Paulinism, Theology of Paul Paulinism ,保羅神學

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The term is used to describe the type of theology which looks to Paul, rather than to other NT authors, for its chief inspiration. The Reformation was essentially a revival of Paulinism, for the distinctive Pauline doctrine of justification by faith was and has remained for all Protestant churches "the article of faith by which the Church stands or falls" (Luther). In broader terms, however, the whole Western church may be regarded as "Pauline," over against the Orthodox churches of the East, which look rather to John for the NT foundation of their theology.這個詞是用來描述類型的神學看起來保羅,而不是其他新台幣作家,其主要靈感。 改革基本上是一個復興的Paulinism ,獨特的保學說的信仰的理由是,並一直為所有新教“的文章的信仰,其中教會主張或瀑布” (路德) 。在更廣泛的方面,但是,整個西方教會可能會被視為“寶” ,在對東正教教堂的地區,而不是期待約翰為新台幣基礎的神學。 Here Augustine's influence has meant that the Western churches, Catholic and Protestant alike, are partners in a theological tradition which values legal categories of thought and metaphors as the most fruitful way of talking about the relationship between God and the world, and which therefore regards justification as the central soteriological issue, even if Catholic and Protestant interpret Paul's teaching differently.在這裡,奧古斯丁的影響,這意味著西方教會,天主教和新教一樣,是合作夥伴在神學傳統價值觀法律類別的思想和隱喻作為最有成效的方式談論上帝之間的關係和整個世界,並因此認為理由作為中央soteriological問題,即使天主教和新教解釋保羅的教學有所不同。

Lutheran theologians have generally been conscious of the priority they give to Paul, but recently three factors have contributed to a growing feeling that this exaltation is questionable. Ecclesiastically, the ecumenical movement has made Western theologians more aware of the Eastern theological tradition with its very different approach to justification and Pauline theology generally.路德神學家一般都意識到,他們的優先給保羅,但最近三個因素促成了越來越多的感覺,這種提升是值得懷疑的。 Ecclesiastically的基督教運動取得了西方的神學家更了解東方的神學傳統,其非常不同的辦法的理由和波林神學一般。 Theologically, the awareness has grown that religious language can only hint and suggest, never describe, so that perhaps legal language is only one of several possible metaphor groups that may validly be used to talk about God and the world.神學,認識成長的語言,宗教只能暗示和建議,從來沒有說明,因此,法律語言也許只是一個比喻幾種可能的群體,可能被用來有效地談論上帝和世界。 And in NT scholarship a sharper awareness of the parallel but distinct historical development of the different theological streams within the NT (Pauline, Johannine, Synoptic, etc,) has led to a desire to interpret each within its own terms and not to seek out a "canon within the canon" on the basis of which the rest of the Bible can be interpreted.在NT和獎學金一個清晰的認識,平行的,但不同的歷史發展的不同神學溪流內新台幣(波林, Johannine ,天氣等)導致的願望來解釋在其各自的條款和不尋求出“教會內經”在此基礎上,其餘的聖經可以解釋。 Ecumenical conversations are therefore found to be mirrored within the NT itself, so that the issue of diversity and unity in the NT has tremendous modern relevance.基督教的談話,因此被發現的鏡像新台幣本身,因此,問題的多樣性和統一性在NT具有巨大的現代意義。

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Several approaches to this problem are available today.有幾個辦法,這個問題現已開始供貨。 The traditional Lutheran - Protestant solution is still well represented: it distinguishes an original, pure, Pauline gospel from "Early Catholicism," a term used to describe the earliest movements, traceable in the NT itself, toward a Catholic emphasis on the sacraments, ordered ministry, and an ethical Christianity (regarded as a degeneration from the truth).傳統的路德-新教的解決辦法仍然是很好的代表:它區別於原始,純粹,從保福音“早期天主教, ”一個用來描述最早的運動,可追踪在N T本身,對一個天主教強調聖禮,下令部,和基督教的倫理(視為一種變性的真相) 。 Some scholars even find this degeneration in Paul himself, and so locate pure Paulinism only in the earliest epistles.一些學者甚至認為這種變性保羅本人,所以找到純Paulinism只有在最早的書信。 Another approach identifies a common denominator between Paul and the other NT authors and questions the possibility of finding theological harmony outside this center. For Dunn, the NT authors agree in identifying Jesus of Nazareth with the risen and exalted Christ, but beyond that show very substantial diversity of thought, so that Paulinism is simply one version of Christianity, inevitably existing in tension with other versions.另一種辦法確定了共同點保羅和其他作者和新台幣的可能性問題,尋找神學和諧這個中心之外。對於鄧恩,台幣作者同意在確定拿撒勒的耶穌的上升和崇高的基督,但除了顯示很大多樣性的思想,使Paulinism僅僅是一個版本的基督教,不可避免地存在的緊張局勢與其他版本。

Recently a third approach has appeared, associated particularly with the German scholars Martin Hengel and Peter Stuhlmacher, which asserts a substantial unity between the main NT streams by finding in them the same central theological ideas differently expressed and applied.最近第三種辦法已經出現,有關特別是與德國學者馬丁亨格爾和彼得Stuhlmacher ,其中相當聲稱之間的團結主要新台幣流找到他們同中央的神學思想不同的表達和應用。 The heart of Pauline as of Johannine theology is thus the proclamation of Jesus as the messianic Reconciler who dies a sacrificial death for the people of God.心臟的波林為Johannine神學因此宣布耶穌的彌賽亞Reconciler誰死成了死亡人民的上帝。

NT scholarship is in a considerable state of flux, matching that in the parallel area of ecumenism.新台幣獎學金是相當的變化,匹配,在平行的領域合一。 Whatever the outcome, we must affirm that those for whom, like Luther, the Epistle to the Romans contains "the purest gospel" have not misplaced their faith.無論結果如何,我們必須申明,這些人一樣,路德的書羅馬包含“最純潔的福音”沒有錯他們的信仰。

S Motyer這是一種為了滿足Motyer
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (規矩福音字典)

Bibliography 目錄
JDG Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the NT; E Kasemann, "The Problem of a NT Theology," NTS 19; JW Drane, "Tradition, Law and Ethics in Pauline Theology," NovT 16; M Hengel, The Atonement. JDG鄧恩,團結和多樣性的新台幣;電子郵件Kasemann , “存在的問題新台幣神學” ,國稅廳19日;京華Drane , “傳統,法律和倫理神學寶” , NovT 16 ; M亨格爾,在贖罪。


Saul of Tarsus索爾的塔爾蘇斯

Jewish Viewpoint Information 猶太觀資料

The actual founder of the Christian Church as opposed to Judaism; born before 10 CE; died after 63.實際創始人,基督教教會,而不是猶太教; 10日前出生的CE認證;後死亡63 。 The records containing the views and opinions of the opponents of Paul and Paulinism are no longer in existence; and the history of the early Church has been colored by the writers of the second century, who were anxious to suppress or smooth over the controversies of the preceding period, as is shown in the Acts of the Apostles and also by the fact that the Epistles ascribed to Paul, as has been proved by modern critics, are partly spurious (Galatians, Ephesians, I and II Timothy, Titus, and others) and partly interpolated.這些記錄包含的觀點和意見反對保羅和Paulinism已不再存在;和歷史的早期教會已色的作家的第二個世紀,誰急於制止或順利的爭論的前一個時期,這表現在使徒行傳還的事實是,書信歸因於保羅,因為已經證明了現代的批評,部分是虛假的(加拉太,以弗所書,我和二霍震霆,泰特斯,和其他人)部分插。

Not a Hebrew Scholar; a Hellenist.不是希伯來語學者,一個Hellenist 。

Saul (whose Roman cognomen was Paul; see Acts xiii. 9) was born of Jewish parents in the first decade of the common era at Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts ix. 11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3).索爾(其羅馬cognomen是保羅;見行為十三。九日)出生的猶太父母在第一個十年的共同時代塔爾蘇斯在西里西亞(使徒九。 11 , 21 。 39 , 22 。 3 ) 。 The claim in Rom.索賠在ROM 。 xi.十一。 1 and Phil. 1 ,菲爾。 iii.三。 5 that he was of the tribe of Benjamin, suggested by the similarity of his name with that of the first Israelitish king, is, if the passages are genuine, a false one, no tribal lists or pedigrees of this kind having been in existence at that time (see Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." i. 7, 5; Pes. 62b; M. Sachs, "Beiträge zur Sprach- und Alterthumsforschung," 1852, ii. 157).五,他是該部落的本傑明,所建議的相似他的名字與第一Israelitish國王表示,如果是真正的通道,一種虛假的,沒有部落名單或家系的這種已存在那個時候(見優西比烏“ ,組織胺。傳道書。 ”島7日, 5 ;瘟。 62b ;先生高盛, “ Beiträge集語言,與Alterthumsforschung , ” 1852年,二。 157 ) 。 Nor is there any indication in Paul's writings or arguments that he had received the rabbinical training ascribed to him by Christian writers, ancient and modern; least of all could he have acted or written as he did had he been, as is alleged (Acts xxii. 3), the disciple of Gamaliel I., the mild Hillelite.也沒有任何跡象表明在保羅的著作或論點,他收到了猶太教培訓歸因於他的基督教作家,古代和現代;至少所有可能,他已採取行動或書面像他那樣,他已經被作為指控(使徒22 。 3 ) ,弟子加馬利亞一,輕度Hillelite 。 His quotations from Scripture, which are all taken, directly or from memory, from the Greek version, betray no familiarity with the original Hebrew text.他引用聖經,都是採取直接或從內存中,來自希臘的版本,背叛與不熟悉的原始希伯來文。 The Hellenistic literature, such as the Book of Wisdom and other Apocrypha, as well as Philo (see Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," ii. 18-27; Siegfried, "Philo von Alexandria," 1875, pp. 304-310; Jowett, "Commentary on the Thessalonians and Galatians," i. 363-417), was the sole source for his eschatological and theological system.在古希臘文學,如圖書的智慧和其他偽經,以及斐羅(見Hausrath , “ Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte , ”二。 18-27 ;齊格弗里德, “斐洛馮亞歷山德里亞, ” 1875年,頁。 304-310 ;喬伊特“評述尼迦和加拉太, ”島363-417 ) ,是唯一的來源,他的末世論和神學體系。

Notwithstanding the emphatic statement, in Phil.儘管聲明強調,在菲爾。 iii.三。 5, that he was "a Hebrew of the Hebrews"-a rather unusual term, which seems to refer to his nationalistic training and conduct (comp. Acts xxi. 40, xxii. 2), since his Jewish birth is stated in the preceding words "of the stock of Israel"-he was, if any of the Epistles that bear his name are really his, entirely a Hellenist in thought and sentiment. 5 ,他是一個“希伯來希伯來人的”不尋常的任期,這似乎是指他的訓練和民族的行為( comp.行為21 。 40 , 22 。 2 ) ,因為他是猶太人出生在前面改為“股票以色列”他是誰,如果任何書信而承受他的名字是真的他,完全是一個Hellenist在思想和情緒。 As such he was imbued with the notion that "the whole creation groaneth" for liberation from "the prison-house of the body," from this earthly existence, which, because of its pollution by sin and death, is intrinsically evil (Gal. i. 4; Rom. v. 12, vii. 23-24, viii. 22; I Cor. vii. 31; II Cor. v. 2, 4; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," iii. 75; idem, "De Vita Mosis," iii. 17; idem, "De Ebrietate," § 26; and Wisdom ii.24).因此,他充滿了概念,即“整個創造groaneth ”解放“從監獄內部的機構, ”從這個塵世的存在,由於其污染的罪惡和死亡,本質上是邪惡的( Gal.島4 ;光盤。訴12日,七。 23-24日,八。 22日,我肺心病。七。 31 ;二肺心病。訴2日, 4日;補償。斐洛, “德Allegoriis專攻, ”三。 75 ;同上, “德簡歷Mosis , ”三。 17 ;同上, “德Ebrietate , ”第26條;與智慧二.24 ) 。 As a Hellenist, also, he distinguished between an earthly and a heavenly Adam (I Cor. xv. 45-49; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," i. 12), and, accordingly, between the lower psychic.作為一個Hellenist ,同時,他區分了人間和天上的亞當(我肺心病。十五。 45-49 ;補償。斐洛, “德Allegoriis專攻, ”島12 ) ,並據此,降低之間的心靈。 life and the higher spiritual life attained only by asceticism (Rom. xii. 1; I Cor. vii. 1-31, ix. 27, xv. 50; comp. Philo, "De Profugis," § 17; and elsewhere).生活和精神生活更高的實現只有通過苦行(羅馬書十二。一日,我肺心病。七。 1月31日,九。 27日,十五。 50 ;補償。斐洛, “德Profugis , ”第17條;和其他地方) 。 His whole state of mind shows the influence of the theosophic or Gnostic lore of Alexandria, especially the Hermes literature recently brought to light by Reizenstein in his important work "Poimandres," 1904 (see Index, sv "Paulus," "Briefe des Paulus," and "Philo"); hence his strange belief in supernatural powers (Reizenstein, lc pp. 77, 287), in fatalism, in "speaking in tongues" (I Cor. xii.-xiv.; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 58; Dieterich, "Abraxas," pp. 5 et seq.; Weinel, "Die Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister," 1899, pp. 72 et seq.; I Cor. xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-6; Eph. iii. 3), and in mysteries or sacraments (Rom. xvi. 25; Col. i. 26, ii. 2, iv. 3; Eph. i. 9, iii. 4, vi. 19)-a term borrowed solely from heathen rites.他整個的心理狀態表明影響theosophic或諾斯底傳說亞歷山大,尤其是愛馬仕文學最近揭露的Reizenstein在他的重要工作“ Poimandres , ” 1904年(見指數,希沃特“保” , “書信萬保, “和”哲學“ ) ;因此,他奇怪的信念,神通( Reizenstein ,液相色譜頁。 77 , 287 ) ,在宿命論,在”講的舌頭“ (我肺心病。 xii. - 14 。 ;補償。 Reizenstein ,液晶58 ;迪特里希, “衛矛尺, ”頁。五日起。 ;魏耐耳, “模具Wirkungen精神與德國Geister ” , 1899年,頁。 72起。我肺心病。十五。 8 ;二肺心病。十二。 1-6 ;厄。三。 3 ) ,並在神秘或聖禮(羅馬書十六。 25 ;上校島26日,二。 2 ,四。 3 ;厄。島9日,三。 4 ,六。 19 )一長期借款單從異教徒的儀式。

His Epilepsy.他的癲癇症。

There is throughout Paul's writings an irrational or pathological element which could not but repel the disciples of the Rabbis. Possibly his pessimistic mood was the result of his physical condition; for he suffered from an illness which affected both body and mind.目前整個保羅的著作不合理或病理因素不能不擊退弟子的拉比。也許他的悲觀情緒是由於他的身體狀況,因為他患有一種疾病而影響到身體和心靈。 He speaks of it as "a thorn in the flesh," and as a heavy stroke by "a messenger of Satan" (II Cor. xii. 7), which often caused him to realize his utter helplessness, and made him an object of pity and horror (Gal. iv. 13).他講的是“眼中釘,肉中刺” ,並作為一個沉重的中風由“撒旦信使” (二肺心病。十二。 7 ) ,這往往使他實現他完全無助,和他的對象憐憫和恐懼( Gal.四。 13 ) 。 It was, as Krenkel ("Beiträge zur Aufhellung der Geschichte und Briefe des Apostels Paulus," 1890, pp. 47-125) has convincingly shown, epilepsy, called by the Greeks "the holy disease," which frequently put him into a state of ecstasy, a frame of mind that may have greatly impressed some of his Gentile hearers, but could not but frighten away and estrange from him the Jew, whose God is above all the God of reason (comp. II Cor. v. 13; x. 10; xi. 1, 16; xii. 6).這是,作為Krenkel ( “ Beiträge楚Aufhellung之歷史與書信萬Apostels保盧斯, ” 1890年,頁。 47-125 )令人信服地表明,癲癇,所謂的希臘人“神聖的疾病” ,常常把他變成了一個國家狂喜的心情,可能留下深刻印象他的一些詹蒂萊聽眾,但不能不嚇跑和疏遠他的猶太人,他們的上帝是最重要的是上帝的原因( comp.二肺心病。訴13人;十10 ;喜。 1 , 16 ;十二。 6 ) 。 The conception of a new faith, half pagan and half Jewish, such as Paul preached, and susceptibility to its influences, were altogether foreign to the nature of Jewish life and thought.的概念,一個新的信仰,一半一半異教徒和猶太人,如保羅鼓吹和易感性的影響,共有外國的性質猶太人生活和思想。 For Judaism, religion is the hallowing of this life by the fulfilment of its manifold duties (see Judaism): Paul shrank from life as the domain of Satan and all his hosts of evil; he longed for redemption by the deadening of all desires for life, and strove for another world which he sawin his ecstatic visions.對於猶太教,宗教是hallowing這一生命履行其多方面的職責(見猶太教) :保羅減少從生活領域的撒旦和他的所有主機的邪惡,他渴望贖回的隔音材料的所有慾望生活,並竭力為另一個世界,他sawin他欣喜若狂的看法。 The following description of Paul is preserved in "Acta Pauli et Theclæ," an apocryphal book which has been proved to be older and in some respects of greater historic value than the canonical Acts of the Apostles (see Conybeare, "Apollonius' Apology and Acts, and Other Monuments of Early Christianity," pp. 49-88, London, 1894): "A man of moderate stature, with crisp [scanty] hair, crooked legs, blue eyes, large knit brows, and long nose, at times looking like a man, at times like an angel, Paul came forward and preached to the men of Iconium: 'Blessed are they that keep themselves chaste [unmarried]; for they shall be called the temple of God. Blessed are they that mortify their bodies and souls; for unto them speaketh God. Blessed are they that despise the world; for they shall be pleasing to God. Blessed be the souls and bodies of virgins; for they shall receive the reward of their chastity.'"下面的說明保羅是保存在“學報聖保利等Theclæ , ”一個未經證實的書,已被證明是老年人和在某些方面更大的歷史價值比典型使徒行傳(見科尼比爾, “阿波羅尼奧斯'道歉和行為和其他古蹟的早期基督教“ ,頁。 49-88 ,倫敦, 1894年) : ”一名男子溫和的地位,與脆[稀少]頭髮,彎曲的腿,藍眼睛,大針織眉毛,鼻子長,有時看起來像一個人,有時像一個天使,保羅挺身而出,宣揚的男子Iconium : '祝福他們,使自己的貞潔[未婚] ;對他們應被稱為上帝的廟宇。有福,他們認為他們的腐壞身體和靈魂;為你們這些speaketh上帝。有福,他們是瞧不起的世界;對他們應令人高興的上帝。有福的靈魂和機構的處女;對他們應得到獎勵的貞操。 “

It was by such preaching that "he ensnared the souls of young men and maidens, enjoining them to remain single "(Conybeare, lc pp. 62, 63, 67; comp. ib. pp. 24-25; Gal. iii. 38; I Cor. vii. 34-36; Matt. xix. 12; Clement of Rome, Epistle ii. § 12).這是這種鼓吹“他陷入靈魂的青年男子和少女,責令他們留單” (科尼比爾,液相色譜頁。 62 , 63 , 67 ;補償。興業。頁。 24-25 ;半乳糖。三。 38我肺心病。七。 34-36 ;馬特。十九。 12 ;克萊門特的羅馬,書信二。 § 12 ) 。

Anti-Jewish Attitude.反猶太人的態度。

Whatever the physiological or psychological analysis of Paul's temperament may be, his conception of life was not Jewish.無論生理或心理分析的保羅的氣質可能是,他的人生觀是不是猶太人。 Nor can his unparalleled animosity and hostility to Judaism as voiced in the Epistles be accounted for except upon the assumption that, while born a Jew, he was never in sympathy or in touch with the doctrines of the rabbinical schools.也不能把他無與倫比的仇恨和敵視猶太教作為表示在書信被佔後,除非假設,而出生的猶太人,他從來沒有同情或接觸理論的猶太教學校。 For even his Jewish teachings came to him through Hellenistic channels, as is indicated by the great emphasis laid upon "the day of the divine wrath" (Rom. i. 18; ii. 5, 8; iii. 5; iv. 15; v. 9; ix. 22; xii. 19; I Thess. i. 10; Col. iii. 6; comp. Sibyllines, iii. 309 et seq., 332; iv. 159, 161 et seq.; and elsewhere), as well as by his ethical monitions, which are rather inconsistently taken over from Jewish codes of law for proselytes, the Didache and Didascalia.甚至他的猶太教教義來他通過古希臘的渠道,如所指出的高度重視賦予“之日起神聖的憤怒” (羅馬書島18 ;二。 5日, 8日;三。 5 ;四。 15 ;訴9 ;九。 22 ;十二。 19日,我洛尼基。島10 ;上校三。 6 ;補償。 Sibyllines ,三。 309起。 , 332 ;四。 159 , 161及以下。 ;和其他地方) ,以及他的道德monitions ,這是相當不一致接管猶太法典的法律proselytes的十二使徒遺訓和Didascalia 。 It is quite natural, then, that not only the Jews (Acts xxi. 21), but also the Judæo-Christians, regarded Paul as an "apostate from the Law" (see Eusebius, lc iii. 27; Irenæus, "Adversus Hæreses," i. 26, 2; Origen, "Contra Celsum," v. 65; Clement of Rome, "Recognitiones," i. 70. 73).這是很自然的,那麼,不僅是猶太人(使徒21 。 21 ) ,而且還Judæo基督徒,認為保羅作為一個“變節者從法” (見優西比烏,立法會三。 27 ;依“ , Adversus Hæreses “島26日, 2 ;奧利, ”魂斗羅Celsum , “訴65 ;克萊門特的羅馬” , Recognitiones , “島70 。 73 ) 。

His Personality.他的個性。

To judge from those Epistles that have all the traits of genuineness and give a true insight into his nature, Paul was of a fiery temper, impulsive and impassioned in the extreme, of ever-changing moods, now exulting in boundless joy and now sorely depressed and gloomy. Effusive and excessive alike in his love and in his hatred, in his blessing and in his cursing, he possessed a marvelous power over men; and he had unbounded confidence in himself.為了判斷這些書信的所有性狀的真實性,並真正深入了解他的性質,保羅是一個火熱的脾氣,衝動和激情在極端的情況下,對不斷變化的情緒,現在exulting在無限喜悅和現在非常沮喪和暗淡。熱情洋溢和過度都在他的愛和他的仇恨,在他的祝福,並在他的罵,他擁有神奇力量男子和他無限的信任自己。 He speaks or writes as a man who is conscious of a great providential mission, as the servant and herald of a high and unique cause.他說話或寫入作為一個男人意識到誰是一位偉大的天賜的使命,僕人和先驅高和獨特的原因。 The philosopher and the Jew will greatly differ from him with regard to every argument and view of his; but both will admit that he is a mighty battler for truth, and that his view of life, of man, and of God is a profoundly serious one.哲學家和猶太人將大大不同於他對每一個論點,並認為他的,但都將承認自己是一支強大的battler真理,他的人生觀,對人,上帝是一個深刻嚴重一個。 The entire conception of religion has certainly been deepened by him, because his mental grasp was wide and comprehensive, and his thinking bold, aggressive, searching, and at the same time systematic.整個概念宗教無疑加深了他,因為他的心理把握是廣泛的,全面的,他的思想大膽,積極的,搜查,並在同一時間系統。 Indeed, he molded the thought and the belief of all Christendom.事實上,他塑造的思想和信仰基督教的一切。

Jewish Proselytism and Paul.猶太宗教信仰和保羅。

Before the authenticity of the story of the so-called conversion of Paul is investigated, it seems proper to consider from the Jewish point of view this question: Why did Paul find it necessary to create a new system of faith for the admission of the Gentiles, in view of the fact that the Synagogue had well-nigh two centuries before opened its door to them and, with the help of the Hellenistic literature, had made a successful propaganda, as even the Gospels testify?之前的真實性的故事所謂的轉換保羅是調查,看來適當考慮從猶太人的角度來看這個問題:為什麼保羅認為有必要建立一個新的制度的信念,接納外邦人鑑於這一事實,即猶太教堂有良好的近兩百年前開設了大門,他們的幫助下,在古希臘文學,取得了一個成功的宣傳,因為即使福音作證? (Matt. xxiii. 15; see Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 102-135, 420-483; J. Bernays, "Gesammelte Abhandlungen," 1885, i. 192-282, ii. 71-80; Bertholet, "Die Stellung der Israeliten und Juden zu den Fremden," 1896, pp. 257-302.) Bertholet (lc pp. 303-334; but see Schürer, lci 126) and others, in order that they may reserve the claim of universality for Christianity, deny the existence of uncircumcised proselytes in Judaism, and misconstrue plain Talmudic and other statements referring to God-fearing Gentiles (Bertholet, lc pp. 338-339); whereas the very doctrine of Paul concerning the universal faith of Abraham (Rom. iv. 3-18) rests upon the traditional interpretation of Gen. xii. (瑪特泰二十三。 15 ;見Schürer , “ Gesch 。 ”三維版。 ,三。 102-135 , 420-483 ;學者伯奈斯, “ Gesammelte Abhandlungen ” , 1885年,島192-282 ,二。 71-80 ; Bertholet , “模具Stellung之Israeliten與猶太人祖登Fremden , ” 1896年,頁。 257-302 ) 。 Bertholet (信用證頁。 303-334 ;但看到Schürer ,國際獅子總會126 )和其他人,使他們可在保留索賠的普遍性的基督教,否認存在proselytes猶太人在猶太教和誤解平原塔木德和其他報表提到敬畏上帝外邦人( Bertholet ,液相色譜頁。 338-339 ) ;而非常學說的保羅有關的普遍信仰亞伯拉罕(羅馬書四。 3-18 )取決於傳統的解釋,將軍十二。 3 (see Kuenen, "Prophets and Prophecy in Israel," pp. 379, 457) and upon the traditional view which made Abraham the prototype of a missionary bringing the heathen world under the wings of the Shekinah (Gen. R. xxxix., with reference to Gen. xii. 5; see Abraham; Judaism; Proselyte). 3 (見Kuenen , “先知和預言在以色列, ”頁。 379 , 457 ) ,經傳統的觀點提出亞伯拉罕的原型傳教士把異教徒世界的翅膀下的Shekinah (將軍河三十九。 ,參照將軍十二。 5 ;見亞伯拉罕;猶太教; Proselyte ) 。 As a matter of fact, only the Jewish propaganda work along the Mediterranean Sea made it possible for Paul and his associates to establish Christianity among the Gentiles, as is expressly recorded in the Acts (x. 2; xiii. 16, 26, 43, 50; xvi. 14; xvii. 4, 17; xviii. 7); and it is exactly from such synagogue manuals for proselytes as the Didache and the Didascalia that the ethical teachings in the Epistles of Paul and of Peter were derived (see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 1-44).事實上,只有猶太人宣傳工作沿著地中海,使保羅和他的同事建立基督教之間的外邦人,這是明確記錄的行為(十2 ;十三。 16 , 26 , 43 , 50 ;十六。 14 ;十七。 4 , 17 ;十八。 7 ) ;和正是從這些猶太教堂手冊proselytes的十二使徒遺訓和Didascalia的道德教義的書信保羅和彼得得出(見西貝爾格“明鏡Katechismus之Urchristenheit ” , 1903年,頁。保護及控制) 。

The answer is supplied by the fact that Jewish proselytism had the Jewish nation as its basis, as the names "ger" and "ger toshab" for "proselyte" indicate.答案是所提供的事實,即猶太人改了猶太民族為基礎,因為姓名“格”和“航站樓toshab ”為“ proselyte ”說明。 The proselyte on whom the Abrahamic rite was not performed remained an outsider.該proselyte的人亞伯拉罕沒有禮儀表演仍然是一個局外人。 It was, therefore, highly important for Paul that those who became converted to the Church should rank equally with its other members and that every mark of distinction between Jew and Gentile should be wiped out in the new state of existence in which the Christians lived in anticipation. The predominating point of view of the Synagogue was the political and social one; that of the Church, the eschatological one.因此,非常重要的保羅,這些誰成為轉換為教會應該平等地同職級的其他成員,每一個標誌區分猶太人和詹蒂萊應消滅在新的存在狀態,其中基督教徒居住在期待。為主的的觀點來看,猶太教堂是政治和社會之一; ,在教會,末世論之一。 May such as do not bear the seal of Abraham's covenant upon their flesh or do not fulfil the whole Law be admitted into the congregation of the saints waiting for the world of resurrection? 5月,如不承擔印章的亞伯拉罕的盟約其肉,或不履行法律的整個被接納進入教會的聖人等待世界的復活? This was the question at issue between the disciples of Jesus and those of Paul; the former adhering to the view of the Essenes, which was also that of Jesus; the latter taking an independent position that started not from the Jewish but from the non-Jewish standpoint.這是問題之間的問題,耶穌的門徒和保羅;前堅持認為,愛色尼,這也是耶穌說,後者以一個獨立的立場,即不是從開始的猶太人,而是來自於非猶太人的觀點。 Paul fashioned a Christ ofhis own, a church of his own, and a system of belief of his own; and because there were many mythological and Gnostic elements in his theology which appealed more to the non-Jew than to the Jew, he won the heathen world to his belief.保羅塑造了自己的基督ofhis ,教堂自己,和一個系統的信仰自己的; ,因為有許多神話和諾斯底元素在他的神學的呼籲更多的非猶太人,而不是猶太人,他獲得了異教徒的世界,他相信。

Paul's Christ.保羅的基督。

In the foreground of all of Paul's teaching stands his peculiar vision of Christ, to which he constantly refers as his only claim and title to apostleship (I Cor. ix. 1, xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-7; Phil. iii. 9; Gal. i. 1, 12, 16, on which see below).在前台的所有保羅的教學站在他的獨特眼光基督,他不斷地提到他的唯一要求和所有權apostleship (我肺心病。九。 1 ,十五。 8 ;二肺心病。十二。 1-7 ;菲爾。三。 9 ;半乳糖。島1 , 12 , 16 ,上見下文) 。 The other apostles saw Jesus in the flesh; Paul saw him when, in a state of entrancement, he was carried into paradise to the third heaven, where he heard "unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter" (II Cor. xii. 2-4).其他使徒看見耶穌在肉體;保羅見到他時,在一個國家的entrancement ,他被帶進天堂第三天堂,在那裡他聽取了“無法形容的話,它是不合法的一名男子說出” (二肺心病。十二。 2-4 ) 。 Evidently this picture of Christ must have occupied a prominent place in his mind before, just as Meṭaṭron (Mithra) and Akteriel did in the minds of Jewish mystics (see Angelology; Merkabah).顯然,這張照片的基督必須佔據了突出位置在他的內心,就像Meṭaṭron (米特拉神)和Akteriel沒有頭腦中的猶太神秘主義者(見天使; Merkabah ) 。 To him the Messiah was the son of God in a metaphysical sense, "the image of God" (II Cor. iv. 4; Col. i. 15), "the heavenly Adam" (I Cor. xv. 49; similar to the Philonic or cabalistic Adam Ḳadmon), the mediator between God and the world (I Cor. viii. 6), "the first-born of all creation, for by him were all things created" (Col. i. 15-17), identical also with the Holy Spirit manifested in Israel's history (I Cor. x. 4; II Cor. iii. 17; comp. Wisdom x. 1.-xii. 1; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat," § 30; see also Jew. Encyc. x. 183b, sv Preexistence of the Messiah).他彌賽亞是上帝的兒子在一個形而上的意義上說, “形象的上帝” (二肺心病。四。 4 ;上校島15日) , “天上的亞當” (我肺心病。十五。 49 ;相似在Philonic或cabalistic亞當Ḳadmon )之間的調解人上帝和世界的(我肺心病。八。 6 ) , “第一次出生的所有創作,由他的一切事物創造” (中校島15日至17日) ,也有相同的聖靈體現在以色列的歷史(我肺心病。十4 ;二肺心病。三。 17 ;補償。智慧十1. - 12 。 1 ;斐洛, “德禦寧獄吏Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat ” § 30 ;又見猶太人。 Encyc 。十, 183b ,希沃特前世的彌賽亞) 。

It is, however, chiefly as "the king of glory" (I Cor. ii. 8), as ruler of the powers of light and life eternal, that Christ is to manifest his cosmic power.然而,主要為“國王的榮耀” (我肺心病。二。 8 ) ,作為統治者的權力,輕和生命永恆的,基督是表現他的宇宙力量。 He has to annihilate Satan or Belial, the ruler of this world of darkness and death, with all his hosts of evil, physical and moral (I Cor. xv. 24-26).他已經消滅或惡魔撒旦的統治者,這個世界的黑暗和死亡,他的所有主機的邪惡,身體和道德(我肺心病。十五。 24-26日) 。 Paul's "gnosis" (I Cor. viii. 1, 7; II Cor. ii. 14; I Tim. vi. 20) is a revival of Persian dualism, which makes of all existence, whether physical, mental, or spiritual, a battle between light and darkness (I Thess. v. 4-5; Eph. v. 8-13; Col. i. 13), between flesh and spirit (I Cor. xv. 48; Rom. viii. 6-9), between corruption and life everlasting (I Cor. xv. 50, 53).保羅的“直覺” (我肺心病。八。 1日, 7日;二肺心病。二。 14日,我添。六。二十日)是一個復興的波斯的二元論,這使得所有的存在,無論是身體,心理,或精神的,一個戰鬥之間的光明與黑暗(一洛尼基。訴4-5 ;厄。訴8-13 ;上校島13日)之間,肉體和精神(我肺心病。十五。 48 ;光盤。八。 6-9 ) ,腐敗與生命永恆的(我肺心病。十五。 50 , 53 ) 。 The object of the Church is to obtain for its members the spirit, the glory, and the life of Christ, its "head," and to liberate them from the servitude of and allegiance to the flesh and the powers of earth.該物體的教會是獲得其成員的精神,榮耀,和基督的生命,它的“頭部” ,並解放他們的奴役和效忠肉體和權力的地球。 In order to become participants in the salvation that had come and the resurrection that was nigh, the saints were to cast off the works of darkness and to put on the armor of light, the breastplate of love, and the helmet of hope (Rom. xiii. 12; II Cor. x. 4; Eph. vi. 11. I Thess. v. 8; comp. Wisdom v. 17-18; Isa. lix. 17; "the weapons of light of the people of Israel," Pesiḳ, R. 33 [ed. Buber, p. 154]; Targ. Yer. to Ex. xxxiii. 4; "the men of the shields" ["ba'ale teresin"], a name for high-ranking Gnostics, Ber. 27b; also "the vestiture of light" in Mandæan lore, "Jahrbuch für Protestantische Theologie," xviii. 575-576).為了成為與會者拯救了來復活這是近,聖人是擺脫黑暗的作品,並放在輕型裝甲,在腹甲的愛情,以及頭盔的希望(羅馬書十三。 12 ;二肺心病。十4 ;厄。六。 11日。我洛尼基。訴8 ;補償。智慧訴17-18 ;伊薩。螺旋。 17 ; “的武器,鑑於以色列人民, “ Pesiḳ ,河33 [版。布伯,第154 ] ; Targ 。層。以惠。三十三。 4 ; ”男人的盾牌“ [ ” ba'ale teresin “ ] ,一個名稱高層Gnostics ,蘇貝等。 27B款;也是“ vestiture輕”的曼達傳說, “年鑑獻給新教神學, ”十八。 575-576 ) 。

The Crucified Messiah.彌賽亞的十字架。

How then can this world of perdition and evil, of sin and death, be overcome, and the true life be attained instead?那麼如何才能使這一世界的毀滅和邪惡,罪惡和死亡,加以克服,並真正實現生活呢? This question, which, according to a Talmudic legend (Tamid 32a), Alexander the Great put to the wise men of the South, was apparently the one uppermost also in the mind of Paul (see Kabisch,"Die Eschatologie des Paulus," 1893); and in the form of a vision of the crucified Christ the answer came to him to "die in order to live."這個問題,因為據傳說塔木德( Tamid 32A條) ,亞歷山大大帝把智者的南方,顯然是一個上層還考慮到保羅(見Kabisch , “模具Eschatologie萬保盧斯, ” 1893年) ;和形式的設想,基督釘在十字架上的答案來他“死在為了生活。 ” This vision, seen in his ecstatic state, was to him more than a mere reality: it was the pledge ("'erabon" of the resurrection and the life of which he was in quest. Having seen "the first-born of the resurrection" (I Cor. xv. 20-24; the Messiah is called "the first-born" also in Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxxix. 28, and in Ex. R. xix. 7), he felt certain of the new life which all "the sons of light" were to share. No sooner had the idea taken hold of him that the world of resurrection, or "the kingdom of God," had come, or would come with the speedy reappearance of the Messiah, than he would invest with higher powers "the elect ones" who were to participate in that life of the spirit. There can be no sin or sensual passion in a world in which the spirit rules. Nor is there need of any law in a realm where men live as angels (comp. "The dead is free from all obligations of the Law," Shab. 30a, 151b; Niddah 61b). To bring back the state of paradise and to undo the sin of Adam, the work of the serpent, which brought death into the world-this seems to have been the dream of Paul. The baptism of the Church, to which sinners and saints, women and men, Jews and Gentiles, were alike invited, suggested to him the putting off of the earthly Adam and the putting on of the heavenly Adam (Rom. vi.). He was certain that by the very power of their faith, which performed all the wonders of the spirit in the Church (I Cor. xii., xv.), would the believers in Christ at the time of his reappearance be also miraculously lifted to the clouds and transformed into spiritual bodies for the life of the resurrection (I Thess. iv.; I Cor. xv.; Rom. viii.). These are the elements of Paul's theology-a system of belief which endeavored to unite all men, but at the expense of sound reason and common sense.這一設想,認為在他的興奮狀態,是他不僅僅是一個現實:這是質押( “ erabon ”的復活和生命,他是在追求。看到“第一次出生的復活“ (我肺心病。十五。 20-24 ;彌賽亞被稱為”第一胎“也Midr 。的。到PS 。 lxxxix 。 28日,在惠。河19 。 7 ) ,他認為某些新的生命,所有“兒子的光”是分享。遲早有任何的想法佔據了他的世界復活,或“上帝的王國” ,現在,或將迅速重現彌賽亞,比他將投資具有較高的權力“的選舉的”誰是參與生命的精神。不能有罪孽或感官激情的世界中,規則的精神。也沒有任何需要的法律中境界男子生活的天使( comp. “死者是免費的所有義務法” ,沙巴。 30a , 151b ; Niddah 61b ) 。帶回的狀態天堂和撤消的罪惡亞當的工作的蛇,它帶來死亡融入世界,這似乎一直是保羅的夢想。洗禮的教堂,其中的罪人和聖人,婦女和男子,猶太人和外邦人,都邀請了,建議他推遲對亞當和人世間的把天上的亞當(羅馬書六) 。 。他肯定,非常的力量他們的信仰,這一切表現的奇蹟的精神在教會(我肺心病。十二。 ,十五。 )的話,在基督信徒的時候他也重現奇蹟般地解除對雲層和精神轉化為機構的生命復活(一洛尼基。四。我肺心病。十五。 ;光盤。八。 ) 。這些要素的保羅神學,一個系統的信仰而努力團結所有的人,但以犧牲良好的理智和常識。

Paul's Conversion.保羅的轉換。

There is possibly a historical kernel to the story related in the Acts (vii. 58-ix. 1-31, xxii. 3-21, xxvi. 10-19), that, while on the road to Damascus, commissioned with the task of exterminating the Christian movement antagonistic to the Temple and the Law (ib. vi. 13), Paul had a vision in which Jesus appeared to him, saying, "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?"有可能是一個歷史性內核的故事有關的行為( vii. 58九。 1月31日, 22 。 3-21 , 26 。 10-19 ) ,雖然道路上的大馬士革,與委託的任務滅絕基督教運動對立的寺和法( ib.六。 13 ) ,保羅曾設想在耶穌顯現給他,說: “掃羅,掃羅,你為什麼persecutest我嗎? ” (comp. I Sam. xxvi. 18); that in consequence of this vision he became, with the aid of Ananais, one of the Christian seers, "a chosen vessel unto me [Christ], to bear my name before the Gentiles." ( comp.我山姆。二十六。 18 ) ; ,在後果這一設想,他成為借助Ananais之一的基督教預言家“ ,選定船隻祂箱[基督] ,承擔我的名字前的外邦人。 “ According to the Acts (vii. 58; ix. 2; xxii. 5; xxv. 1, 10-12), Paul was a young man charged by the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem with the execution of Stephen and the seizure of the disciples of Jesus.根據行為( vii. 58 ;九。 2 ; 22 。 5 ; 25 。 1 , 10-12 ) ,保羅是一名年輕男子所收取的公會耶路撒冷與執行斯蒂芬,並檢獲的耶穌門徒。 The statement, however (ib. xxii. 8-9), that, being a zealous observer of the law of the Fathers, "he persecuted the Church unto death," could have been made only at a time when it was no longer known what a wide difference existed between the Sadducean high priests and elders, who had a vital interest in quelling the Christian movement, and the Pharisees, who had no reason for condemning to death either Jesusor Stephen.該聲明,但( ib. 22 。 8-9 ) ,這是一個熱心的觀察員法的父親, “他教會的迫害祂死亡, ”本來只時,它已不再稱為什麼是廣泛存在的差異之間的Sadducean高牧師和長老,誰的切身利益鎮壓基督教運動,和法利賽,誰沒有理由譴責死刑或者Jesusor斯蒂芬。 In fact, it is derived from the Epistle to the Galatians (i. 13-14), the spuriousness of which has been shown by Bruno Baur, Steck, and most convincingly by Friedrich Maehliss ("Die Unechtheit des Galaterbriefs," 1891).事實上,這是來自使徒的加拉太(島13日至14日) ,在spuriousness已表明了布魯諾鮑爾, Steck ,最令人信服的弗里德里希Maehliss ( “模具Unechtheit萬Galaterbriefs ” , 1891年) 。 The same is the case with Phil.同樣的情況菲爾。 iii.三。 5. 5 。 Acts xxii.行為22 。 17-18 speaks of another vision which Paul had while in the Temple, in which Jesus told him to depart from Jerusalem and go with his gospel to the Gentiles. 17-18談到另一個設想,保羅在聖殿中,耶穌告訴他離開耶路撒冷,前往他的福音的外邦人。 Evidently Paul entertained long before his vision those notions of the Son of God which he afterward expressed; but the identification of his Gnostic Christ with the crucified Jesus of the church he had formerly antagonized was possibly the result of a mental paroxysm experienced in the form of visions.顯然,保羅受理很久以前他的遠見這些概念的上帝的兒子,他事後表示,但確定他的諾斯底基督同釘在十字架上的耶穌教會他以前可能是拮抗作用的結果,經驗豐富的心理發作的形式願景。

Barnabas and Other Hellenists.巴拿巴和其他Hellenists 。

Whether the Hellenists in Jerusalem, at the head of whom stood Stephen, Philip, and others named in Acts vii.是否Hellenists在耶路撒冷,在負責人站在斯蒂芬,菲利普,和其他人的行為命名為七。 1-5, exerted an influence upon Paul, can not be ascertained: that Barnabas, who was a native of Cyprus, did, may be assumed with certainty. 1-5 ,施加了影響保,不能確定:即巴拿巴,誰是土生土長的塞浦路斯,確實可以假定肯定。 He was Paul's older companion, apparently of a more imposing stature (Acts xiv. 12); and, according to ib.他是保羅的老年伴侶,顯然是一個更強加的地位(使徒十四。 12 ) ; ,根據興業。 ix.九。 27, he introduced Paul to the apostles and induced him (xi. 25) to cooperate with him in the church of Antioch. 27日,他介紹了保羅的使徒和誘導他( xi. 25 )與他合作,在教堂的安提阿。 The two traveled together as collectors of charity for the poor of the Jerusalem church (ib. xi. 30, xv. 2; see Apostle), and as preachers of the gospel (ib. xiii. 3, 7, 13, 14, 43, 46, 50; xiv. 14, 20; xv. 2, 12, 22, 35), Paul soon becoming the more powerful preacher.這兩個一起前往慈善收藏家對窮人的耶路撒冷教會( ib.喜。 30日,十五。 2 ;見使徒) ,並作為傳教士的福音( ib.十三。 3 , 7 , 13 , 14 , 43 , 46 , 50 ;十四。 14日, 20日;十五。 2日, 12日, 22日, 35 ) ,保羅很快成為了更強大的牧師。 Finally, on account of dissensions, probably of a far more serious nature than stated either in Acts xv.最後,考慮到糾紛,可能的一個更為嚴重性質或者超過規定的行為十五。 36-39 or Gal. 36-39或半乳糖。 ii.二。 13, they separated. 13日,他們分開。 That both Paul and Barnabas held views different from those of the other apostles may be learned from I Cor.這兩個保羅和巴拿巴觀點不同於其他使徒的教訓可能是從I肺心病。 ix.九。 6. 6 。 Paul's relation to Apollos also was apparently that of a younger colaborer to an older and more learned one (I Cor. i. 10, iii. 5-23, xvi. 12).保羅的關係阿波羅也顯然是一個年輕的colaborer的老年人和更多的經驗教訓之一(我肺心病。島10日,三。 5-23 ,十六。 12 ) 。

His Missionary Travels.他的傳教旅行。

According to Acts xiii., xiv., xvii-xviii.根據行為的十三。 ,十四。 ,十七,十八。 (see Jew. Encyc. ix. 252-254, sv New Testament), Paul began working along the traditional Jewish line of proselytizing in the various synagogues where the proselytes of the gate and the Jews met; and only because he failed to win the Jews to his views, encountering strong opposition and persecution from them, did he turn to the Gentile world after he had agreed at a convention with the apostles at Jerusalem to admit the Gentiles into the Church only as proselytes of the gate, that is, after their acceptance of the Noachian laws (Acts xv. 1-31). (見猶太人。 Encyc 。九。 252-254 ,希沃特新約) ,保羅開始沿著傳統的猶太行傳教的各種猶太教堂的proselytes大門和猶太人的滿足; ,只因為他未能贏得猶太人他的意見,遇到強烈的反對和迫害他們,但他的之交世界詹蒂萊後,他已同意在公約與使徒在耶路撒冷接納外邦人教會只有proselytes的門,就是後他們接受Noachian法(十五行為。 1月31日) 。 This presentation of Paul's work is, however, incompatible with the attitude toward the Jews and the Law taken by him in the Epistles.這保羅介紹的工作,但是,不符合的態度猶太人和法律所採取他的書信。 Nor can any historical value be attached to the statement in Gal.也不能把任何歷史價值的附加聲明中乳糖。 ii.二。 1-10 that, by an agreement with the seeming pillars of the Church, the work was divided between Peter and Paul, the "gospel of circumcision" being committed to the one, and the "gospel of uncircumcision" to the other; as the bitter and often ferocious attacks against both the Jews and the apostles of the Judæo-Christian Church (in Phil. iii. 2 he calls them "dogs") would then have been uncalled for and unpardonable. 1-10 ,通過協議,似乎支柱的教會,工作分為彼得和保羅的“福音割禮”的承諾之一,而“福音uncircumcision ”對方;作為痛苦和兇猛的攻擊往往針對猶太人和使徒的Judæo基督教教會(在菲爾。三。第二,他呼籲他們“狗” ) ,然後一直沒有道理的和不可原諒的。 In reality Paul had little more than the name of apostle in common with the actual disciples of Jesus.在現實中保羅多的名字在共同使徒的實際耶穌的門徒。 His field of work was chiefly, if not exclusively, among the Gentiles; he looked for a virgin soil wherein to sow the seeds of the gospel; and he succeeded in establishing throughout Greece, Macedonia, and Asia Minor churches in which there were "neither Jews nor Gentiles," but Christians who addressed each other as "brethren" or "saints."他的工作領域主要是,如果不是全部,在外邦人;他期待的拓荒,其中以播種福音,他成功地建立了整個希臘,馬其頓,小亞細亞和教堂,其中有“既不外邦人還是猶太人“ ,但基督徒誰給對方為”兄弟“或”聖人“ 。 Regarding his great missionary journeys as described in the Acts after older documents, see Jew. Encyc.關於他的偉大的傳教旅途中所描述的行為後,舊文件,見猶太人。 Encyc 。 lc pp.立法會頁。 252-254. 252-254 。 As to the chronology, much reliance can not be placed either on Gal.至於年表,依賴不能置於或者半乳糖。 i.字母i. 17-ii. 17二。 3 or on the Acts with its contradictory statements. 3或行為上的矛盾的陳述。

From II Cor.從二肺心病。 xi.十一。 24-32 (comp. ib. vi. 4; I Cor. iv. 11) it may be learned that his missionary work was beset with uncommon hardships. He labored hard day and night as a tent-maker for a livelihood (Acts xviii. 3; I Thess ii. 9; II Thess, iii. 8; I Cor. iv. 12, ix. 6-18). He says (II Cor. ix.) that more frequently than any other apostle he was imprisoned, punished with stripes, and in peril of death on land and sea; five times he received the thirtynine stripes in the synagogue, obviously for some public transgression of the Law (Deut. xxv. 3); three times was he beaten with rods, probably by the city magistrates (comp. Acts xvi. 22); once he was stoned by the people; and thrice he suffered shipwreck, being in the water a night and a day. 24-32 ( 123 comp. 。六。 4 ;我肺心病。四。 11 )可以了解到,他的傳教工作面臨罕見的困難。辛勤努力,他夜以繼日作為一個帳篷製造商為生計(使徒十八。三,我洛尼基二。 9 ;洛尼基二,三。 8日,我肺心病。四。 12日,九。 6-18 ) 。他說, (二肺心病。九。 )表示多於任何其他使徒,他被監禁,懲罰與條紋,並在危險的死亡陸上和海上運輸; 5倍,他收到了thirtynine條紋的猶太教堂,顯然對一些公共侵法(申命記二十五。 3 ) ; 3倍,他毆打棒,可能市治安( comp.行為十六。 22 ) ;一旦他被人投擲石塊的人;和他遭受三次沉船,被水一晚了一天。 In Damascus he was imprisoned by King Aretas at the instigation, not of the Jews, as is stated by modern historians, but of the Jerusalem authorities; and he escaped through being let down in a basket from a window (II Cor. xi. 24-32; comp. Acts xxvii. 41). He was besides this constantly troubled with his disease, which often made him "groan" for deliverance (I Thess. ii. 2, 19-iii. 1; II Cor. i. 8-10, iv. 7-v. 5, xii. 7; Gal. iv. 14).在大馬士革,他被囚禁的國王Aretas在其唆使,而不是猶太人,正如所指出的現代歷史學家,但耶路撒冷當局; ,他逃脫被允許通過在一籃子從一個窗口(二肺心病。喜。 24 -32 ;補償。行為二十七。 41 ) 。他除了這個不斷困擾他的疾病,這往往使他“呻吟”的解脫(我洛尼基。二。 2 , 19三。 1 ;二肺心病。島8日-10 ,四。七日速度。 5 ,十二。 7 ;半乳糖。四。 14 ) 。

In Greece.在希臘。

Corinth and Ephesus, the two great centers of commerce, with their strangely mixed and turbulent as well as immoral population, offered to Paul a large field for his missionary work; and, because the Jews there were few and had little influence, he had free scope and ample opportunity to build up a church according to his plans.科林斯和以弗所,兩個偉大的商業中心,他們奇怪的混合和動盪以及不道德的人口,提供給保羅一個大領域,他的傳教工作; ,因為猶太人很少有和影響不大,他已免費範圍和充分的機會來建立一個教堂根據他的計劃。 He was greatly aided therein by the Roman protection which he enjoyed (Acts xviii. 12-17, xix. 35-40).他是有很大幫助的羅馬保護他喜歡(使徒十八。 12-17 , 19 。 35-40 ) 。 Yet as long as the church at Jerusalem was in his way he found little comfort and satisfaction in his achievements, though he proudly recounted the successes which marked his journeys throughout the lands.然而,只要在耶路撒冷教會在他的方式,他發現小舒適度和滿意度在他的成就,但他自豪地回憶的成功,標誌著他在整個旅途的土地。 It was to Rome that his efforts gravitated.這是羅馬的,他的努力gravitated 。 Not Athens, whose wisdom he decried as "folly" (I Cor. i. 17-24), but Rome's imperial city, whose administrative system he had learned to admire, attracted and fascinated his mind by its world-wide horizon and power.不是雅典,他們的智慧,他譴責為“愚蠢的” (我肺心病。島17-24 ) ,但羅馬帝國的城市,其行政系統他得知欽佩,吸引和迷住了主意由世界各地視野和力量。 Consciously or unconsciously, he worked for a church with its world-center in Rome instead of in Jerusalem.自覺或不自覺地,他工作的一個教堂與世界的中心在羅馬而不是在耶路撒冷。 A prisoner in the years 61-63 (Phil. i. 7, 16), and probably also a martyr at Rome, he laid the foundation of the world-dominion of pagan Christianity.囚犯在61-63歲( Phil.島7日, 16日) ,大概也有殉難者在羅馬,他奠定了基礎的世界統治異教徒基督教。 (For futher biographical details, which form the subject of much dispute among Christians, but are of no special interest for Jewish readers, see the article "Paul" in Hauck,"Real-Encyc.," in Hastings, "Dict. Bible," and similar works.) (如需進一步傳記細節,這形式的主題很多基督教徒之間的糾紛,但都沒有特別感興趣的猶太讀者,請參閱文章“保羅”在克, “實時Encyc 。 , ”在黑斯廷斯, “快譯通。聖經“以及其他類似的工程。 )

Paul's Church versus the Synagogue.聖保羅教堂與猶太教堂。

In order to understand fully the organization and scope of the Church as mapped out by Paul in his Epistles, a comparison thereof with the organization and the work of the Synagogue, including the Essene community, seems quite proper.為了充分了解的組織和範圍教會制定了保羅在他的書信,有比較的組織和工作的猶太教堂,其中包括厄色尼社會,似乎很恰當的。 Each Jewish community when organized as a congregation possessed in, or together with, its synagogue an institution (1) for common worship, (2) for the instruction of young and old in the Torah, and (3) for systematic charity and benevolence.每一個猶太人社區舉辦時,作為一個擁有眾,或連同其猶太教的一個機構( 1 )為共同信仰, ( 2 )的指示年輕人和老年人的聖經, ( 3 )系統的慈善和仁愛。 This threefold work was as a rule placed in charge of men of high social standing, prominent both in learning and in piety.這三個方面的工作作為一項規則放置在負責人高的社會地位,突出在學習和虔誠。 The degree of knowledge and of scrupulousness in the observance of the Torah determined the rank of the members of the Synagogue.程度的知識和認真態度在遵守律法確定職級的成員的猶太教堂。 Among the members of the Essene brotherhood every-day life with its common meals came under special rules of sanctity, as did their prayers and their charities as well as their visits to the sick, the Holy Spirit being especially invoked by them as a divine factor, preparing them also for the Messianic kingdom of which they lived in expectation (see Essenes).各成員之間的兄弟情誼厄色尼日常生活與其共同用餐受到特殊規則的神聖,因為他們的祈禱和他們的慈善機構以及他們的訪問病人,被聖靈所援引尤其是它們作為一個神聖的因素,他們還準備為彌賽亞王國,他們生活在期望(見愛色尼) 。 The Christian Church, in adopting the name and form of the Essene Church (Εκκλησία; see Congregation), lent to both the bath (see Baptism) and the communion meals (see Agape) a new character.基督教會,在通過的名稱和形式的厄色尼教堂( Εκκλησία ;見眾) ,借給了浴(見洗禮)和共融餐(見愛)一個新的特點。

Influence of the Greek Mysteries.影響希臘之謎。

Paul, the Hellenist, however, knowingly or unknowingly, seems to have taken the heathen cult associations as his pattern while introducing new features into the Church (see Anrich, "Das Antike Mysterienwesen in Seinem Einfluss auf das Christenthum," 1894; Wobbermin, "Religionsgeschichtliche Studien zur Frage der Beeinflussung des Urchristenthums Durch das Antike Mysterienwesen," 1896, p. 153; Hatch, "Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church," 1890, pp. 281-296; Cumont, "Die Mysterien des Mithra, Deutsch von Gehrich," 1903, pp. 101, 118-119; Anz, "Ursprung des Gnosticismus," 1897, pp. 98-107; Reizenstein and Kabisch, lc). To him baptism is no longer a symbolic rite suggestive of purification or regeneration, as in Jewish and Judæo-Christian circles (see Baptism), but a mystic rite by which the person that enters the water and emerges again undergoes an actual transformation, dying with Christ to the world of flesh and sin, and rising with him to the world of the spirit, the new life of the resurrection (Rom. vi. 1-10).保羅是Hellenist然而,有意或無意,似乎已採取了異教徒邪教協會,他的模式,而採用新的特點教會(見Anrich , “達斯Antike Mysterienwesen在Seinem Einfluss奧夫之Christenthum , ” 1894年; Wobbermin “ Religionsgeschichtliche Studien楚Frage之Beeinflussung萬Urchristenthums而達之Antike Mysterienwesen “ , 1896年,第153頁;孵化” ,影響希臘思想和用法的基督教會“ , 1890年,頁。 281-296 ; Cumont , ”模具之米特拉神Mysterien ,德語馮Gehrich , “ 1903年,頁。 101 , 118-119 ;安茨, ”起源之Gnosticismus “ , 1897年,頁。 98-107 ; Reizenstein和Kabisch ,立法會) 。對他的洗禮已不再是一個象徵性的禮儀提示淨化或再生,在猶太人和Judæo基督教界(見洗禮) ,而是一個神秘的儀式,其中的人進入了水和再次出現的實際進行改造,死於與基督世界的肉體和罪惡,並上升他對世界的精神,新的生活的復活(羅馬書六。 1-10 ) 。

Still more is the partaking of the bread and the wine of the communion meal, the so-called "Lord's Supper," rendered the means of a mystic union with Christ, "a participation in his blood and body," exactly as was the Mithraic meal a real participation in the blood and body of Mithra (see Cumont, lc).然而更多的是partaking的麵包和酒的共融吃飯,所謂的“上帝的晚餐”的手段提供一個神秘聯盟與基督, “一個參加他的血液和身體, ”是完全一樣的Mithraic一頓真正參與血液和身體的米特拉神(見Cumont ,立法會) 。 To Paul, the Holy Spirit itself is not an ethical but a magic power that works sanctification and salvation.保羅,聖靈本身並不是一種道德,而是神奇的力量,工程成聖和拯救。 It is a mystic substance permeating the Church as a dynamic force, rendering all the members saints, and pouring forth its graces in the various gifts, such as those of prophesying, speaking in tongues, and interpreting voices, and others displayed in teaching and in the administration of charity and similar Church functions (Rom. xii. 4-8; I Cor. xii., xiv.; see Kabisch, lc pp. 261-281).這是一個神秘的物質滲透教會作為一個活躍的力量,使所有成員的聖人,並滔滔不絕其青睞的各種禮物,如預言發言,舌頭和解釋的聲音,和其他顯示在教學中管理的慈善機構和教會的類似於職能(羅馬書十二。 4-8日,我肺心病。十二。 ,十四。見Kabisch ,液相色譜頁。 261-281 ) 。 The Church forms "the body of Christ" not in a figurative sense, but through the same mystic actuality as that by which the participants of heathen cults become, through their mysteries or sacraments, parts of their deities.教會形式的“基督的奧體”不是比喻意義上,而是通過同樣的神秘現狀因為這其中的參與者成為邪教的異教徒,通過其奧秘或聖禮,其部分神明。 Such is the expressed view of Paul when he contrasts the "table of Christ" with the "table of the demons" (I Cor. x. 20-21).就是這樣表達的觀點保羅當他對比了“表基督”與“表的惡魔” (我肺心病。十, 20日至21日) 。 While Paul borrows from the Jewish propaganda literature, especially the Sibyllines, the idea of the divine wrath striking especially those that commit the capital sins of idolatry and incest (fornication) and acts of violence or fraudulence (Rom. i. 18-32; I Thess. iv. 5), and while he accordingly wishes the heathen to turn from their idols to God, with desire of being saved by His son (I Thess. i. 9-10), his Church has by no means the moral perfection of the human race for its aim and end, as has Judaism.雖然保羅借用猶太人的宣傳文學,尤其是Sibyllines的想法神聖的憤怒驚人尤其是那些犯下的罪孽資本的盲目崇拜和亂倫(私通)和暴力行為或欺詐(羅馬書島18-32我洛尼基。四。 5 ) ,而他因此希望把異教徒從他們的偶像上帝,與願望的被保存了他的兒子(我洛尼基。島9-10日) ,他的教會決不是道德完善人類的宗旨和目的,如猶太教。 Salvation alone, that is, redemption from a world of perdition and sin, the attainment of a life of incorruption, is the object; yet this is the privilege only of those chosen and predestined "to be conformed to the image of His [God's] son" (Rom. viii. 28-30).僅救國,就是贖回從世界的毀滅和罪惡,實現生活的廉政,是對象;然而,這是唯一的特權的人選擇和注定“要符合他的形象[上帝]兒子“ (羅馬書八。 28-30日) 。 It is accordingly not personal merit nor the greater moral effort that secures salvation, but some arbitrary act of divine grace which justifies one class of men and condemns the other (ib. ix.).因此,它是不是個人的優點,也沒有更多的道義上的努力,確保得救,但有些武斷行為的神聖恩典這證明一類的男子和譴責其他( ib.九。 ) 。 It is not righteousness, nor even faith-in the Jewish sense of perfect trust in the all-loving and all-forgiving God and Father-which leads to salvation, but faith in the atoning power of Christ's death, which in some mystic or judicial manner justifies the undeserving (Rom. iii. 22, iv., v.; comp. Faith; for the mystic conception of faith, πίστις, in Hellenism alongside of gnosis, see Reizenstein, lc pp. 158-159).這不是正義的,甚至也不信仰的猶太意識完美的信任,所有熱愛和所有寬恕上帝和父親,從而導致得救,但信仰的力量贖罪基督的死,在一些神秘的或司法地證明了不應(羅馬書三。 22日,四。訴;補償。信仰;的神秘觀念信仰, πίστις ,在希臘的直覺一道,見Reizenstein ,液相色譜頁。 158-159 ) 。

The Mystery of the Cross.神秘的十字架上。

Heathen as is the conception of a church securing a mystic union with the Deity by means of sacramental rites, equally pagan is Paul's conception of the crucifixion of Jesus.異教徒的是觀念的一所教堂確保工會的神秘與神的方式聖禮儀式,同樣異教徒是保羅的概念耶穌受難。 While he accepts the Judæo-Christian view of the atoning power of the death of Jesus as the suffering Messiah (Rom. iii. 25, viii. 3), the crucifixion of Jesus as the son of God assumes for him at the very beginning the character of a mystery revealed to him, "a stumbling-block to the Jews and folly to the Greeks" (I Cor. i. 23-ii. 2, ii. 7-10).雖然他接受Judæo基督教認為贖罪的力量死亡的耶穌的苦難彌賽亞(羅馬書三。 25日,八。 3 ) ,耶穌受難的上帝的兒子承擔為他一開始就性質的一個謎透露給他, “絆腳石為猶太人和愚蠢的希臘人” (我肺心病。島23二。 2 ,二。 7-10 ) 。 It is to him a cosmic act by which God becomes reconciled to Himself.這是他的宇宙行為的上帝變成核對本人。 God sent "his own son in the likeness of sinful flesh" in order to have His wrath appeased by his death.上帝發出“自己的兒子在罪孽深重的相似的肉” ,以他的憤怒安撫他的死亡。 "He spared not his own Son, but delivered him up," so that by his blood all men might be saved (Rom. v. 8; viii. 3, 32). “他倖免沒有自己的兒子,但他發表了” ,使他的血液所有的人可能會被保存(羅馬書訴8 ;八。 3 , 32 ) 。 To a Jewish mind trained by rabbinical acumen this is not pure monotheistic, but mythological, thinking.為了銘記一個猶太猶太教訓練的敏銳這不是純粹的一神教,但希臘神話中,思維。 Paul's "Son of God" is, far more than the Logos of Philo, an infringement of the absolute unity of God.保羅的“上帝之子”的,遠遠超過了理性的哲學,是侵犯了絕對統一的上帝。 While the predicate "God" applied to him in Titus ii.雖然上游“上帝”適用於他的泰特斯二。 13 may be put to the account of Paul's school rather than to his own, throughout all the Epistles a share in the divinity is ascribed to Jesus in such a manner as to detract from the glory of God. 5月13日付諸到保羅的學校,而不是自己的,在整個所有的書信分享神原因是耶穌的方式,背離了上帝的榮耀。 He is, or is expected to be, called upon as"the Lord" (I Cor. i. 2; Rom. x. 13; Phil. ii. 10-11).他是,或預計將呼籲為“上帝” (我肺心病。島2 ;光盤。十13 ;菲爾。二。 10:00-11:00 ) 。 Only the pagan idea of the "man-God" or "the second God," the world's artificer, and "son of God" (in Plato, in the Hermes-Tot literature as shown by Reizenstein, lc), or the idea of a king of light descending to Hades, as in the Mandæan-Babylonian literature (Brandt, "Die Mandäische Religion," 1889, pp. 151-156), could have suggested to Paul the conception of a God who surrenders the riches of divinity and descends to the poverty of earthly life in order to become a savior of the human race (I Cor. xv. 28, with ref. to Ps. viii. 6-7; Phil. ii. 6-10).只有異教思想的“人神”或“第二個上帝, ”世界上技工,和“上帝的兒子” (在柏拉圖,在愛馬仕因子文獻表明Reizenstein術) ,或的想法國王的光降,以閻王,如曼,巴比倫文學(勃蘭特, “模具Mandäische宗教” , 1889年,頁。 151-156 ) ,有可能提出的概念保羅的自首誰上帝財富的神和降貧困的人間生活,以便成為一個救世主的人類(我肺心病。十五。 28日,與裁判。到PS 。八。 6-7 ;菲爾。二。 6-10 ) 。 Only from Alexandrian Gnosticism, or, as Reizenstein (lc pp. 25-26; comp. pp. 278, 285) convincingly shows, only from pagan pantheism, could he have derived the idea of the "pleroma," "the fulness" of the Godhead dwelling in Christ as the head of all principality and power, as him who is before all things and in whom all things consist (Col. i. 15-19, ii. 9).只有從亞歷山大諾斯替主義,或者Reizenstein (信用證頁。 25-26 ;補償。頁。 278 , 285 )令人信服地表明,只有從異教徒泛神論,他有可能會產生的想法“ pleroma ” , “在充滿”的在神體住在基督為元首的所有公和權力,作為他誰是以前所有的事情和他們所有的東西包括(上校島15日至19日,二。 9 ) 。

Paul's Opposition to the Law.保羅的反對法。

Paul's attitude toward the Law was by no means hostile from the beginning or on principle, as the interpolated Epistle to the Romans and the spurious one to the Galatians represent it.保羅的態度法絕非敵對從一開始或在原則上,因為插書羅馬和雜散之一的加拉太代表它。 Neither is it the legalistic (nomistic) character of Pharisaic Judaism which he militates against, as Jesus in the Gospels is represented as doing; nor was he prompted by the desire to discriminate between the ceremonial and the moral laws in order to accentuate the spiritual side of religion.無論是在法律條文( nomistic )性質Pharisaic猶太教,他也不反對,因為耶穌在福音派是這樣做也不是他所提示的願望區別對待的禮儀和道德法律,以加重的精神一方宗教。 Still less was he prompted by that allegorizing method of which Philo ("De Migratione Abrahami," § 16) speaks as having led many to the disregard of certain ceremonial laws, such as circumcision (M. Friedländer, "Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Christenthums," pp. 149, 163, Vienna, 1894).更是他所提示的方法allegorizing其中斐羅( “德Migratione Abrahami , ”第16條)講有導致許多人無視法律的某些儀式,如割禮(德蘭德先生, “論Entstehungsgeschichte萬Christenthums ”頁。 149 , 163 ,維也納, 1894年) 。 All such interpretations fail to account for Paul's denunciation of all law, moral as well as ceremonial, as an intrinsic evil (Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," 2d ed., iii. 14).所有這些解釋無法解釋保羅的譴責所有法律,道德以及禮儀,作為一個內在的邪惡( Hausrath , “ Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte , ” 2版。 ,三。 14 ) 。 According to his arguments (Rom. iii. 20, iv. 15, vii-viii.), it is the Law that begets sin and works wrath, because without the Law there is no transgression.根據他的論點(羅馬書三。 20日,四。 15日,七,八。 ) ,這是法產生的作品罪惡和憤怒,因為沒有法,沒有侵。 "I had not known lust, except the Law had said, Thou shalt not covet" (ib. vii. 7). “我不知道慾望,除法律有說,你不應覬覦” ( ib.七。 7 ) 。 He has no faith in the moral power of man: "I know that in me (that is, in my flesh) dwelleth no good thing" (ib. vii. 18).他沒有信心,道德力量的人: “我知道我的(也就是說,在我的肉體) dwelleth沒有好東西” ( ib.七。 18 ) 。 What he is aiming at is that state in which the sinfulness of the flesh is entirely overcome by the spirit of Christ who is "the end of the Law" (ib. x. 4), because he is the beginning of the resurrection.他的目標是,在國家,其中罪孽肉體是完全克服的精神,基督是誰“的結束法” ( ib.十4 ) ,因為他是開始復活。 For Paul, to be a member of the Church meant to be above the Law, and to serve in the newness of the spirit under a higher law (ib. vii. 4-6, 25).保羅,是一個成員教會意味著要凌駕於法律之上,並擔任新奇的精神下更高的法律( ib.七。 4-6 ,第25段) 。 For in Christ, that is, by the acceptance of the belief that with him the world of resurrection has begun, man has become "a new creature: the old things are passed away . . . all things have become new" (II Cor. v. 17).對於在基督,也就是接受,相信與他的世界已經開始復活,人已成為“一個新的動物:舊的事情過去了。 。 。一切事物已成為新的” (二肺心病。訴17 ) 。 For Paul, the world is doomed: it is flesh beset by sin and altogether of the evil one; hence home, family life, worldly wisdom, all earthly enjoyment are of no account, as they belong to a world which passes away (I Cor. vii. 31).對於保羅,世界是注定:這是肉體受到罪惡和完全的罪惡之一,因此家庭,家庭生活,世俗的智慧,所有塵世的享受都沒有考慮,因為它們屬於世界上去世(我肺心病。七。月31日) 。 Having at first only the heathen in view, Paul claims the members of the Church for Christ; hence their bodies must be consecrated to him and not given to fornication (ib. vi. 15).在第一次審議的異教徒只有在認為,保羅要求各成員教會的基督,因此他們的屍體必須奉獻給他,並沒有考慮到私通( ib.六。 15 ) 。 In fact, they ought to live in celibacy; and only on account of Satan's temptation to lust are they allowed to marry (ib. vi. 18-vii. 8).事實上,他們應該生活在獨身,只有考慮到撒旦的誘惑,慾望使他們結婚( ib.六。 18七。 8 ) 。 As regards eating and drinking, especially of offerings to idols, which were prohibited to the proselyte of the gate by the early Christians as well as by the Jews (comp. Acts xv. 29), Paul takes the singular position that the Gnostics, those who possess the higher knowledge ("gnosis"; I Cor. viii. 1, xiii. 2, xiv. 6; II Cor. iv. 6; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 158), are "the strong ones" who care not for clean and unclean things and similar ritualistic distinctions (Rom. xiv. 1-23; I Cor. viii. 1-13).至於飲食,尤其是產品的偶像,這是被禁止的proselyte大門早期基督教徒以及猶太人( comp.行為十五。 29 ) ,保羅以奇異的立場,即Gnostics ,這些誰擁有較高的知識( “直覺” ,我肺心病。八。 1 ,十三。 2 ,十四。 6 ;二肺心病。四。 6 ;補償。 Reizenstein , LCP的158 ) ,是“強有力的”誰不照顧清潔和不清潔的東西和類似的儀式區別(羅馬書十四。 1月23日,我肺心病。八。 1-13 ) 。 Only those that are "weak in faith" do care; and their scruples should be heeded by the others.只有那些“軟弱的信仰”做護理;和他們不惜應該聽取其他人。 The Gnostic principle enunciated by Porphyrius ("De Abstinentia," i. 42), "Food that enters the body can as little defile free man as any impurity cast into the sea can contaminate the ocean, the deep fountain of purity" (comp. Matt. xv. 11), has in Paul's system an eschatological character: "The kingdom of God is not eating and drinking, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost" (Rom. xiv. 17; comp. Ber. 17a; Jew. Encyc, v. 218, sv Eschatology).在諾斯底所闡述的原則Porphyrius ( “德Abstinentia , ”島42 ) , “食物進入人體可以少弄髒自由人任何雜質撒入大海會污染海洋,深海噴泉的純度” ( comp.馬特。十五。 11人) ,在保羅的系統的末世論性質: “上帝王國的不是大吃大喝,而是正義和和平和歡樂的聖靈” (羅馬書十四。 17 ;補償。蘇貝等。 17A條;猶太人。 Encyc ,訴218希沃特末世論) 。 As he stated in I Cor.正如他說,我肺心病。 ix.九。 20-22: "And unto the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews; to them that are under the law, as under the law, that I might gain them that are under the law; to them that are without law, as without law (being not without law to God, but under the law to Christ), that I might gain them that are without law. To the weak became I as weak, that I might gain the weak: I am made all things to all men, that I might by all means save some." 20-22日: “和你們的猶太人我成了作為一個猶太人,我可能獲得的猶太人,他們是根據法律規定,因為根據法律,我可能會獲得他們的法律規定;他們是沒有法律,因為沒有法律(即沒有法律上帝,但根據加拿大的法律基督) ,我可能會獲得他們都沒有法律。弱者成為我作為弱者,我可能獲得的薄弱:我發所有的事情所有的人,我會用一切手段節省一些。 “

The original attitude of Paul to the Law was accordingly not that of opposition as represented in Romans and especially in Galatians, but that of a claimed transcendency.原來的態度,保羅法是不相應的反對派代表在羅馬,尤其是在加拉太,但一個人超越。 He desired "the strong ones" to do without the Law as "schoolmaster" (Gal. iii. 24).他希望“的強烈的”在沒有法律作為“校長” ( Gal.三。 24 ) 。 The Law made men servants: Christ rendered them "sons of God."該法作了男性公務員:基督使他們“上帝的兒子。 ” That is, their nature was transformed into an angelic, if not altogether divine, one (Rom. viii. 14-29; I Cor. vi. 1-3).也就是說,其性質轉變為一個天使,如果不是完全神聖的,一個(羅馬書八。 14-29 ,我肺心病。六。 1-3 ) 。

Law for the Proselyte.法Proselyte 。

Only in admitting the heathen into his church did he follow the traditional Jewish practise of emphasizing at the initiation of proselytes "the law of God," consisting in "Love thy neighbor as thyself," taken from Lev.只有在承認異教徒到他的教會,他按照猶太人的傳統實踐,強調在開展proselytes “法律的上帝, ”組成的“愛你的鄰居為你自己, ”從列夫。 xix. 19 。 18 (Rom. xiii. 8-10 contains no allusion to Jesus' teaching). 18 (羅馬書十三。 8-10不包含任何針對耶穌的教學) 。 Also in the mode of preparing the proselyte-by specifying to him the mandatory and prohibitive commandments in the form of a catalogue of virtues or duties and a catalogue of sins, making him promise to practise the former, and, in the form of a "widdui" (confession of sins), to avoid the latter-Paul and his school followed, in common with all the other apostles, the traditional custom, as may be learned from I Thess. iv.另外,在模式的準備proselyte ,指定給他的強制性和禁止性命令的形式目錄美德或職責和目錄的罪孽,使他的承諾執業前,並在形式的“ widdui “ (懺悔的罪過) ,以避免後者保羅和他的學校後,與所有其他使徒的傳統習俗,可了解到從I洛尼基。四。 1-10; Col. iii. 1-10 ;上校三。 5-14; Rom. 5-14 ;光盤。 i: 29 (comp. J. Rendel Harris, "The Teaching of the Apostles," 1887, pp. 82-84; Gal. v. 13-23, copied from Rom. lc; so also Eph. ii.-vi.; I Peter ii-iii.; I John iii.-iv.; Heb. xiii.; see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 9-22, and Didache).一: 29 ( comp.學者宏道哈里斯說: “教學中的使徒” , 1887年,頁。 82-84 ;半乳糖。訴13-23 ,複製光盤。立法會,因此也厄。 ii.-vi.我彼得第二和第三節。我約翰iii.-iv. ;河北。十三。見西貝爾格, “明鏡Katechismus之Urchristenheit ” , 1903年,頁。 9-22 ,和十二使徒遺訓) 。 A comparison of the "Didascalia"with Paul's various admonitions in the Epistles likewise shows how much he was indebted to Essene teachings (See Jew. Encyc. iv. 588-590, sv Didascalia, where it is shown in a number of instances that the priority rests with the Jewish "Didascalia" and not, as is generally believed, with Paul).的比較“ Didascalia ”與保羅的各種警告的書信同樣顯示多少,他感激厄色尼教義(見猶太人。 Encyc 。四。 588-590 ,希沃特Didascalia ,它表明在一些情況下的重點在於猶太人“ Didascalia ” ,而不是象一般認為,與保羅) 。 Also "turning from darkness to light" (I Thess. v. 4-9; Rom. xiii. 12; Eph. v. 7-11; and elsewhere) is an expression borrowed from Jewish usage in regard to proselytes who "come over from the falsehood of idolatry to the truth of monotheism" (see Philo, "De Monarchia." i. 7; idem, "De Pœnitentia," §§ 1-2; comp. "Epistle of Barnabas," xix. 1-xx. 1).又“轉折點從黑暗走向光” (我洛尼基。訴4-9 ;光盤。十三。 12 ;厄。訴7-11 ;和其他地區)是一個表達借用猶太人的使用方面proselytes誰“過來從虛假的偶像崇拜真理的一神教“ (見斐洛, ”德Monarchia 。 “島7 ;同上, ”德Pœnitentia , “ § § 1-2 ;補償。 ”巴拿巴書“ , 19 。 1 - XX條。 1 ) 。 It is rather difficult to reconcile these moral injunctions with the Pauline notion that, since law begets sin, there should be no law ruling the members of the Church.這是相當困難的調和這些道德禁令的波林的概念,自法律產生罪惡,不應該有法律執政黨成員的教會。 It appears, however, that Paul used frequently the Gnostic term τέλειος= "perfect," "mature" (I Thess. v. 4, 10; Phil. iii. 12, 15; I Cor. ii. 6, xiii. 12 et seq., xiv. 20; Eph. iv. 13; Col. i. 28).不過,看來保羅常用的諾斯底任期τέλειος = “完美” , “成熟” (我洛尼基。訴4日, 10日;菲爾。三。 12日, 15日,我肺心病。二。 6 ,十三。十二等起。 ,十四。 20 ;厄。四。 13 ;上校島28 ) 。 This term, taken from Grecian mysteries (see Light-foot, "Epistles to the Colossians," ad loc.), and used also in Wisdom iv.這個詞,取自希臘奧秘(見光足, “書信的歌羅西書, ”廣告祿。 ) ,並利用在睿智四。 13, ix. 13日,九。 6, suggested an asceticism which in some circles of saints led to the unsexing of man for the sake of fleeing from lust (Wisdom iii. 13-14; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiatur," § 48; Matt. xix. 12; see Conybeare, lcp 24). 6 ,提出了禁慾主義在某些圈子聖人導致unsexing人為了逃避慾望(智慧三。 13-14 ;斐洛, “德禦寧獄吏Deterius Potiori Insidiatur , ”第48 ;馬特。十九。第12條;見科尼比爾, LCP的24 ) 。 For Paul, then, the Christian's aim was to be mature and ready for the day when all would be "caught up in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air" and be with Him forever (I Thess. iv. 16-17).對於保羅,那麼,基督教的目的是將成熟並準備一天都將是“陷入了雲層,以滿足勳爵在空中” ,並跟他在一起永遠(我洛尼基。四。 16-17日) 。 To be with Christ, "in whom dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead," is to become so "complete" as to be above the rule of heavenly bodies, above the "tradition of men," above statutes regarding circumcision, meat and drink, holy days, new moon, and Sabbath, all of which are but "a shadow of the things to come"; it is to be dead to the world and all things of the earth, to mortify the members of the flesh, to "put off the old man" with his deeds and passions, and put on the new man who is ever renewed for the highest knowledge of God (gnosis), so that there is "neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free, but Christ is all and in all" (Col. ii. 9-iii. 11; comp. I Cor. v. 7: "Purge out therefore the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump").要與基督“ ,在其中dwelleth所有豐富的神體, ”是變得如此“完整” ,以高於法治的天體,高於“傳統的男人, ”上述法規關於割禮,肉類和飲料神聖天,新的月亮,和安息日,所有這些都是,但“影子的事情來” ,它是死的世界和一切事物的地球,以腐壞成員的肉體,以“推遲歲的男子“他的事蹟和激情,並提出新的男子誰是以往任何時候都延長知識的最高神(直覺) ,所以有”希臘也沒有猶太人,割禮,也不uncircumcision ,野蠻,西徐亞人,債券,也沒有免費的,但基督是所有的一切“ (中校二。 9三。 11 ;補償。我肺心病。訴7 : ”因此,清除了老曲,你們可能是一個新的一筆“ ) 。

Conflict with Judaism and the Law.衝突與猶太教和法律。

Far then from making antagonism to the Law the starting-point of his apostolic activity, as under the influence of the Epistle to the Romans is assumed by almost all Christian theologians, except the so-called Dutch school of critics (see Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl." sv "Paul and Romans, Epistle to the"), there is intrinsic evidence that Paul's hostile attitude to both the Law and the Jews was the result of his conflicts with the latter and with the other apostles.遠東然後從決策對抗法的出發點,他使徒的活動,作為影響下的書是羅馬人所承擔的幾乎所有基督教神學,但所謂的荷蘭學校的批評(見陳和黑色, “ Encyc 。 Bibl 。 ”希沃特“保羅和羅馬,書信的” ) ,有內在的證據表明,保羅的敵對態度都法和猶太人的原因是他的衝突與後者與其他使徒。 There is no bitter hostility or antagonism to the Law noticeable in I Thessalonians (ii. 14b-16 is a late interpolation referring to the destruction of the Temple), Colossians, I Corinthians (xv. 56 is obviously interpolated), or II Corinthians (where iii. 6-iv. 4, on closer analysis, also proves to be a late addition disturbing the context); and so little opposition to the Law does Paul show in those epistles first addressed to the Gentiles, that in I Cor.沒有痛苦的敵意或對抗法顯,我尼迦(白介素14B條- 16是一個晚插指的是破壞了廟) ,歌羅西書,我科林蒂安( xv. 56顯然是插) ,或二科林蒂安(在三。 6四。 4 ,仔細分析,也證明是一個令人不安的後期除了背景) ;和如此之少反對保羅法並不表明在這些書信第一次給外邦人,在我肺心病。 xiv.十四。 21 he quotes as the "law"-that is, Torah in the sense of Revelation-a passage from Isa. 21日,他引用的“法律” ,也就是聖經意義上的啟示,一個通道由伊薩。 xxviii.二十八。 11; whereas he avoids the term "law" (νόμος) elsewhere, declaring all statutes to be worthless human teaching (Col. ii. 22). 11 ;而他避免了“法律”一詞( νόμος )其他地方一樣,所有的章程,宣布將毫無價值的人教學(上校二。 22 ) 。

Antinomianism and Jew-Hatred. Antinomianism和猶太人,仇恨。

His antinomian theology is chiefly set forth in the Epistle to the Romans, many parts of which, however, are the product of the second-century Church with its fierce hatred of the Jew, eg, such passages as ii.他antinomian主要是神學中所列書羅馬,許多地方,但它是產品的第二個世紀的教會其激烈的仇恨猶太人,例如,這種通道為二。 21-24, charging the Jews with theft, adultery, sacrilege, and blasphemy, or ix. 21日至24日,收費猶太人偷竊,通姦,褻瀆,和褻瀆,或九。 22 and xi. 22日和十一。 28 (comp. iii. 2). 28 ( comp.三。 2 ) 。 The underlying motive of Paul-the tearing down of the partition-wall between Jew and Gentile-is best expressed in Eph.其根本動機是保羅的拆除分區牆之間的猶太人和詹蒂萊,最好是在厄表示。 ii.二。 14-22, where it is declared that the latter are no longer "gerim" and "toshabim" (AV "strangers" and "foreigners"), but "fellow citizens with the saints" of the Church and fully equal members "of the household of God." 14-22 ,在那裡宣布,後者不再是“ gerim ”和“ toshabim ” (視聽“陌生人”和“外國人” ) ,但“公民同胞的聖人”的教會和完全平等成員“的家庭的上帝。 “ In order to accomplish his purpose, he argues that just as little as the heathen escapes the wrath of God, owing to the horrible sins he is urged to commit by his clinging to his idols, so little can the Jew escape by his Law, because "the law worketh sin and wrath" (Rom. iv. 15).為了實現他的目的,他認為,就像小的異教徒越獄的憤怒的上帝,由於可怕的罪孽,他敦促他的承諾抱住他的偶像,所以很少能逃脫猶他法,因為“法律worketh罪惡和憤怒” (羅馬書四。 15 ) 。 Instead, indeed, of removing the germ of death brought into the world by Adam, the Law was given only to increase sin and to make all the greater the need of divine mercy which was to come through Christ, the new Adam (ib. v. 15-20).相反,事實上,消除細菌死亡帶入世界的亞當,該法是不僅要增加罪惡和使所有的更大的需要神聖慈悲的是要通過基督來,新的亞當( ib. v 。 15-20 ) 。 By further twisting the Biblical words taken from Gen. xv.通過進一步扭曲聖經的話從將軍十五。 6, which he interprets as signifying that Abraham's faith became a saving power to him, and from Gen. xvii. 6日,他解釋為這意味著亞伯拉罕的信仰成為節能給他,從將軍十七。 5, which he takes as signifying that Abraham was to be the father of the Gentiles instead of nations, he argues that the saving grace of God lies in faith (that is, blind belief) and not in the works of the Law. 5 ,他作為這意味著是亞伯拉罕的父親外邦人而不是國家,他認為,拯救上帝的恩典在於信仰(即盲目信仰) ,而不是工程法。 And so he declares faith in Jesus' atoning death to be the means of justification and salvation, and not the Law, which demands servitude, whereas the spirit of Christ makes men children of God (Rom. iv.-viii.).於是他宣布信仰耶穌的贖罪死亡,手段的理由和拯救,而不是法,要求奴役,而基督的精神使男女兒童的上帝(羅馬書iv.八。 ) 。 The Pauline Jew-hatred was ever more intensified (see ib. ix.-xi., and comp. ix. 31)-which is clear evidence of a later origin-and culminates in Gal. iii., where, besides the repetition of the argument from Gen. xv.該保的猶太人,仇恨是以往任何時候都更加激烈(見123 。 ix.-xi.和補償。九。月31日)這是明確的證據表明,原產地後,達到最高潮,並在半乳糖。三。 ,在那裡,除了重複論點從將軍十五。 6 and xvii. 6日和17 。 5, the Law is declared, with reference to Deut. 5 ,該法宣布,關於Deut 。 xxviii.二十八。 26 and Hab. 26日和民政事務局。 ii.二。 4 (comp. Rom. i. 17), to be a curse from which the crucified Christ-himself "a curse" according to the Law (Deut. xxi. 23; probably an argument taken up from controversies with the Jews)-was to redeem the believer. 4 ( comp.光盤。島17 ) ,是一個詛咒從基督的十字架上,自稱為“詛咒”依法(申命記21 。 23 ;可能採取的一個論點從爭議的猶太人) ,是贖回的信徒。 Another sophistic argument against the Law, furnished in Gal.另一種詭辯反對該法,在半乳糖家具。 iii.三。 19-24, and often repeated in the second century (Heb. ii. 2; Acts vii. 38, 53; Aristides, "Apologia," xiv. 4), is that the Law was received by Moses as mediator from the angels-a quaint notion based upon Deut. 19-24 ,並經常反复強調在第二世紀(希伯來書二。 2 ;行為七。 38 , 53 ;阿里斯蒂德, “縱容” ,十四。 4 ) ,是該法受到摩西作為調解人的天使, 1古怪的概念為基礎Deut 。 xxxiii.三十三。 2, LXX.; comp. Josephus, "Ant." 2 , LXX 。 ;補償。約瑟夫, “螞蟻” 。 xv.十五。 5, § 3-and that it is not the law of God, which is a life-giving law of righteousness. 5 ,第3和,這不是法律的上帝,這是一個賦予生命的法律正義。 Furthermore the laws of the Jews and the idolatrous practises of the heathen are placed equally low as mere servitude of" the weak and beggarly elements" (="planets"; Gal. iv. 8-11), whereas those that have put on Christ by baptism have risen above alldistinctions of race, of class, and of sex, and have become children of God and heirs of Abraham (ib. iii. 26-29; what is meant by the words" There shall be neither male nor female" in verse 28 may be learned from Gal. v. 12, where eunuchism is advised; see B. Weiss's note ad loc.).此外,法律的猶太人和盲目崇拜的習俗的異教徒被置於同樣低僅僅作為奴役的“弱國和beggarly要素” ( = “行星” ;半乳糖。四。 8-11 ) ,而那些把基督的洗禮已超過alldistinctions種族,階級和性別,並已成為兒童的上帝和亞伯拉罕的繼承人( ib.三。 26-29 ;是什麼意思改為“應既不男性也不女性”在5月28日詩句教訓半乳糖。訴12個,其中eunuchism建議;見B.維斯的說明廣告祿。 ) 。

The Old Testament and the New.舊約和新的。

The Pauline school writing under Paul's name, but scarcely Paul himself, worked out the theory, based upon Jer.波利娜學校的書面保羅的名字,但幾乎保羅本人,制定了理論的基礎上,張哲。 xxxi.三十一。 30-31, that the Church of Christ represents the new covenant (see Covenant; New Testament) in place of the old (Rom. xi. 27; Gal. iv. 24; Heb. viii. 6-13, ix. 15-x. 17; and, following these passages, I Cor. xi. 23-28). 30-31 ,即基督教會的新契約(見公約;新約) ,取代舊的(羅馬書十一。 27 ;半乳糖。四。 24 ;河北。八。 6月13日,九。 15 -十17 ; ,並按照下列段落,我肺心病。喜。 23-28 ) 。 Similarly the interpolator of II Cor.同樣,插的二肺心病。 iii.三。 6-iv. 6四。 4, in connection with ib. 4 ,與興業。 iii.三。 3, contrasts the Old Testament with the New: the former by the letter of the Law offering but damnation and death because "the veil of Moses" is upon it, preventing God's glory from being seen; the latter being the life-giving spirit offering righteousness, that is, justification, and the light of the knowledge (gnosis) of the glory of God as reflected in the face of Jesus Christ. 3 ,對比舊約與新:前有英文字母的法律服務,但詛咒和死亡,因為“面紗摩西”是它,防止上帝的榮耀被看作;後者是賦予生命的精神產品正氣,就是理由,並根據知識(直覺)的上帝的榮耀中所反映的面對耶穌基督。 It is superfluous to state that this Gnostic conception of the spirit has nothing to do with the sound religious principle often quoted from I Cor.這是多餘的狀態,這一概念的諾斯底的精神沒有任何關係的宗教原則健全經常引用從I肺心病。 iii.三。 6: "The letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life." 6 : “信killeth ,但精神giveth生活。 ” The privilege of seeing God's glory as Moses did face to face through a bright mirror held out in I Cor. xiii.有幸看到上帝的榮耀作為摩西沒有面對面通過光明的一面鏡子舉行了,我肺心病。十三。 12 (comp. Suk. 45b; Lev. R. i. 14) to the saints in the future is claimed in II Cor. 12 ( comp.淑。 45b ;列夫。河島14 )的聖人在未來聲稱在二肺心病。 iii.三。 18 and iv. 18日和四。 4 as a power in the actual possession of the Christian believer. 4 ,電源實際佔有的基督教信徒。 The highest hope of man is regarded as realized by the writer, who looks forward to the heavenly habitation as a release from the earthly tabernacle (II Cor. v. 1-8).最高的人希望被看作是實現了作家,誰期待著天上的居住環境作為釋放塵世窩棚(二肺心病。訴1-8 ) 。

Spurious Writings Ascribed to Paul.偽寫作歸功於保羅。

This unhealthy view of life maintained by Paul and his immediate followers was, however, changed by the Church the moment her organization extended over the world.鑑於這種不健康的生活方式保持保羅和他的追隨者立即然而,改變了教會的時刻她的組織擴展到全世界。 Some epistles were written in the name of Paul with the view of establishing more friendly relations to society and government than Paul and the early Christians had maintained.一些書信中寫的名字保羅以期建立更友好的關係,以社會和政府比保羅和早期基督徒一直保持。 While Paul warns his church-members not to bring matters of dispute before "the unjust," by which term he means the Gentiles (I Cor. vi. 1; comp. Jew. Encyc. iv. 590), these very heathen powers of Rome are elsewhere praised as the ministers of God and His avengers of wrong (Rom. xiii. 1-7); and while in I Cor.雖然保羅警告他的教會成員不要把問題的爭端提交“不公正的” ,其中長期他的意思外邦人(我肺心病。六。 1 ;補償。猶太人。 Encyc 。四。 590 ) ,這些非常不信教的權力羅馬是在其他地方被譽為部長上帝和他的復仇者錯誤的(羅馬書十三。 1-7 ) ;同時,我肺心病。 xi.十一。 5 women are permitted to prophesy and to pray aloud in the church provided they have their heads covered, a later chapter, obviously interpolated, states, "Let your women keep silence in the churches" (ib. xiv. 34). 5名婦女被允許的預言,並大聲祈禱的教堂提供它們的首長包括在內,後來章,顯然插,說: “讓你保持沉默的婦女在教堂” ( ib.十四。 34 ) 。 So celibacy (ib. vii. 1-8) is declared to be the preferable state, and marriage is allowed only for the sake of preventing fornication (Eph. v. 21-33), while, on the other hand, elsewhere marriage is enjoined and declared to be a mystery or sacrament symbolizing the relation of the Church as the bride to Christ as the bridegroom (see Bride).因此,獨身( ib.七。 1-8 )被宣布為較好的狀態,婚姻只允許為了防止私通(以弗所書訴21-33 ) ,而另一方面,其他地方的婚姻責成並宣布將一個謎或聖禮象徵的關係,教會作為基督新娘的新郎(見新娘) 。

A still greater change in the attitude toward the Law may be noticed in the so-called pastoral epistles.更大的變化的態度法可發現所謂的田園書信。 Here the Law is declared to be good as a preventive of wrong-doing (I Tim. i. 8-10), marriage is enjoined, and woman's salvation is declared to consist only in the performance of her maternal duty (ib. ii. 12, 15), while asceticism and celibacy are condemned (ib. iv. 3).在這裡,法律被宣布為好作為一種預防性的錯誤,這樣做(我添。島8-10 ) ,婚姻是責成和女人的救恩是宣布只在履行她的母親責任( ib.二。 12日, 15日) ,而禁慾主義和獨身的譴責( ib.四。 3 ) 。 So all social relations are regulated in a worldly spirit, and are no longer treated, as in Paul's genuine epistles, in the spirit of otherworldliness (ib. ii.-vi.; II Tim. ii. 4-6; Titus. ii.-iii.; comp. Didascalia). Whether in collecting alms for the poor of the church on Sundays (I Cor. xvi. 2) Paul instituted a custom or simply followed one of the early Christians is not clear; from the "We" source in Acts xx.因此,所有社會關係,規範了世俗的精神,不再處理,如在保羅的書信真正的精神, otherworldliness ( ib. ii.-vi. ;二蒂姆。二。 4-6 ;泰特斯。二。三。 ;補償。 Didascalia ) 。無論是在收集施捨窮人的教堂在星期日(我肺心病。十六。 2 )保羅建立了一個自定義或乾脆接著一個早期基督徒是不明確;從“我們”源在第xx行為。 7 it appears, however, that the church-members used to assemble for their communion meal in memory of the risen Christ, the Lord's Supper, on the first day of the week-probably because they held the light created on that day to symbolize the light of the Savior that had risen for them (see the literature in Schürer," Die Siebentägige Woche," in "Zeitschrift für Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft," 1905, pp. 1-2). 7日看來,然而,教會的成員,以用於組裝的共融餐記憶的上升基督,上帝的晚餐,在第一天的一周可能是因為他們舉行了輕創建的這一天象徵鑑於救主已上升為他們(見文獻Schürer , “模具Siebentägige周刊” ,在“雜誌Neutestamentliche科學” , 1905年,頁。 1-2 ) 。 Little value can be attached to the story in Acts xviii. 18 that Paul brought a Nazarite sacrifice in the Temple, since for him the blood of Christ was the only sacrifice to be recognized.沒有什麼價值可以附加在這個故事的行為十八。 18保羅帶來了Nazarite犧牲的廟,因為他的血基督是唯一的犧牲得到承認。

Only at a later time, when Pauline and Judean Christianity were merged, was account again taken, contrary to the Pauline system, of the Mosaic law regarding sacrifice and the priesthood; and so the Epistle to the Hebrews was written with the view of representing Jesus as "the high priest after the order of Melchizedek" who atoned for the sins of the world by his own blood (Heb. iv. 14-v. 10, vii.-xiii.).只有在以後的時候,保和朱迪亞基督教合併,是考慮再次,這違背了保系統,鑲嵌法中關於犧牲和牧師; ,所以書希伯來人寫的觀點,代表耶穌為“大祭司的命令後的麥基洗德”誰彌補的罪過的世界,他自己的鮮血(希伯來書四。 14五。 10 vii. - 13 。 ) 。 However, the name of Paul, connected with the epistle by Church tradition, was not attached to it in writing, as was the case with the other epistles.然而,保羅的名稱,與書信的教會的傳統,不重視它以書面形式,如與其他書信。

Paul and Paulinism.保羅和Paulinism 。

How far, after a careful analysis discriminating between what is genuine in Paul's writings and what is spurious and interpolated, he may yet be regarded as "the great religious genius" or the "great organizer" of the Christian Church, can not be a matter for discussion here.有多遠,經過認真分析區分什麼是真正的在保羅的著作,什麼是虛偽的和插,他還可能被視為“偉大的宗教天才”或“偉大的組織者”的基督教教會,不能一個問題今天的討論。 Still the credit belongs to him of having brought the teachings of the monotheistic truth and the ethics of Judaism, however mixed up with heathen Gnosticism and asceticism, home to the pagan world in a form which appealed most forcibly to an age eager for a God in human shape and for some means of atonement in the midst of a general consciousness of sin and moral corruption. Different from Simon Magus, his contemporary, with whom he was at times maliciously identified by his opponents, and in whose Gnostic system sensuousness and profanity predominated, Paul with his austerity made Jewish holiness his watch word; and he aimed after all, like any other Jew, at the establishment of the kingdom of God, to whom also his Christ subordinated himself, delivering up the kingdom to the Father when his task of redemption was complete, in order that God might be all in all (I Cor. xv. 28).儘管如此,信貸屬於他帶來了教義的一神教真理和道德的猶太教,但混雜在一起異教徒諾斯替主義和禁慾主義,家庭的異教世界的形式,呼籲最強行渴望的年齡為上帝形狀與人類的一些手段贖罪處於一般意識的罪惡和道義上的腐敗現象。不同的西蒙空氣,他的當代,同他有時是惡意確定他的對手,並在其諾斯底系統sensuousness和褻瀆為主保羅與他緊縮了猶太人神聖他的手錶字,他旨在畢竟,像任何其他猶太人,在建立王國的上帝,誰也服從他的基督自己,提供了英國的父親時,他的任務贖回已經完成,為了上帝可能是所有的一切(我肺心病。十五。 28 ) 。 He was an instrument in the hand of Divine Providence to win the heathen nations for Israel's God of righteousness.他是一個工具,手神贏得異教徒的國家以色列的上帝的義。

His System of Faith.他的信仰系統。

On the other hand, he construed a system of faithwhich was at the very outset most radically in conflict with the spirit of Judaism: (1) He substituted for the natural, childlike faith of man in God as the ever-present Helper in all trouble, such as the Old Testament represents it everywhere, a blind, artificial faith prescribed and imposed from without and which is accounted as a meritorious act. (2) He robbed human life of its healthy impulses, the human soul of its faith in its own regenerating powers, of its belief in its own self and in its inherent tendencies to goodness, by declaring Sin to be, from the days of Adam, the all-conquering power of evil ingrained in the flesh, working everlasting doom; the deadly exhalation of Satan, the prince of this world, from whose grasp only Jesus, the resurrected Christ, the prince of the other world, was able to save man.另一方面,他解釋系統的faithwhich是在一開始最根本的衝突與猶太教的精神: ( 1 )他代替自然,童稚的信仰上帝的人作為始終存在助手在所有麻煩如舊約它都代表一個盲人,人工明和信仰強加不和這是作為一個佔立功行為。 ( 2 )他搶劫人類生命健康的衝動,人類靈魂的信念,自己的再生的權力,其信仰在其自身,並在其固有的傾向善良,宣布將黃大仙,從天的亞當的無堅不摧的力量邪惡紮根於肉體,工作永恆的厄運;致命的噴流的撒旦,王子的這個世界,從他們的把握只有耶穌,基督的復活,王子的其他世界,是可以節省的人。 (3) In endeavoring to liberate man from the yoke of the Law, he was led to substitute for the views and hopes maintained by the apocalyptic writers the Christian dogma with its terrors of damnation and hell for the unbeliever, holding out no hope whatsoever for those who would not accept his Christ as savior, and finding the human race divided between the saved and the lost (Rom. ii. 12; I Cor. i. 18; II Cor. ii. 15, iv. 3; II Thess. ii. 10). ( 3 )在努力男子從解放的枷鎖法,他是來代替領導的意見,並希望保持的啟示作家的基督教教條其恐怖的詛咒和地獄的異教徒,舉行了沒有什麼希望的這些誰不接受他的基督為救世主,並尋找人類之間的分歧和保存的損失(羅馬書二。 12日,我肺心病。島18 ;二肺心病。二。 15日,四。 3 ;二洛尼基。二。 10 ) 。 (4) In declaring the Law to be the begetter of sin and damnation and in putting grace or faith in its place, he ignored the great truth that duty, the divine "command," alone renders life holy; that upon the law of right-cousness all ethics, individual or social, rest. ( 4 )在宣布該法是生產者的罪惡和詛咒,並把寬限期或信仰的地方,他忽略了偉大的真理,責任,神聖的“命令” ,僅使生命神聖; ,根據法律的權利- cousness所有職業道德,個人或社會,休息。 (5) In condemning, furthermore, all human wisdom, reason, and common sense as "folly," and in appealing only to faith and vision, he opened wide the door to all kinds of mysticism and superstition. ( 5 )在譴責,此外,所有人類的智慧,理性,和常識是“愚蠢” ,並呼籲只有信念和理想,他打開門全各種神秘主義和迷信。 (6) Moreover, in place of the love greatly extolled in the panegyric in I Cor. ( 6 )此外,在地方的大力宣揚愛的頌詞,我肺心病。 xiii.-a chapter which strangely interrupts the connection between ch. xiii. ,其中有一章奇怪的中斷之間的聯繫通道。 xii.十二。 and xiv.-Paul instilled into the Church, by his words of condemnation of the Jews as "vessels of wrath fitted for destruction" (Rom. ix. 22; II Cor. iii. 9, iv. 3), the venom of hatred which rendered the earth unbearable for God's priest-people.和xiv.保羅灌輸到教會,他的話譴責猶太人的“憤怒的船隻配備的毀滅” (羅馬書九。 22 ;二肺心病。三。 9日,四。 3 ) ,毒液的仇恨這使地球無法承受上帝的神父人民。 Probably Paul is not responsible for these outbursts of fanaticism; but Paulinism is.也許保羅並不負責這些爆發的狂熱,但Paulinism是。 It finally led to that systematic defamation and profanation of the Old Testament and its God by Marcion and his followers which ended in a Gnosticism so depraved and so shocking as to bring about a reaction in the Church in favor of the Old Testament against the Pauline antinomianism.它最終導致的是,蓄意誹謗和褻瀆舊約和上帝的馬吉安和他的追隨者結束了諾斯替主義如此墮落和令人震驚的是帶來一種反應在教會有利於舊約對保antinomianism 。

Protestantism revived Pauline views and notions; and with these a biased opinion of Judaism and its Law took possession of Christian writers, and prevails even to the present (comp., eg, Weber, "Jüdische Theologie," 1897, where Judaism is presented throughout simply as "Nomismus"; Schürer's description of the life of the Jew "under the law" in his "Gesch." 3d ed., ii. 464-496; Bousset, "Religion des Judenthums in Neu-Testamentlichen Zeitalter," 1903, p. 107; and the more popular works by Harnack and others; and see also Schechter in "JQR" iii. 754-766; Abrahams, "Prof. Schürer on Life Under the Jewish Law," ib. xi. 626; and Schreiner, "Die Jüngsten Urtheile über das Judenthum," 1902, pp. 26-34).新教恢復波林的看法和觀念; ,並與這些有偏見的意見,猶太教和法律在其擁有的基督教作家,甚至和盛行於本( comp. ,如韋伯, “ Jüdische神學” , 1897年,在猶太教是整個僅僅作為“ Nomismus ” ; Schürer的描述生活的猶太人“法律規定”在他的“ Gesch 。 ”三維版。 ,二。 464-496 ; Bousset , “宗教之Judenthums在神經Testamentlichen時代” , 1903年,第107頁;和更受歡迎的作品哈納克和其他;和又見Schechter已在“ JQR ”三。 754-766 ;亞伯拉罕, “教授Schürer生活在猶太人法” ,興業。喜。 626 ;和興農“模具Jüngsten Urtheile尤伯杯之Judenthum ” , 1902年,頁。 26-34 ) 。

For other Pauline doctrines see Atonement; Body in Jewish Theology; Faith; Sin, Original.至於其他保學說見贖罪;機構在猶太神學;信仰;黃大仙,原件。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
Cheyne and Black, Encyc.陳和黑海, Encyc 。 Bibl. Bibl 。 sv Paul, where the main literature is given; Eschelbacher, Das Judenthum und das Wesen des Christenthums, Berlin, 1905; Grätz, Gesch.希保羅,那裡的主要文獻,給出; Eschelbacher ,達斯Judenthum與沙漠的本質Christenthums ,柏林, 1905年;格拉茨, Gesch 。 4th ed., iii.第4版。 ,三。 413-425; Moritz Loewy, Die Paulinische Lehre vom Gesetz, in Monatsschrift, 1903-4; Claude Monteflore, Rabbinic Judaism and the Epistles of Paul, in JQR xiii. 413-425 ;莫里茲洛伊,模具Paulinische教視覺法則,在月刊, 1903-4 ;克勞德Monteflore ,拉比猶太教和保羅書信,在JQR十三。 161. 161 。


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