Pelagianism

General Information 一般信息

Pelagianism is the name given to the teachings of Pelagius, a British Christian active in Rome in the late 4th and early 5th centuries. Pelagianism的名稱是給予的教誨,伯拉糾,英國基督教活躍在羅馬舉行的第4月底5月初幾個世紀。 Often identified as a monk but probably a layman, Pelagius was a biblical interpreter (he wrote a commentary on Paul's letters) and theologian who stressed the human ability to fulfill the commands of God. In Rome he became the center of a largely aristocratic group whose aim was to pursue the most rigorous form of the religious life in contrast to the indifferent morality of other Christians.通常確定為僧,但可能是一個門外漢,伯拉糾是一個聖經的翻譯(他寫了評保羅的字母)和神學誰強調人類能力完成上帝的命令。在羅馬,他成為中心的主要貴族組,其目的是為了追求最嚴格的形式的宗教生活對比的道德冷漠的其他基督徒。 Pelagianism may thus be considered a reform movement within late Roman Christianity. Its doctrine, however, was condemned as heresy. Pelagianism可能因此被認為是改革運動的後期羅馬基督教。及其學說,但是,譴責為異端。

Under the threat of the Goths' invasion (410) of Italy, Pelagius joined other Roman refugees who traveled to North Africa.根據威脅的哥特入侵( 410 ) ,意大利貝拉基加入其他難民誰羅馬前往北非。 There his teaching was opposed by Augustine, the leading figure in the North African church.他的教學有反對奧古斯丁,領先的數字北非教堂。 In claiming that humans can do what God requires, Pelagius had emphasized the freedom of the human will and the ability to control one's motives and actions under the guidance of God's law.在聲稱,人類可以做上帝需要, 伯拉糾強調了自由人的意願和能力來控制自己的動機和行動的指導下,上帝的法律。 In contrast, Augustine insisted that no one can control his or her own motivation and that person requires the assistance of God's Grace if he or she is to will and to do good. Only with the help of divine grace can an individual overcome the force of sin and live rightly before God. 與此相反,奧古斯丁堅持認為,沒有人可以控制他或她自己的動機和要求的人的協助下,上帝的恩典,如果他或她是意志和做好。僅有的幫助下,神聖的寬限期可以克服個人的力量罪惡和正確的生活上帝面前。 In the resulting controversy Augustine's views prevailed and became dominant in Christian teaching.在出現的爭議,奧古斯丁的觀點佔了上風,並成為主導在基督教教學。

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Pelagius was in Jerusalem in 415, but there is no reason to suppose that he spent the latter part of his life there.伯拉糾是在耶路撒冷的415 ,但沒有理由認為他花了後一部分有他的生命。 He was excommunicated (417) by Pope Innocent I, and his views were condemned by a series of church councils.他被逐出教會( 417 )由諾森我,和他的意見,譴責了一系列的教會理事會。 For another century, however, his theology found support in areas of North Africa, Italy, southern France, and Britain; and the issues of human freedom and divine grace have remained central topics of debate throughout the history of Christian theology.對於一個世紀,但是,他的發現支持神學領域的北非,意大利,法國南部,英國和問題的人的自由和神聖的寬限期仍然中心議題的辯論在整個歷史上的基督教神學。

William S Babcock威廉語巴布科克

Bibliography 目錄
R Evans, Pelagius: Inquiries and Reappraisals (1968); J Ferguson, Pelagius: A Historical and Theological Study (1956); BR Rees, Pelagius (1988). R埃文斯,貝拉基:諮詢和Reappraisals ( 1968年) ; J弗格森貝拉基:歷史和神學研究( 1956年) ;溴里斯,伯拉糾( 1988年) 。


Pelagius, Pelagianism伯拉糾, Pelagianism

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Pelagianism is that teaching, originating in the late fourth century, which stresses man's ability to take the initial steps toward salvation by his own efforts, apart from special grace. It is sharply opposed by Augustinianism, which emphasizes the absolute necessity of God's interior grace for man's salvation. Pelagianism的是,教學,源自四世紀後期,強調人的能力採取的初步步驟拯救了自己的努力,除了特殊的寬限期。急劇這是反對奧古斯丁,它強調是絕對必要的上帝的內部寬限期為人的得救。

Pelagius was an eminently moral person, who became a fashionable teacher at Rome late in the fourth century.伯拉糾是一個非常道德的人,誰成為一個時髦的教師在羅馬後期在第四世紀。 British by birth, he was a zealous ascetic.英國出生的,他是一個狂熱的苦行。 Whether he was a monk or not we cannot say, but he clearly supported monastic ideals.無論他是一個和尚或不我們不能說,但他明確支持僧侶的理想。 In his early writings he argued against the Arians but fired his big guns against the Manichaeans.在他的早期著作,他反對的Arians ,但他發射大砲對Manichaeans 。 Their dualistic fatalism infuriated the moralist in him其二元宿命論激怒了他的道德

While in Rome, Pelagius studied Augustine's anti - Manichaean writings, particularly On Free Will.雖然在羅馬,伯拉糾研究奧古斯丁的反-摩尼教的著作,特別是對自由的意志。 He came to oppose passionately Augustine's quietism, reflected in his prayer in the Confessions: "Give what thou commandest, and command what thou wilt" (X,31,45).他熱情地反對奧古斯丁quietism ,反映在他的祈禱中的自白: “給你什麼commandest ,並命令你什麼病” (十, 31,45 ) 。

When the Visigoths surged upon Rome in 410 / 411, Pelagius sought refuge in Africa.當西哥特人對羅馬飆升在四百十一分之四百一十〇 ,伯拉糾避難在非洲。 After avoiding an encounter with Augustine, he moved on to Jerusalem, where he gained a good reputation.經過避免遇到奧古斯丁,他轉移到耶路撒冷,在那裡他獲得了良好的聲譽。 No one took offense at his teaching.沒有人在進攻在他的教學。

Meanwhile in Africa, Pelagius's pupil Coelestius, a less cautious and more superficial man, had pointedly drawn out the consequences of Pelagius's teaching on freedom.與此同時,在非洲,伯拉糾的學生Coelestius ,那麼謹慎和更淺的人,有針對性地制定出的後果貝拉基的教學自由。 Churchmen in the area of Carthage solemnly charged him with heresy.教會在該地區的迦太基莊嚴指控他的邪說。 According to Augustine, Coelestius did not accept the "remission of sins" in infant baptism.據奧古斯丁, Coelestius不接受“緩解的罪孽”嬰兒的洗禮。 Such an assertion of "innocence" of newborn babies denied the basic relationship in which all men stand "since Adam."這種說法的“清白”的新生嬰兒否認的基本關係中,所有男人的立場“ ,因為亞當。 ” It was claiming that unredeemed man is sound and free to do all good.有人聲稱未男子是健全和自由盡一切良好。 It was rendering salvation by Christ superfluous.有人渲染基督救恩是多餘的。

Augustine sent his own disciple Orosius to the East in an attempt to gain the condemnation of Pelagius.奧古斯丁派遣自己的弟子Orosius東,企圖獲得譴責伯拉糾。 But in the East churchmen were unable to see anything more than an obstinate quarrel about trivialities.但是,在東牧師無法看到任何一個多頑固的瑣事爭吵。 They acquitted Pelagius, a decision that infuriated the Africans, who turned toward Rome and compelled Pope Innocent I to expressly condemn the new heresy.他們被宣告無罪貝拉基,這一決定激怒了非洲人,誰轉向羅馬,迫使諾森一明確譴責新的異端邪說。

The keystone of Pelagianism is the idea of man's unconditional free will and his moral responsibility. In creating man God did not subject him, like other creatures, to the law of nature but gave him the unique privilege of accomplishing the divine will by his own choice. 的基石Pelagianism的想法是對人的無條件的自由意志和他的道義責任。在上帝創造的人沒有受到他一樣,其他動物,以法律的性質,但給了他獨特的特權,完成神聖的將他自己的選擇。 This possibility of freely choosing the good entails the possibility of choosing evil.這種可能性的自由選擇需要的良好的可能性選擇邪惡。

According to Pelagius there are three features in human action: power (posse), will (velle), and the realization (esse).據貝拉基有三個特點人類行動:電力(波塞) ,將( velle ) ,實現(存在) 。 The first comes exclusively from God; the other two belong to man.首先是完全由上帝;其他兩個屬於男子。 Thus, as man acts, he merits praise or blame.因此,作為人的行為,他值得讚揚或指責。 Whatever his followers may have said, Pelagius himself held the conception of a divine law proclaiming to men what they ought to do and setting before them the prospect of supernatural rewards and punishments.無論他的追隨者可能會說,伯拉糾自己的構想舉行了神聖的法律,宣布男子他們應該做和設置他們面前的前景超自然獎懲。 If man enjoys freedom of choice, it is by the express bounty of his Creator; he ought to use it for those ends that God prescribes.如果男子享有選擇的自由,這是由表示,他的懸賞造物主;他應該使用它的這些目標,上帝規定。

The rest of Pelagianism flows from this central thought of freedom. First, it rejects the idea that man's will has any intrinsic bias in favor of wrongdoing as a result of the fall.其餘的Pelagianism流動這一核心思想的自由。首先,它反對的想法人的意志有任何內在的偏袒不法行為所造成的下跌。 Since each soul is created immediately by God, as Pelagius believed, then it cannot come into the world soiled by original sin transmitted from Adam. Before a person begins exercising his will, "there is only in him what God has created."由於每個靈魂是立即成立由上帝,因為伯拉糾認為,就不能來到這個世界臟了原罪轉交從亞當。一個人在開始行使他將“ ,只有他是上帝創造了。 ” The effect of infant baptism, then, is not eternal life but "spiritual illumination, adoption as children of God, citizenship of the heavenly Jerusalem."影響嬰兒的洗禮,那麼,是不是永恆的生命,但“精神光照,通過兒童的上帝,公民天上的耶路撒冷。 ”

Second, Pelagius considers grace purely an external aid provided by God. He leaves no room for any special interior action of God upon the soul. 第二,伯拉糾認為寬限期純粹是外部提供的援助上帝。他留下任何餘地任何特殊的內部行動,上帝的靈魂。 By "grace" Pelagius really means free will itself or the revelation of God's law through reason, instructing us in what we should do and holding out to us eternal sanctions.通過“寬限期”伯拉糾真正意義的自由意志本身或啟示上帝的法律通過的原因,指示我們的,我們應該做的,並舉行了向我們永恆的制裁。 Since this revelation has become obscured through evil customs, grace now includes the law of Moses and the teaching and example of Christ.由於這一發現已成為掩蓋罪惡通過海關,寬限期現在包括摩西律法和教學和基督的榜樣。

This grace is offered equally to all.這是提供寬限期一律平等。 God is no respecter of persons.上帝是沒有respecter的人。 By merit alone men advance in holiness.值得僅由男子提前成聖。 God's predestination operates according to the quality of the lives God foresees men will lead.上帝的預定根據經營質量的生活上帝預計將導致男性。

Theologians often describe Pelagianism as a form of naturalism.神學家常常描述Pelagianism作為一種自然。 But this label scarcely does justice to its religious spirit.但是,這個標籤幾乎沒有正義的宗教精神。 Defective though the system is in its recognition of man's weakness, it does reflect an awareness of man's high calling and the claims of the moral law.儘管有缺陷的制度是在承認人的弱點,但它反映了認識的人的高要求和索賠的道德法。 Yet Pelagianism's one - sidedness remains an inadequate interpretation of Christianity.然而, Pelagianism之一-片面性仍然是不夠的解釋基督教。 This was especially so after Coelestius pushed into the foreground the denial of original sin, the teaching that Adam was created mortal, and the idea that children are eligible for eternal life even without baptism.這是後尤其如此Coelestius被推到前台否認原罪,教學的亞當創建凡人,和的想法,兒童有資格獲得永恆的生命即使沒有的洗禮。 This rosy view of human nature and inadequate understanding of divine grace was finally condemned in 431 at the Council of Ephesus.鑑於這美好的人性和認識不足神聖的恩典終於在431譴責在安理會的以弗所。

BL Shelley基本法雪萊
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (規矩福音字典)

Bibliography 目錄
G Bonner, Augustine and Modern Research on Pelagianism; P Brown, Religion and Society in the Age of St. Augustine; RF Evans, Pelagius: Inquiries and Reappraisals; J Ferguson, Pelagius. G邦納,奧古斯丁和現代研究Pelagianism ; P布朗,宗教和社會時代的聖奧古斯丁;射頻埃文斯,貝拉基:諮詢和Reappraisals ; J弗格森,伯拉糾。


Pelagius and Pelagianism伯拉糾和Pelagianism

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

Pelagianism received its name from Pelagius and designates a heresy of the fifth century, which denied original sin as well as Christian grace. Pelagianism收到它的名字從伯拉糾和指定一個異端的第五世紀,否認原罪以及基督教的寬限期。

Life and Writings of Pelagius生活與創作貝拉基

Apart from the chief episodes of the Pelagian controversy, little or nothing is known about the personal career of Pelagius.除了首席發作的Pelagian爭議,很少或幾乎沒有了解個人職業生涯的伯拉糾。 It is only after he bade a lasting farewell to Rome in AD 411 that the sources become more abundant; but from 418 on history is again silent about his person.這是他才吩咐持久告別羅馬在公元411的來源變得更加豐富,但是從418的歷史再次沉默,他的人。 As St. Augustine (De peccat. orig., xxiv) testifies that he lived in Rome "for a very long time", we may presume that he resided there at least since the reign of Pope Anastasius (398-401).正如聖奧古斯丁(德peccat 。原始。 ,二十四)證明,他住在羅馬“很長一段時間” ,我們可以推測,他居住在那裡至少從教皇統治的達西( 398-401 ) 。 But about his long life prior to the year 400 and above all about his youth, we are left wholly in the dark.但是,他的壽命長年之前400及以上的所有關於他的青年,我們感到完全在黑暗中。 Even the country of his birth is disputed.即使該國自己的出生是有爭議的。 While the most trustworthy witnesses, such as Augustine, Orosius, Prosper, and Marius Mercator, are quite explicit in assigning Britain as his native country, as is apparent from his cognomen of Brito or Britannicus, Jerome (Praef. in Jerem., lib. I and III) ridicules him as a "Scot" (loc. cit., "habet enim progeniem Scoticae gentis de Britannorum vicinia"), who being "stuffed with Scottish porridge" (Scotorum pultibus proegravatus) suffers from a weak memory.雖然最值得信賴的證人,如奧古斯丁, Orosius ,繁榮,馬里烏斯麥卡托,是相當明確的指派英國作為他的祖國,這是明顯的從他的cognomen的布里托或Britannicus ,杰羅姆( Praef.在傑里。 ,解放。一和三) ridicules他為“蘇格蘭人” (如上。 “管轄權enim progeniem Scoticae gentis德Britannorum vicinia ” ) ,誰是“塞滿了蘇格蘭粥” ( Scotorum pultibus proegravatus )患有弱記憶。 Rightly arguing that the "Scots" of those days were really the Irish, H. Zimmer ("Pelagius in Ireland", p.20, Berlin, 1901) has advanced weighty reasons for the hypothesis that the true home of Pelagius must be sought in Ireland, and that he journeyed through the southwest of Britain to Rome.正確的主張“蘇格蘭人”的那些日子真的愛爾蘭,閣下齊默( “伯拉糾在愛爾蘭” ,臨20 ,柏林, 1901年)擁有先進的重大原因的假說,真正的家貝拉基必須尋求在愛爾蘭,他通過journeyed西南英國羅馬。 Tall in stature and portly in appearance (Jerome, loc. cit., "grandis et corpulentus"), Pelagius was highly educated, spoke and wrote Latin as well as Greek with great fluency and was well versed in theology.高大的地位和肥胖的外觀(杰羅姆,同上。前。 “柚等corpulentus ” ) ,伯拉糾是受過高等教育,以寫拉丁美洲以及希臘非常流利,並精通神學。 Though a monk and consequently devoted to practical asceticism, he never was a cleric; for both Orosius and Pope Zosimus simply call him a "layman".雖然僧人,因而用於實際的禁慾主義,但他從未被一名神職人員;為Orosius和教皇Zosimus只是稱他為“門外漢” 。 In Rome itself he enjoyed the reputation of austerity, while St. Augustine called him even a "saintly man", vir sanctus: with St. Paulinus of Nola (405) and other prominent bishops, he kept up an edifying correspondence, which he used later for his personal defence.在羅馬,他本身享有聲譽的緊縮,而聖奧古斯丁叫他甚至是“聖潔的人” ,病毒眾神:與聖Paulinus的諾拉( 405 )和其他著名的主教,他保持了一個有啟發性公文,他用後來他親自辯護。

During his sojourn in Rome he composed several works: "De fide Trinitatis libri III", now lost, but extolled by Gennadius as "indispensable reading matter for students"; "Eclogarum ex divinis Scripturis liber unus", in the main collection of Bible passages based on Cyprian's "Testimoniorum libri III", of which St. Augustine has preserved a number of fragments; "Commentarii in epistolas S. Pauli", elaborated no doubt before the destruction of Rome by Alaric (410) and known to St. Augustine in 412.在他逗留在羅馬,他的作品組成了: “德善意第三Trinitatis書” ,現在已經失去,但粉蝨捧為“不可缺少的讀物的學生” , “ Eclogarum前divinis Scripturis書聯合國大學” ,主要收集聖經段落塞浦路斯的基礎上的“三Testimoniorum書” ,其中聖奧古斯丁保留了一些片段; “ Commentarii在epistolas由保利” ,詳細闡述之前,毫無疑問的破壞羅馬阿拉里克( 410 )和已知的聖奧古斯丁412 。 Zimmer (loc. cit.) deserves credit for having rediscovered in this commentary on St. Paul the original work of Pelagius, which had, in the course of time, been attributed to St. Jerome (PL, XXX, 645-902). A closer examination of this work, so suddenly become famous, brought to light the fact that it contained the fundamental ideas which the Church afterwards condemned as "Pelagian heresy".齊默(如上) 。功勞有發現在這評聖保祿原來的工作,伯拉糾,這過程中,時間,被歸因於聖杰羅姆(特等,三十, 645-902 ) 。再仔細檢查這項工作,如此突然成名,揭示了一個事實,即它包含的基本想法後,教會譴責為“ Pelagian異端” 。 In it Pelagius denied the primitive state in paradise and original sin (cf. PL, XXX, 678, "Insaniunt, qui de Adam per traducem asserunt ad nos venire peccatum"), insisted on the naturalness of concupiscence and the death of the body, and ascribed the actual existence and universality of sin to the bad example which Adam set by his first sin.在它貝拉基否認了原始狀態在天堂和原罪(參見特等,三十, 678 , “ Insaniunt ,歸仁的亞當每traducem asserunt廣告數出爾反爾peccatum ” ) ,堅持自然concupiscence和死亡的身體,並賦予實際的存在性和普遍性的罪孽的壞榜樣,這設置的亞當首次罪孽。 As all his ideas were chiefly rooted in the old, pagan philosophy, especially in the popular system of the Stoics, rather than in Christianity, he regarded the moral strength of man's will (liberum arbitrium), when steeled by asceticism, as sufficient in itself to desire and to attain the loftiest ideal of virtue.正如他所有的想法主要根植於歲,異教的哲學,尤其是在流行的系統Stoics ,而不是基督教,他認為,道德力量以人的意志( liberum意志)時,鍛煉的禁慾主義,因為其本身足以渴望並實現崇高理想的美德。 The value of Christ's redemption was, in his opinion, limited mainly to instruction (doctrina) and example (exemplum), which the Saviour threw into the balance as a counterweight against Adam's wicked example, so that nature retains the ability to conquer sin and to gain eternal life even without the aid of grace.價值基督的贖回是,在他看來,主要限於指示( doctrina )和範例( exemplum ) ,其中三成救世主的餘額抗衡對亞當的壞榜樣,因此保留了大自然的能力征服罪惡和獲得永恆的生命即使沒有援助的寬限期。 By justification we are indeed cleansed of our personal sins through faith alone (loc. cit., 663, "per solam fidem justificat Deus impium convertendum"), but this pardon (gratia remissionis) implies no interior renovation of sanctification of the soul.我們的理由確實清洗我們個人的罪孽僅通過信仰(如上。 , 663 , “每solam fidem justificat上帝impium convertendum ” ) ,但這種赦免(特惠remissionis )意味著沒有室內裝修神聖的靈魂。 How far the sola-fides doctrine "had no stouter champion before Luther than Pelagius" and whether, in particular, the Protestant conception of fiducial faith dawned upon him many centuries before Luther, as Loofs ("Realencyklopädies fur protest. Theologie", XV, 753, Leipzig, 1904) assumes, probably needs more careful investigation.多遠的惟獨-誠意學說“沒有stouter冠軍比前路德伯拉糾” ,是否,特別是新教的概念置信的信念到來對他幾百年之前,路德,因為Loofs ( “ Realencyklopädies毛皮抗議。神學” ,十五, 753 ,萊比錫, 1904年)承擔,可能需要更仔細的調查。 For the rest, Pelagius would have announced nothing new by this doctrine, since the Antinomists of the early Apostolic Church were already familiar with "justification by faith alone" (cf. JUSTIFICATION); on the other hand, Luther's boast of having been the first to proclaim the doctrine of abiding faith, might well arouse opposition.在其他方面,貝拉基將宣布什麼新的這一理論,因為Antinomists早期的使徒教會已經熟悉的“正當理由的信仰就有” (見理由) ;另一方面,路德的吹噓了第一宣布學說的堅定信念,很可能會引起反對。 However, Pelagius insists expressly (loc. cit. 812), "Ceterum sine operibus fidei, non legis, mortua est fides".然而,貝拉基堅持明確(如上。 812 ) , “ Ceterum正弦operibus信,非立法, mortua就是信心。 ” But the commentary on St. Paul is silent on one chief point of doctrine, ie the significance of infant baptism, which supposed that the faithful were even then clearly conscious of the existence of original sin in children.但是,評聖保羅是一個無聲的長點的理論,即意義的嬰兒的洗禮,它假定,忠實,甚至再清楚意識到存在的原罪兒童。

To explain psychologically Pelagius's whole line of thought, it does not suffice to go back to the ideal of the wise man, which he fashioned after the ethical principles of the Stoics and upon which his vision was centred.為了解釋心理上貝拉基的整體思路,但這還不夠回到理想的智者,他在老式的道德原則的Stoics並根據他的設想是中心。 We must also take into account that his intimacy with the Greeks developed in him, though unknown to himself, a one-sidedness, which at first sight appears pardonable. The gravest error into which he and the rest of the Pelagians fell, was that they did not submit to the doctrinal decisions of the Church.我們還必須考慮到,他的親密關係發展的希臘人,他雖然不知道自己的片面性,這乍一看似乎情有可原。最嚴重的錯誤,他將和其他Pelagians下跌,是因為他們未提交的理論決定的教會。 While the Latins had emphasized the guilt rather than its punishment, as the chief characteristic of original sin, the Greeks on the other hand (even Chrysostom) laid greater stress on the punishment than on the guilt.雖然拉丁美洲強調了內疚而不是懲罰,作為主要特點原罪,希臘人另一方面(即使金口)奠定更加強調處罰不是有罪。 Theodore of Mopsuestia went even so far as to deny the possibility of original guilt and consequently the penal character of the death of the body.西奧多的Mopsuestia甚至就否定原來的可能性,因此有罪的刑事性質的死亡的屍體。 Besides, at that time, the doctrine of Christian grace was everywhere vague and undefined; even the West was convinced of nothing more than that some sort of assistance was necessary to salvation and was given gratuitously, while the nature of this assistance was but little understood.此外,在那個時候,理論的基督教寬限期到處是模糊和不確定,甚至西方國家相信,只不過是某種形式的援助是必要的救助,並無償提供,而這一性質的援助,但很少理解。 In the East, moreover, as an offset to widespread fatalism, the moral power and freedom of the will were at times very strongly or even too strongly insisted on assisting grace being spoken of more frequently than preventing grace (see GRACE).在東方,而且,作為一個抵消廣泛的宿命論,道德力量和自由的意願,有時非常強烈,甚至過於強烈堅持協助寬限期正在談到多於防止寬限期(見優雅) 。 It was due to the intervention of St. Augustine and the Church, that greater clearness was gradually reached in the disputed questions and that the first impulse was given towards a more careful development of the dogmas of original sin and grace.這是因為干預的聖奧古斯丁和教會,更多的清晰逐步達到在有爭議的問題,並認為第一個衝動是建立一個更仔細的發展,教條原罪和寬限期。

Pelagius and Caelestius (411-415)伯拉糾和Caelestius ( 411-415 )

Of far-reaching influence upon the further progress of Pelagianism was the friendship which Pelagius contracted in Rome with Caelestius, a lawyer of noble (probably Italian) descent.具有深遠影響的進一步進展Pelagianism是友誼貝拉基合同在羅馬Caelestius ,律師的高尚(也許意大利)後裔。 A eunuch by birth, but endowed with no mean talents, Caelestius had been won over to asceticism by his enthusiasm for the monastic life, and in the capacity of a lay-monk he endeavoured to convert the practical maxims learnt from Pelagius, into theoretical principles, which successfully propagated in Rome.阿宦官出生的,但沒有賦予意味著人才, Caelestius已經贏得了對他的禁慾主義熱情,寺院的生活,在能力的下崗和尚,他努力轉換的實際格言教訓伯拉糾,把理論原則,成功地繁殖在羅馬舉行。 St. Augustine, while charging Pelagius with mysteriousness, mendacity, and shrewdness, calls Caelestius (De peccat. orig., xv) not only "incredibly loquacious", but also open-hearted, obstinate, and free in social intercourse.聖奧古斯丁,而充電貝拉基與mysteriousness ,謊言,和八十年代末以來,呼籲Caelestius (德peccat 。原始。 , XV )號決議不僅是“難以置信的貧嘴” ,但也爽朗,頑固,以及自由的社會交往。 Even if their secret or open intrigues did not escape notice, still the two friends were not molested by the official Roman circles.即使他們的秘密或公開陰謀沒有逃過通知,仍然是兩個朋友沒有猥褻的正式羅馬界。 But matters changed when in 411 they left the hospitable soil of the metropolis, which had been sacked by Alaric (410), and set sail for North Africa.不過事項變更時,在411他們離開土壤熱情好客的大都市,已被解僱的阿拉里克( 410 ) ,並出航北非。 When they landed on the coast near Hippo, Augustine, the bishop of that city, was absent, being fully occupied in settling the Donatist disputes in Africa.當他們降落在海岸附近的河馬,奧古斯丁主教的城市,缺席,完全佔領的解決Donatist非洲爭端。 Later, he met Pelagius in Carthage several times, without, however, coming into closer contact with him.後來,他會見了在迦太基貝拉基幾次,但不進入更密切的聯繫他。 After a brief sojourn in North Africa, Pelagius travelled on to Palestine, while Caelestius tried to have himself made a presbyter in Carthage. But this plan was frustrated by the deacon Paulinus of Milan, who submitted to the bishop, Aurelius, a memorial in which six theses of Caelestius -- perhaps literal extracts from his lost work "Contra traducem peccati" -- were branded as heretical.經過一個短暫的逗留在北非,伯拉糾前往巴勒斯坦,而Caelestius試圖擁有自己提出了牧師在迦太基。但這個計劃是沮喪的是,執事Paulinus米蘭,誰提交給主教,奧里利厄斯,紀念館,其中6論文Caelestius -也許文字摘錄他失去了工作“魂斗羅t raducemp eccati” -被命名為邪教。 These theses ran as follows:這些論文然如下:

Even if Adam had not sinned, he would have died.即使亞當沒有犯過罪,他將已經死亡。

Adam's sin harmed only himself, not the human race.亞當的罪孽不僅傷害自己,而不是人類。

Children just born are in the same state as Adam before his fall.剛剛出生的兒童在同一國家作為亞當前下降。

The whole human race neither dies through Adam's sin or death, nor rises again through the resurrection of Christ.整個人類都死於通過亞當的罪孽或死亡,也再次上升通過基督的復活。

The (Mosaic Law) is as good a guide to heaven as the Gospel.該(鑲嵌法)是一個很好的指南,天堂的福音。

Even before the advent of Christ there were men who were without sin.即使在基督的來臨有男子是誰沒有罪過。

On account of these doctrines, which clearly contain the quintessence of Pelagianism, Caelestius was summoned to appear before a synod at Carthage (411); but he refused to retract them, alleging that the inheritance of Adam's sin was an open question and hence its denial was no heresy.考慮到這些理論,這顯然包含的精髓Pelagianism , Caelestius被傳喚到之前出現在迦太基主教( 411 ) ;但他拒絕收回他們,聲稱繼承亞當的罪孽是一個開放的問題,因此它拒絕沒有異端邪說。 As a result he was not only excluded from ordination, but his six theses were condemned.由於他不僅是排除協調,但他的6篇論文譴責。 He declared his intention of appealing to the pope in Rome, but without executing his design went to Ephesus in Asia Minor, where he was ordained a priest.他宣布他打算呼籲教皇在羅馬,但沒有執行他的設計去以弗所在小亞細亞,在那裡他被任命一名神父。

Meanwhile the Pelagian ideas had infected a wide area, especially around Carthage, so that Augustine and other bishops were compelled to take a resolute stand against them in sermons and private conversations.與此同時, Pelagian的想法已經感染了廣泛的領域,特別是在迦太基,因此,奧古斯丁和其他主教們不得不採取果斷立場,反對他們的說教和私人談話。 Urged by his friend Marcellinus, who "daily endured the most annoying debates with the erring brethren", St. Augustine in 412 wrote the famous works: "De peccatorum meritis et remissione libri III" (PL, XLIV, 109 sqq.) and "De spiritu et litera" (ibid., 201 sqq.), in which he positively established the existence of original sin, the necessity of infant baptism, the impossibility of a life without sin, and the necessity of interior grace (spiritus) in opposition to the exterior grace of the law (litera).敦促他的朋友利努斯,誰“每日經歷的最惱人的辯論與犯錯誤的兄弟” ,聖奧古斯丁在412寫了著名的作品: “德peccatorum meritis等remissione書三” (特等,四十四, 109 sqq 。 )和“德spiritu與文學“ (同上, 201 sqq 。 ) ,他在積極確定存在原罪,必須對嬰兒的洗禮,是不可能的生活沒有罪,並有必要的內部寬限期(斯皮裡圖斯)反對外觀寬限期法(文學) 。 When in 414 disquieting rumours arrived from Sicily and the so-called "Definitiones Caelestii" (reconstructed in Garnier, "Marii Mercatoris Opera", I, 384 sqq., Paris, 1673), said to be the work of Caelestius, were sent to him, he at once (414 or 415) published the rejoinder, "De perfectione justitiae hominis" (PL, XLIV, 291 sqq.), in which he again demolished the illusion of the possibility of complete freedom from sin.當在414令人不安的謠言抵達西西里和所謂的“ Definitiones Caelestii ” (重建歌劇院, “ Marii Mercatoris歌劇”我, 384 sqq 。 ,巴黎, 1673年) ,說是工作Caelestius ,被送往他,他一次( 414或415 )發表了答辯, “德perfectione justitiae人” (特等,四十四, 291 sqq 。 ) ,他在信中再次被毀的假象的可能性完全自由的罪孽。 Out of charity and in order to win back the erring the more effectually, Augustine, in all these writings, never mentioned the two authors of the heresy by name. Meanwhile Pelagius, who was sojourning in Palestine, did not remain idle; to a noble Roman virgin, named Demetrias, who at Alaric's coming had fled to Carthage, he wrote a letter which is still extant (in PL, XXX, 15-45) and in which he again inculcated his Stoic principles of the unlimited energy of nature.在慈善事業,並為了贏回犯錯誤更有效,奧古斯丁,在所有這些著作,從來沒有提到兩位作者的異端邪說的名字。與此同時伯拉糾,誰是sojourning在巴勒斯坦,沒有無動於衷;以一個崇高的羅馬處女,命名Demetrias ,誰在阿拉里克的未來已逃往迦太基,他寫了一封信仍然是現存的(在特等,三十, 15-45 )和他在信中再次灌輸他的斯多葛原則的無限能量的性質。 Moreover, he published in 415 a work, now lost, "De natura", in which he attempted to prove his doctrine from authorities, appealing not only to the writings of Hilary and Ambrose, but also to the earlier works of Jerome and Augustine, both of whom were still alive.此外,他還出版了415的工作,現在失去了, “德自然” ,他在試圖證明他的理論來自當局,呼籲不僅對著作的希拉里和劉漢銓,而且對早期作品的杰羅姆和奧古斯丁,他們兩人都還活著。 The latter answered at once (415) by his treatise "De natura et gratia" (PL, XLIV, 247 sqq.).後者回答了一次( 415 )他的論文“德等自然特惠” (特等,四十四, 247 sqq 。 ) 。 Jerome, however, to whom Augustine's pupil Orosius, a Spanish priest, personally explained the danger of the new heresy, and who had been chagrined by the severity with which Pelagius had criticized his commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians, thought the time ripe to enter the lists; this he did by his letter to Ctesiphon (Ep. cxxliii) and by his graceful "Dialogus contra Pelagianos" (PL, XXIII, 495 sqq.).杰羅姆然而,其中奧古斯丁的學生Orosius ,一名西班牙神父,親自解釋了危險的新的異端,誰是懊惱的嚴重性與伯拉糾曾批評他評論的書的以弗所書,認為時機已經成熟,以進入名單;這一點,他沒有他的信泰西封( Ep. cxxliii )和他的優美的“ Dialogus禁忌Pelagianos ” (特等,二十三, 495 sqq 。 ) 。 He was assisted by Orosius, who, forthwith accused Pelagius in Jerusalem of heresy.他Orosius的協助下,誰隨即指責貝拉基在耶路撒冷的異端。 Thereupon, Bishop John of Jerusalem "dearly loved" (St. Augustine, "Ep. clxxix") Pelagius and had him at the time as his guest.於是,約翰主教的耶路撒冷“珍惜愛” (聖奧古斯丁, “內啡肽。 clxxix ” )貝拉基和他當時作為他的客人。 He convoked in July, 415, a diocesan council for the investigation of the charge.他在7月召開, 415 ,一個教區理事會的調查費用。 The proceedings were hampered by the fact that Orosius, the accusing party, did not understand Greek and had engaged a poor interpreter, while the defendant Pelagius was quite able to defend himself in Greek and uphold his orthodoxy. However, according to the personal account (written at the close of 415) of Orosius (Liber apolog. contra Pelagium, PL, XXXI, 1173), the contesting parties at last agreed to leave the final judgment on all questions to the Latins, since both Pelagius and his adversaries were Latins, and to invoke the decision of Innocent I; meanwhile silence was imposed on both parties.訴訟受到了一個事實,即Orosius ,黨的指責,不理解希臘和從事翻譯不佳,而被告貝拉基是相當能夠保衛自己在希臘和維護自己的正統。然而,根據個人帳戶(書面結束時, 415 )的Orosius (書apolog 。禁忌Pelagium ,特等,三十一, 1173 ) ,爭端各方最後同意離開最後判決的所有問題的拉丁人,因為這兩個貝拉基和他的對手是拉丁人,並援引決定無辜一;同時沉默是對雙方當事人。

But Pelagius was granted only a short respite.但是貝拉基獲得只有很短的喘息。 For in the very same year, the Gallic bishops, Heros of Arles and Lazarus of Aix, who, after the defeat of the usurper Constantine (411), had resigned their bishoprics and gone to Palestine, brought the matter before Bishop Eulogius of Caesarea, with the result that the latter summoned Pelagius in December, 415, before a synod of fourteen bishops, held in Diospolis, the ancient Lydda.為在非常同年,法國主教,英雄的阿爾勒和拉撒路的埃克斯,誰後,戰敗的逆賊君士坦丁( 411人) ,已辭去其bishoprics和前往巴勒斯坦,將此事提交主教Eulogius的愷撒,結果,後者召見貝拉基在12月, 415之前,主教會議的14位主教,在Diospolis ,古Lydda 。 But fortune again favoured the heresiarch. About the proceedings and the issue we are exceptionally well informed through the account of St. Augustine, "De gestis Pelagii" (PL, XLIV, 319 sqq.), written in 417 and based on the acts of the synod.但是,財富又贊成heresiarch 。有關程序的問題,我們非常靈通通過到聖奧古斯丁, “德gestis Pelagii ” (特等,四十四, 319 sqq 。 )撰寫的417基礎上的行為主教會議。 Pelagius punctually obeyed the summons, but the principal complainants, Heros and Lazarus, failed to make their appearance, one of them being prevented by ill-health.貝拉基準時服從傳票,但主要投訴人,英雄和拉撒路,未能使他們的外貌,其中之一是防止健康狀況不佳。 And as Orosius, too, derided and persecuted by Bishop John of Jerusalem, had departed, Pelagius met no personal plaintiff, while he found at the same time a skillful advocate in the deacon Anianus of Celeda (cf. Hieronym., "Ep. cxliii", ed. Vallarsi, I, 1067).作為Orosius ,也嘲笑和迫害的主教約翰耶路撒冷,已離開,伯拉糾沒有遇到任何個人原告,而他發現在同一時間具備主張執事Anianus的Celeda (參見Hieronym 。 “內啡肽。 cxliii “版。 Vallarsi ,我1067年) 。 The principal points of the petition were translated by an interpreter into Greek and read only in an extract.主要點的請願書被翻譯的翻譯成希臘文和只讀的提取物。 Pelagius, having won the good-will of the assembly by reading to them some private letters of prominent bishops among them one of Augustine (Ep. cxlvi) -- began to explain away and disprove the various accusations.伯拉糾,贏得良好意願的大會通過閱讀他們的一些私人信件的突出主教其中之一奧古斯丁( Ep. cxlvi ) -開始解釋和反駁以外的各種指控。 Thus from the charge that he made the possibility of a sinless life solely dependent on free will, he exonerated himself by saying that, on the contrary, he required the help of God (adjutorium Dei) for it, though by this he meant nothing else than the grace of creation (gratia creationis).因此,從收費,他提出的可能性無罪的生活完全依靠自由意志,他證明自己的話說,相反,他需要的幫助下,神(棣adjutorium )它,雖然這一點,他沒有別的意思比創造的寬限期(特惠creationis ) 。 Of other doctrines with which he had been charged, he said that, formulated as they were in the complaint, they did not originate from him, but from Caelestius, and that he also repudiated them.其他學說與他被指控犯,他說,制定為他們的投訴,他們沒有來自他,而是來自Caelestius ,而且他還批駁它們。 After the hearing there was nothing left for the synod but to discharge the defendant and to announce him as worthy of communion with the Church.在聽證會後也沒有任何離開的主教,但履行被告,並宣布他是值得共融的教會。 The Orient had now spoken twice and had found nothing to blame in Pelagius, because he had hidden his real sentiments from his judges.東方現在已經談過兩次,並沒有發現任何責怪的伯拉糾,因為他隱藏自己真正的情緒從他的法官。

Continuation and End of Controversy (415-418)繼續和終結之爭( 415-418 )

The new acquittal of Pelagius did not fail to cause excitement and alarm in North Africa, whither Orosius had hastened in 416 with letters from Bishops Heros and Lazarus.新無罪貝拉基沒有失敗導致興奮和警報在北非,何處Orosius加快了在416與信主教英雄和拉撒路。 To parry the blow, something decisive had to be done.為了迴避的打擊,但決定性的工作要做。 In autumn, 416, 67 bishops from Proconsular Africa assembled in a synod at Carthage, which was presided over by Aurelius, while fifty-nine bishops of the ecclesiastical province of Numidia, to which the See of Hippo, St. Augustine's see belonged, held a synod in Mileve.在秋天, 416 , 67歲的主教Proconsular非洲組裝在一個在迦太基主教,這是主持奧里利厄斯,而59主教的教會省努米底亞,該見的河馬,聖奧古斯丁看看屬於舉行一主教在Mileve 。 In both places the doctrines of Pelagius and Caelestius were again rejected as contradictory to the Catholic faith. However, in order to secure for their decisions "the authority of the Apostolic See", both synods wrote to Innocent I, requesting his supreme sanction.在這兩個地方的理論貝拉基和Caelestius再次否決矛盾,信仰天主教。然而,為了保證他們的決定“的權威,使徒見” ,既synods寫信給無辜的我,請他最高的制裁。 And in order to impress upon him more strongly the seriousness of the situation, five bishops (Augustine, Aurelius, Alypius, Evodius, and Possidius) forwarded to him a joint letter, in which they detailed the doctrine of original sin, infant baptism, and Christian grace (St. Augustine, "Epp. clxxv-vii").為了對他的印象更強烈了局勢的嚴重性,五個主教(奧古斯丁,奧里利厄斯, Alypius , Evodius ,並Possidius )轉發給他的一封聯名信,他們在詳細的理論原罪,嬰兒的洗禮,並基督教恩典(聖奧古斯丁, “資源增值計劃。 clxxv至七” ) 。 In three separate epistles, dated 27 Jan., 417, the pope answered the synodal letters of Carthage and Mileve as well as that of the five bishops (Jaffé, "Regest.", 2nd ed., nn. 321-323, Leipzig, 1885).在三個不同的書信,日期1月27日, 417 ,教皇回答了信主教會議迦太基和Mileve以及五個主教(謝斐, “ Regest 。 ”第二版。 ,神經網絡。 321-323 ,萊比錫, 1885年) 。 Starting from the principle that the resolutions of provincial synods have no binding force until they are confirmed by the supreme authority of the Apostolic See, the pope developed the Catholic teaching on original sin and grace, and excluded Pelagius and Caelestius, who were reported to have rejected these doctrines, form communion with the Church until they should come to their senses (donec resipiscant).從這一原則的決議,省級synods沒有約束力,直到他們所確認的最高權威的教廷教廷,教皇的天主教制定教學原罪和寬限期,並排除貝拉基和Caelestius ,誰據報導,有拒絕接受這些理論,形式共融的教會,直到他們應該認識到他們的感官( donec resipiscant ) 。 In Africa, where the decision was received with unfeigned joy, the whole controversy was now regarded as closed, and Augustine, on 23 September, 417, announced from the pulpit (Serm., cxxxi, 10 in PL, XXXVIII, 734), "Jam de hac causa duo concilia missa sunt ad Sedem apostolicam, inde etiam rescripta venerunt; causa finita est". (Two synods having written to the Apostolic See about this matter; the replies have come back; the question is settled.) But he was mistaken; the matter was not yet settled.在非洲,這一決定是與慥收到的喜悅,整個爭議的是現在被視為封閉,和奧古斯丁,於9月23日, 417宣布,從講壇( Serm. , cxxxi , 10個特等,三十八, 734 ) “果醬的醋酸因二人concilia彌撒必須遵守廣告Sedem apostolicam ,獨立etiam rescripta venerunt ;原因finita東方“ 。 (二synods有寫信給使徒見對此事的答复回來;的問題是解決了。 )但他錯了;這件事尚未解決。

Innocent I died on 12 March, 417, and Zosimus, a Greek by birth, succeeded him. Before his tribunal the whole Pelagian question was now opened once more and discussed in all its bearings.我無辜喪生於3月12日, 417 ,和Zosimus ,希臘,因出生,他成功地。庭之前,他的整個Pelagian問題是,現在再次開放,並討論在其所有軸承。 The occasion for this was the statements which both Pelagius and Caelestius submitted to the Roman See in order to justify themselves.的機會,這是雙方的陳述和Caelestius貝拉基提交給羅馬教廷,為了證明自己。 Though the previous decisions of Innocent I had removed all doubts about the matter itself, yet the question of the persons involved was undecided, viz.雖然以前的決定,我曾天真取消了所有疑慮的問題本身,但問題的涉案人員被確定,即。 Did Pelagius and Caelestius really teach the theses condemned as heretical? Zosimus' sense of justice forbade him to punish anyone with excommunication before he was duly convicted of his error.沒有貝拉基和Caelestius真的教論文譴責邪教? Zosimus '的正義感禁止他以懲罰任何人罰前,他正式被定罪,他的錯誤。 And if the steps recently taken by the two defendants were considered, the doubts which might arise on this point were not wholly groundless.如果最近採取的步驟由兩名被告進行了審議,懷疑可能出現在這一點上沒有完全站不住腳的。 In 416 Pelagius had published a new work, now lost, "De libero arbitrio libri IV", which in its phraseology seemed to verge towards the Augustinian conception of grace and infant baptism, even if in principle it did not abandon the author's earlier standpoint.在416貝拉基發表了一份新的工作,現在失去了, “德自由arbitrio四書” ,其用語似乎即將實現奧古斯丁概念的寬限期和嬰兒的洗禮,即使在原則上它沒有放棄作者的早期觀點。 Speaking of Christian grace, he admitted not only a Divine revelation, but also a sort of interior grace, viz. an illumination of the mind (through sermons, reading of the Bible, etc.), adding, however, that the latter served not to make salutary works possible, but only to facilitate their performance.在談到基督教的寬限期,他承認不僅是一個神聖的啟示,但也某種內部的寬限期,即。照明心靈(通過說教,閱讀聖經,等等) ,加,但後者不能送達作出有益的工作可能的,但只以促進它們的性能。 As to infant baptism he granted that it ought to be administered in the same form as in the case of adults, not in order to cleanse the children from a real original guilt, but to secure to them entrance into the "kingdom of God".至於嬰兒的洗禮,他理所當然地認為它應該是管理相同的形式如成人,而不是為了淨化兒童從原來的一個真正有罪,但以確保他們進入了“上帝的王國” 。 Unbaptized children, he thought, would after their death be excluded from the "kingdom of God", but not from "eternal life". Unbaptized兒童,他認為,將其死亡後,被排除在“上帝的王國” ,而不是從“永恆的生命” 。

This work, together with a still extant confession of faith, which bears witness to his childlike obedience, Pelagius sent to Rome, humbly begging at the same time that chance inaccuracies might be corrected by him who "holds the faith and see of Peter".這項工作,同時還供認現存的信仰,這證明他的孩子服從,伯拉糾發送到羅馬,虛心乞討的同時,不準確的機會可能會糾正他的誰“持有信心和看到的彼得” 。 All this was addressed to Innocent I, of whose death Pelagius had not yet heard.所有這一切給無辜的我,他們的死亡貝拉基還沒有聽到。 Caelestius, also, who meanwhile had changed his residence from Ephesus to Constantinople, but had been banished thence by the anti-Pelagian Bishop Atticus, took active steps toward his own rehabilitation. Caelestius ,還誰同時改變了他的住所從以弗所到君士坦丁堡,但被放逐再由反Pelagian主教角色,採取了積極的步驟對自己的康復。 In 417 he went to Rome in person and laid at the feet of Zosimus a detailed confession of faith (Fragments, PL, XLV, 1718), in which he affirmed his belief in all doctrines, "from the Trinity of one God to the resurrection of the dead" (cf. St. Augustine, "De peccato orig.", xxiii).在417他到羅馬的人,在規定的腳下Zosimus了詳細的招供的信仰(片段,特等,第四十五, 1718 ) ,他在信中重申,他相信在所有的理論“ ,從一個三位一體的上帝的復活死者“ (見聖奧古斯丁, ”德peccato原始。 “二十三) 。

Highly pleased with this Catholic faith and obedience, Zosimus sent two different letters (PL, XLV, 1719 sqq.) to the African bishops, saying that in the case of Caelestius Bishops Heros and Lazarus had proceeded without due circumspection, and that Pelagius too, as was proved by his recent confession of faith, had not swerved from the Catholic truth.非常高興地看到這個天主教信仰和服從, Zosimus發出兩個不同的字母(特等,第四十五, 1719 sqq 。 )非洲主教說,在案件Caelestius主教英雄和拉撒路已著手未經適當謹慎,而且也貝拉基,這證明了他最近的招供的信念,沒有轉彎的天主教真理。 As to Caelestius, who was then in Rome, the pope charged the Africans either to revise their former sentence or to convict him of heresy in his own (the pope's) presence within two months.至於Caelestius ,誰當時在羅馬教皇的非洲人收取任何修改前的句子或判定他的異端在他自己的(教皇)的存在,在兩個月內完成。 The papal command struck Africa like a bomb-shell.教皇的命令擊中非洲像一個炸彈殼。 In great haste a synod was convened at Carthage in November, 417, and writing to Zosimus, they urgently begged him not to rescind the sentence which his predecessor, Innocent I, had pronounced against Pelagius and Caelestius, until both had confessed the necessity of interior grace for all salutary thoughts, words, and deeds.在偉大的倉促一主教召開迦太基11月, 417個,並書面向Zosimus ,他們迫切懇求他不要取消一句他的前任,無辜的我,已經明顯對伯拉糾和Caelestius ,直到兩人都坦白的必要性內部寬限期為所有有益的思想和言行。 At last Zosimus came to a halt.在去年Zosimus停下來。 By a rescript of 21 March, 418, he assured them that he had not yet pronounced definitively, but that he was transmitting to Africa all documents bearing on Pelagianism in order to pave the way for a new, joint investigation.詔書由3月21日, 418 ,他向他們保證,他還沒有最終宣判,但他對非洲轉遞的所有文件的影響Pelagianism為了鋪平道路一個新的聯合調查。 Pursuant to the papal command, there was held on 1 May, 418, in the presence of 200 bishops, the famous Council of Carthage, which again branded Pelagianism as a heresy in eight (or nine) canons (Denzinger, "Enchir.", 10th ed., 1908, 101-8).根據教皇的命令,但5月1日舉行, 418 ,在場的200名主教,著名的迦太基理事會,再次Pelagianism品牌作為一個異端8 (或9 )炮( Denzinger , “ Enchir 。 ”第10版。 , 1908年, 101-8 ) 。 Owing to their importance they may be summarized:由於其重要性可概括:

Death did not come to Adam from a physical necessity, but through sin.死亡沒有來亞當從身體的必要性,而是通過罪孽。

New-born children must be baptized on account of original sin.新出生的孩子洗禮必須考慮到原罪。

Justifying grace not only avails for the forgiveness of past sins, but also gives assistance for the avoidance of future sins.理由寬限期不僅利用的寬恕過去的罪孽,而且還提供援助,以避免未來的罪孽。

The grace of Christ not only discloses the knowledge of God's commandments, but also imparts strength to will and execute them.寬限期基督不僅揭示了知識的上帝的誡命,但也imparts力量,意志和執行它們。

Without God's grace it is not merely more difficult, but absolutely impossible to perform good works.沒有上帝的恩典這不只是變得更加困難,但絕對不可能履行好作品。

Not out of humility, but in truth must we confess ourselves to be sinners.不是出於謙虛,但說實話我們必須承認自己是罪人。

The saints refer the petition of the Our Father, "Forgive us our trespasses", not only to others, but also to themselves.聖人指呈請我們的父親, “請原諒我們的侵犯了” ,不僅給他人,但也給自己。

The saints pronounce the same supplication not from mere humility, but from truthfulness.聖人發音相同的祈求而不是僅僅是謙遜,但是從真實性。

Some codices containing a ninth canon (Denzinger, loc. cit., note 3): Children dying without baptism do not go to a "middle place" (medius locus), since the non reception of baptism excludes both from the "kingdom of heaven" and from "eternal life".一些codices載第九佳能( Denzinger ,同上。前。注3 ) :兒童死於不洗禮不去“中間位置” ( medius點) ,因為非接待的洗禮排除雙方從“天國“和”永恆的生命“ 。

These clearly worded canons, which (except the last-named) afterwards came to be articles of faith binding on the universal Church, gave the death blow to Pelagianism; sooner or later it would bleed to death.這些明確的措辭大砲,其中(除最後命名)之後來到條款具有約束力的信心普遍教會了致命打擊Pelagianism ;遲早會流血過多死亡。

Meanwhile, urged by the Africans (probably through a certain Valerian, who as comes held an influential position in Ravenna), the secular power also took a hand in the dispute, the Emperor Honorius, by rescript of 30 April, 418, from Ravenna, banishing all Pelagians from the cities of Italy.同時,敦促由非洲人(可能通過一定纈草,誰是來自於一個有影響力的立場拉文納) ,世俗權力也採取了相反的爭端,皇帝挪留,由詔書4月30日, 418 ,來自Ravenna ,取締所有Pelagians從意大利城市。 Whether Caelestius evaded the hearing before Zosimus, to which he was now bound, "by fleeing from Rome" (St. Augustine, "Contra duas epist. Pelag.", II, 5), or whether he was one of the first to fall a victim to the imperial decree of exile, cannot be satisfactorily settled from the sources.無論Caelestius迴避了聽證會Zosimus ,而他現在的約束“ ,由逃離羅馬” (聖奧古斯丁, “魂斗羅duas epist 。 Pelag 。 ”二, 5 ) ,或者他是否是第一個將下降受害者皇室流亡的法令,不能圓滿解決的來源。 With regard to his later life, we are told that in 421 he again haunted Rome or its vicinity, but was expelled a second time by an imperial rescript (cf. PL, XLV, 1750).至於他以後的生活,我們被告知,在421他再次困擾羅馬或其附近,但被驅逐第二次由敕(參見特等,第四十五, 1750年) 。 It is further related that in 425 his petition for an audience with Celestine I was answered by a third banishment (cf. PL, LI, 271).這是進一步有關,在425他的請求觀眾與巴巴亞羅我回答了三分之一流放(參見特等,李, 271 ) 。 He then sought refuge in the orient, where we shall meet him later.然後,他尋求避難的東方,在那裡我們將會見他後。 Pelagius could not have been included in the imperial decree of exile from Rome.伯拉糾不能已列入皇室法令,從羅馬流亡。 For at that time he undoubtedly resided in the Orient, since, as late as the summer of 418, he communicated with Pinianus and his wife Melania, who lived in Palestine (cf. Card. Rampolla, "Santa Melania giuniore", Rome, 1905).在那個時候,他無疑居住在東方,因為後期隨著夏季的418 ,他溝通Pinianus和他的妻子梅拉尼亞,誰住在巴勒斯坦(參見卡。 Rampolla , “聖誕老人梅拉尼亞giuniore ” ,羅馬, 1905年) 。 But this is the last information we have about him; he probably died in the orient.但是,這是最後的信息,我們對他的,他可能死在東方。 Having received the Acts of the Council of Carthage, Zosimus sent to all the bishops of the world his famous "Epistola tractoria" (418) of which unfortunately only fragments have come down to us. This papal encyclical, a lengthy document, gives a minute account of the entire "causa Caelestii et Pelagii", from whose works it quotes abundantly, and categorically demands the condemnation of Pelagianism as a heresy.收到了行為理事會的迦太基, Zosimus發送給所有的主教的世界他著名的“書信集tractoria ” ( 418 )不幸的是,其中只有片段來給我們。這個教皇通諭,一個漫長的文件,給一分鐘考慮到整個“ Caelestii等原因Pelagii ” ,從它的工程報價十分,並堅決要求譴責Pelagianism作為一個異端。 The assertion that every bishop of the world was obliged to confirm this circular by his own signature, cannot be proved, it is more probable that the bishops were required to transmit to Rome a written agreement; if a bishop refused to sign, he was deposed from his office and banished.聲稱每個主教世界不得不以確認本通知由他自己簽字,不能證明,它更可能是需要主教轉交到羅馬的書面協議;如果主教拒絕簽署,他被廢黜從他的辦公室和流放。 A second and harsher rescript, issued by the emperor on 9 June, 419, and addressed to Bishop Aurelius of Carthage (PL, XLV, 1731), gave additional force to this measure.第二個更加嚴厲的詔書,發出的皇帝6月9日, 419名,並給主教奧里利厄斯的迦太基(特等,第四十五, 1731 ) ,讓更多的部隊,這一措施。 Augustine's triumph was complete.奧古斯丁的勝利完成。 In 418, drawing the balance, as it were, of the whole controversy, he wrote against the heresiarchs his last great work, "De gratia Christi et de peccato originali" (PL, XLIV, 359 sqq.).在418個,利用的平衡,因為它是,整個爭議的,他寫道heresiarchs對他最後一次偉大的工作, “德特惠基督等peccato originali德” (特等,四十四, 359 sqq 。 ) 。

The Disputes of St. Augustine with Julian of Eclanum (419-428)該爭端的聖奧古斯丁與朱利安的Eclanum ( 419-428 )

Through the vigorous measures adopted in 418, Pelagianism was indeed condemned, but not crushed.通過有力的措施,通過418 Pelagianism確實是譴責,但不是粉碎。 Among the eighteen bishops of Italy who were exiled on account of their refusal to sign the papal decree, Julian, Bishop of Eclanum, a city of Apulia now deserted, was the first to protest against the "Tractoria" of Zosimus.在18主教意大利誰被流放考慮到他們拒絕簽署法令,教皇朱利安,主教Eclanum ,一個城市的阿普利亞現在空無一人,是第一個以抗議“ Tractoria ”的Zosimus 。 Highly educated and skilled in philosophy and dialectics, he assumed the leadership among the Pelagians.受過良好教育和熟練的哲學和辯證法,他承擔了領導之間的Pelagians 。 But to fight for Pelagianism now meant to fight against Augustine.但是,為了爭取Pelagianism現在要打擊的奧古斯丁。 The literary feud set in at once.文學爭執確定一次。 It was probably Julian himself who denounced St. Augustine as damnator nupitarum to the influential comes Valerian in Ravenna, a nobleman, who was very happily married. To meet the accusation, Augustine wrote, at the beginning of 419, an apology, "De nuptiis et concupiscentia libri II" (PL, XLIV, 413 sqq.) and addressed it to Valerian.這可能是自己誰朱利安譴責聖奧古斯丁作為damnator nupitarum的影響力來纈草在拉文納,一個貴族,誰是非常愉快地結婚了。為了滿足指控,奧古斯丁寫道,在年初419 ,表示道歉, “德nuptiis等concupiscentia書二“ (特等,四十四, 413 sqq 。 )和給它纈草。 Immediately after (419 or 420), Julian published a reply which attacked the first book of Augustine's work and bore the title, "Libri IV ad Turbantium".後立即( 419或420 ) ,朱利安出版了答复攻擊的第一本書奧古斯丁的工作和承擔的標題, “四書廣告Turbantium ” 。 But Augustine refuted it in his famous rejoinder, written in 421 or 422, "Contra Iulianum libri VI" (PL, XLIV, 640 sqq.).奧古斯丁駁斥,但它在其著名的答辯,撰寫的421或422 , “魂斗羅Iulianum書六” (特等,四十四, 640 sqq 。 ) 。 When two Pelagian circulars, written by Julian and scourging the "Manichaean views" of the Antipelagians, fell into his hands, he attacked them energetically (420 or 421) in a work, dedicated to Boniface I, "Contra duas epistolas Pelagianorum libri IV" (PL, XLIV, 549 sqq.).當兩個Pelagian通告,寫的朱利安和scourging的“摩尼教的意見”的Antipelagians ,落入他的手中,他攻擊他們大力( 420或421 )的工作,致力於博尼法斯我, “魂斗羅duas epistolas Pelagianorum四書” (特等,四十四, 549 sqq 。 ) 。 Being driven from Rome, Julian had found (not later than 421) a place of refuge in Cilicia with Theodore of Mopsuestia.被逐出羅馬,朱利安發現了(不晚於421 )避難地在西里西亞與西奧多的Mopsuestia 。 Here he employed his leisure in elaborating an extensive work, "Libri VIII ad Florum", which was wholly devoted to refuting the second book of Augustine's "De nuptiis et concupiscentia".在這裡,他僱用他的休閒,制定了大量的工作, “書第八廣告花” ,這是完全致力於駁斥第二本書的奧古斯丁的“德nuptiis等concupiscentia ” 。 Though composed shortly after 421, it did not come to the notice of St. Augustine until 427.雖然組成後不久, 421 ,但它並沒有來通知聖奧古斯丁,直到427 。 The latter's reply, which quotes Julian's argumentations sentence for sentence and refutes them, was completed only as far as the sixth book, whence it is cited in patristic literature as "Opus imperfectum contra Iulianum" (PL, XLV, 1049 sqq.).後者的答复,其中報價朱利安的論點句的句子,並駁斥了他們,只完成了盡可能的第六本書,何處是引用教父文學作為“主業imperfectum禁忌Iulianum ” (特等,第四十五, 1049 sqq 。 ) 。 A comprehensive account of Pelagianism, which brings out into strong relief the diametrically opposed views of the author, was furnished by Augustine in 428 in the final chapter of his work, "De haeresibus" (PL, XLII, 21 sqq.).全面介紹了Pelagianism ,使到強有力的救濟的截然相反的意見,作者,是奧古斯丁提供的428中的最後一章他的工作, “德haeresibus ” (特等,四十二, 21 sqq 。 ) 。 Augustine's last writings published before his death (430) were no longer aimed against Pelagianism but against Semipelagianism.奧古斯丁的最後著作出版之前,他的死亡( 430 )已不再針對Pelagianism ,而是針對Semipelagianism 。

After the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia (428), Julian of Eclanum left the hospitable city of Cilicia and in 429 we meet him unexpectedly in company with his fellow exiles Bishops Florus, Orontius, and Fabius, and the Court of the Patriarch Nestorius of Constantinople, who willingly supported the fugitives.去世後,西奧多的Mopsuestia ( 428 ) ,朱利安的Eclanum離開了好客的城市的西里西亞和429 ,我們意外地見到他在公司,他的同胞流亡主教Florus , Orontius和法比尤斯,法院的主教聶斯脫裡君士坦丁堡,誰願意支持逃犯。 It was here, too, in 429, that Caelestius emerged again as the protégé of the patriarch; this is his last appearance in history; for from now on all trace of him is lost.正是在這裡,也在429 ,這再次出現Caelestius的門徒的家長,這是他最後一次出現在歷史;為從現在開始,所有的痕跡,他就丟失了。 But the exiled bishops did not long enjoy the protection of Nestorius.但是,流亡主教長期沒有得到保護涅斯多留。 When Marius Mercator, a layman and friend of St. Augustine, who was then present in Constantinople, heard of the machinations of the Pelagians in the imperial city, he composed towards the end of 429 his "Commonitorium super nomine Caelestii" (PL, XLVIII, 63 sqq.), in which he exposed the shameful life and the heretical character of Nestorius' wards.當馬里烏斯麥卡托,一個門外漢和朋友的聖奧古斯丁,誰當時在君士坦丁堡,聽到的陰謀詭計的Pelagians在皇城,他組成年底429他的“ Commonitorium超級諾米Caelestii ” (特等,四十八, 63 sqq 。 ) ,他在信中揭露了可恥的生命和邪教性質的聶斯脫裡'病房。 The result was that the Emperor Theodosius II decreed their banishment in 430.其結果是,皇帝狄奧二頒布的流放在430 。 When the Ecumenical Council of Ephesus (431) repeated the condemnation pronounced by the West (cf. Mansi, "Concil. collect.", IV, 1337), Pelagianism was crushed in the East. According to the trustworthy report of Prosper of Aquitaine ("Chronic." ad a. 439, in PL, LI, 598), Julian of Eclanum, feigning repentance, tried to regain possession of his former bishopric, a plan which Sixtus III (432-40) courageously frustrated.當基督教理事會以弗所( 431 )再次宣布譴責西方國家(見曼西, “ Concil 。收集。 ”四, 1337 ) , Pelagianism被撞碎的地區。根據可信賴的報告普羅斯珀的阿基坦( “慢性” 。字母a. 439的廣告,在特等,李, 598 ) ,朱利安的Eclanum ,假裝懺悔,試圖收回他的前任主教,一項計劃,西斯三世( 432-40 )勇敢地感到沮喪。 The year of his death is uncertain.這一年他的死亡是不確定的。 He seems to have died in Italy between 441 and 445 during the reign of Valentinian III.他似乎已經死在意大利之間的441和445時期的瓦倫蒂安三。

Last Traces of Pelagianism (429-529)最後痕跡Pelagianism ( 429-529 )

After the Council of Ephesus (431), Pelagianism no more disturbed the Greek Church, so that the Greek historians of the fifth century do not even mention either the controversy of the names of the heresiarchs.經過理事會的以弗所( 431 ) , Pelagianism沒有更多的不安,希臘教會,使希臘歷史學家的第五世紀甚至沒有提及任何爭議的姓名heresiarchs 。 But the heresy continued to smoulder in the West and died our very slowly.但是,異端繼續熠在西非和死亡的速度很慢。 The main centres were Gaul and Britain.主要中心,高盧和英國。 About Gaul we are told that a synod, held probably at Troyes in 429, was compelled to take steps against the Pelagians.關於高盧人告訴我們,一個主教舉行的大概在429特魯瓦,被迫採取步驟對Pelagians 。 It also sent Bishops Germanus of Auxerre and Lupus of Troyes to Britain to fight the rampant heresy, which received powerful support from two pupils of Pelagius, Agricola and Fastidius (cf. Caspari, "Letters, Treatises and Sermons from the two last Centuries of Ecclesiastical Antiquity", pp. 1-167, Christiana, 1891).它還發出主教Germanus的歐塞爾和系統性的特魯瓦英國打擊猖獗的異端邪說,得到強有力的支持來自兩個學生的伯拉糾,農業和Fastidius (參見卡斯帕里, “信函,論文和布道的最後兩個世紀的教會古代“ ,頁。 1-167 ,克里斯蒂安娜, 1891年) 。 Almost a century later, Wales was the centre of Pelagian intrigues.將近一個世紀之後,威爾士的中心Pelagian陰謀詭計。 For the saintly Archbishop David of Menevia participated in 519 in the Synod of Brefy, which directed its attacks against the Pelagians residing there, and after he was made Primate of Cambria, he himself convened a synod against them.對於聖潔的大主教大衛Menevia參加了519中的世界主教會議的Brefy ,這指示其攻擊Pelagians那裡居住,和他是靈長類動物的坎布里亞,他召集了一個對他們的主教。 In Ireland also Pelagius's "Commentary on St. Paul", described in the beginning of this article, was in use long afterwards, as is proved by many Irish quotations from it.在愛爾蘭還貝拉基的“評聖保祿” ,描述在本文開頭,是在長期使用後,作為證明,許多愛爾蘭引用它。 Even in Italy traces can be found, not only in the Diocese of Aquileia (cf. Garnier, "Opera Marii Mercat.", I, 319 sqq., Paris, 1673), but also in Middle Italy; for the so-called "Liber Praedestinatus", written about 440 perhaps in Rome itself, bears not so much the stamp of Semipelagianism as of genuine Pelagianism (cf. von Schubert, "Der sog. Praedestinatus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pelagianismus", Leipzig, 1903).即使在意大利的痕跡可以發現,不僅在教區阿奎(參見卡尼爾, “歌劇Marii Mercat 。 ”我, 319 sqq 。 ,巴黎, 1673年) ,而且在中東意大利;為所謂的“ Praedestinatus書“ ,書面約440名也許在羅馬本身,不承擔這麼多郵票的Semipelagianism作為真正的Pelagianism (參見馮舒伯特, ”明鏡索。 Praedestinatus ,艾因Beitrag楚Pelagianismus史“ ,萊比錫, 1903年) 。 A more detailed account of this work will be found under the article PREDESTINARIANISM.更詳細到這項工作將根據發現的文章PREDESTINARIANISM 。 It was not until the Second Synod of Orange (529) that Pelagianism breathed its last in the West, though that convention aimed its decisions primarily against Semipelagianism.但直到第二次會議上的橙色( 529 )呼吸認為Pelagianism過去在西方,雖然該公約的決定,旨在主要針對Semipelagianism 。

Publication information Written by Joseph Pohle.出版信息撰稿約瑟夫Pohle 。 Transcribed by Anthony A. Killeen.轉錄由安東尼基林。 Aeterna non caduca The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.非caduca永恆的天主教百科全書,卷席。 Published 1911. 1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat二月一日1911 。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約


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