1 ） ，幾乎在名稱的西方教會，說： " corrigi eos volumus ，非necari ， NEC公司disciplinam circa eos negligi volumus ， NEC公司suppliciis quibus digni必須遵守exerceri " -我們祝福他們糾正，而不是把死刑，我們渴望勝利（教會）的紀律，而不是死刑懲罰，他們應得的。 St. John Chrysostom says substantially the same in the name of the Eastern Church (Hom., XLVI, c. i): "To consign a heretic to death is to commit an offence beyond atonement"; and in the next chapter he says that God forbids their execution, even as He forbids us to uproot cockle, but He does not forbid us to repel them, to deprive them of free speech, or to prohibit their assemblies.聖約翰金口說大致相同，在名稱的東部教會（ hom. ，四十六，丙）說： "去，邪教組織，以死來，即屬違法，超越了贖罪" ，並在下一章他說，上帝禁止他們處決，甚至因為他不准我們就要把皺皮，但他並沒有不讓我們擊退他們，剝奪了他們的言論自由，或者禁止他們集會。 The help of the "secular arm" was therefore not entirely rejected; on the contrary, as often as the Christian welfare, general or domestic, required it, Christian rulers sought to stem the evil by appropriate measures.的幫助下， "世俗手臂" ，因此沒有完全拒絕;反過來說，由於經常被視為基督教福利，一般還是國內，要求它，基督教統治者試圖阻止邪惡的，由適當的措施。 As late the seventh century St. Isidore of Seville expresses similar sentiments (Sententiarum, III, iv, nn. 4-6).遲至公元7世紀的聖伊西多爾的塞維爾表示，類似的情緒（ sententiarum ，三，四，神經網絡4-6 ） 。
How little we are to trust the vaunted impartiality of Henry Charles Lee, the American historian of the Inquisition, we may here illustrate by an example.如何少，我們要相信誇耀公正的亨利李，美國歷史學家的宗教裁判所，我們可以在這裡說明了一個實例。 In his "History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages" (New York, 1888, I, 215), He closes this period with these words:在他的"歷史上的宗教裁判所，在中世紀" （紐約， 1888年，我， 215 ） ，他結束這段話：
It was only sixty-two years after the slaughter of Priscillian and his followers had excited so much horror, that Leo I, when the heresy seemed to be reviving in 447, not only justified the act, but declared that, if the followers of a heresy so damnable were allowed to live, there would be an end to human and Divine law.它只是62年後，屠宰稅普里西利安和他的追隨者曾興奮那麼多恐怖片，利奧說，我當異端似乎要振興，在447 ，不僅正當行為，但聲稱，如果信徒一異端，使damnable被允許活，就不會有結束了人類與神靈的規定。 The final step had been taken and the church was definitely pledged to the suppression of heresy at any cost.最後一步，已經採取了教會是絕對承諾鎮壓異端不惜一切代價。 It is impossible not to attribute to ecclesiastical influence the successive edicts by which, from the time of Theodosius the Great, persistence in heresy was punished with death.這是絕對不可能的屬性，以教會的影響力歷屆經文，其中，從時間的theodosius偉大的，堅持用異端被處以死刑。
In these lines Lee has transferred to the pope words employed by the emperor.在這些線路議員已移交給教宗的話受僱於皇帝。 Moreover, it is simply the exact opposite of historical truth to assert that the imperial edicts punishing heresy with death were due to ecclesiastical influence, since we have shown that in this period the more influential ecclesiastical authorities declared that the death penalty was contrary to the spirit of the Gospel, and themselves opposed its execution.此外，這只不過是剛好相反的歷史真相斷言帝國法令，懲治異端與死亡是由於教會的影響力，因為我們已經表明，在此期間，較具影響力的教會當局宣稱，死刑是違背了精神的福音，和自己反對的執行情況。 For centuries this was the ecclesiastical attitude both in theory and in practice.數百年來，這是教會的態度，無論在理論上還是在實踐上。 Thus, in keeping with the civil law, some Manichæans were executed at Ravenna in 556.因此，符合民事法律中，有些manichæans被槍決，在拉文納，在556 。 On the other hand.在另一方面。 Elipandus of Toledo and Felix of Urgel, the chiefs of Adoptionism and Predestinationism, were condemned by councils, but were otherwise left unmolested. elipandus托萊多和Felix的urgel ，酋長的adoptionism和predestinationism ，被譴責，議會，但由於其他原因離開unmolested 。 We may note, however, that the monk Gothescalch, after the condemnation of his false doctrine that Christ had not died for all mankind, was by the Synods of Mainz in 848 and Quiercy in 849 sentenced to flogging and imprisonment, punishments then common in monasteries for various infractions of the rule.我們可以注意到，不過，有人說，和尚gothescalch後，譴責他的虛假學說，基督並沒有死，為全人類的利益，是由主教會議的美因茨在848和quiercy 849被判鞭笞和監禁，處罰則常見於寺廟對於各種違規行為的規則。
(3) About the year 1000 Manichæans from Bulgaria, under various names, spread over Western Europe. （ 3 ）關於1000年manichæans來自保加利亞，名稱不一，分佈在西歐。 They were numerous in Italy, Spain, Gaul and Germany.他們多次在意大利，西班牙，高盧和德國。 Christian popular sentiment soon showed itself adverse to these dangerous sectaries, and resulted in occasional local persecutions, naturally in forms expressive of the spirit of the age.基督教民心很快發現自己不利，這些危險sectaries ，並導致偶爾當地迫害，當然，在形式表現了時代精神。 In 1122 King Robert the Pious (regis iussu et universae plebis consensu), "because he feared for the safety of the kingdom and the salvation of souls" had thirteen distinguished citizens, ecclesiastic and lay, burnt alive at Orléans.在1122年國王羅伯特的虔誠（ 。 Regis iussu等universae plebis consensu ） " ，因為他擔心的安全構成威脅，英國及救贖的心靈"了13名傑出公民，教會及裁員，被活活燒死在奧爾良。 Elsewhere similar acts were due to popular outbursts.其他地方的類似行為，是因為流行爆發。 A few years later the Bishop of Châlons observed that the sect was spreading in his diocese, and asked of Wazo, Bishop of Liège, advice as to the use of force: "An terrenae potestatis gladio in eos sit animadvertendum necne" ("Vita Wasonis", cc. xxv, xxvi, in PL, CXLII, 752; "Wazo ad Roger. II, episc. Catalaunens", and "Anselmi Gesta episc. Leod." in "Mon. Germ. SS.", VII, 227 sq.).幾年後的主教châlons指出，該教派是散佈在他的教區，並詢問了wazo主教，列日，意見，以決定使用武力，說： "一個terrenae potestatis gladio EOS中靜坐animadvertendum necne " （下稱"履歷表wasonis " ，消委會。第二十五，二十六，在特等， cxlii ， 752 " ; wazo專案羅傑，第二episc 。 catalaunens " ， " anselmi gesta episc 。 leod "的" Mon 。胚芽。酬金" ，第七章， 227平方） 。 Wazo replied that this was contrary to the spirit of the Church and the words of its Founder, Who ordained that the tares should be allowed to grow with the wheat until the day of the harvest, lest the wheat be uprooted with the tares; those who today were tares might to-morrow be converted, and turn into wheat; let them therefore live, and let mere excommunication suffice. wazo回答說，這是違背精神的教會和的話，其創辦人，他們受戒表示tares應獲准成長與小麥，直到有一天的收穫，以免小麥被連根拔起，同tares者今天被tares可能到明天改裝，並轉入小麥，讓他們因此活，讓單純的禁教就夠了。 St. Chrysostom, as we have seen, had taught similar doctrine.聖金口，正如我們所看到的，有教類似的教義。 This principle could not be always followed.這個原則不能始終遵循。 Thus at Goslar, in the Christmas season of 1051, and in 1052, several heretics were hanged because Emperor Henry III wanted to prevent the further spread of "the heretical leprosy."因此，在goslar ，在聖誕季節的第1051 ，而在1052年，一些異端被處以絞刑，因為皇帝亨利三世通緝，以防止進一步蔓延的"異端邪說麻風病" 。 A few years later, in 1076 or 1077, a Catharist was condemned to the stake by the Bishop of Cambrai and his chapter.幾年後， 1076或1077 ，一catharist譴責以股份由主教cambrai和他的一章。 Other Catharists, in spite of the archbishop's intervention, were given their choice by the magistrates of Milan between doing homage to the Cross and mounting the pyre.其他catharists ，儘管大主教的介入，給予他們的選擇是由裁判米蘭之間做頂禮膜拜十字架上掛載pyre 。 By far the greater number chose the latter.迄今為止，較多地選擇了後者。 In 1114 the Bishop of Soissons kept sundry heretics in durance in his episcopal city.在1114年的主教soissons存放雜物異端在durance在他的主教城市。 But while he was gone to Beauvais, to ask advice of the bishops assembled there for a synod the "believing folk, fearing the habitual soft-heartedness of ecclesiastics (clericalem verens mollitiem), stormed the prison took the accused outside of town, and burned them.不過，雖然他是去beauvais ，要求諮詢的主教組裝有一個主教會議" ，以為民俗，怕慣性軟心的ecclesiastics （ clericalem verens mollitiem ） ，衝進監獄代為被告以外的城市，並燒毀他們。
The people disliked what to them was the extreme dilatoriness of the clergy in pursuing heretics.人民不喜歡什麼，他們是極端dilatoriness的神職人員在追求異端。 In 1144 Adalerbo II of Liège hoped to bring some imprisoned Catharists to better knowledge through the grace of God, but the people, less indulgent, assailed the unhappy creatures and only with the greatest trouble did the bishop succeed in rescuing some of them from death by fire.在第1144 adalerbo第二列，希望把一些被囚禁catharists以更好的知識，透過上帝的恩典，但人少，放縱，抨擊不快樂的動物，只有以最大的麻煩卻主教成功地挽救他們中的一些人從死亡火。 A like drama was enacted about the same time at Cologne, while the archbishop and the priests earnestly sought to lead the misguided back into the Church, the latter were violently taken by the mob (a populis nimio zelo abreptis) from the custody of the clergy and burned at the stake.類似的戲劇頒布了大約同一時候，在科隆，而主教和司鐸，切實設法帶領誤導回教堂，後者則是用暴力所採取的暴徒（一populis nimio非常abreptis ）由保管的神職人員並燒毀，在股份。 The best-known heresiarchs of that time, Peter of Bruys and Arnold of Brescia, met a similar fate -- the first on the pyre as a victim of popular fury, and the latter under the henchman's axe as a victim of his political enemies.最有名的heresiarchs那些日子裡，彼得的布勒伊斯和阿諾德的布雷西亞在人民大會堂會見了類似的命運-首先就p yre作為受害者的民眾憤怒，而後者下黨羽的斧頭作為一個受害者，他的政治敵人。
In short, no blame attaches to the Church for her behavior towards heresy in those rude days.總之，沒有任何責怪的重視，教會，為她的行為對異端在那些粗魯天。 Among all the bishops of the period, so far as can be ascertained, Theodwin of Liège, successor of the aforesaid Wazo and predecessor of Adalbero II, alone appealed to the civil power for the punishment of heretics, and even he did not call for the death penalty, which was rejected by all.各主教的時期，因此，據知， theodwin的列日，繼任者的上述wazo和前任的adalbero二，單獨上訴到民事權力，為懲治異端，甚至他沒有呼籲為死刑，而被否決。 who were more highly respected in the twelfth century than Peter Canter, the most learned man of his time, and St. Bernard of Clairvaux?人多極受尊重，在12世紀，比彼得坎特，最博學他的時候，和聖伯納德的克萊爾沃？ The former says ("Verbum abbreviatum", c. lxxviii, in PL, CCV, 231):前者說， （ "拉丁文字語言abbreviatum " ，長lxxviii ，特等，犬冠狀病毒， 231 ） ：
Whether they be convicted of error, or freely confess their guilt, Catharists are not to be put to death, at least not when they refrain from armed assaults upon the Church.他們是否被定罪的錯誤，或自由地交代自己有罪， catharists不應該被置於死亡的，至少不是當他們不要武裝襲擊後，該教堂。 For although the Apostle said, A man that is a heretic after the third admonition, avoid, he certainly did not say, Kill him.雖然傳道者說，一名男子說，是一個邪教組織後，第三次警，自勵，避免的，他當然沒有說，然後將他殺死。 Throw them into prison, if you will, but do not put them to death (cf. Geroch von Reichersberg, "De investigatione Antichristi III", 42).扔他們到監獄，如果你們願意，但請不要把他們死刑（參見geroch馮reichersberg ， "德investigatione antichristi三" ， 42 ） 。
So far was St. Bernard from agreeing with the methods of the people of Cologne, that he laid down the axiom: Fides suadenda, non imponenda (By persuasion, not by violence, are men to be won to the Faith).到目前為止，聖伯納德同意與方法的人，科隆，那他放下公理：惹人suadenda ，非imponenda （勸導，而不是通過暴力，是男性被韓元信仰） 。 And if he censures the carelessness of the princes, who were to blame because little foxes devastated the vineyard, yet he adds that the latter must not be captured by force but by arguments (capiantur non armis, sed argumentis); the obstinate were to be excommunicated, and if necessary kept in confinement for the safety of others (aut corrigendi sunt ne pereant, aut, ne perimant, coercendi).如果他的指責，該粗心大意的王子，他們咎由自取，因為小狐狸蹂躪葡萄園，但他補充說，後者必須不被抓獲的用武力，而是由論據（ capiantur非armis文，而argumentis ） ;執迷不悟被驅逐，如果有必要留在隔離他人安全（奧地利corrigendi必須遵守的氦氖pereant ，奧地利，氦氖perimant ， coercendi ） 。 (See Vacandard, 1. c., 53 sqq.) The synods of the period employ substantially the same terms, eg the synod at Reims in 1049 under Leo IX, that at Toulouse in 1119, at which Callistus II presided, and finally the Lateran Council of 1139. （見vacandard ， 1 。丙， 53 sqq ） ，主教會議的期間聘請實質上是相同的，例如，主教在蘭斯，在1049年根據利奧九，在圖盧茲，在1119 ，在這callistus二主持，最後才lateran會， 1139 。
Hence, the occasional executions of heretics during this period must be ascribed partly to the arbitrary action of individual rulers, partly to the fanatic outbreaks of the overzealous populace, and in no wise to ecclesiastical law or the ecclesiastical authorities.因此，偶爾處決的異教徒，在此期間必須歸功於部分，以武斷的個別統治者，部分狂熱爆發的過分熱心民眾，而且在任何一個明智的教會法或教會當局。 There were already, it is true, canonists who conceded to the Church the right to pronounce sentence of death on heretics; but the question was treated as a purely academic one, and the theory exercised virtually no influence on real life.已經有一些，這是事實， canonists誰讓步，以教會有權宣判死刑異端，不過，這個問題被當作一個純粹的學術，理論和行使，幾乎沒有任何影響力的現實生活。 Excommunication, proscription, imprisonment, etc., were indeed inflicted, being intended rather as forms of atonement than of real punishment, but never the capital sentence.禁教，禁制，監禁等問題，確實造成的，正在打算，而不是為形式的贖罪比真正的懲罰，但從來沒有死緩。 The maxim of Peter Cantor was still adhered to: "Catharists, even though divinely convicted in an ordeal, must not be punished by death."格言彼得康托仍堅持說： " catharists ，即使神定罪，在磨難中，絕不能被處以死刑" 。
In the second half of the twelfth century, however, heresy in the form of Catharism spread in truly alarming fashion, and not only menaced the Church's existence, but undermined the very foundations of Christian society.在下半年的12世紀，然而，在異端的形式catharism蔓延，在真正令人吃驚的時裝，不僅大大刺激了教會的存在，但破壞了很基礎的基督教社會。 In opposition to this propaganda there grew up a kind of prescriptive law - at least throughout Germany, France, and Spain - which visited heresy with death by the flames.在反對這種宣傳有成長起來的一種指令性的法律-至少在整個德國，法國，西班牙等-訪異端與死亡所產生的火焰。 England on the whole remained untainted by heresy.英格蘭就整體而言仍是廉潔自持，大逆不道。 When, in 1166, about thirty sectaries made their way thither, Henry II ordered that they be burnt on their foreheads with red-hot iron, be beaten with rods in the public square, and then driven off.時，在1166年中，約有30 sectaries作出自己的方式上去，亨利二世下令將他們燒死就其foreheads與紅鐵水，被毆打與棒，在公共廣場上，然後趕下車。 Moreover, he forbade anyone to give them shelter or otherwise assist them, so that they died partly from hunger and partly from the cold of winter.此外，他不容許任何人給他們的住房或以其他方式協助，以使他們死亡，部分則來自飢餓和部分來自寒冷的冬天。 Duke Philip of Flanders, aided by William of the White Hand, Archbishop of Reims, was particularly severe towards heretics.公爵菲利普的佛蘭德，輔以威廉的白色手，大主教的蘭斯，尤其是對重度異端。 They caused many citizens in their domains, nobles and commoners, clerics, knights, peasants, spinsters, widows, and married women, to be burnt alive, confiscated their property, and divided it between them.他們造成了許多公民在自己的網域，貴族和commoners ，教士，騎士，農民，老處女，寡婦，和已婚婦女，被活活燒死的，沒收他們的財產，並劃分它們之間。 This happened in 1183.這件事發生在1183年。
Between 1183 and 1206 Bishop Hugo of Auxerre acted similarly towards the neo-Mainchaeans.之間的第1183和1206年雨果主教的歐塞爾擔任同樣邁向新mainchaeans 。 Some he despoiled; the others he either exiled or sent to the stake.一些他despoiled ;他人，他要么被放逐或發送到股權。 King Philip Augustus of France had eight Catharists burnt at Troyes in 1200, one at Nevers in 1201, several at Braisne-sur-Vesle in 1204, and many at Paris -- "priests, clerics, laymen, and women belonging to the sect".景弘奧古斯都的法國已擁有8個catharists燒死在特魯瓦，在1200 ，一個在nevers在1201年，幾位在braisne - sur - vesle在1204 ，並有許多是設於巴黎-"神父，神職人員，是外行，而且婦女屬於該教派" 。 Raymund V of Toulouse (1148-94) promulgated a law which punished with death the followers of the sect and their favourers. raymund第五圖盧茲（ 1148年至1194年）頒布了一項法律，判處死刑信徒的教派及其favourers 。 Simon de Montfort's men-at-arms believed in 1211 that they were carrying out this law when they boasted how they had burned alive many, and would continue to do so (unde multos combussimus et adhuc cum invenimus idem facere non cessamus).西蒙德montfort的門上的戰友，相信在1211 ，說，他們進行這項法律時，他們自己吹噓他們如何被活活燒死很多，而且將繼續這樣做（ unde multos combussimus等adhuc暨invenimus同上facere非cessamus ） 。 In 1197 Peter II, King of Aragon and Count of Barcelona, issued an edict in obedience to which the Waldensians and all other schismatics were expelled from the land; whoever of this sect was still found in his kingdom or his county after Palm Sunday of the next year was to suffer death by fire, also confiscation of goods.在第1197彼得二，國王阿拉貢和計數的巴塞羅那，發布政令，在服從，其中waldensians和所有其他schismatics被開除出土地;誰的，這節仍發現了他的王國或其縣後，棕櫚週日的未來一年，是遭受死亡的火災，還沒收貨物。
Ecclesiastical legislation was far from this severity.教會立法遠從這個嚴重性。 Alexander III at the Lateran Council of 1179 renewed the decisions already made as to schismatics in Southern France, and requested secular sovereigns to silence those disturbers of public order, if necessary by force, to achieve which object they were at liberty to imprison the guilty (servituti subicere, subdere) and to appropriate their possessions.亞歷山大三世在lateran會， 1179年再次決定已經作出，以schismatics在法國南部，並要求世俗的統治者，以沉默那些disturbers的社會治安秩序，如果有必要的武力，來達到它的目的，他們隨意下獄有罪（ servituti subicere ， subdere ） ，並在適當的，他們的財物。 According to the agreement made by Lucius III and Emperor Frederick Barbarossa at Verona (1148), the heretics of every community were to be sought out, brought before the episcopal court, excommunicated, and given up to the civil power to he suitably punished (debita animadversione puniendus).根據這一協議所作出的lucius三和皇帝馮巴巴羅薩在維羅納（ 1148 ） ，異教徒的每一個社區被找了，但也帶來前主教法庭，驅逐，而放棄向民事權力，他適當懲罰（ debita animadversione puniendus ） 。 The suitable punishment (debita animadversio, ultio) did not, however, as yet mean capital punishment, but the proscriptive ban, though even this, it is true, entailed exile, expropriation, destruction of the culprits dwelling, infamy, debarment from public office, and the like.合適的處罰（ debita animadversio ， ultio ）沒有，不過，由於尚未意味著死刑，但proscriptive禁令，但即使這樣，這是事實，意味著流放，沒收，銷毀匪徒固定住所，臭名， debarment從公職等。 The "Continuatio Zwellensis altera, ad ann. 1184" (Mon. Germ. Hist.: SS., IX, 542) accurately describes the condition of heretics at this time when it says that the pope excommunicated them, and the emperor put them under the civil ban, while he confiscated their goods (papa eos excomunicavit imperator vero tam res quam personas ipsorum imperiali banno subiecit). "連續zwellensis Altera和專案神經網絡。 1184 " （週一胚芽。歷史：五，九， 542頁）準確地描述了條件異端，在這個時候，它說，教宗驅逐他們，皇帝把他們下民事禁令，而他沒收了他們的貨物（爸爸eos excomunicavit imperator的Vero譚第怎麼建立persona ipsorum imperiali banno subiecit ） 。
Under Innocent III nothing was done to intensify or add to the extant statutes against heresy, though this pope gave them a wider range by the action of his legates and through the Fourth Lateran Council (1215).根據無辜三什麼做的目的是強化或補充現行法規對異端，雖然這教宗給他們一個更廣泛的範圍內所採取的行動，他legates並通過第四lateran會（ 1215年） 。 But this act was indeed a relative service to the heretics, for the regular canonical procedure thus introduced did much to abrogate the arbitrariness, passion, and injustice of the Civil courts in Spain, France and Germany.但這種行為確實是一個相對的服務向異教徒，為經常典型程序，因此推出做了很多，取消隨意性，熱情和不公的民事法庭上，在西班牙，法國和德國。 In so far as, and so long as, his prescriptions remained in force, no summary condemnations or executions en masse occurred, neither stake nor rack were set up; and, if, on one occasion during the first year of his pontificate, to justify confiscation, he appealed to the Roman Law and its penalties for crimes against the sovereign power, yet he did not draw the extreme conclusion that heretics deserved to be burnt.至於所謂，只要他的藥方依然有效，沒有簡要譴責或處決大批量地發生後，既沒有股份，也不機架分別設立; ，如果是，有一次在第一年教宗後，辯護沒收，他呼籲羅馬法及其處罰罪對主權國，但他並不以此為極端的結論，即異教徒當之無愧地被燒毀。 His reign affords many examples showing how much of the vigour he took away in practice from the existing penal code.他的統治提供了許多例子顯示多大的魄力，他拿走了，在實踐中，由現行的刑法典。
II.二。 THE SUPPRESSION OF HERESY BY THE INSTITUTION KNOWN AS THE INQUISITION鎮壓異端，由該機構被稱為宗教裁判所
A. The Inquisition of The Middle Ages答：宗教裁判所的中世紀
(1) Origin （ 1 ）原產地
During the first three decades of the thirteenth century the Inquisition, as the institution, did not exist.在第一個30年的13世紀宗教裁判所，因為該機構，是不存在的。 But eventually Christian Europe was so endangered by heresy, and penal legislation concerning Catharism had gone so far, that the Inquisition seemed to be a political necessity.但最終基督教歐洲是使物種受到異端法和刑法的立法catharism了，所以截至目前為止，宗教裁判所，似乎是一個政治上的需要。 That these sects were a menace to Christian society had been long recognized by the Byzantine rulers.這些教派是一個威脅，以基督教社會曾長期公認拜占庭統治者。 As early as the tenth century Empress Theodora had put to death a multitude of Paulicians, and in 1118 Emperor Alexius Comnenus treated the Bogomili with equal severity, but this did not prevent them from pouring over all Western Europe.早在公元十世紀慈禧theodora了死刑千頭萬緒paulicians ，並在1118年天皇alexius康姆尼紐斯對待bogomili與平等的嚴重性，但這並沒有阻止他們澆築超過所有西歐。 Moreover these sects were in the highest degree aggressive, hostile to Christianity itself, to the Mass, the sacraments, the ecclesiastical hierarchy and organization; hostile also to feudal government by their attitude towards oaths, which they declared under no circumstances allowable.況且這些支派人，是最高等級的侵略，敵視基督教本身，向大眾，聖禮，教會等級制度和組織;敵對，也封建政府，他們的態度宣誓，他們宣稱在任何情況下，可容許的。 Nor were their views less fatal to the continuance of human society, for on the one hand they forbade marriage and the propagation of the human race, and on the other hand they made a duty of suicide through the institution of the Endura (see CATHARI).也沒有被他們的意見，那麼致命的延續，人類社會，為對美國，一方面，他們不容許婚姻和繁殖的人類，並在另一方面，他們提出了當值的自殺是通過機構的endura （見卡塔利） 。 It has been said that more perished through the Endura (the Catharist suicide code) than through the Inquisition.據說，曾經有更多的滅亡通過endura （ catharist自殺碼） ，比通過宗教裁判所。 It was, therefore, natural enough for the custodians of the existing order in Europe, especially of the Christian religion, to adopt repressive measures against such revolutionary teachings.因此，有人自然不夠保管人的現有秩序，在歐洲，特別是基督教，採取鎮壓措施，例如革命教義。 In France Louis VIII decreed in 1226 that persons excommunicated by the diocesan bishop, or his delegate, should receive "meet punishment" (debita animadversio).在法國路易八命令，在1226年的人驅逐，由教區主教，或他的代表，應該得到"滿足處罰" （ debita animadversio ） 。 In 1249 Louis IX ordered barons to deal with heretics according to the dictates of duty (de ipsis faciant quod debebant).在1249年路易九下令大亨，以應付異端據頤指氣使稅（德ipsis faciant和debebant ） 。 A decree of the Council of Toulouse (1229) makes it appear probable that in France death at the stake was already comprehended as in keeping with the aforesaid debita animadversio.理事會法令的圖盧茲（ 1229 ） ，使得它看來有可能在法國逝世，在股權已經理解為符合上述debita animadversio 。 To seek to trace in these measures the influence of imperial or papal ordinances is vain, since the burning of heretics had already come to be regarded as prescriptive.設法追查，在這些措施的影響，帝國或羅馬教皇條例是徒勞的，因為燃燒的異教徒已來被視為指令性的。 It is said in the "Etablissements de St. Louis et coutumes de Beauvaisis", ch.據稱，在" etablissements德聖路易等coutumes德beauvaisis " ，你的。 cxiii (Ordonnances des Roys de France, I, 211): "Quand le juge [ecclésiastique] laurait examiné [le suspect] se il trouvait, quil feust bougres, si le devrait faire envoier à la justice laie, et la justice laie le dolt fere ardoir." cxiii （ ordonnances萬roys法國，我， 211 ）說： " quand法官在樂[ ecclésiastique ] laurait審議了[樂嫌疑人]硒白細胞介素trouvait ， quil feust bougres ，思樂devrait自由放任envoier à正義laie等司法laie樂dolt幾乎ardoir " 。 The "Coutumes de Beauvaisis" correspond to the German "Sachsenspiegel", or "Mirror of Saxon Laws", compiled about 1235, which also embodies as a law sanctioned by custom the execution of unbelievers at the stake (sal man uf der hurt burnen). " coutumes德beauvaisis "對應，以德國的" sachsenspiegel " ，或"的一面鏡子撒克遜法" ，編制了1235年左右，這也體現了作為一名法律制裁定制執行不信，在股權（薩爾文超濾明鏡傷害burnen ） 。 In Italy Emperor Frederick II, as early as 22 November, 1220 (Mon. Germ., II, 243), issued a rescript against heretics, conceived, however quite in the spirit of Innocent III, and Honorius III commissioned his legates to see to the enforcement in Italian cities of both the canonical decrees of 1215 and the imperial legislation of 1220.在意大利皇帝馮檢二，早在1220年11月22日（週一胚芽。第一，第二，第243條） ，發表了一份rescript反對異教徒，構思，但在相當的精神無辜三，以及honorius三，委託他legates看到，以執法，在意大利城市的兩個典型法令， 1215與帝國立法的1220名。
From the foregoing it cannot be doubted that up to 1224 there was no imperial law ordering, or presupposing as legal, the burning of heretics.從前述內容可以是毋庸置疑的是，直至1224年有沒有帝國法律訂購，或假定為法律，焚燒異教徒。 The rescript for Lombardy of 1224 (Mon. Germ., II, 252; cf. ibid., 288) is accordingly the first law in which death by fire is contemplated (cf. Ficker, op. cit., 196).該rescript為倫巴第的1224 （週一胚芽。第一，二， 252個;比照同上， 288頁）據此，是第一部法律，其中死亡的火災現（參見菲克爾，同前， 196頁） 。 That Honorius III was in any way concerned in the drafting of this ordinance cannot be maintained; indeed the emperor was all the less in need of papal inspiration as the burning of heretics in Germany was then no longer rare; his legists, moreover, would certainly have directed the emperors attention to the ancient Roman Law that punished high treason with death, and Manichaeism in particular with the stake.這honorius三，在任何有關這項條例的草擬工作就無法再維持，事實上，皇帝都較差，需要教皇的靈感，因為燃燒的異教徒，在德國當時已不再罕見，其legists ，而且，一定會已指示皇帝注意，古羅馬的法律懲罰叛國罪犯被判死刑，摩尼教，尤其是與股權。 The imperial rescripts of 1220 and 1224 were adopted into ecclesiastical criminal law in 1231, and were soon applied at Rome.帝國rescripts 1220和1224年分別通過了到教會刑法在1231 ，並很快適用於羅馬。 It was then that the Inquisition of the Middle Ages came into being.這是當時宗教裁判所的中世紀應運而生。
What was the immediate provocation?什麼是即時的挑釁？ Contemporary sources afford no positive answer.當代來源不起，沒有正面回答。 Bishop Douais, who perhaps commands the original contemporary material better than anyone, has attempted in his latest work (L'Inquisition. Ses Origines. Sa Procedure, Paris, 1906) to explain its appearance by a supposed anxiety of Gregory IX to forestall the encroachments of Frederick II in the strictly ecclesiastical province of doctrine.主教douais ，他們或許指揮原當代材料比任何人，試圖在他的最新作品（ l'探討。經濟局局長origines 。 SA服務程序，巴黎， 1906年） ，以解釋它的外觀由一個假定的焦慮格雷戈里九，以預先阻止侵害馮檢二，在嚴格的教會省的教義。 For this purpose it would seem necessary for the pope to establish a distinct and specifically ecclesiastical court.為此，似乎有必要為教皇確立鮮明而具體地教會法庭。 From this point of view, though the hypothesis cannot be fully proved, much is intelligible that otherwise remains obscure.從這個角度看，雖然假設不能充分證明了，很多是理解，否則仍然模糊。 There was doubtless reason to fear such imperial encroachments in an age yet filled with the angry contentions of the Imperium and the Sacerdotium.因此毫無疑問，有理由擔心這種帝國侵占在這樣一個時代，但充滿憤怒的爭論的imperium和sacerdotium 。 We need only recall the trickery of the emperor and his pretended eagerness for the purity of the Faith, his increasingly rigorous legislation against heretics, the numerous executions of his personal rivals on the pretext of heresy, the hereditary passion of the Hohenstaufen for supreme control over Church and State, their claim of God-given authority over both, of responsibility in both domains to God and God only etc. What was more natural than that the Church should strictly reserve to herself her own sphere, while at the same time endeavouring to avoid giving offence to the emperor?我們只需要記得，玩弄權術的皇帝和他假裝熱心為純潔的信念，他的日益嚴格立法禁止異端，眾多處決他的個人競爭對手的藉口異端，世襲激情的亨施道芬為最高控制權教會與國家，他們聲稱上帝賦予的權力，兩者的責任，在這兩個領域，以神和上帝，只有等，什麼是更接近自然比教會應嚴格儲備，以她自己的思想領域，而在同一時間，在努力避免給予罪行，以天皇？ A purely spiritual or papal religious tribunal would secure ecclesiastical liberty and authority for this court could be confided to men of expert knowledge and blameless reputation, and above all to independent men in whose hands the Church could safely trust the decision as to the orthodoxy or heterodoxy of a given teaching.一個純粹的精神或教皇宗教法庭將保證教會的自由和權力，為這個法庭可以完全可由男性的專門知識和清白聲譽，而且首先要獨立，在男人的手中，教會可以平安信託的決定，以正統或異端某一教學。 On the other hand, to meet the emperor's wishes as far as allowable, the penal code of the empire could be taken over as it stood (cf. Audray, "Regist. de Grégoire IX", n. 535).在另一方面，為了滿足皇帝的意願，就允許的，刑法的帝國可能被接管，因為它主張（參見audray ， " regist 。德grégoire九大" ， 12月31日535 ） 。
(2) The New Tribunal （ 2 ）新法庭
(a) Its essential characteristic （一） ，其本質特徵
The pope did not establish the Inquisition as a distinct and separate tribunal; what he did was to appoint special but permanent judges, who executed their doctrinal functions in the name of the pope.教宗沒有建立宗教裁判所作為一個獨特和獨立的法庭;他的所作所為被任命特別，但常任法官，他們被處決，他們的理論功能，在名稱的教宗。 Where they sat, there was the Inquisition.凡報考的，有宗教裁判所。 It must he carefully noted that the characteristic feature of the Inquisition was not its peculiar procedure, nor the secret examination of witnesses and consequent official indictment: this procedure was common to all courts from the time of Innocent III.它必須小心，他指出，該特徵的宗教裁判所，是不是它的奇特的程序，也沒有秘密訊問證人，並作出相應的正式起訴書：這個程序是共同的所有法庭，從時間的無辜三。 Nor was it the pursuit of heretics in all places: this had been the rule since the Imperial Synod of Verona under Lucius III and Frederick Barbarossa.也不是追求異端，在所有工作場所：這一直是統治以來，帝國主教維羅納下lucius三和馮巴巴羅薩。 Nor again was it the torture, which was not prescribed or even allowed for decades after the beginning of the Inquisition, nor, finally, the various sanctions, imprisonment, confiscation, the stake, etc., all of which punishments were usual long before the Inquisition.也再一次被它折磨，因為這是不明，甚至讓幾十年後，一開始的宗教裁判所，也沒有，最後，各種制裁，監禁，沒收，股權等，所有這些都遭到處分照常早宗教裁判所。 The Inquisitor, strictly speaking, was a special but permanent judge, acting in the name of the pope and clothed by him with the right and the duty to deal legally with offences against the Faith; he had, however, to adhere to the established rules of canonical procedure and pronounce the customary penalties.該砂鍋，嚴格來說，是一個具有特別意義，但常任法官，名義行事的教宗溫飽，由他的權利和義務依法處理反政府罪名的信念;但是，他堅持以既定規則典型的程序和發音習慣的懲罰。 Many regarded it, as providential that just at this time sprang up two new orders, the Dominicans and the Franciscans, whose members, by their superior theological training and other characteristics, seemed eminently fitted to perform the inquisitorial task with entire success.許多把它作為天賜說，就在這個時候興起了兩個新的命令，多米尼加和方濟會，其成員中，其優越的神學訓練等方面的特點，似乎遙不可及，裝有履行審問工作與整個圓滿成功。 It was safe to assume that they were not merely endowed with the requisite knowledge, but that they would also, quite unselfishly and uninfluenced by worldly motives, do solely what seemed their duty for the Good of the Church.它是安全的假設表示，他們並非僅僅是天賦必需的知識，但他們也有不少，無私奉獻，並不受影響世俗的動機，純粹是做什麼似乎是他們的職責，為良好的教會。 In addition, there was reason to hope that, because of their great popularity, they would not encounter too much opposition.此外，人們有理由希望，因為他們的大受歡迎，他們也不會遇到太大的反對。 It seems, therefore, not unnatural that the inquisitors should have been chosen by the popes prevailingly from these orders, especially from that of the Dominicans.看來，因此並不違反自然規律認為，監獄應該已經選定由教皇prevailingly從這些訂單，特別是從的多米尼加人。 It is to he noted, however, that the inquisitors were not chosen exclusively from the mendicant orders, though the Senator of Rome no doubt meant such when in his oath of office (1231) he spoke of inquisitores datos ab ecclesia.這是但是，他指出，該監獄沒有選擇完全由乞討訂單，雖然參議員羅馬毫無疑問，這樣的意思時，在他宣誓就職（ 1231 ） ，他談到inquisitores您的抗體Ecclesia的。 In his decree of 1232 Frederick II calls them inquisitores ab apostolica sede datos.在他的法令， 1232馮檢二，呼籲他們inquisitores抗體apostolica地球物理您的。 The Dominican Alberic, in November of 1232, went through Lombardy as inquisitor haereticae pravitatis.多米尼加阿伯里克，在十一月1232 ，經歷了倫巴第大作為打破砂鍋haereticae pravitatis 。 The prior and sub-prior of the Dominicans at Friesbach were given a similar commission as early as 27 November, 1231; on 2 December, 1232, the convent of Strasburg, and a little later the convents of Würzburg, Ratisbon, and Bremen, also received the commission.事先和分之前的多米尼加人在friesbach給出了一個類似的委員會，早在1231年11月27日; 1232年12月2日，該修道院的strasburg ，以及稍後修道院的維爾茨堡，拉蒂斯邦和不來梅，也收到委員會的意見。 In 1233 a rescript of Gregory IX, touching these matters, was sent simultaneously to the bishops of Southern France and to the priors of the Dominican Order.在1233年1 rescript的格雷戈里九，內容涉及這些事項，被送往同時向主教的法國南部，並以先驗的多米尼加秩序。 We know that Dominicans were sent as inquisitors in 1232 to Germany along the Rhine, to the Diocese of Tarragona in Spain and to Lombardy; in 1233 to France, to the territory of Auxerre, the ecclesiastical provinces of Bourges, Bordeaux, Narbonne, and Auch, and to Burgundy; in 1235 to the ecclesiastical province of Sens. In fine, about 1255 we find the Inquisition in full activity in all the countries of Central and Western Europe - in the county of Toulouse, in Sicily, Aragon, Lombardy, France, Burgundy, Brabant, and Germany (cf. Douais, op. cit., p. 36, and Fredericq, "Corpus documentorum inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae, 1025-1520", 2 vols., Ghent, 1884-96).我們知道，多米尼加人被送往監獄，因為在1232年向德國沿著萊茵河，向教區tarragona在西班牙和倫巴第，在1233年到法國，向境內的歐塞爾隊，教會省份bourges ，波爾多， narbonne ， auch和勃艮第在1235年向教會省sens.在精細中，約有1255名，我們找到了宗教裁判所，在充分活動在所有國家的中部和西部歐洲-在縣圖盧茲，在西西里，阿拉貢，倫巴第，法國，勃艮第， Brabant的，和德國（參見douais ，前引書，第36頁，並fredericq ， "胼documentorum inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis neerlandicae ， 1025年至1520年" ，第2卷，根特， 1884年至1896年） 。
That Gregory IX, through his appointment of Dominicans and Franciscans as inquisitors, withdrew the suppression of heresy from the proper courts (ie from the bishops), is a reproach that in so general a form cannot be sustained.格雷戈里認為，第九，通過他的任命多米尼加和方濟作為監獄，撤回鎮壓異端，從適當的法院（即從主教） ，是一個和非議中，所以總體上是一個形式，不能永遠持續。 So little did he think of displacing episcopal authority that, on the contrary he provided explicitly that no inquisitional tribunal was to work anywhere without the diocesan bishop's co-operation.所以沒想到，他想取代主教的權力，相