Semi - Pelagianism半-P elagianism

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Semi-Pelagianism involved doctrines, upheld during the period from 427 to 529, that rejected the extreme views both of Pelagius and of Augustine in regards to the priority of divine grace and human will in the initial work of salvation . 半Pelagianism涉及理論,堅持在此期間從427到529 ,即拒絕了極端的觀點都貝拉基和奧古斯丁關於優先神聖恩典和人力將在最初的拯救工作 The label "Semi - Pelagian," however, is a relatively modern expression, which apparently appeared first in the Lutheran Formula of Concord (1577), and became associated with the theology of the Jesuit Luis Molina (1535 - 1600).標籤“半-P elagian, ”不過,是一個比較現代的表達,這顯然是第一次出現在信義公式的康科德( 1 577) ,並成為與神學的耶穌路易斯莫利納( 1 535年至1 600年) 。 The term, nevertheless, was not a happy choice, because the so-called Semi - Pelagians wanted to be anything but half - Pelagians.這個詞,但不是一個幸福的選擇,因為所謂的半-P elagians想成為什麼,但一半- Pe lagians。 It would be more correct to call them Semi - Augustinians who, while rejecting the doctrines of Pelagius and respecting Augustine, were not willing to follow the ultimate consequences of his theology.這將是更正確地給他們打電話半-奧古斯丁誰,而拒絕理論貝拉基奧古斯丁和尊重,沒有願意跟隨的最終後果,他的神學。

Church councils condemned Pelagianism in 418 and again in 431, but this rejection did not mean the acceptance of everything in the Augustinian system. Augustine's teaching on grace may be summarized as follows: Humanity shared in Adam's sin and therefore has become a massa damnationis from which no one can be extricated save by a special gift of divine grace that cannot be merited; yet God in his inscrutable wisdom chooses some to be saved and grants graces that will infallibly but freely lead them to salvation. 教會理事會譴責Pelagianism在418和431再次,但拒絕並不意味著接受一切的奧古斯丁系統。奧古斯丁的教學寬限期可歸納如下:人類共同的亞當的罪孽,因此已成為馬薩從damnationis沒有人可以擺脫保存的一份特別禮物神聖的寬限期,不能值得,但上帝在他的高深莫測的智慧選擇一些保存和贈款青睞,將infallibly但自由使他們得救。 The number of the elect is set and can be neither increased nor decreased. Nevertheless, Vitalis of Carthage and a community of monks at Hadrumetum, Africa (c. 427), contested these principles, asserting that they destroyed freedom of the will and all moral responsibility.的人數選出設置,可以既不增加,也不減少。儘管如此, Vitalis的迦太基和社區的僧侶在Hadrumetum ,非洲(角427 ) ,有爭議的這些原則,聲稱他們摧毀自由的意志和所有道德責任。 They, in turn, affirmed that the unaided will performed the initial act of faith.他們反過來,申明,外援將初步完成行為的信念。 In response Augustine produced Grace and Free Will and Rebuke and Grace, which contain a resume of his arguments against the Semi - Pelagians, and stress the necessary preparation of the will by prevenient grace.在回答奧古斯丁生產的恩典和自由意志和訓斥和格雷斯,其中包含一個恢復他的論點對半-P elagians,並強調必要的編制將通過前的寬限期。

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The issue became heated in the fifth century when some monks in southern Gaul, led by John Cassian, Hilary of Arles, Vincent of Lerins, and Faustus of Riez, joined in the controversy.這個問題成為加熱5世紀時,一些僧人在南部高盧,由約翰Cassian ,希拉里的阿爾勒,文森特的Lerins ,並浮士德的Riez ,加入了爭論。 These men objected to a number of points in the Augustinian doctrine of sin and grace, namely, the assertion of the total bondage of the will, of the priority and irresistibility of grace, and of rigid predestination.這些人反對的若干要點中的奧古斯丁學說的罪惡和寬限期,即斷言總額的桎梏的意願,優先和irresistibility的寬限期,並剛性命。 They agreed with Augustine as to the seriousness of sin, yet they regarded his doctrine of predestination as new, therefore in conflict with tradition and dangerous because it makes all human efforts superfluous.他們同意以奧古斯丁的嚴重性罪惡,但他們認為他的學說作為新的預定,因此在與傳統的衝突和危險的,因為它使所有的人的努力是多餘的。 In opposition to Augustinianism, Cassian taught that though a sickness is inherited through Adam's sin, human free will has not been entirely obliterated.在反對奧古斯丁, Cassian教授說,雖然疾病是通過繼承亞當的罪孽,人類的自由意志還沒有被完全消滅。 Divine grace is indispensable for salvation, but it does not necessarily need to precede a free human choice, because, despite the weakness of human volition, the will takes the initiative toward God.神的恩典是必不可少的救贖,但它並不一定需要先自由人的選擇,因為,儘管人類的弱點意志,意志主動走向上帝。 In other words, divine grace and human free will must work together in salvation.換言之,神的恩典和人的自由意志必須共同努力,在得救。 In opposition to the stark predestinarianism of Augustine, Cassian held to the doctrine of God's universal will to save, and that predestination is simply divine foreknowledge.在反對派的嚴峻predestinarianism奧古斯丁, Cassian舉行的學說上帝的普遍意願,保存,並預定僅僅是神聖的預卜。

After Augustine's death, the controversy became more heated; and Prosper of Aquitaine became his champion, replying to the Gallic monks, including Vincent of Lerins.在奧古斯丁死後,爭論變得更加激烈;和繁榮的阿基坦成了他的冠軍,在回答法國僧侶,包括文森特的Lerins 。 Vincent incorrectly understood Augustine's doctrines of perseverance and predestination to mean that God's elect cannot sin.文森特錯誤理解奧古斯丁學說的毅力和運氣意味著上帝的選舉不能罪孽。 Nevertheless, he was not entirely wrong in recognizing the practical dangers inherent in Augustine's teaching on grace, and that this teaching deviated from Catholic tradition.儘管如此,他並不完全錯誤認識的實際固有的危險奧古斯丁的教學寬限期,這教學背離天主教的傳統。

Prosper appealed to Rome on behalf of his master, and though Celestine I praised Augustine, he gave no specific approval to the bishop's teachings on grace and predestination.普羅斯珀呼籲羅馬代表他的主人,雖然我稱讚巴巴亞羅奧古斯丁,他沒有給出具體的批准主教的教誨的風度和運氣。 Hence, Semi - Pelagian beliefs continued to circulate in Gaul with Faustus of Riez as the outstanding spokesman.因此,半-P elagian信念繼續分發在高盧與浮士德的R iez作為傑出的發言人。 He condemned the heresy of Pelagianism, teaching instead that natural powers were not sufficient to attain salvation.他譴責邪教的Pelagianism ,教學不是自然權力,不足以實現救贖。 The free will, while not extinct, was weak and could not be exercised for salvation without the aid of grace.自由意志,而不是滅絕,是軟弱和不能行使救亡沒有援助的寬限期。 Faustus, however, rejected the predestinarian conception of a divine monergism and taught that human will, by virtue of the freedom left in it, takes the beginning step toward God. Salvation, therefore, is accomplished by the cooperation of human and divine factors, and predestination is merely God's foreknowledge of what a person has freely decided.浮士德,但駁回了predestinarian概念的神聖monergism和告訴我們,人的意志,憑藉自由離開它,需要開始第一步的上帝。救國,因此,所完成的合作,人力和神聖的因素,預定僅僅是上帝的預知什麼一個人自由決定。 Grace, to Faustus, meant the divine illumination of human will, and not, as it did to Augustine, the regenerative power of grace in the heart.格雷斯,以浮士德,這意味著神照度人的意志,而不是,因為它沒有向奧古斯丁的再生能力寬限期的心臟。

The debate about Semi - Pelagianism continued well into the sixth century, when Caesarius of Arles convened the Synod of Orange (529). Here Caesarius succeeded in dogmatizing a number of principles against the Semi - Pelagians.有關的辯論半-P elagianism持續到6世紀時, C aesarius的阿爾勒召開主教會議的橙色( 5 29) 。 C aesarius在這裡成功地d ogmatizing了一些原則對半- Pe lagians。 In doing so, however, the synod did not accept Augustine's full doctrine of grace, especially not his concept of divine grace that works irresistibly in the predestinated.這樣做,但是,主教不接受奧古斯丁的充分學說的寬限期,尤其是不是他的概念是神聖的寬限期工程不可抗拒的predestinated 。 In 531, Boniface II approved the acts of this council, thus giving it ecumenical authority.在531名,博尼法斯二世批准的行為本局,從而使這普世的權威。 Semi - Pelagianism, as a historical movement, subsequently declined, but the pivotal issue of Semi - Pelagianism, the priority of the human will over the grace of God in the initial work of salvation, did not die out.半-P elagianism,作為一個歷史運動,隨後下降,但關鍵的問題半- Pe lagianism,優先人類將在上帝的恩典在最初工作的救星,沒有死了。

R Kyle R凱爾
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (規矩福音字典)

Bibliography 目錄
P DeLetter, Prosper of Aquitanine: Defense of St. Augustine; NK Chadwick, Poetry and Letters in Early Christian Gaul; E Amann, "Semi - Pelagiens," DTC, XIV, 1796 - 1850; L Duchesne, l'Eglise au VI siecle P DeLetter ,繁榮的Aquitanine :國防部長聖奧古斯丁; NK細胞查德威克,詩歌和文學的早期基督教高盧;電子郵件阿曼, “半-P elagiens, ” D TC的,第十四條, 1 896至5 0年; L杜申,近太子港教堂世紀六


Semipelagianism

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

A doctrine of grace advocated by monks of Southern Gaul at and around Marseilles after 428.一種理論的寬限期倡導的僧侶南部高盧人在馬賽和周圍地區後, 428 。 It aimed at a compromise between the two extremes of Pelagianism and Augustinism, and was condemned as heresy at the Œcumenical Council of Orange in 529 after disputes extending over more than a hundred years.它旨在達成妥協的兩個極端Pelagianism和Augustinism ,並譴責為異端邪說的Œcumenical理事會橙529爭端擴大後超過100年。 The name Semipelagianism was unknown both in Christian antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages; during these periods it was customary to designate the views of the Massilians simply as the "relics of the Pelagians" (reliquiœ Pelagianorum), an expression found already in St. Augustine (Ep. ccxxv, n. 7, in PL, XXXIII, 1006). Semipelagianism的名稱是在未知的古代基督教和整個中世紀;在這些期間內有人習慣指定的看法Massilians只是作為“文物的Pelagians ” ( reliquiœ Pelagianorum ) ,表達發現已經在聖奧古斯丁( Ep. ccxxv ,聯合國7日,在特等,三十三, 1006年) 。 The most recent investigations show that the word was coined between 1590 and 1600 in connexion with Molina's doctrine of grace, in which the opponents of this theologian believed they saw a close resemblance to the heresy of the monks of Marseilles (cf. "Revue des sciences phios. et théol.", 1907, pp. 506 sqq.). After this confusion had been exposed as an error, the term Semipelagianism was retained in learned circles as an apt designation for the early heresy only.最近的調查顯示,這個詞是1590年之間創造和1600連接與莫利納的學說的寬限期,其中反對者認為這神學,他們看到了相似的異端邪說的僧侶馬賽(參見“科學雜誌phios 。 théol等。 “ , 1907年,頁。 506 sqq 。 ) 。經過這種混亂已經暴露的錯誤,長期Semipelagianism被保留在各界的教訓作為一個恰當指定為早日異端只。

I. ORIGIN OF SEMIPELAGIANISM (AD 420-30)一,成因SEMIPELAGIANISM (公元420-30 )

In opposition to Pelagianism, it was maintained at the General Council of Carthage in 418 as a principle of faith that Christian grace is absolutely necessary for the correct knowledge and performance of good, and that perfect sinlessness is impossible on earth even for the justified.在反對Pelagianism ,這是保持在總理事會在418迦太基作為一項原則的信仰基督教的寬限期是絕對必要的正確的知識和良好的性能,並完美的清白是不可能在地球上即使是有道理的。 Since these declarations coincided only with a portion of St. Augustine's doctrine of grace, the anti-Pelagians could without reproof continue their opposition to other points in the teaching of the African Doctor.由於這些申報恰逢只有部分聖奧古斯丁的學說的寬限期,反Pelagians可能沒有責備他們反對繼續向其他點教學中的非洲醫生。 This opposition Augustine was soon to encounter in his immediate neighbourhood.這反對奧古斯丁很快遇到他的近鄰。 In 420 he found himself compelled to direct to a certain Vitalis of Carthage, who was an opponent of Pelagius and recognized the Synod of Carthage (418), paternal instructions concerning the necessity of grace at the very beginning of the assent of the will in faith and concerning the absolute gratuity of grace (Ep. ccxvii in PL, XXXIII, 978 sqq.).在420他發現自己不得不直接向某Vitalis的迦太基,誰是對手貝拉基和公認的世界主教會議的迦太基( 418 ) ,父親的指示,必須在寬限期一開始的同意的意志的信仰和關於絕對酬金的寬限期( Ep. ccxvii的特等,三十三, 978 sqq 。 ) 。 As is clear from the tenor of this writing, Vitalis was of the opinion that the beginning of faith springs from the free will of nature, and that the essence of "prevenient grace" consists in the preaching of the Christian doctrine of salvation.由於是明確的基調,寫本, Vitalis認為,年初的信念源自自由意願的性質,而且本質的“前的寬限期”包括在宣揚基督教學說的救贖。 On the basis of such faith man, as Vitalis held, attains justification before God.根據這種信仰的人,作為Vitalis舉行,達到上帝面前的理由。 This view was entirely "Semipelagian".這種觀點是完全“ Semipelagian ” 。 To controvert it, Augustine pointed out that the grace preceding faith must be an interior enlightenment and strengthening, and that the preaching of the Word of God could not, unassisted, accomplish this; consequently the implanting of grace in the soul by God is necessary as a preliminary condition for the production of real faith, since otherwise the customary prayer of the Church for the grace of conversion for unbelievers would be superfluous.為了反駁它,奧古斯丁指出,在寬限期前的信仰必須是一個內部的啟示和加強,而且宣揚天主的聖言不能無人,做到這一點,因此在植入的寬限期在上帝的靈魂是必要的,因為初步條件,生產實際的信仰,因為否則的習慣祈禱的教會的恩典換算為不信教將多餘的。 Augustine also introduces his view of an absolute predestination of the elect, without however especially emphasizing it, by remarking: "Cum tam multi salvi non fiant, non quia ipsi, sed quia Deus non vult" (Since so many are not saved, not because they themselves do not will it, but because God does not will it).奧古斯丁還介紹了他認為絕對預定的選舉,但是沒有特別強調它的議論: “射精塔姆多薩爾維非fiant ,非quia ipsi ,基於非quia上帝vult ” (既然這麼多的無法保存,而不是因為他們不將它,而是因為上帝不會將它) 。 Vitalis seems to have acquiesced and to have disclaimed the "error of Pelagius". Vitalis似乎已經默許,並已放棄了“錯誤的伯拉糾” 。

The second dispute, which broke out within the walls of the African monastery of Hadrumetum in 424, was not so easily settled.第二爭端,打破了圍牆內的非洲寺院Hadrumetum在424 ,是不是那麼容易解決。 A monk named Florus, a friend of St.命名的僧人Florus ,一個朋友街 Augustine, had while on a journey sent to his fellow-monks a copy of the long epistle which Augustine had addressed in 418 to the Roman priest, afterwards Pope Sixtus III (Ep. cxciv in PL, XXXIII, 874 sqq.).奧古斯丁,已而踏上發送給他的同胞僧侶一份長期書信的奧古斯丁已處理418羅馬牧師,後來西斯三世( Ep. cxciv的特等,三十三, 874 sqq 。 ) 。 In this epistle all merit before the reception of grace was denied, faith represented as the most gratuitous gift of God, and absolute predestination to grace and glory defended.在此書信的所有優點之前,接待的寬限期被拒絕,信仰派最無理取鬧的上帝的禮物,並以絕對的預定寬限期和榮耀辯護。 Aroused to great anger by this letter, "more than five monks" inflamed their companions to such an extent that the tumult seemed destined to overwhelm the good abbot, Valentinus.引起了極大的憤怒了這封信, “五個多僧侶”煽動他們的同伴到如此程度的動盪似乎注定要壓倒良好的住持,瓦倫廷。 On his return, Florus was loaded with the most violent reproaches for sending such a present, and he and the majority, who were followers of Augustine, were accused of maintaining that free will was no longer of any account, that on the last day all would not be judged according to their works, and that monastic discipline and correction (correptio) were valueless. Informed of the outbreak of this unrest by two young monks, Cresconius and Felix, Augustine sent to the monastery in 426 or 427 the work, "De gratia et libero arbitrio" (PL, XLIV, 881 sqq.), in which he maintains that the efficacy of Divine grace impairs neither the freedom of the human will nor the meritoriousness of good works, but that it is grace which causes the merits in us.在他的回報, Florus是裝載了最猛烈的指責派遣這樣一個本,他和多數,誰是追隨者,奧古斯丁,被指控維護,免費將不再是任何帳戶,即最後一天所有不會判斷根據自己的作品,而且寺院的紀律和校正( correptio )是毫無價值。知情爆發的這種動盪的兩位年輕的僧侶, Cresconius和費利克斯,奧古斯丁送到寺院426或427的工作, “德特惠等自由arbitrio “ (特等,四十四, 881 sqq 。 ) ,其中他堅持認為,神聖的效果既不損害寬限期的自由人的意志,也沒有體面的好作品,但它是造成寬限期的優點在我們。 The work exercised a calming influence on the heated spirits of Hadrumetum. Apprised of the good effect of this book by Florus himself, Augustine dedicated to the abbot and his monks a second doctrinal writing, "De correptione et gratia" (PL, XLIV, 915 sqq.), in which he explains in the clearest fashion his views upon grace.這項工作實行了悠閒的影響加熱精神Hadrumetum 。了解了良好的效果這本書由Florus自己,奧古斯丁致力於住持和尚和他的第二次理論寫作, “德correptione等特惠” (特等,四十四, 915 sqq 。 ) ,他在信中解釋了時尚的最明確的看法時寬限期。 He informed the monks that correction is by no means superfluous, since it is the means by which God works.他告訴和尚的校正絕不是多餘的,因為它是手段,上帝的作品。 As for the freedom to sin, it is in reality not freedom, but slavery of the will.至於自由罪,這是在現實中不自由,但奴役的意願。 True freedom of the will is that effected by grace, since it makes the will free from the slavery of sin.真正的自由的意志是由寬限期,因為它使得將擺脫奴役的罪孽。 Final perseverance is likewise a gift of grace, inasmuch as he to whom God has granted it will infallibly persevere.最後毅力,同樣也是饋贈的寬限期,因為他向上帝賦予它infallibly堅持下去。 Thus, the number of those predestined to heaven from eternity is so determined and certain that "no one is added or subtracted".因此,一些人注定要由永恆天堂是如此堅定和肯定, “沒有人會增加或減去。 ” This second work seems to have been also received approvingly by the mollified monks; not so by subsequent ages, since this ominous book, together with other utterances, has given occasion to the most violent controversies concerning the efficacy of grace and predestination.這第二個工作似乎已還收到了讚許的消氣僧侶;沒有那麼隨後的年齡,因為這不祥的書,連同其他話語,給了機會,最為激烈的爭論關於效率的寬限期,並命。 All advocates of heretical predestinarianism, from Lucidus and Gottschalk to Calvin, have appealed to Augustine as their crown-witness, while Catholic theologians see in Augustine's teaching at most only a predestination to glory, with which the later "negative reprobation" to hell is parallel.所有的倡導者邪教predestinarianism ,從兒和戈特沙爾克以卡爾文呼籲奧古斯丁作為他們王冠上的證人,而天主教神學家奧古斯丁看到的教學,最多只能預定到榮耀,與後來的“負面非難”地獄平行。 Augustine is entirely free from Calvin's idea that God positively predestined the damned to hell or to sin. Many historians of dogma (Harnack, Loofs, Rottmanner, etc.) have passed a somewhat different censure on the work, maintaining that the Doctor of Hippo, his rigorism increasing with his age, has here expressed most clearly the notion of "irresistible grace" (gratia irresistibilis), on which Jansenism later erected, as is known, its entire heretical system of grace.奧古斯丁是完全擺脫卡爾文的想法,上帝注定了積極的該死的地獄或罪孽。許多歷史學家的教條(哈納克, Loofs , Rottmanner等) ,通過了一項譴責有所不同的工作,認為醫生的河馬,他rigorism增加與他的年齡,已經在這裡表示最明確的概念“不可抗拒的恩典” (特惠irresistibilis ) ,而詹森主義後來豎立,眾所周知,其整個邪教系統的寬限期。 As the clearest and strongest proof of this contention, the following passage (De correptione et gratia, xxxviii) is cited: "Subventum est igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanæ, ut divina gratia indeclinabiliter et insuperabiliter ageretur et ideo, quamvis infirma, non tamen deficeret neque adversitate aliqua vincerctur."如明確和最強烈的證據證明這一論點,下面的通道(德correptione等特惠,三十八)是引: “ Subventum東方igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanæ , UT斯達康神聖特惠indeclinabiliter等insuperabiliter ageretur等意, quamvis infirma ,非塔門deficeret neque adversitate aliqua vincerctur 。 “ Is this not clearly the "inevitable and unconquerable grace" of Jansenism?難道這不是明顯的“不可避免的,不可戰勝的寬限期”的詹森主義? The mere analysis of the text informs us better.僅僅分析的文字告訴我們做得更好。 The antithesis and the position of the words do not allow us to refer the terms "inevitably and unconquerably" to the grace as such, they must be referred to the "human will" which, in spite of its infirmity, is, by grace, made "unyielding and unconquerable" against the temptation to sin.對立面的立場的話不允許我們提到了“必然和unconquerably ”的寬限期這樣,他們必須提到“人的意志” ,儘管其體弱多病,現在的寬限期,取得了“不屈的和不可戰勝”的誘惑,罪過。 Again the very easily misunderstood term ageretur is not to be explained as "coercion against one's will" but as "infallible guidance", which does not exclude the continuation of freedom of will (cf. Mausbach, "Die Ethik des hl. Augustins", II, Freiburg, 1909, p. 35).再次很容易誤解長期ageretur是不能解釋為“脅迫對一個人的意願” ,但作為“萬無一失指導意見” ,其中不排除繼續自由意志(見Mausbach , “模具倫理學萬hl 。奧古斯坦”二,弗賴堡, 1909年,第35頁) 。

The monks of Southern Gaul, who dwelt in peace at Marseilles and on the neighbouring island of Lerinum (Lérins), read the above-cited and other passages of Augustine with other and more critical eyes than the monks at Hadrumetum. Abbot John Cassian of the monastery of St. Victor at Marseilles, a celebrated and holy man, was, together with his fellow-monks, especially repelled by the arguments of St. Augustine.僧侶南部高盧,誰住在和平在馬賽和鄰近島嶼的Lerinum ( Lérins ) ,請閱讀上述及其他段落的其他奧古斯汀和更重要的眼睛比僧侶Hadrumetum 。艾博特約翰的Cassian修道院的聖維克多在馬賽,著名的和神聖的男子,連同他的同胞僧侶,特別是擊退的論點聖奧古斯丁。 The Massilians, as they were called, were known throughout the Christian world as holy and virtuous men, conspicuous for their learning and asceticism.該Massilians ,因為它們被稱為,被稱為整個基督教世界的神聖和良性的男子,顯眼的學習和修煉。 They had heartily acquiesced in the condemnation of Pelagianism by the Synod of Carthage (418) and the "Tractoria" of Pope Zosimus (418), and also in the doctrines of original sin and grace.他們由衷地默許譴責Pelagianism的主教會議的迦太基( 418 )和“ Tractoria ”教皇Zosimus ( 418 ) ,並在理論和原罪的寬限期。 They were, however, convinced that Augustine in his teaching concerning the necessity and gratuity especially of prevenient grace (gratia prœcedens seu prœveniens) far overshot the mark.但是,他們相信,在他的奧古斯丁關於教學的必要性和酬金,特別是前的寬限期(特惠prœcedens請輸入您的prœveniens )遠遠超過了該商標。 Cassian had a little earlier expressed his views concerning the relation of grace and freedom in his "Conferences" (Collatio xxiv in PL, XLIX, 477 sqq.). Cassian了早一點表示意見的關係,寬限期和自由在他的“會議” ( Collatio二十四中特等, XLIX , 477 sqq 。 ) 。 As a man of Eastern training and a trusted disciple of St. John Chrysostom, he had taught that the free will was to be accorded somewhat more initiative than he was accustomed to find in the writings of Augustine.作為一個男人東歐培訓和信任的門徒聖約翰金口,他告訴我們,自由意志是要給予一定更加主動比他習慣於尋找在奧古斯丁的著作。 With unmistakable reference to Hippo, he had endeavoured in his thirteenth conference to demonstrate from Biblical examples that God frequently awaits the good impulses of the natural will before coming to its assistance with His supernatural grace; while the grace often preceded the will, as in the case of Matthew and Peter, on the other hand the will frequently preceded the grace, as in the case of Zacchæus and the Good Thief on the cross.隨著無誤提到河馬,他一直努力在其第十三屆會議,以展示來自聖經的例子,上帝常常等待著良好的衝動自然會在今後的援助,他的超自然的寬限期,而往往在寬限期之前,將在案件馬修和彼得,另一方面,將經常在寬限期之前,如Zacchæus和良好的盜賊在十字架上。 This view was no longer Augustinian; it was really "half Pelagianisin".這一觀點已不再奧古斯丁;這是真的“半Pelagianisin ” 。 To such a man and his adherents, among whom the monk Hilarius (already appointed Bishop of Arles in 428) was conspicuous, the last writings from Africa must have appeared a masked reproof and a downright contradiction.這樣的男子和他的追隨者,其中和尚希拉里烏斯(已任命主教阿爾勒428 )是顯眼,最後著作必須來自非洲出現了一名蒙面責備和一個徹頭徹尾的矛盾。

Thus, from being half friendly, the Massilians developed into determined opponents of Augustine.因此,從的一半友好, Massilians已發展成為確定對手奧古斯丁。 Testimony as to this change of feeling is supplied by two non-partisan laymen, Prosper of Aquitaine and a certain Hilarius, both of whom in their enthusiasm for the newly-blossoming monastic life voluntarily shared in the daily duties of the monks.作為見證這一變化的感覺是由兩個非黨派的外行人,繁榮的阿基坦和某種希拉里烏斯,兩人在他們的熱情為新花僧侶自願共同生活的日常職責的僧侶。 In two distinct writings (St. Augustine, Epp. ccxxv-xxvi in PL, XXXIII, 1002-12) they gave Augustine a strictly matter-of-fact report of the theological views of the Massilians.在兩個不同的著作(聖奧古斯丁,資源增值計劃。 ccxxv - 26的特等,三十三, 1002年至1012年)他們給奧古斯丁一個嚴格問題的事實報告的神學觀點Massilians 。 They sketched in the main the following picture, which we complete from other sources:他們描繪的主要下面的圖片,我們完全從其他來源:

In distinguishing between the beginning of faith (initium fidei) and the increase of faith (augmentum fidei), one may refer the former to the power of the free will, while the faith itself and its increase is absolutely dependent upon God;在區分的開始信仰( initium信)和增加的信仰(碩信) ,一個可參考前的權力的自由意志,而信仰本身和它的增加是完全取決於上帝;

the gratuity of grace is to be maintained against Pelagius in so far as every strictly natural merit is excluded; this, however, does not prevent nature and its works from having a certain claim to grace;酬金的寬限期是要保持對伯拉糾在迄今為止的每一個嚴格的自然優點是排除在外;然而,這並不妨礙性質及其作品有一定的要求的寬限期;

as regards final perseverance in particular, it must not be regarded as a special gift of grace, since the justified man may of his own strength persevere to the end;至於最後的毅力,特別是,它不能被視為一個特殊的禮物的寬限期,因為合理的男子可能自己的實力堅持到最後;

the granting or withholding of baptismal grace in the case of children depends on the Divine prescience of their future conditioned merits or misdeeds.提供或不提供寬限期洗禮的情況下兒童取決於神預知自己的未來空調的優點或不當行為。

This fourth statement, which is of a highly absurd nature, has never been condemned as heresy; the three other propositions contain the whole essence of Semipelagianism.這第四聲明,這是一個非常荒謬的性質,從來沒有譴責為異端邪說;其他三個命題包含整個本質的Semipelagianism 。

The aged Augustine gathered all his remaining strength to prevent the revival of Pelagianism which had then been hardly overcome.奧古斯丁的年齡聚集所有的剩餘強度,以防止Pelagianism復興而當時很難克服的。 He addressed (428 or 429) to Prosper and Hilarius the two works "De prædestinatione sanctorum" (PL, XLIV, 959 sqq.) and "De dono perseverantiæ" (PL, XLIV, 993 sqq.).他談到( 428或429 )繁榮和希拉里烏斯兩個工程“德prædestinatione sanctorum ” (特等,四十四, 959 sqq 。 )和“德dono perseverantiæ ” (特等,四十四, 993 sqq 。 ) 。 In refuting their errors, Augustine treats his opponents as erring friends, not as heretics, and humbly adds that, before his episcopal consecration (about 396), he himself had been caught in a "similar error", until a passage in the writings of St. Paul (1 Corinthians 4:7) had opened his eyes, "thinking that the faith, by which we believe in God, is not the gift of God, but is in us of ourselves, and that through it we obtain the gifts whereby we may live temperately, justly, and piously in this world" (De prædest. sanct., iii, 7).在駁斥他們的錯誤,奧古斯丁對待他的對手是犯錯誤的朋友,而不是異端,並謙虛地說,之前,他祝奉獻(約396 ) ,他自己已經陷入了“類似的錯誤” ,直到通行的著作聖保羅(哥林多前書4時07分)已睜開了眼睛, “思想的信念,使我們相信上帝,這不是上帝的禮物,而是我們自己,並且通過它,我們獲得的禮物據此,我們可以活temperately ,公正,並虔誠地在這個世界“ (德prædest 。 sanct 。 ,三, 7 ) 。 The Massilians, however, remained unappeased, the last writings of Augustine making no impression upon them.該Massilians但是,仍然unappeased ,最後著作奧古斯丁並沒有給他們的印象。 Offended at this obstinacy, Prosper believed the time had arrived for public polemics.在這個得罪固執,普羅斯珀認為時機已經到來公共論戰。 He first described the new state of the question in a letter to a certain Rufinus (Prosper Aquit., "Ep. ad Rufinum de gratia et libero arbitrio", in PL, XLI 77 sqq.), lashed in a poem of some thousand hexameters (Peri achariston, "hoc est de ingratis", in PL, LI, 91 sqq.) the ingratitude of the "enemies of grace", and directed against an unnamed assailant - perhaps Cassian himself - his "Epigrammata in obtrectatorem Augustini" (PL, XLI, 149 sqq.), written in clegiacs.他首先介紹了新的問題寫信給某Rufinus (普羅斯珀Aquit 。 “內啡肽。廣告Rufinum的特惠等arbitrio自由” ,在特等,四十一77 sqq 。 ) ,捆綁在一首詩的一些千hexameters (圍achariston , “專案就是由ingratis ” ,在特等,李, 91 sqq 。 )的忘恩負義的“敵人的寬限期” ,並針對一個匿名攻擊-也許C assian自己-他的“ E p igrammata在o b trectatoremAu gustini”(特等,四十一, 149 sqq 。 )撰寫的clegiacs 。 At the time of the composition of this poem (429-30), Augustine was still alive.在時間的組成這首詩( 429-30 ) ,奧古斯丁還活著。

II.二。 THE CULMINATION OF SEMIPELAGIANISM (430-519)結果SEMIPELAGIANISM ( 430-519 )

On 29 Aug., 430, while the Vandals were besieging his episcopal city, St. Augustine died.在8月29日, 430 ,而汪達爾人包圍城市的主教,聖奧古斯丁死亡。 As his sole champions, he left his disciples, Prosper and Hilarius, on the scene of conflict in Southern Gaul.正如他唯一的冠軍,他離開他的弟子,興和希拉里烏斯,現場的衝突在南部高盧。 Prosper, rightly known as his "best disciple", alone engaged in writing, and, immersed as he was in the rich and almost inexhaustible mind of the greatest of all the Doctors of the Church, he subsequently devoted the utmost pains to soften down with noble tact the roughness and abruptness of many of his master's propositions.繁榮,正確地稱為自己的“最佳徒弟” ,僅從事寫作,並浸泡,他的豐富,幾乎取之不盡,用之不竭到的最大的所有醫生的教會,他後來專門最大的痛苦軟化下崇高的機智粗糙度和唐突了許多他主人的主張。 Filled with the conviction that they could not successfully engage such learned and respected opponents, Prosper and Hilary journeyed to Rome about 431 to urge Pope Celestine I to take official steps against the Semipelagians.充滿信念,即他們不能成功地進行這樣的教訓和尊重對手,繁榮和希拉里journeyed羅馬約431敦促雷定一採取正式步驟,對Semipelagians 。 Without issuing any definitive decision, the pope contented himself with an exhortation to the bishops of Gaul (PL, L, 528 sqq.), protecting the memory of Augustine from calumniation and imposing silence on the innovators.沒有發出任何明確的決定,教宗心滿意足自己的告誡的主教高盧(特等, L時, 528 sqq 。 )保護的記憶奧古斯丁從calumniation和實施沉默的創新。 On his return Prosper could claim henceforth to be engaging in the conflict "in virtue of the authority of the Apostolic See" (cf. PL, LI, 178: "ex auctoritate apostolicæ sedis). His war was "pro Augustino", and in every direction he fought on his behalf. Thus, about 431-32, he repelled the "calumnies of the Gauls" against Augustine in his "Responsiones ad capitula objectionum Gallorum" (PL, LI, 155 sqq.), defended temperately in his "Responsiones ad capitula objectionum Vincentianarum" (PL, LI 177 sqq.), the Augustinian teaching concerning predestination, and finally, in his "Responsiones ad excerpta Genuensium (PL, LI, 187 sqq.), explained the sense of excerpts which two priests of Genoa had collected from the writings of Augustine concerning predestination, and had forwarded to Prosper for interpretation.在他返回普羅斯珀可以聲稱今後要從事的衝突“憑藉權威的使徒見” (見特等,李, 178 : “當然auctoritate apostolicæ位置未定) 。他的戰爭是”親Augustino “ ,並在每打他方向以他的名義。因此,有關431-32 ,他擊退了“誹謗的高盧人”對奧古斯丁在他的“ Responsiones廣告capitula objectionum Gallorum ” (特等,李, 155 sqq 。 )辯護, temperately在他的“ Responsiones廣告capitula objectionum Vincentianarum “ (特等,李177 sqq 。 )教學的奧古斯丁關於預定,最後,在他的” Responsiones廣告文摘Genuensium (特等,李, 187 sqq 。 )解釋意義上的摘錄其中兩個牧師熱那亞收集了從奧古斯丁著作關於預定,並已轉交給普羅斯珀解釋。 About 433 (434) he even ventured to attack Cassian himself, the soul and head of the whole movement, in his book, "De gratia et libero arbitrio contra Collatorem" (PL, LI, 213 sqq.).關於433 ( 434 )他甚至大膽攻擊Cassian自己的靈魂和頭部的整個運動,在他的書中, “德特惠等自由arbitrio禁忌Collatorem ” (特等,李, 213 sqq 。 ) 。 The already delicate situation was thereby embittered, notwithstanding the friendly concluding sentences of the work.本已微妙的局勢,因此心懷怨恨,儘管最後判決友好的工作。 Of Hilary, Prosper's friend, we hear nothing more.希拉里的,繁榮的朋友,我們聽到而已。 Prosper himself must have regarded the fight as hopeless for the time being, since in 434 - according to Loofs; other historians give the year 440 - he shook the dust of Gaul from his feet and left the land to its fate.繁榮必須有自己的鬥爭看作是無望暫時的,因為在434 -根據L oofs;其他歷史學家給予每年4 40-他握手的塵埃高盧人從他的腳下,離開了土地的命運。 Settling at Rome in the papal chancery, he took no further part directly in the controversy, although even here he never wearied propagating Augustine's doctrine concerning grace, publishing several treatises to spread and defend it.解決在羅馬教皇大法官,他沒有進一步直接參與爭論,但即使在這裡他從來沒有疲倦宣傳奧古斯丁的教義有關的寬限期,出版了論文傳播和捍衛它。 The Massilians now took the field, confident of victory.現在的Massilians了外地,有信心的勝利。 One of their greatest leaders, the celebrated Vincent of Lérins, under the pseudonym of Peregrinus made in 434 concealed attacks on Augustine in his classical and otherwise excellent work, "Commonitorium pro catholicæ fidei veritate" (PL, L, 637 sqq), and in individual passages frankly espoused Semipelagianism.他們的一個偉大的領導人,著名的文森特的Lérins下,假名的官了434隱蔽攻擊奧古斯丁在他的古典和其他出色的工作, “ Commonitorium親catholicæ信veritate ” (特等, L時, 637 sqq ) ,並在個別段落坦率地擁護Semipelagianism 。 This booklet should probably be regarded as simply a "polemical treatise against Augustine".這本小冊子也許應該被視為只是一種“爭論的論文對奧古斯丁” 。

That Semipelagianism remained the prevailing tendency in Gaul during the following period, is proved by Arnobius the Younger, so called in contrast to Arnobius the Elder of Sicca (about 303).這Semipelagianism仍是普遍存在的傾向,高盧人在下列期間,證明了Arnobius年輕,所謂的對比Arnobius老年人的乾燥(約303 ) 。 A Gaul by birth, and skilled in exegesis, Arnobius wrote about 460 extensive explanations of the Psalms ("Commentarii in Psalmos" in PL, LIII, 327 sqq.) with a tendency towards allegorizing and open tilts at Augustine's doctrine of grace.阿高盧出生的,和熟練的註釋, Arnobius寫道約460廣泛的解釋詩篇( “ Commentarii在Psalmos ”的特等, LIII , 327 sqq 。 )的傾向allegorizing和開放的傾斜在奧古斯丁的學說的寬限期。 Of his personal life nothing is known to us.他的個人生活沒有人知道我們。 Certain works from other pens have been wrongly ascribed to him.某些工程從其他鋼筆被錯誤地歸咎於他。 Thus, the collection of scholia ("Adnotationes ad quædam evangeliorum loca" in PL, LIII, 569 sqq.), formerly attributed to him, must be referred to the pre-Constantine period, as B. Grundl has recently proved (cf. "Theol. Quartalschr.", Tübingen, 1897, 555 sqq.).因此,收集scholia ( “ Adnotationes廣告quædam evangeliorum位置”的特等, LIII , 569 sqq 。 ) ,原歸於他,必須提到前君士坦丁時期,灣Grundl最近證明(參見“ Theol 。 Quartalschr 。 “蒂賓根大學, 1897年, 555 sqq 。 ) 。 Likewise, the work "Conflictus Arnobii catholici cum Serapione Ægyptio" (PL, LIII, 239 sqq.) cannot have been written by our Arnobius, inasmuch as it is entirely Augustinian in spirit. When Bäumer wished to assign the authorship to Faustus of Riez ("Katholik" II, Mainz, 1887, pp. 398 sqq.), he overlooked the fact that Faustus also was a Semipelagian (see below), and that, in any case, so dilettante a writing as the above could not be ascribed to the learned Bishop of Riez.同樣,工作“ Conflictus Arnobii catholici暨Serapione Ægyptio ” (特等, LIII , 239 sqq 。 )不能被寫入我們的Arnobius ,因為它完全是奧古斯丁精神。 Bäumer希望當指派給作者浮士德的Riez ( “ Katholik ”二,美因茨, 1887年,頁。 398 sqq 。 )時,他忽略了一個事實,即浮士德也是一個Semipelagian (見下文) ,並且在任何情況下,如此dilettante書面作為上述不能歸咎於學會主教Riez 。 The true author is to be sought in Italy, not in Gaul.真正的作者是尋求在意大利,而不是在高盧。 His chief object is to prove against Monophysitism, in the form of a disputation, the agreement in faith between Rome and the Greek champions of Orthodoxy, Athanasius and Cyril of Alexandria. Naturally Arnobius overcomes the Egyptian Serapion.他的主要目的是證明對基督一性,形式的爭論,該協議在信仰之間的羅馬和希臘東正教冠軍,亞他那修和西里爾亞歷山大。 Arnobius克服自然埃及謝拉皮翁。 One can therefore scarcely err in regarding the "Catholic Arnobius" as an obscure monk living in Rome. Until recent times the authorship of the work called the "Liber prædestinatus" was also commonly ascribed to our Arnobius.因此,人們可以在幾乎不犯錯誤就“天主教Arnobius ”作為一個不起眼的僧人居住在羅馬。直到近代的作者的工作被稱為“書prædestinatus ”也普遍歸因於我們的Arnobius 。 The sub-title reads:分標題如下:

"Prædestinatorum hæresis et libri S. Angustino temere adscripti refutatio" (PL, LIII, 587 sqq.). “ Prædestinatorum hæresis等書由Angustino temere adscripti refutatio ” (特等, LIII , 587 sqq 。 ) 。 Dating from the fifth century and divided into three parts, this work, which was first published by J. Sirmond in 1643, attempts under the mask of ecclesiastical authority to refute Augustine's doctrine of grace together with the heretical Predestinarianism of pseudo-Augustine.歷史可以追溯到5世紀,並分為三個部分,這項工作,這是首次出版,由J. Sirmond在1643年,企圖掩蓋下的教會權威駁斥奧古斯丁學說的寬限期同邪教Predestinarianism偽奧古斯丁。 As the third part is not merely Semipelagianism but undisguised Pelagianism, von Schubert has of late rightly concluded ("Der sog. Prædestinatus, ein Beitrag zur Gesch. des Pelagianismus", Leipzig, 1903) that the author wrote about 440 in Italy, perhaps at Rome itself, and was one of the associates of Julian of Eclanum (for further particulars see PREDESTINARIANISM).至於第三部分不僅是Semipelagianism ,但毫不掩飾地Pelagianism ,馮舒伯特最近正確的結論( “明鏡索。 Prædestinatus ,艾因Beitrag楚Gesch 。沙漠Pelagianismus ” ,萊比錫, 1903年) ,作者寫道約440名在意大利,也許在羅馬本身,是一個同夥的朱利安的Eclanum (進一步詳情,見PREDESTINARIANISM ) 。

The most important representative of Semipelagianism after Cassian was undoubtedly the celebrated Bishop Faustus of Riez.最重要的代表Semipelagianism後Cassian無疑是著名的主教浮士德的Riez 。 When the Gallic priest Lucidus had drawn on himself, on account of his heretical predestinationism, the condemnation of two synods (Arles, 473; Lyons 474), Faustus was commissioned by the assembled bishops to write a scientific refutation of the condemned heresy; hence his work, "De gratia libri II" (PL, LVIII, 783 sqq.).當神父沒食子兒已提請對自己,對到他的異端邪說predestinationism ,譴責兩個synods (阿爾勒, 473 ;里昂474 ) ,浮士德是由組裝主教寫了科學駁斥異端的譴責,因此他工作, “德特惠書二” (特等, LVIII , 783 sqq 。 ) 。 Agreeing neither with the "pestifer doctor Pelagius" nor with the "error prædestinationis" of Lucidus, he resolutely adopted the standpoint of John Cassian.既不同意與“ pestifer醫生伯拉糾” ,也不符合“的錯誤prædestinationis ”的兒,他堅決的角度通過約翰Cassian 。 Like him, he denied the necessity of prevenient grace at the beginning of justification, and compares the will to a "small hook" (quædam voluntatis ansula) which reaches out and seizes grace.和他一樣,他否認的必要性前的寬限期開始時的理由,並比較了將在“小鉤” ( quædam voluntatis ansula ) ,其中達到和扣押的寬限期。 Of predestination to heaven and final perseverance as a "special grace" (gratia specialis, personalis) he will not hear.預定的天堂,也是最後毅力作為一個“特殊恩典” (給特別, personalis ) ,他不會聽到的。 That he sincerely believed that by these propositions he was condemning not a dogma of the Church, but the false private views of St. Augustine, is as certain in his case as in that of his predecessors Cassian and Hilary of Arles (see above). Consequently, their objectively reprehensible but subjectively excusable action has not prevented France from honouring these three men as Saints even to this day.他真誠地認為,這些主張,他譴責不是教條的教會,但虛假的私人意見,聖奧古斯丁,是因為某些在他的案件在他的前任Cassian和希拉里的阿爾勒(見上文) 。因此,他們的應受譴責的,但客觀上主觀情有可原的行動並不能阻止法國履行這三個男人聖徒甚至到今天。 The later Massilians were as little conscious as the earlier that they had strayed from the straight line of orthodoxy, and the infallible authority of the Church had not yet given a decision.後來Massilians為小意識到早先,它們已偏離了直線的正統,以及可靠的權威,教會還沒有考慮決定。

One should, however, speak only of a predominance, and not of a supremacy, of Semipelagianism at this period.人們應該然而,只講一個優勢,而不是一個至高無上的Semipelagianism在這一時期。 In proof of this statement we may cite two anonymous writings, which appeared most probably in Gaul itself.在這方面的證據說明我們可以舉兩個匿名的著作,其中最有可能出現在高盧人本身。 About 430 an unknown writer, recognized by Pope Gelasius as "probatus ecclesiæ magister", composed the epoch-making work, "De vocatione omnium gentium" (PL, LI, 647 sq.).約430名不明作家,公認的教宗格拉西為“ probatus教會教師” ,組成了具有劃時代意義的工作, “德vocatione Omnium公司萬民法” (特等,李, 647平方米) 。 It is an honest and skilful attempt to soften down the contradictions and to facilitate the passage from Semipelagianism to a moderate Augustinism.這是一個誠實的和嫻熟的企圖緩和了矛盾,並促進從Semipelagianism通過一項溫和的Augustinism 。 To harmonize the universality of the will of redemption with restricted predestination, the anonymous author distinguishes between the general provision of grace (benignitas generalis) which excludes no one, and the special care of God (gratia specialis), which is given only to the elect.統一的普遍性贖回將限制命,匿名作者區分的一般規定的寬限期( benignitas一般) ,其中不包括任何人,和特殊照顧的神(特惠特別) ,這是只有在選舉。 As suggestions towards this distinction are already found in St. Augustine, we may say that this work stands on Augustinian ground (cf. Loofs, "Dogmengesch.", 4th ed., Leipzig, 1906, p. 391).作為對這一建議的區別已經發現的聖奧古斯丁,我們可以說,這項工作站在奧古斯丁地面(參見Loofs , “ Dogmengesch 。 ”第4版。 ,萊比錫, 1906年,頁391 ) 。 Another anonymous writing dating from the middle of the fifth century, reckoned among the works of Augustine, and edited by the Academy of Vienna, bears the title: "Hypomnesticon contra Pelagianos et Cœlestianos" (Corpus scriptor. ecclesiast. latin., X, 1611 sqq.).另一位匿名的寫作年代從中間的第五世紀,估計在奧古斯丁的作品,並編輯學會,維也納的標題是: “ Hypomnesticon禁忌Pelagianos等Cœlestianos ” (語料庫描述。 ecclesiast 。拉丁美洲。 ,第十, 1611 sqq 。 ) 。 It contains a refutation of Semipelagianism, as it condemns the foundation of predestination on the "faith foreseen" by God (fides prœvisa).它包含了駁斥Semipelagianism ,因為它譴責的基礎上命“的信念預見”的神(誠意prœvisa ) 。 But it also sharply challenges the irresistibility of grace and predestination to hell.但它也急劇挑戰irresistibility的寬限期,並預定地獄。 As the ground for eternal damnation the Divine foresight of sin is given, although the author cannot help seeing that eternal punishment as the consequence of sin is settled from all eternity.由於地面永恆的詛咒神曲遠見的罪孽是,儘管作者不能不看到,永恆的懲罰後果的罪孽是解決所有永恆。 A third work deserves special attention, inasmuch as it reflects the views of Rome towards the end of the fifth century; it is entitled: "Indiculus seu præteritorum Sedis Apostolicæ episcoporum auctoritates" (in Denzinger-Bannwart, "Enchiridion", Freiburg, 1908, nn. 129-42), and emphasizes in twelve chapters the powerlessness of man to raise himself, the absolute necessity of grace for all salutary works, and the special grace-character of final perseverance.第三項工作值得特別注意,因為它反映的意見,對羅馬結束的第五世紀,它的標題是: “ Indiculus請輸入您的præteritorum位置未定Apostolicæ episcoporum auctoritates ” (在Denzinger - Bannwart , “便覽” ,弗賴堡, 1908年,神經網絡。 129-42 ) ,並強調在12章無能為力的人,提高自己,絕對有必要的寬限期為所有有益的工作,特別寬限期字符的最後毅力。 The "deeper and more difficult questions" concerning grace, as they emerged in the course of the discussion, were passed over as superfluous.在“更深入和更困難的問題”有關的寬限期,因為它們出現在討論過程中,通過以上是多餘的。 The Augustinian standpoint of the compiler is as unmistakable as the anti-Semipelagian tendency of the whole work.在奧古斯丁的角度編譯器是明白無誤的反Semipelagian趨勢,整個工作。 Regarded in earlier times and to some extent even today as a papal instruction sent by Celestine I to the bishops of Gaul together with the document mentioned above, this appendix, or "indiculus" is now considered unauthentic and its origin referred to the end of the fifth century.這在以前的時代,而且在一定程度即使在今天作為一個羅馬教皇派出指示巴巴亞羅一主教高盧連同上述文件,本附錄,或“ indiculus ”現在是考慮非真實和其原產地提到了結束第五世紀。 It is certain that about AD 500 this work was recognized as the official expression of the views of the Apostolic See.可以肯定的是,約公元500這項工作被確認為正式的表達的意見使徒見。

III.三。 DECLINE AND END OF SEMIPELAGIANISM (519-30)拒絕和結束SEMIPELAGIANISM ( 519-30 )

Not at Rome or in Gaul, but after a roundabout passage through Constantinople, the Semipelagian strife was to break out with new violence.不是在羅馬還是在高盧,但經過一個迴旋通過君士坦丁堡的Semipelagian內亂是打破了新的暴力事件。 It happened in this wise: In 519, Scythian monks under Johannes Maxentius who was versed in Latin literature, appeared at Constantinople with the intention of having inserted in the symbol of the Council of Chalcedon (451) the Christological formula, "Unus de s. Trinitate in carne crucifixus est", in view of the Theopaschite quarrel, which was then raging.它發生在這一明智:在519名,西徐亞人僧侶根據約翰內斯馬克森提誰是精通拉丁文學,出現在君士坦丁堡的意圖後插入的象徵理事會卡爾西( 451 )的基督公式“ ,聯合國大學的第Trinitate在卡爾內crucifixus東方“ ,鑑於Theopaschite爭吵,然後肆虐。 In this clause the fanatical monks saw the "standard of orthodoxy", and regarded the solemn reception of the same into the symbol as the most efficacious means of overthrowing Monophysitism.在此條款狂熱的僧侶看到了“標準正統” ,並把莊嚴的接收到相同的象徵作為最有效的手段推翻基督一性。 With their untimely proposition they importuned even the papal legates, who were entrusted with the negotiations for the re-establishment of official relations between Rome and Byzantium.由於他們過早的命題,他們importuned甚至教皇legates ,誰被賦予進行談判,以重新建立官方關係羅馬和拜占庭。 When Bishop Possessor from Africa approached the hesitating legates with quotations from the works of the recently-deceased Faustus of Riez, Maxentius did not hesitate to denounce Possessor and his abettors curtly as "partisans of Pelagius" (sectatores Pelagii; cf. Maxentius, "Ep. ad legatos" in PG, LXXXVI, 85).當主教從非洲擁有接近猶豫legates與報價的作品最近死者浮士德的Riez ,馬克森提毫不猶豫地譴責他的擁有者和教唆民不聊生的“游擊隊員的伯拉糾” ( sectatores Pelagii ;比照。馬克森提, “內啡肽。廣告legatos “的指引, LXXXVI , 85 ) 。 Thus the question of the orthodoxy of Faustus suddenly arose, and simultaneously that of Semipelagianism in general; henceforth, the conflict never abated until its final settlement.因此,問題的正統的浮士德突然站起身來,同時是Semipelagianism一般;此後,衝突從未平息,直至其最後解決。 As no decision could be reached without the concurrence of Rome, Maxentius started for Rome in June, 519, with several fellow-monks to lay their petition before Pope Hormisdas. During their fourteen months' residence at Rome they left no means untried to induce the pope to recognize the Christological formula and to condemn Faustus. Hormisdas, however, refused to yield to either request.由於沒有決定可能達成的同意的情況下,羅馬馬克森提開始羅馬6月, 519 ,有幾個同胞僧侶奠定他們的請願書之前,教皇卡爾米斯達斯。在其14個月居住在羅馬,他們沒有留下任何未經手段促使教皇承認基督的公式,並譴責浮士德。卡爾米斯達斯然而,拒絕屈從於任何要求。 On the contrary, in a reply to Bishop Possessor of 20 Aug., 520, he complains bitterly of the tactless and fanatical conduct of the Scythian monks at Rome (cf. A. Thiel, "Epistolæ Romanor. Pontif. genuinæ", I, Braunsberg, 1868, 929).相反,在答复主教擁有8月20號, 520號,他抱怨強烈的笨拙和狂熱行為的西徐亞人僧侶在羅馬(參見字母a.泰爾, “ Epistolæ Romanor 。 Pontif 。 genuinæ ” ,我Braunsberg , 1868年, 929 ) 。 As for Faustus, Hormisdas declares in the same letter that his works certainly contain much that is distorted (incongrua) and is, moreover, not included among the recognized writings of the Fathers.至於浮士德,卡爾米斯達斯申明,在同一封信中,他的作品當然包含了許多這是歪曲( incongrua )和此外,不包括在公認的著作的父親。 The sound doctrine on grace and freedom could be taken from the writings of St. Augustine.健全學說的恩典和自由可以採取從著作的聖奧古斯丁。

This evasive answer of the pope, showing no inclination to meet their wishes, was far from pleasing to Maxentius and his companions.這迴避回答教皇,沒有顯示出的傾向,以滿足他們的願望,還遠遠高興地馬克森提和他的同伴。 Turning elsewhere for support Maxentius formed a league of the African bishops, who, in consequence of the Vandal persecution of the Catholics under King Thrasamund (496-523), were living in exile on the Island of Sardinia.至於其他地方的支持馬克森提形成了聯賽的非洲主教,誰在後果半球迫害天主教徒根據國王Thrasamund ( 496-523 ) ,生活在流放島撒丁島。 Fulgentius of Ruspe, the most learned of the exiles, inquired into the matter on behalf of his fellow-bishops. Fulgentius的Ruspe ,最教訓的流亡者,詢問此事代表他的同胞主教。 In a long epistle (Fulgentius, Ep. xvii, "De incarnatione et gratia", in PL, LXV, 451 sqq.), he gratified the Scythian monks by approving the orthodoxy of the Christological formula and the condemnation of Faustus of Riez.在長期書信( Fulgentius ,內啡肽。十七, “德incarnatione等特惠” ,在特等, LXV , 451 sqq 。 )時,他感到欣慰的西徐亞人僧侶的批准正統的基督公式和譴責浮士德的Riez 。 Unfortunately his polemical work in seven books against Faustus is lost, but in his numerous writings, which he composed partly during his exile in Sardinia and partly after his return to Africa, there breathes a spirit so truly Augustinian that he has been rightly called the "epitomized Augustine".不幸的是他的爭論在7個工作對浮士德書籍丟失,但在他的許多著作,其中組成部分,他在他流亡在撒丁島和部分後,他返回非洲,有生命力的精神,使真正的奧古斯丁,他已被正確地稱為“概括奧古斯丁“ 。 The blow dealt to Faustus had its effect both in Gaul and at Rome.打擊處理,以浮士德其效果已在高盧和羅馬。 Bishop Cæsarius of Arles, although a pupil of Lérins, subscribed to the Augustinian doctrine of grace, and his views were shared by many of the Gallic episcopate.主教Cæsarius的阿爾勒,雖然學生Lérins ,訂閱了奧古斯丁學說的寬限期,他也有同感許多高盧主教。 Other bishops were indeed still inclined towards Semipelagianism.其他主教們確實仍然傾向於Semipelagianism 。 At a Synod of Valence (528 or 529) Cæsarius was attacked on account of his teaching, but was able to reply effectively. Having been assured of the "authority and support of the Apostolic See", he summoned on 3 July, 529, the sharers of his views to the Second Synod of Orange, which condemned Semipelagianism as heresy.在主教價( 528或529 ) Cæsarius被攻擊到他的教學,但能夠有效的答复。審議得到保證的“權威和支持使徒見” ,他召見於7月3日, 529的共享他的意見,第二次會議的橙色,其中譴責Semipelagianism為異端。 In twenty-five canons the entire powerlessness of nature for good, the absolute necessity of prevenient grace for salutary acts, especially for the beginning of faith, the absolute gratuity of the first grace and of final perseverance, were defined, while in the epilogue the predestination of the will to evil was branded as heresy (cf. Denzinger-Bannwart, nn. 174-200).在2005年整個大砲無能為力的性質好,是絕對必要的前的寬限期為有益的行為,特別是開始的信念,絕對酬金第一的風度和最後的毅力,被界定,而在尾聲的預定的意願,是品牌的邪惡作為異端(參見Denzinger - Bannwart ,神經網絡。 174-200 ) 。 As Pope Boniface II solemnly ratified the decrees in the following year (530), the Synod of Orange was raised to the rank of an œcumenical council.正如教皇博尼法斯二世批准了莊嚴的法令在第二年( 530 ) ,主教的奧蘭治提高到官兵的œcumenical理事會。 It was the final triumph of the dead Augustine, the "Doctor of Grace".這是最後的勝利死亡奧古斯丁的“博士恩典” 。

Publication information Written by J. Pohle.出版信息書面由J. Pohle 。 Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter.轉錄由道格拉斯學者波特。 Dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII.專門為聖心耶穌基督天主教百科全書,卷十三。 Published 1912. 1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat , 1912年2月1號。 Remy Lafort, DD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,日,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography目錄

SUAREZ, Proleg.蘇亞雷斯,前腳。 de gratia, V, v, Sqq.; ELEUTHERIUS (LIVINUS MEYER), De Pelagianis et Semipelag.德特惠,五,五, Sqq 。 ; ELEUTHERIUS ( LIVINUS邁耶) ,德Pelagianis等Semipelag 。 erroribus (Antwerp, 1705); GEFFKEN, Historia semipelagianismi (Göttingen, 1826); WIGGERS, Gesch. erroribus (安特衛普, 1705年) ; GEFFKEN ,歷史semipelagianismi (哥廷根, 1826年) ; WIGGERS , Gesch 。 des Pelagianismus (Hamburg, 1835) ; KOCH, Der hl.萬Pelagianismus (漢堡, 1835年) ;科赫明鏡hl 。 Faustus v. Riez (Stuttgart, 1893); ARNOLD, Cäsarius von Arelate (Leipzig, 1894); HOCH, Die Lehre des Joh.浮士德訴Riez (斯圖加特, 1893年) ;阿諾德, Cäsarius馮Arelate (萊比錫, 1894年) ;霍克,模具教萬5.50 。 Cassian von Natur u.馮自然Cassian美國 Gnade (Freiburg, 1895); SUBLET, Le semipélagianisme des origines dans ses rapports avec Augustin, le pélagianisme et l'église (Namur, 1897); WÖRTER, Beitrage zur Dogmengesch. Gnade (弗賴堡, 1895年) ;分租,樂semipélagianisme萬例中的起源白皮書帶奧古斯丁,勒pélagianisme和抵制教堂(那慕爾, 1897年) ; WÖRTER , Beitrage楚Dogmengesch 。 des Semipelagianismus (Paderborn, 1898); IDEM, Zur Dogmengesch.萬Semipelagianismus (帕德博恩, 1898 ) ;同上,論Dogmengesch 。 des Semipelagianismus (Münster, 1900); HEFELE-LECLERCQ, Hist.萬Semipelagianismus (明斯特, 1900 ) ; HEFELE ,勒克萊爾,組織胺。 des conciles, II (Paris, 1908); TIXERONT, Hist.萬conciles ,二(巴黎, 1908年) ; TIXERONT ,組織胺。 des dogmes, II (2nd ed., Paris, 1909); HARNACK, Dogmengesch., III (4th ed., Freiburg, 1910).萬dogmes ,二(第二版。 ,巴黎, 1909年) ;哈納克, Dogmengesch 。 ,第三章(第4版。 ,弗賴堡, 1910年) 。 On questions of literary history see BARDENHEWER, Patrologie (3rd ed., Freiburg, 1910), passim, tr.問題的文學史見BARDENHEWER , Patrologie (第3版。 ,弗賴堡, 1910年) ,各處,文。 SHAHAN (St. Louis, 1908); on the Middle Ages cf.沙漢(聖路易斯, 1908年) ;對中古比照。 MINGES, Die Gnadenlehre des Duns Scotus auf ihren angeblichen Pelagianismus u. MINGES ,模具Gnadenlehre萬鄧司各脫奧夫ihren angeblichen Pelagianismus美國 Semipelag. Semipelag 。 geprüft (Münster, 1906); on the internal development of Augustine's teaching Consult WEINAND, Die Gottesidee der Grundzug der Weltanschauung des hl. geprüft (明斯特, 1906年) ;內部發展的奧古斯丁的教學諮詢WEINAND ,模具Gottesidee之Grundzug之世界觀萬hl 。 Augustinus (Paderborn, 1910).奧古斯丁(帕德博恩, 1910年) 。


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