Oxford movement, Tractarians牛津運動, Tractarians

General Information 一般信息

A movement to reform the Church of England begun at Oxford University in 1833, the Oxford movement was led by John Keble, John Henry Newman, and Richard Hurrell Froude.一個運動的改革英格蘭教會開始在牛津大學於1833年,牛津運動是由約翰Keble ,紐曼,和理查德Hurrell弗勞德。 All were fellows of Oriel College, Oxford, passionately loyal to the church, and deeply disturbed by the British government's interference in its affairs.所有這些研究員Oriel學院,牛津,熱情地忠實於教會,並深感不安,英國政府的干涉其內政。 In addition, they were influenced by the patristic writings and attracted to the ritual and worship of the early and medieval church.此外,他們的影響,教父的著作和吸引儀式和崇拜的早期和中世紀教堂。

Newman believed the movement began when, on July 14, 1833, Keble preached on "National Apostasy," a sermon prompted by an attempt in Parliament to suppress ten Irish bishoprics. More important was the publication of Tracts for the Times by Newman.紐曼認為,運動時開始, 7月14日, 1833年, Keble鼓吹“國家叛教, ”布道提示是企圖在議會鎮壓愛爾蘭bishoprics 10 。更重要的是,大港出版的時報紐曼。 The first three were published on Sept. 9, 1833; and the last, Tract 90, which aroused a storm of controversy, in 1841.前三出版了關於1833年9月9日,而最後,道90 ,其中引起爭議的風暴,在1841年。 The tracts aimed at recalling the English to true churchmanship, to an understanding of the church as an organic, independent body, not a creature of the state, and to a sacramental ministry and life.在村組,旨在回顧了真正的英語churchmanship ,以了解教堂作為一個有機的,獨立的機構,而不是一個動物的國家,並在聖事部和生活。 The Tractarians, as they came to be called, envisioned the movement as a middle way between Roman Catholicism and evangelicalism.該Tractarians ,因為他們來到被稱為流動的設想作為一個中間道路之間的羅馬天主教和福音。

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The movement was soon under attack.該運動很快受到攻擊。 Liberals protested its dogmatism and evangelicals its Roman tendencies.自由黨抗議其教條主義和福音派其羅馬的傾向。 Gradually some of its members, including William Ward and Henry Manning, joined the Roman Catholic church.漸漸地它的一些成員,包括威廉沃德和亨利曼寧,加入了羅馬天主教教堂。 In 1845, Newman was converted and the movement came to a point of crisis.在1845年,紐曼轉換和運動來點危機。 Leadership passed to Keble, Edward Pusey, and Charles Marriott.領導傳遞給Keble ,愛德華蒲賽,和查爾斯萬豪酒店。 The movement's principles were maintained by Anglo - Catholics who were much influenced by ritualism, Christian Socialism, and liberalism. In 1889 the heirs of the Tractarians, led by Charles Gore, published Lux Mundi, a book that attempted to reconcile the Catholic faith of the Church of England with modern intellectual and moral positions.這個運動的原則是保持盎格魯-天主教徒誰明顯的影響r itualism,基督教社會主義和自由主義。在1 889年的繼承人T ractarians,由查爾斯戈爾,盧克斯曼迪出版,一本書,試圖調和信仰天主教的英格蘭教會與現代的知識和道德的立場。 The Oxford movement had a strong influence on the doctrines, spirituality, and ritual of the established church, and its principles continue to inform the entire Anglican Communion.牛津運動的強大影響力的理論,精神,和儀式的教堂設立的,其原則繼續向整個英國聖公會。

John E Booty約翰E戰利品

Bibliography 目錄
O Chadwick, The Mind of the Oxford Movement (1960); R Chapman, Faith and Revolt (1970); R Church, The Oxford Movement: Twelve Years, 1833 - 1845 (1970); E Fairweather, ed., The Oxford Movement (1964); J Griffin, The Oxford Movement, 1833 - 1983: A Revision (1984); MR O'Connell, The Oxford Conspirators: A History of the Oxford Movement 1833 - 45 (1969); G Rowell, ed., Tradition Renewed (1986). ö查德威克,心靈的牛津運動( 1960年) ;查普曼R ,信仰和起義( 1970年) ; R教會,牛津運動: 12年, 1833年至1845年( 1970年) ;電子郵件費爾韋瑟,編輯。 ,牛津運動( 1964年) ; J格里芬,牛津運動, 1833至1983年:一個修訂( 1984年) ;議員奧康內爾,牛津陰謀:歷史的牛津運動1833年至1845年( 1969年) ; G巨編。 ,傳統重新( 1986年) 。


Oxford Movement牛津運動

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The Oxford Movement was an important religious development within the Church of England in the nineteenth century in response to the critical rationalism, skepticism, lethargy, liberalism, and immorality of the day. Emphasizing a return to the traditions of the church, the leaders of the movement longed for a higher standard of worship, piety, and devotion among clergy and church members.牛津運動是一項重要的宗教發展,英格蘭教會在19世紀應對的關鍵理性,懷疑,嗜睡,自由主義,和不道德的一天。強調恢復傳統的教堂,領導人運動渴望高水準的崇拜,敬畏,和奉獻精神的神職人員和教會成員。

Guided by and receiving its impetus from Oxford University men, the movement also protested state interference in the affairs of the church.指導,並接受其動力來自牛津大學的男子,該運動還抗議美國干涉內政的教堂。 On July 14, 1833, in response to the English government's bill reducing bishoprics in Ireland, John Keble preached the sermon "National Apostacy" from the university pulpit. 7月14日, 1833年,針對英國政府的法案減少bishoprics在愛爾蘭,約翰Keble鼓吹講道“全國Apostacy ”從大學的講壇。 He accused the government of infringing on "Christ's Church" and of disavowing the principle of apostolic succession of the bishops of the Church of England.他指責政府侵犯“基督的教會”和否定的原則使徒繼承主教的英格蘭教會。 Insisting that salvation was possible only through the sacraments, Keble defended the Church of England as a divine institution.堅持認為有可能拯救只有通過聖禮, Keble捍衛英格蘭教會作為一個神聖的機構。 During the same year John Henry Newman began to publish Tracts for the Times, a series of pamphlets by members of the University of Oxford that supported and propagated the beliefs of the movement.在同一年紐曼開始出版大港的時代,一系列的宣傳單張的成員牛津大學的支持和傳播信仰的運動。 They were widely circulated, and the term "Tractarianism" has often been used for the early stages of the Oxford Movement or, indeed, as a synonym for the movement itself.他們被廣為散發,並“一詞Tractarianism ”常常被用於早期階段的牛津運動,實際上,作為一個同義詞的運動本身。

It is ironic that these tracts (which were supposed to argue "against Popery and Dissent") would lead some of the writers and readers into embracing the Roman Catholic Church.具有諷刺意味的是,這些大片(其中理應主張“反對和異議Popery ” )將導致一些作家和讀者擁抱到羅馬天主教。 These men found it increasingly impossible to adhere to church polity and practice on Protestant terms.這些人發現越來越不可能堅持教會政體和實踐新教條件。 When Newman argued in Tract 90 (1841) that the Thirty - nine Articles of the Church of England were in harmony with genuine Roman Catholicism, he was attacked with such furor that the series of tracts was brought to an end.當紐曼主張道90 ( 1841年)的30 -9條的英格蘭教會在和諧與真正的羅馬天主教,他是攻擊此類憤怒的一系列大片是結束了。 Early in 1845, realizing that they would never be allowed to be Anglicans while holding Roman Catholic views, several Oxford reformers joined the Roman Catholic Church.早在1845年,實現,他們將永遠不會被允許聖公會而舉行的羅馬天主教的看法,有幾個牛津大學的改革者加入了羅馬天主教。 Newman defected later that year, and by 1864 nearly one thousand ministers, theological leaders, and Anglican church members followed his lead.紐曼叛逃後這一年,和1864年近1000部長,神學領導人,聖公會教堂的成員之後,他領先。 In 1864 Newman's Apologia pro Vita Sua was published, explaining his departure from the Church of England and defending his choice of the Roman Church as the one true church.在1864年紐曼的辯解親簡歷蘇阿公佈,解釋他離開英格蘭教會和捍衛自己選擇的羅馬教會作為一個真正的教堂。 Newman was made a Roman Catholic cardinal in 1879.紐曼是一個羅馬天主教樞機主教於1879年。

After the defections in 1845 the movement was no longer dominated by Oxford men and became more fragmented in its emphases.之後於1845年叛逃的運動已不再佔主導地位的男性和牛津變得支離破碎的重點。 Edward B Pusey, professor of Hebrew at Oxford and a contributor to Tracts, emerged as the leader of the Anglo - Catholic party, which continued to push for doctrinal modifications and a reunion between the Anglican and Roman churches.愛德華乙蒲賽,希伯來文教授在牛津大學和貢獻者大港,成為領導人的盎格魯-天主教黨,繼續推動理論的修改和團聚之間的聖公會和羅馬教會。 Other groups sought to promote High Church ritual within Anglicanism.其他團體尋求促進高級教會內Anglicanism儀式。 Many of the sympathizers the Oxford Movement had gained at its inception (before anti - Reformation tendencies were observed) continued to uphold the primary goals and spiritual fervor of the movement.許多同情者的牛津運動獲得了在其成立(前反-改革趨勢觀察)繼續堅持的首要目標和精神文明熱情的運動。 This has had a great significance upon the theological development, polity, and religious life of the Church of England for over a century. Anglican eucharistic worship was transformed, spiritual discipline and monastic orders were revived, social concern was fostered, and an ecumenical spirit has developed in the Church of England.這有重大意義的神學發展,政治和宗教生活的英格蘭教會了一個多世紀。聖公會聖體崇拜轉化,精神的紀律和寺院訂單恢復,社會關注的是培育,以及基督教精神發達國家在英格蘭教會。

While the Oxford Movement was opposed in print by traditional churchmen as well as liberal academic thinkers, perhaps no one group matched the evangelicals in their enormous output of literature, printed sermons, tracts, articles, books, and pamphlets against the Tractarians.雖然牛津運動是反對傳統的印刷牧師以及學術自由思想家,也許沒有一組匹配的福音派在其巨大的產量文學,印刷布道,村組,文章,書籍,小冊子,對Tractarians 。 These dissenting "peculiars," as some Oxford reformers called them, believed that the Oxford "heresy" was both anti - Reformation and antiscriptural.這些持反對意見的“ peculiars , ”牛津大學的一些所謂的改革者他們認為,牛津“邪”既反-改革和a ntiscriptural。 They fought to ensure that the English church would maintain the Protestant character of its theology.他們鬥爭,以確保英國教會將保持新教性質及其神學。 And yet even evangelical writers in England at the end of the nineteenth century noted that the Oxford Movement also brought positive contributions to English Christianity, contributions that could not be disregarded.然而,即使福音派在英國作家在19世紀末指出,牛津運動也帶來了積極的貢獻,英國基督教的貢獻不能忽視。

DA Rausch多巴胺Rausch
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (規矩福音字典)

Bibliography 目錄
RW Church, The Oxford Movement, 1833 - 1845; E Fairweather, ed., The Oxford Movement; P Toon, Evangelical Theology, 1833 - 1856: A Response to Tractarianism; T Dearing, Wesleyan and Tractarian Worship. RW光碟教會,牛津運動, 1833年至1845年;電子郵件費爾韋瑟,編輯。 ,牛津運動; P香椿,基督教神學, 1833年至1856年:一個響應Tractarianism ; Ť迪林,衛斯理和Tractarian崇拜。


Oxford Movement牛津運動

Listing of Tracts for the Times 大港上市的時代

by John Henry Newman由紐曼


The Oxford Movement (1833-1845)牛津運動( 1833至1845年)

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

The Oxford Movement may be looked upon in two distinct lights.牛津運動可能是在看待兩種截然不同的燈。 "The conception which lay at its base," according to the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline, 1906, "was that of the Holy Catholic Church as a visible body upon earth, bound together by a spiritual but absolute unity, though divided into national and other sections. This conception drew with it the sense of ecclesiastical continuity, of the intimate and unbroken connection between the primitive Church and the Church of England, and of the importance of the Fathers as guides and teachers. It also tended to emphasize points of communion between those different branches of the Church, which recognize the doctrine or fact of Apostolic Succession" (Report, p. 54). “的構想奠定的基礎, ”根據英國皇家委員會的教會紀律, 1906年, “是羅馬天主教教會作為一個明顯的機構經地球,在一起的一種精神,但絕對統一,但分為國家和其他章節。提請本概念與它的意義教會的連續性,在親密和不間斷的聯繫原始教會和英格蘭教會和重要性的父親當導遊和教師。還傾向於強調共融點之間的這些不同的分支教會,承認理論或事實的使徒繼承“ (報告第54頁) 。 That is the point of view maintained in the "Tracts for the Times" from 1833 to 1841, which gave its familiar name to the "Tractarian" Movement.這是觀點保持在“大港為時報” 1833年至1841年,這使得其熟悉的名稱為“ Tractarian ”運動。 They originated and ended with John Henry Newman. But a second, very unlike, account of the matter was put forward by Newman himself in his "Lectures on Anglican Difficulties" of 1850.他們起源和結束紐曼。但第二次,非常不同,考慮到這個問題提出自己紐曼在他的“講座聖公會難點”的1850年。 There he considers that the drift or tendency of this remarkable change was not towards a party in the Establishment, or even towards the first place in it, but away from national divisions altogether.在那裡,他認為,漂移或傾向這一顯著的變化是朝著黨的建設,甚至走向首位,但離完全的國家分裂。 It was meant ultimately to absorb "the various English denominations and parties" into the Roman Church, whence their ancestors had come out at the Reformation.這意味著最終以吸收“的各種英文教派和政黨”的羅馬教會,他們的祖先何處來在改革。 And as Newman had been leader in the Anglican phase of the movement, so he opened the way towards Rome, submitted to it in 1845, and made popular the reasoning on which thousands followed his example.作為紐曼一直領先的英國聖公會階段的運動,所以他開闢了道路走向羅馬,提交給它於1845年,使流行的推理上成千上萬遵循他的榜樣。 There seems no other instance adducible from history of a religious thinker who has moulded on permanent lines the institution which he quitted, while assigning causes for its abandonment.人們似乎沒有其他例如adducible從歷史上的一個宗教思想家誰塑造了永久線的機構,他離開了,而分配的原因放棄。 But this result was in some measure a consequence of the "anomalous and singular position", as Dean Church allows, held by the English Establishment, since it was legally set up under Elizabeth (Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity, 8 May, 1559).但這一結果在一定程度上的後果“反常和獨特的地位” ,因為院長教會許可的情況下,舉行了由英國建立,因為這是法律下成立了伊麗莎白(行為和均勻性優越, 1559年5月8日) 。

Lord Chatham brought out these anomalies in a famous epigram.咸勳爵提出了這些不正常現象在一個著名的警句。 "We have", he remarked, "a Popish Liturgy, Calvinistic articles, and an Arminian clergy." “我們” ,他說, “一個Popish聖禮,加爾文的文章,並Arminian神職人員。 ” Such differences were visible from the first.這種差異明顯從第一。 "It is historically certain," says JA Froude, "that Elizabeth and her ministers intentionally framed the Church formulas so as to enable every one to use them who would disclaim allegiance to the Pope." “這是歷史上某些說, ”茉莉弗勞德說, “伊麗莎白和她的部長們故意制定教會的公式,以便使每一個使用它們將放棄誰效忠教皇。 ” When the Armada was scattered and broken, many adherents of the old faith appear to have conformed; and their impetus accounts for the rise of a High Anglican party, whose chief representative was Launcelot Andrewes, Bishop of Winchester (1555-1626).當艦隊分散和破碎,許多信徒的舊信仰似乎已經符合;和他們的動力決算的崛起了一個高聖公會黨,其主要代表是Launcelot安德魯斯,溫徹斯特主教( 1555年至1626年) 。 The Anglo-Catholic school was continued by Laud, and triumphed after the Restoration.英美天主教學校繼續由勞德,並取得勝利後的恢復。 In 1662 it expelled from the Church, Baxter and the Presbyterians. 1662年它逐出教會,巴克斯特和長老。 But from the Revolution in 1688 it steadily declined.但是從1688年的革命它穩步下降。 The non-juring bishops were wholly in its tradition, which, through obscure by-ways, was handed on from his father to John Keble and so to Hurrell Froude and Newman.非juring主教完全在其傳統,通過模糊的,方式,交給從他的父親約翰Keble和如此Hurrell弗勞德和紐曼。

However, the Laudian or Carolinian divines must not be supposed to have ever succeeded in driving out their Calvinistic rivals, so powerful when the Thirty-Nine Articles were drawn up, and known from Shakespeare's time as Puritans (see Malvolio in "Twelfth Night").然而, Laudian或Carolinian divines不得向曾經成功地駕駛自己的加爾文對手,如此強大時, 39條制定了,並知道從莎士比亞的時間清教徒(見馬伏里奧在“第十二夜” ) 。 Andrewes himself, though taking St. Augustine and St. Thomas for his masters, did not admit the sacerdotal doctrine of the Eucharist.安德魯斯自己,但同時聖奧古斯丁和聖托馬斯為他的主人,不承認的sacerdotal學說的聖體。 At every period Baptismal Regeneration, Apostolic Succession, and the Real Presence were open questions, not decided one way or another by "the stammering lips of ambiguous Formularies."在每一個時期領洗再生,使徒的繼承,真正的開放存在的問題,而不是決定以這種或那種方式由“結結巴巴的含糊不清的嘴唇Formularies 。 ” If there was a High Church in power, and if what the Arminians held, as it was wittily said, were all the best livings in England, yet Calvin's theology, whether a little softened by Archbishop Whitgift or according to the text of the "Institutes", never did involve deprivation.如果有高級教會的權力,如果什麼阿敏念派舉行,因為它是風趣地說,都是最好的livings在英格蘭,但加爾文的神學,是否有點軟化大主教惠特吉夫或根據文字的“研究所“從來沒有涉及剝奪。 It was sheltered by the Articles, as Catholic tradition was by the Prayer Book; and the balance was kept between contending schools of opinion by means of the Royal Supremacy.有人庇護的文章,作為天主教的傳統是由祈禱書;的平衡和保持學校之間的對立意見的方式皇家霸權。

Suggested by Thomas Cromwell, asserted in Parliamentary legislation under Henry VIII (1534), this prime article of Anglicanism made the king supreme head of the English Church on earth, and his tribunal the last court of appeal in all cases, spiritual no less than secular.建議的托馬斯克倫威爾,主張在立法議會下亨利八世( 1534 ) ,這條總理所作的Anglicanism國王最高元首的英文教會在地球上,而他最後的法庭上訴法院在所有案件中,精神不低於世俗。 It has been said of Henry, and is equally true of Edward VI, that he claimed the whole power of the keys.有人說,亨利,和同樣的愛德華六世,他聲稱整個權力的鑰匙。 Elizabeth, while relinquishing the title of Head and the administration of holy rites, certainly retained and exercised full jurisdiction over "all persons and all causes" within the realm.伊麗莎白,而放棄了冠軍的團長和管理神聖儀式,當然保留,並充分行使管轄權的“所有人員和所有原因”的境界。 She extinguished the ancient hierarchy "without any proceeding in any spiritual court", as Macaulay observes, and she appointed the new one. She "turned the pulpit", admonished archbishops, and even supplied by her own legal authority defects in the process of episcopal consecration.她撲滅了古代等級制度“沒有任何程序在任何法院精神” ,因為麥考利指出,她任命了新的。她“把講壇” ,告誡大主教,甚至提供自己的法律權威缺陷的過程中,主教神聖。 The Prayer Book itself is an Act of Parliament.在祈禱書本身就是一個議會法案。 "The supreme tribunal of appeal, in ecclesiastical causes, from 1559 to 1832," we are told, "was that created by 25 Hen. VIII, c. 19, which gave an appeal from the Church Courts to the King in Chancery for lack of justice" (Dodd, Hist. Canon Law, 232). “最高法庭提出上訴,在教會的原因, 1559年至1832年, ”我們被告知, “是,創建了25篇。八,角19個,其中介紹了上訴法院的教會向國王在缺乏衡平司法“ (多德,組織胺。佳能法, 232 ) 。 These powers were exercised by the court of delegates; in 1832 they were transferred to the judicial committee of the privy council, whose members may all be laymen; and, if bishops, they do not sit by virtue of their episcopal office but as the king's advisers.這些所行使的權力由法院的代表,在1832年,他們被移交給司法委員會樞密院,其成員都可能是外行人; ,如果主教,他們不坐憑藉其主教辦公室,但作為國王的顧問。 Contrast will drive the matter home.對比將推動此事回家。 The constituent form of the Catholic Church is the pope's universal jurisdiction (see Florence, Council of; Vatican Council).組成形式的天主教教宗的普遍管轄權(見佛羅倫薩,理事會;梵蒂岡理事會) 。 But the constituent form of the English Church, as established by Parliament, is the universal jurisdiction of the Crown.但是,組成形式的英語教會,所確立的議會,是普遍管轄權的皇冠。 In either case there is no appeal from the papal or the royal decision.在這兩種情況下沒有上訴的教皇或國王的決定。 When Elizabeth broke with the Catholic bishops who would not acknowledge her spiritual headship, and when William III deprived Sancroft and his suffragans who refused the oath of allegiance, a test was applied, dogmatic in 1559, perhaps not less so in 1690, which proves that no cause of exemption can be pleaded against the king when he acts as supreme governor of the Church.當伊麗莎白打破了天主教主教誰不承認她的精神校長,當威廉三世剝奪Sancroft和他的suffragans誰拒絕宣誓效忠,測試應用,教條式的1559號決議,也許並不那麼在1690年,這證明沒有任何理由豁免可以請求對國王時,他作為最高省長教會。

Such is the doctrine often called Erastian, from Erastus, a Swiss theologian (1524-83), who denied to the clergy all power of excommunication.這是理論通常被稱為Erastian ,來自伊拉斯塔斯,瑞士神學家( 1524年至1583年) ,誰剝奪了神職人員的一切權力罰。 In England the course of events had run on before Erastus could publish its philosophy. Politicians like Burghley and Walsingham acted on no theory, but drew their inspiration from Henry VIII.在英格蘭的過程中發生的事件上運行之前,伊拉斯塔斯可以公佈其哲學。政治家們都喜歡伯利和食心蟲行事沒有理論,而是提請其靈感來自亨利八世。 The abstract statement of a view which identifies the Church with the nation and subjects both equally to the king, may be found in Hooker, "The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity" (1594-97).抽象的陳述,以期查明教會與國家和主體都平等地的國王,可能會發現在胡克說: “教會法的政體” ( 1594年至1597年) 。 It was vigorously asserted by Selden and the lawyers at all times.這是大力主張塞爾登和律師在任何時候都。 During the critical years of the nineteenth century, Arnold, Stanley and Kingsley were its best known defenders among clergymen.在關鍵的年份的19世紀,阿諾德,赤柱及金斯利是其最知名的捍衛者之間的神職人員。 Stanley declared that the Church of England "is by the very conditions of its being neither High nor Low, but Broad" ("Ed. Rev.", July, 1850).斯坦利宣布,英格蘭教會“是非常條件下它是既不高也不低,但廣泛的” ( “埃德。牧師” , 7月, 1850年) 。 In coarser but equally practical terms men said, "The Church was grafted upon the State, and the State would remain master."在粗糙,但同樣實際男子說: “教會是嫁接後的國家,該國將繼續主人。 ” No ruling, in fact, of bishop or convocation need be regarded by Anglicans, lay or clerical, unless it implies, at all events tacitly, the consent of the Crown, ie of Parliament.任何裁決,事實上,在主教或召開被視為需要由聖公會,奠定或文書,除非它意味著,在所有事件默許,同意官方的,即議會。

So long as the State excluded Dissenters and Catholics from its offices, the system, in spite of the Great Rebellion, nay after the more truly disastrous Revolution of 1688, worked as well as could be expected.只要國家不持異議者和天主教徒辦事處,系統,儘管大起義,不後,更多的真正災難性的1688年革命工作,以及可以預期。 But in 1828 the Test Act was repealed; next year Catholic Emancipation was passed into law.但是,在1828年測試法被廢止;明年天主教解放是通過成為法律。 In 1830 the French drove out their Bourbon dynasty; Belgium threw off the yoke of Holland.在1830年法國驅逐了他們的波旁王朝;比利時擺脫的枷鎖荷蘭。 In 1832 came the Reform Bill, which Tories construed into an attack on the church.在1832年出現了改革法案,其中保守黨解釋成攻擊教堂。 What would the Royal Supremacy mean if Parliament was no longer to be exclusively Anglican?什麼是皇家至尊的意思,如果議會已不再是純粹聖公會? Lord Grey told the bishops to set their house in order; ten Irish bishoprics were suppressed.灰色勳爵說,主教一套房子,以便; 10愛爾蘭bishoprics遭到壓制。 Arnold wrote in 1832, "The Church, as it now stands, no human power can save."阿諾德在1832年寫道, “教會,因為它現在,沒有人可以節省電力。 ” Whately thought it difficult to "preserve the Establishment from utter overthrow." Whately認為它很難“維護建立從完全推翻。 ” Alexander Knox, a far-seeing Irish writer, said, "The old High Church race is worn out."亞歷山大諾克斯,深遠看到愛爾蘭作家說, “舊的高級教會比賽是破舊的。 ” The "Clapham" sect of Evangelicals, who came down from Calvin, and the "Clapton sect", otherwise called High and Dry, who had no theology at all, divided "serious" people among them.在“克拉”節福音,誰是從卡爾文和“克萊普頓節” ,否則,所謂的高溫和缺水中,誰沒有在所有的神學,分為“嚴重”的人其中之一。 Bishops were great persons who amassed wealth for their families, and who had attained to place and influence by servile offices or by editing Greek plays.主教是偉大的人誰積累財富的他們的家庭,誰達到了將和影響力的奴役辦事處或編輯希臘發揮。 In the presence of threatened revolution they sat helpless and bewildered.在場的威脅,他們坐在革命無助和不知所措。 From them neither counsel nor aid was to be expected by earnest churchmen.他們既不援助的辯護律師,也不是可以預期的真誠牧師。 Arnold would have brought in Dissenters by a "comprehension" which sacrificed dogma to individual judgment.阿諾德將在平息了由“理解”的教條而犧牲個人的判斷。 Whateley protested against "that double usurpation, the interference of the Church in temporals, of the State in spirituals." Whateley抗議“的雙重侵占,干擾了教會在temporals ,國家在spirituals 。 ” A notable preacher and organizer, Dr. Hook, "first gave body and force to Church theology, not to be mistaken or ignored."一個值得注意的牧師和組織者,博士鉤“ ,第一次使身體和力量教會的神學,而不是被誤解或忽視。 ” But it was from Oxford, "the home of lost causes", always Cavalier at heart, still "debating its eternal Church question as in the days of Henry IV", that salvation came. Oriel, once illustrated by Raleigh and Butler, was now the most distinguished college in the university.但是,來自牛津, “家中丟失的原因” ,總是心騎士,仍然是“永恆的辯論教會的問題,在兩天的亨利四世” ,即得救了。 Oriel ,再次說明了羅利和巴特勒,現在最傑出的大學生在大學。 For some thirty years it had welcomed original thinkers, and among its fellows were or had been, Copleston, Whateley, Hawkins, Davison, Keble, Arnold, Pusey, and Hurrell Froude.對於一些三十年了原來的思想家表示歡迎,並在其研究員或已, Copleston , Whateley ,霍金斯,戴維森, Keble ,阿諾德,蒲賽,並Hurrell弗勞德。 "This knot of Oriel men", says Pattison, "was distinctly the product of the French Revolution." “這個結Oriel男子”說,帕蒂森, “明顯的產物,法國大革命。 ” Those among them who indulged in "free inquiry" were termed "Noetics"; they "called everything in question; they appealed to first principles, and disallowed authority in intellectual matters."這些它們之間誰沉迷於“免費調查”是被稱為“ Noetics ” ;他們“所謂的一切問題;他們呼籲第一的原則,不允許權力和智力的問題。 ” The university, which Pattison describes as "a close clerical corporation", where all alike had sworn to the Prayer Book and Articles, had thus in its bosom a seed of "Liberalism", and was menaced by changes analogous to the greater revolution in the State itself.這所大學,其中派特森描述為“密切辦事員團” ,所有的都已經宣誓就職的祈禱書和文章,從而在其胸前的種子的“自由主義” ,並威脅的變化類似於更大的革命國家本身。 Reaction came, as was to be expected, in the very college that had witnessed the provocation. Oxford, of all places, would surely be the last to accept French and democratic ideas.反應來了,正如所料,在非常學院已目睹了挑釁。牛津,所有的地方,一定會是最後一次接受法國和民主思想。

John Keble (1792-1865) was the leading fellow of Oriel.約翰Keble ( 1792年至1865年)是領先的研究員Oriel 。 As a mere boy, he had carried off the highest honours of the university.僅僅是一個男孩,他已進行了最高榮譽的大學。 In 1823 he became his father's curate at Fairford, and in 1827 he published "The Christian Year", a cycle of poems or meditations in verse, refined, soothing, and akin to George Herbert's "The Temple", by their spiritual depth and devout attachment to the English Church. 1823年他成為他父親的牧師在費爾福德,並在1827年他出版“基督教年” ,一個週期或沉思的詩詩,精,撫慰,並類似於喬治赫伯的“廟” ,由他們的精神深度和虔誠附英文教會。 They have gone through innumerable editions.他們都經歷了無數的版本。 Keble, though a scholarly mind, had no grasp of metaphysics. Keble ,但考慮到學術,沒有把握的形而上學。 An ingrained conservative, he took over the doctrines, and lived on the recollection of the Laudian school.一種根深蒂固的保守,他接手的理論,並住在回憶的Laudian學校。 Without ambition, he was inflexible, never open to development, but gentle, shrewd, and saintly.沒有野心,他是靈活的,從未開放的發展,但溫柔,精明,和聖潔。 His convictions needed an Aaron to make them widely effective; and he found a voice in his pupil, the "bright and beautiful" Froude, whose short life (1802-36) counts for much in the Oxford Movement.他的信念需要一個阿倫,使他們廣泛有效; ,他發現一個聲音在他的學生中, “光明和美麗的”弗勞德,其壽命短( 1802年至1836年)計數很大的牛津運動。 Froude was the connecting link between Keble and Newman.弗勞德是承上啟下Keble和紐曼。 His friendship, at the moment when Newman's Evangelical prejudices were fading and his inclination towards Liberalism had received a sharp check by "illness and bereavement", proved to be the one thing needful to a temper which always leaned on its associates, and which absorbed ideas with the vivacity of genius.他的友誼,在時刻紐曼的福音偏見是衰落和他的自由主義傾向得到了大幅檢查的“疾病和痛苦” ,被證明是一件事必需的脾氣一向靠在及其同夥,並吸收了思想與活潑的天才。 So the fusion came about.因此,融合了約。 Elsewhere (see JOHN HENRY NEWMAN) is related the story of those earlier years in which, from various sources, the future Tractarian leader gained his knowledge of certain Catholic truths, one by one.在其他地方(見紐曼)有關的故事,這些前幾年中,從各種渠道,未來的領導人Tractarian他的知識取得的某些天主教真理,一個接一個。 But their living unity and paramount authority were borne in upon him by discussions with Froude, whose teacher was Keble.但是,他們的生活團結和至高無上的權威承擔對他進行了討論與弗勞德,其教師Keble 。 Froude, says Newman, "professed openly his admiration for the Church of Rome, and his hatred of the Reformers. He delighted in the notion of an hierarchical system, of sacerdotal power, and of full ecclesiastical liberty. He felt scorn of the maxim, 'the Bible and the Bible only is the religion of Protestants'; and he gloried in accepting tradition as a main instrument of religious teaching. He has a high severe idea of the intrinsic excellence of virginity . . . He delighted in thinking of the saints . . . He embraced the principle of penance and mortification. He had a deep devotion to the Real Presence in which he had a firm faith. He was powerfully drawn to the Medieval Church, but not to the Primitive."弗勞德說,紐曼“ ,公開宣稱他的欽佩,羅馬教會,他的仇恨的改革者。他高興的概念等級制度, sacerdotal力量,充分宗教的自由。他認為鄙視的格言'聖經和聖經不僅是宗教的新教徒' ; gloried ,他在接受傳統為主要手段的宗教教學。他有很高的嚴重思想的內在卓越的貞操。 。 。他高興的思想聖人。 。 。他擁抱的原則,懺悔和屈辱。他有獻身精神深深的真實存在的,他有堅定的信念。他是有力地吸引到中世紀的教會,而不是原始。 “ ("Apol.", p. 24) ( “ Apol 。 ” ,第24頁)

These, remarkably enough, are characteristics of the later phases of the Movement, known as Ritualism, rather than of its beginning.這些,明顯不夠的,特點是以後各階段的運動,稱為Ritualism ,而不是它的開始。 Yet Newman's friendship with Froude goes back to 1826; they became very intimate after the rejection of Peel by the university in 1829; and the Roman tendencies, of which mention is made above, cannot but have told powerfully on the leader, when his hopes for Anglicanism were shattered by the misfortunes of "Tract 90".然而,紐曼的友誼與弗勞德可以追溯到1826年,他們變得十分親密的拒絕後,果皮由該大學在1829年;和羅馬的趨勢,其中提到了上述情況,不能不說有力的領導者,當他的希望Anglicanism被打破了不幸的“ 90道。 ” Keble, on the other hand, had "a great dislike of Rome", as well as of "Dissent and Methodism." Keble ,另一方面,有“一個偉大不喜歡羅馬” ,以及“異議和循道。 ” The first years of the revival were disfigured by a strong anti-Roman polemic, which Froude, on his death-bed, condemned as so much "cursing and swearing."頭幾年恢復被毀容了強烈的反羅馬論戰,這弗勞德,在他去世床,譴責如此“罵並宣誓就職。 ” But Newman had been as a youth "most firmly convinced that the Pope was the Antichrist predicted by Daniel, St. Paul and St. John." His imagination was stained by the effects of this doctrine as late as the year 1843.但是紐曼已成為青年“最堅定地相信,教皇是反基督預言的丹尼爾,聖保羅和聖約翰。 ”他的想像力是染色的影響,這一理論直到1843年的一年。 In consequence, his language towards the ancient Church only just fell short of the vituperation lavished on it by the Puritans themselves.因此,他對語言的古老教堂下跌只是短期的壞話優點,它的清教徒本身。 The movement, therefore, started, not on Roman ground, but in a panic provoked by the alliance of O Connell with the Whigs, of Dissenters with Benthamites, intent on destroying all religious establishments.這個運動,因此,開始,而不是在羅馬,但在恐慌挑起聯盟的O康奈爾與輝格黨的平息與Benthamites ,意圖摧毀所有的宗教場所。 How could they be resisted?他們怎麼能夠予以抵制? Newman answers in his opening tract, addressed to the clergy by one of themselves, a fellow-presbyter, "I fear", he tells them, "we have neglected the real ground on which our authority is built, our Apostolical descent."紐曼答案在開幕式道,給神職人員的一個自己的同胞發起人, “我擔心” ,他告訴他們, “我們已經忽略了真正的理由對我們的權力是建立,我們的使徒的後裔。 ” And he made his appeal to the ordination service in other words, to the Prayer Book and the sacramental system, of which the clergy were the Divinely appointed ministers.他和他呼籲協調服務,換言之,向祈禱書和聖事的系統,其中的神職人員的神聖任命部長。

The first three tracts are dated 9 September, 1833.前三個村組的日期1833年9月9日。 Newman and Froude, after their voyage to the Mediterranean in Dec. 1832, had returned in the midst of an agitation in which they were speedily caught up.紐曼和弗勞德後,其航程為地中海1832年12月,已恢復正處於一個攪拌它們被迅速趕上。 Keble's sermon in itself not very striking on "National Apostasy", had marked 14 July, 1833, as the birthday of a "second Reformation." Keble的講道本身並不十分引人注目的“全國叛教” ,標誌著1833年7月14日,作為生日的“第二次改革。 ” At Hadleigh, HJ Rose and three other clergymen had met in conference, 25 29 July, and were endeavoring to start a society of Church defence, with machinery and safeguards, as befitted responsible persons.在Hadleigh ,黃建忠玫瑰和其他三名神職人員舉行了會議, 25日7月29日,並努力啟動社會教會國防,機械和保障措施,如befitted負責人。 But Newman would not be swamped by committees.但是紐曼將不會被淹沒的委員會。 "Luther", he wrote, "was an individual." “路德” ,他寫道, “是個人。 ” He proposed to be an Apostolical Luther.他提議是一個使徒路德。 He was not now tutor of Oriel.他是不是現在導師Oriel 。 Hawkins had turned him out of office a curious acknowledgement of the vote by which he had made Hawkins provost instead of Keble.霍金斯已經把他的辦公室一個奇怪的承認表決,他提出了霍金斯教務不是Keble 。 But he was Vicar of St.但他牧師的聖 Mary's a parish dependent on Oriel, and the university church.瑪麗是一個教區依賴於Oriel ,和大學教堂。 His pulpit was one of the most famous in England.他講道是最有名的英格蘭。 He knew the secret of journalism, and had at his command a stern eloquence, barbed by convictions, which his reading of the Fathers and the Anglican folios daily strengthened.他知道的秘密新聞,並在他的指揮了嚴厲的口才,有刺的信念,他讀的父親和黹聖公會每日加強。 He felt supreme confidence in his position.他認為最高的信任他的立場。 But he was not well read in the history of the Anglican origins or of the Royal Supremacy.但他沒有得到很好的閱讀歷史的英國聖公會的起源或皇家至尊。 His Church was an ideal; never, certainly, since the legislation of Henry and Elizabeth had the English Establishment enjoyed the freedom he sought.他會是一個理想;從來沒有的,當然,由於立法的亨利和伊麗莎白的英文建立享有的自由,他要求。 It had issued articles of faith imposed by political expediency; it had tolerated among its communicants Lutherans, Calvinists, Erastians, and in the persons of high dignitaries like Bishop Hoadley even Socinians.它發出了真誠的條款強加的政治上的權宜之計;它不能容忍在其聖餐路德教,加爾文教派, Erastians ,並在人的貴賓一樣主教Hoadley甚至蘇西尼。 It had never been self-governing in the past any more than it was now.它從來沒有自治在過去任何超過現在。 If the "idea or first principle" of the movement was "ecclesiastical liberty", it must be pronounced a failure; for the Royal Supremacy as understood by lawyers and lamented over by High Church divines is still intact.如果“的想法或第一原則”的運動是“教會自由” ,它必須明顯的失敗;皇家霸權的理解是,律師和惋惜,由高級教會divines仍然完好無損。

On that side, therefore, not a shadow of victory appears.在這方面,因此,也沒有一個影子似乎勝利。 Anyone may believe the doctrines peculiar to Tractarian theology, and any one may reject them, without incurring penalties in the Church Establishment.任何人都可以相信的理論特有的Tractarian神學,任何人不得拒絕,而不引起點球大戰中建立教會。 They are opinions, not dogmas, not the exclusive teaching that alone constitutes a creed.他們的意見,而不是教條,而不是排他性的教學,僅是一個信條。 Fresh from Aristotle's "Ethics", where virtue is said to lie in a mean, the Oriel scholar termed his position the Via Media; it was the golden mean that avoided papal corruptions and Protestant heresies.新鮮從亞里士多德的“倫理學” ,其中說,美德是說謊的意思是說,在Oriel學者稱為他的立場,通過媒體,這是中庸之道,避免教皇的腐敗和新教的異端邪說。 But did it exist anywhere except in books? Was it not "as a doctrine, wanting in simplicity, hard to master, indeterminate in its provisions, and without a substantive existence in any age or country?" Newman did not deny that "it still remains to be tried whether what is called Anglo-Catholicism, the religion of Andrewes, Laud, Hammond, Butler, and Wilson, is capable of being professed, acted on, and maintained . . . or whether it be a mere modification or transition-state of Romanism or of popular Protestantism." The Via Media was an experiment.但是,沒有任何地方存在的除外書籍嗎?是不是“作為一個原則,缺乏簡單,很難掌握,不確定的條款,並沒有實質性的存在在任何年齡或國家嗎? ”紐曼並沒有否認, “它仍然仍有待努力是否所謂的盎格魯天主教,宗教,安德魯斯,勞德,哈蒙德,巴特勒和威爾遜,能夠被聲稱,採取行動,並保持。 。 。或者是否僅僅是一個修改或轉型狀態的羅馬或流行的基督教。 “威盛媒體是一個實驗。 Perhaps the Established Church "never represented a doctrine at all . . . never had an intellectual basis"; perhaps it has "been but a name, or a department of State" (Proph. Office, Introd.).也許教會成立“從來沒有一個學說在所有。 。 。從未有過的知識基礎” ,也許它已經“被而是一個名稱或一個部門的國家” ( Proph.辦公室,簡介。 ) 。 To this second conclusion the author finally came; but not until during eight years he had made trial of his "middle way" and had won to it a crowd of disciples. The Tractarian Movement succeeded after his time in planting among the varieties of Anglican religious life a Catholic party.這第二個結論作者終於;但直到8年期間,他取得了審判他的“中間道路” ,並贏得它的人群的弟子。 Tractarian運動的成功後,他在種植的品種聖公會宗教天主教生命黨。 It failed altogether in making of the Establishment a Catholic Church.它完全失敗,使建立的一所天主教教會。

Palmer, of Worcester College, and his clerical associates presented an address in 1834, signed with 10,000 names, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, defending the imperilled interests.帕爾默,伍斯特學院,和他的同夥文書處理提出了1834年簽署的10000名,向坎特伯雷大主教,捍衛岌岌可危的利益。 Joshua Watson, a leading layman, brought up one more emphatic, to which 230,000 heads of families gave their adhesion.喬舒亞沃森領導外行,提出了一個更有力的,其中23.0萬戶主獻出粘連。 But of these collective efforts no lasting results came, although they frightened the Government and damped its revolutionary zeal.但是,這些集體努力,沒有持久的業績,但他們害怕政府和阻尼的革命熱情。 Mr. Rose, a man of high character and distinction, had started the "British Magazine" as a Church organ; the conference at Hadleigh was due to him; and he seemed to be marked out as chief over "nobodies" like Froude and Newman.羅斯先生,一名男子高性質和區別,開始了“英國雜誌”作為一個教會的器官;的會議Hadleigh是因為他和他似乎被標示出擔任了“小人物”就像弗勞德和紐曼。 His friends objected to the "Tracts" which were the doing of these free lances.他的朋友們反對的“大港”這是做這些免費的長矛。 Newman, however, would not give way. His language about the Reformation offended Mr. Rose, who held it to be a "deliverance"; and while Froude was eager to dissolve the union of Church and State, which he considered to be the parent or the tool of "Liberalism" in doctrine, he called Rose a "conservative."紐曼,但不會放棄的方式。對他的語言改革得罪玫瑰先生,誰舉行這是一個“解脫” ,而弗勞德急於解散工會,教會和國家,他認為這是父母或工具的“自由主義”的理論,他呼籲玫瑰了“保守” 。 Between minds thus drawing in opposite directions any real fellowship was not likely to endure.因此,頭腦之間的繪圖方向相反任何真正的金不太可能持續下去。 Rose may be termed an auxiliary in the first stage of Church defence; he never was a Tractarian; and he died in 1839.玫瑰可稱為一種輔助在第一階段的教會辯護;他從來就沒有Tractarian ;和他死於1839年。 His ally, William Palmer, long survived him. Palmer, an Irish Protestant, learned and pompous, had printed his "Origines Liturgicae" in 1832, a volume now obsolete, but the best book for that period on the Offices of the Church of England.他的盟友,威廉帕爾默,他長期存活。帕爾默,愛爾蘭新教,教訓和浮誇,印製了他的“起源Liturgicae ”在1832年,數量現在已經過時,但最好的書,這一時期的辦事處,英格蘭教會。 His later "Treatise on the Church", of 1838, was purely Anglican and therefore anti-Roman; it so far won the respect of Father Perrone, SJ, that he replied to it.他後來“傷寒論教會” ,在1838年,純粹是英國聖公會,因此反羅馬;它迄今贏得了尊重父親佩羅,律政司司長,他回答了它。

Palmer was no Tractarian either, as his "Narrative of Events", published in 1843, sufficiently proves.帕爾默沒有Tractarian ,因為他的“敘述的事件” ,發表於1843年,充分證明。 The difference may be sharply stated.差異可能是急劇的。 Genuine Anglicans identified the Catholic Church once for all with the local body of which they were members, and interpreted the phenomena whether of medieval or reformed Christianity on this principle; they were Englishmen first and Catholics after.發現真正的聖公會天主教會再次對所有與當地的機構,他們的成員,並解釋這種現象是否中世紀基督教或修改這一原則;他們是英國人第一次和天主教徒後。 Not so with Newman, who tells us, "I felt affection for my own Church, but not tenderness . . . if Liberalism once got a footing within her, it was sure of the victory in the event. I saw that Reformation principles were powerless to rescue her. As to leaving her, the thought never crossed my imagination; still I ever kept before me that there was something greater than the Established Church, and that was the Church Catholic and Apostolic, set up from the beginning, of which she was but the local presence and the organ." These divergent views went at last asunder in 1845.不與紐曼,誰告訴我們, “我覺得感情我自己的教會,但不是溫柔。 。 。如果一旦自由主義了她的立足點,這是確保勝利的活動。我看到改革的原則是無能為力營救她。至於離開她,從來沒有想到過我的想像力;我還是保持以往任何時候都在我之前,有一些大於成立教會,這是天主教教會和使徒,建立從一開始,她是,但當地的存在和器官。 “這些不同的觀點去四分五裂,最後於1845年。

"The new Tracts," says Dean Church, "were received with surprise, dismay, ridicule, and indignation. But they also at once called forth a response of eager sympathy from numbers." “新大港” ,迪安說,教會“ ,收到了驚奇,失望的是,嘲笑,和憤慨。但他們也要求一次提出了響應的渴望同情號碼。 ” An active propaganda was started all over the country.積極宣傳開始在全國各地。 Bishops were perplexed at so bold a restatement of the Apostolic Succession, in which they hardly believed.主教們困惑大膽重申了使徒的繼承,他們很難相信。 Newman affirmed the principle of dogma; a visible Church with sacraments and rites as the channels of invisible grace; a Divinely ordained episcopal system as inculcated by the Epistles of St. Ignatius.紐曼申明的原則的教條;可見教會聖禮和儀式的渠道,無形的寬限期,一個神聖主教晉牧系統灌輸的書信聖伊格內修。 But the Erastian or Liberal did not set store by dogma; and the Evangelical found no grace ex opere operato in the sacraments.但是,自民黨Erastian或不以大局為重的教條;和福音沒有發現任何寬限期前opere operato的聖禮。 Episcopacy to both of them was but a convenient form of Church government, and the Church itself a voluntary association.主教向他們兩個只是一個方便的形式,教會政府,教會本身就是一種自願結社自由。 Now the English bishops, who were appointed by Erastians ("an infidel government" is Keble's expression), dreaded the power of Evangelicals.現在的英文主教,誰被任命的Erastians ( “一個異教徒政府”是Keble的表達) ,可怕的力量福音。 At no time could they dare to support the "Tracts."在任何時候,他們可能不敢支持“大港” 。 Moreover, to quote Newman, "All the world was astounded at what Froude and I were saying; men said that it was sheer Popery."此外,引用紐曼說: “所有的世界震驚在什麼弗勞德和我說;男子說,這是純粹的Popery 。 ” There were searchings of heart in England, the like of which had not been felt since the non-jurors went out.有心髒病searchings在英格蘭,像這些沒有感覺到,因為非陪審員走了出去。 Catholics had been emancipated; and "those that sat in the reformers seats were traducing the Reformation."天主教徒已經獲得解放;和“那些坐在改革者席位traducing改革。 ” To add to the confusion, the Liberalizing attack on the university had now begun.為了增加混亂,攻擊自由化的大學現在已經開始。 In 1834 Dr. Hampden wrote and sent to Newman his pamphlet, in which he recommended the abolition of tests for Dissenters, or technically, of subscription to the Articles by undergraduates.在1834年寫博士漢普頓和紐曼送到他的小冊子中,他建議廢除試驗異見人士,或技術上的訂閱文章的本科生。 On what grounds?根據什麼理由? Because, he said, religion was one thing, theological opinion another.因為,他說,宗教是一回事,神學認為另一個。 The Trinitarian and Unitarian doctrines were merely opinions, and the spirit of the English Church was not the spirit of dogma.在三位一體的和統一的理論只是意見,和精神的英語不是教會的精神教條。 Hampden did little more than repeat the well-known arguments of Locke and Chillingworth; but he was breaking open the gates of Oxford to unbelief, as Newman foresaw, and the latter answered wrathfully that Hampden's views made shipwreck of the Christian faith.漢普頓並沒有超過重複眾所周知的論點洛克和渥斯;但他打破打開大門,牛津,以不信教,如紐曼預見,後者回答wrathfully的漢普頓的意見作出沉船的基督教信仰。 "Since that time", says the "Apologia", "Phaethon has got into the chariot of the sun; we, alas, can only look on, and watch him down the steep of heaven." “自那時起, ”說, “縱容” , “法厄同已進入戰車的太陽,我們,唉,只能看,看他從陡峭的天堂。 ” In Mark Pattison's phrase, the University has been secularized.在馬克派特森的話說,該大學已經世俗化。 The Noetics of Oriel were followed by the Broad Churchmen of Balliol, and these by the agnostics of a more recent period.該Noetics的Oriel其次是廣泛教會的巴利奧爾,這些由不可知論者更近一段時期。 From Whateley and Arnold, through the stormy days of "Tract 90" and Ward's "degradation" we come down to the Royal Commission of 1854, which created modern Oxford.從Whateley和阿諾德,通過風雨天的“ 90道”和沃德的“退化” ,我們可以歸結為皇家委員會的1854年,創造了現代牛津大學。 Subscription to the Articles was done away; fellowships ceased to be what some one has styled "clerical preserves"; there was an "outbreak of infidelity", says Pattison with a sneer, and names like Arthur Clough, Matthew Arnold, JA Froude, Jowett, and Max Müller triumphantly declare that the Liberals had conquered.訂閱的文章做了;獎學金不再是一些人稱為“辦事員保留” ;有一個“爆發的不忠”說,派特森的譏笑和名稱,如阿瑟克拉夫,馬修阿諾德,茉莉弗勞德,喬伊特和繆勒得意洋洋地宣布,自由黨已經征服。

Newman lost the university, but he held it entranced for years by his visible greatness, by his preaching, and by his friendships.紐曼失去了大學,但他進了這幾年,他看到偉大,他的說教,和他的友誼。 The sermons, of which eight volumes are extant, afforded a severe yet most persuasive commentary upon tracts and treatises, in themselves always of large outlook and of nervous though formal style.在布道,其中有8卷現存的,給予嚴重但最有說服力的評論時域和論文,總是在自己的大世界觀和神經雖然正式的風格。 These, annotated after 1870 from the Catholic point of view, were reprinted in "Via Media", "Historical Sketches", "Discussions and Arguments", and two volumes of "Essays" (see popular editions of his Works, 1895).這些,說明1870年後,從天主教的觀點來看,被轉載在“通過媒體” , “歷史筆記” , “討論和爭論”和兩冊“散文” (見流行的版本的作品, 1895年) 。 Keble republished Hooker as if an Anglo-Catholic Aquinas (finished 1836); and from the chair of poetry were delivered his graceful Latin "Prælections", deeply imbued with the same religious colouring. Keble再版胡克,猶如一個盎格魯天主教阿奎那( 1836年完成) ;和椅子的詩被發表了他優美的拉美“ Prælections ” ,充滿了深深相同的宗教色彩。 Hurrell Froude attempted a sketch of his own hero, St. Thomas à Becket, pattern of all anti-Erastians. Hurrell弗勞德試圖勾畫自己的英雄,聖托馬斯貝克特,圖案的所有殺傷Erastians 。 Bowden compiled the life of Pope Gregory VII, evidently for the like motive.鮑登彙編的生活教皇格雷戈里第七,顯然對像的動機。 Nor were poetical manifestos wanting.也不是詩意的宣言希望。 To the "Lyra Apostolica" we may attribute a strong influence over many who could not grasp the subtle reasoning which filled Newman's "Prophetic Office."到“天琴座Apostolica ”我們可能會屬性強大影響力多年來誰不能把握微妙的道理填補紐曼的“先知的辦公室。 ” Concerning the verses from his pen, AJ Froude observes that, in spite of their somewhat rude form, "they had pierced into the heart and mind and there remained."關於詩從他的筆,歐塞爾弗勞德指出,儘管他們有點粗魯的形式, “他們穿的核心和精神,並仍然存在。 ” "Lead, Kindly Light", he adds, "is perhaps the most popular hymn in the language." “鉛,請輕” ,他補充說, “也許是最流行的聖歌的語言。 ” Here, indeed, "were thoughts like no other man's thoughts, and emotions like no other man's emotions."在這裡,事實上, “是一樣的想法沒有任何其他人的思想和感情像任何其他人的感情。 ” To the "Lyra", Keble and others also contributed poems.到“天琴座” , Keble和其他也有助於詩歌。 And High Anglican stories began to appear in print.高聖公會的故事開始出現在打印。

But inspiration needed a constant power behind it, if the tracts were not to be a flash in the pan.但是,靈感需要一個恆功率背後,如果沒有大片是曇花一現。 It was given in 1834 and 1835 by the accession to the movement of EB Pusey, Canon of Christ Church and Hebrew professor.這是由於在1834年和1835年的加入運動的電子束蒲賽,佳能的基督教堂和希伯來文教授。 Pusey had enormous erudition, gained in part at German universities; he was of high social standing (always impressive to Englishmen), and revered as a saint for his devout life, his munificence, his gravity.蒲賽了巨大的博學,上漲的部分在德國大學,他是高的社會地位(總是令人印象深刻的,以英國人) ,並尊稱為聖人,他虔誠的生活,他的豐富,他的嚴重性。 Though a "dull and tedious preacher", most confused and unrhetorical, the weight of his learning was felt.雖然“沉悶和乏味的牧師” ,最混亂和unrhetorical ,重量,他的學習感受。 He took the place that Mr. Rose could not have occupied long.他取代了玫瑰先生不可能長期佔領。 At once the world out of doors looked up to him as official head of the movement.在曾經是世界的大門抬起頭來向他作為正式頭部運動。 It came to be known as "Puseyism" at home and abroad.它後來被稱為“ Puseyism ”在國內和國外。 University wits had jested about "Newmaniacs" and likened the Vicar of St. Mary's to the conforming Jew, Neander; but "Puseyite" was a serious term even in rebuke.大學jested了鬥智斗勇的“ Newmaniacs ”和比喻牧師的聖瑪麗向符合猶太人,尼安德;但“ Puseyite ”是一個嚴重的甚至訓斥。 The Tractarian leader showed a deference to this "great man" which was always touching; yet they agreed less than Pusey understood.該Tractarian領導人表現出服從於這個“偉人” ,這是永遠感動,但他們同意不到蒲賽的理解。 Towards Rome itself the latter felt no drawing; Newman's fierceness betrayed the impatience of a thwarted affection.對羅馬本身,後者認為沒有繪圖;紐曼激烈背叛了不耐煩的挫敗的感情。 "O that thy creed were sound, thou Church of Rome!" “啊,是你的信條是健全的,你教會的羅馬! ” he exclaimed in the bitterness of his heart.他喊道在痛苦他的心。 Pusey, always mild, has none of that "hysterical passion."蒲賽,總是溫和,從來沒有這種“歇斯底里的激情。 ” Neither did he regard the judgment of bishops as decisive, nor was he troubled by them if they ran counter the Fathers teaching, so intimately known to this unwearied student.他也沒有關於判決主教決定性的,也不是他所困擾他們是否違背了教學的父親,所以密切知道這不倦的學生。

He was "a man of large designs", confident in his position, "haunted by no intellectual perplexities."他是“一個人的大型設計” ,相信在他的立場, “所困擾,沒有智力的困惑。 ” He welcomed responsibility, a little too much sometimes; and now he gave the tracts a more important character.他歡迎的責任,有點太多有時; ,現在他的大片更重要的角色。 His own in 1835 on Holy Baptism was an elaborate treatise, which led to others on a similar model.他本人於1835年在羅馬的洗禮是一個詳細的論文,從而導致其他類似的模式。 In 1836 he advertised his great project for a translation or "library" of the Fathers, which was executed mainly in conjunction with the pious and eccentric Charles Marriot.他在1836年公佈他的偉大工程的一個翻譯或“圖書館”的父親,這主要是在執行一起虔誠和偏心查爾斯萬豪。 The republication of Anglican divines, from Andrewes onwards, likewise owed its inception to Pusey.在重版聖公會divines ,從安德魯斯起,同樣欠其成立以來至蒲賽。 The instauratio magna of theology and devotion, intended to be purely Catholic, thus made a beginning. instauratio大的神學和奉獻精神,旨在純粹是天主教,從而作出一個開端。 It has taken on it since the largest dimensions, and become not only learned but popular; Anglican experts have treated the liturgy, church history, books for guidance in the spiritual life, hymnology, architecture and ritual with a copious knowledge and remarkable success.它採取了自上最大的層面,不僅成為教訓,但受歡迎;聖公會的專家們對待禮儀,教會歷史,書籍的指導,精神生活, hymnology ,建築和儀式,以豐富的知識和顯著的成功。 Of these enterprises Dr. Pusey was the source and for many years the standard.這些企業是博士蒲賽的來源和多年的標準。

In 1836 Hurrell Froude, returning from Barbadoes in the last stage of weakness, died at his father's house in Devonshire.在1836年Hurrell弗勞德,返回Barbadoes在最後階段的弱點,死在他父親的房子在德文郡。 His "Remains", of which we shall speak presently, were published in 1837.他的“遺跡” ,我們應講目前,被刊登在1837年。 Newman's dearest friend was taken from him just as a fresh scene opened, with alarums and excursions to be repeated during half a century -- legal "persecutions", acts of reprisals, fallings away on the right hand and the left.紐曼親愛的朋友是從他就像一個新舞台開幕,與alarums和遊覽的過程中一再半世紀-法律“迫害”的報復行為,塌了的右邊和左邊。 Froude died on 28 February, 1836.弗勞德死於1836年2月28號。 In May Dr. Hampden -- who had been appointed, thanks to Whateley, Regius Professor of Divinity on 7 Feb.今年5月博士漢普頓-誰被任命,由於W hateley, R egius神教授對2月7日 -- was censured by the heads of houses, the governing board of the university, for the unsound doctrine taught in his "Bampton Lectures". -被譴責元首的房屋,理事會的大學,為健全理論學習在他的“班普頓講座” 。 All the Oxford residents at this time, except a handful, were incensed by what they considered the perils to faith which Dr. Hampden's free-thought was provoking. But it was Newman who, by his "Elucidations", pointed the charge, and gave to less learned combatants an excuse for condemning what the had not read.牛津大學的所有居民在這個時候,除了少數被激怒了,他們認為的危險,信仰博士漢普頓的自由認為是挑釁。但是紐曼誰,他的“闡發” ,指出了這一指控,並不到戰鬥的經驗教訓的藉口,譴責什麼還沒有看過。 Nemesis lay in wait on his threshold.復仇在於等待他的門檻。 The Evangelicals who trooped into Convocation to vote against Hampden "avowed their desire that the next time they were brought up to Oxford, it might be to put down the Popery of the Movement."在福音派誰成群結隊到評議會投反對票漢普頓“宣稱,他們希望下一次,他們被帶到了牛津大學,可以放下Popery運動。 ”

At this date even Pusey celebrated the Reformers as "the founders of our Church"; and that largely fabulous account of the past which Newman calls "the Protestant tradition" was believed on all sides.在這一日期,甚至蒲賽慶祝改革派的“締造者我們的教會” ; ,並在很大程度上豐富帳戶紐曼過去所謂的“基督教傳統” ,相信所有各方。 Imagine, then, how shocked and alarmed were old-fashioned parsons of every type when Froude's letters and diaries upset "with amazing audacity" these "popular and conventional estimates"; when the Reformation was described as "a limb badly set", its apologist Jewel flung aside as "an irreverent Dissenter", its reasoning against the Catholic mysteries denounced as the fruit of a proud spirit which would make short work of Christianity itself.試想,那麼,如何震驚,震驚了老式帕森斯的每一種類型時,弗勞德的信件和日記打破“驚人的勇氣”這些“流行與傳統的估計” ;改革時,被形容為“一個肢體嚴重設置” ,它的辯護士寶石偏遠一邊是“不敬的反對者” ,其理由反對天主教奧秘譴責的成果令人驕傲的精神,使短期工作的基督教本身。 Froude, in his graphic correspondence, appeared to be the enfant terrible who had no reserves and no respect for "idols" whether of the market-place or the theatre.弗勞德,在他的圖形對應,似乎是兒童可怕誰沒有儲備和不尊重的“偶像”是否在市場上或戲劇。 Friends were pained, foes exultant; "sermons and newspapers", says Dean Church, "drew attention to Froude's extravagances with horror and disgust."朋友們心疼,敵人歡欣鼓舞; “的說教和報紙”說,院長會“ ,提請注意弗勞德的extravagances與恐怖和厭惡。 ” The editors, Keble no less than Newman, had miscalculated the effect, which was widely irritating and which increased the suspicion their own writings had excited of some deep-laid plot in favour of Rome (Letter to Faussett, June, 1835).編輯, Keble不低於紐曼,有失算的效果,這是廣泛的刺激和增加了懷疑自己的著作有興奮的一些深在打下陰謀有利於羅馬(信Faussett , 6月, 1835年) 。 To be at once imprudent and insidious might seem beyond man's power; but such was the reputation Tractarians bore from that day.要在一次輕率的和陰險似乎超出人的權力;但這種聲譽是從Tractarians承擔這一天。 Froude's outspoken judgments, however, marked the turning of the tide in ecclesiastical history.弗勞德的直言不諱的判決,但是,明顯的轉折點的潮流,教會的歷史。 "The divines of the Reformation", continues Dean Church, "never can be again, with their confused Calvinism, with their shifting opinions, their extravagant deference to the foreign oracles of Geneva and Zurich, their subservience to bad men in power, the heroes and saints of Churchmen." “該divines改革” ,繼續迪恩教堂, “從來沒有能夠再次,他們的困惑加爾文主義,其轉移的意見,尊重他們的奢侈向外國神諭的日內瓦和蘇黎世,他們屈從壞男人權力,英雄和聖人的教會。 “ Since Cobbet's indictment of the Reformation no language had so stirred the rage of "general ignorance", long content to take its legends on trust.自Cobbet的公訴改革沒有語言,以便激起了風靡一時的“一般無知” ,長期的內容將其傳奇的信任。 Froude's "Remains" were a challenge to it in one way, as the "Library of the Fathers" was in another, and yet again the ponderous "Catenas" of High Church authorities, to which by and by the "Parker Society" answered with its sixty-six volumes, mostly unreadable, of the Cranmer, Bullinger and Zurich pattern.弗勞德的“遺跡”是一個挑戰,它在某種程度上,作為“圖書館之父”是在另一,並再次沉重“ Catenas ”高教會當局,而通過和“帕克社會”的回答第66卷,主要是不可讀的,在克蘭麥,布凌格和蘇黎世的模式。 The Reformation theology was doomed.神學的改革是注定。 What the "Anglican regiment" has accomplished, JA Froude proclaims, "is the destruction of the Evangelical party in the Church of England."什麼“英國聖公會團”已經完成,茉莉弗勞德宣布, “是破壞福音黨在英格蘭教會。 ”

When Samson pulled down the temple of the Philistines, he was buried in its ruins.當參孫推倒廟宇的非利士人,他被安葬在其廢墟。 Newman did not shrink from that sacrifice; he was ready to strike and be stricken.紐曼沒有退縮的犧牲;他準備罷工,並受災。 Though Hampden's condemnation would never have been carried by the Tractarians alone, they gave it a force and an edge in the very spirit of Laud. To put down false teachers by authority, to visit them with penalties of censure and deprivation, they held was the duty of the Church and of the State as God's minister.儘管漢普頓的譴責絕不會已進行了單獨Tractarians ,他們賦予它的力量和優勢的精神勞德。放下虛假的教師權威,訪問他們的刑罰的責難和被剝奪,他們是舉行責任教會和國家作為上帝的部長。 They would have repealed Catholic Emancipation.他們將廢除天主教解放。 They resisted the grant to the College of Maynooth.他們拒絕給予梅努斯學院。 They had saved the Prayer Book from amendments, and frightened politicians, who would have distributed the spoils of the Church among more or less "Liberal" schemes.他們挽救了祈禱書修正,並害怕的政治家,誰分發的戰利品教會之間或多或少的“自由”的計劃。 By the year 1838 they had won their place in Oxford; the "Times" was coming over to their side; Bampton Lectures were beginning to talk of Catholic tradition as the practical rule of faith; and Evangelicals, infuriated if not dismayed, were put on their defence. Whateley from Dublin, Hawkins, Faussett, Hampden, Golightly, in Oxford, were calling up a motley array, united on one point only, that Tractarians must be handled as the emissaries of Rome.到1838年他們已經贏得自己的位置在牛津;的“時代”即將到他們一邊;班普頓講座已開始談論天主教會傳統的實際法治的信仰和福音,激怒如果不是沮喪,提出了關於他們的辯護。 Whateley由Dublin ,霍金斯, Faussett ,漢普頓,戈萊特利,在牛津,紛紛打電話給了一個斑駁陣列,統一的唯一一分,這Tractarians必須處理的使者,羅馬。 Dr. Arnold in the Edinburgh launched an invective against the "Oxford Malignants", accusing them of "moral dishonesty." Newman's former friend, Whateley, shrieked over "this rapidly increasing pestilence", and transfixed its leaders with epithets; they were "veiled prophets"; their religion was "Thuggee"; they were working out "infidel designs."阿諾德博士在愛丁堡發起了一項謾罵對“牛津Malignants ” ,指責他們“道德不誠實。 ”紐曼前的朋友, Whateley ,尖叫對“這一迅速增長的瘟疫” ,並呆若木雞及其領導人與辱罵;他們是“隱晦先知“ ;他們的宗教是” Thuggee “ ;他們工作了”異教徒的設計。 “ Lord Morpeth in the House of Commons trampled on "a sect of damnable and detestable heretics lately sprung up at Oxford", and mentioned Newman by name.主莫佩斯在下議院踐踏“邪教的該死的和可惡的異教徒最近出現了在牛津大學” ,並提到紐曼的名字。 From every quarter of the compass a storm was blowing up; but it moved round a thunder cloud called "Rome".從每個季度的指南針是風暴炸毀了,但它移到輪積雨雲所謂的“羅馬” 。

"Just at this time, June, 1838", says Newman, "was the zenith of the Tract Movement." “就在這個時候, 6月, 1838 ” ,紐曼說, “是最高境界的消化道運動。 ” A change of fortune began with his bishop's charge, animadverting lightly on its Roman tendencies, to which the answer came at once from Newman, that if it was desired he would suppress the tracts.改變命運開始,他的主教的指控,批判輕視其羅馬的傾向,而答案是在一次由紐曼說,如果有人想要他將制止大片。 It was not asked of him; but he had written to Bowden the significant words, "I do not see how the bishop can materially alter his charge or how I can bear any blow whatever."這不是問他,但他已寫信給鮑登顯著的話來說, “我看不出如何能夠主教重大改變他掌管或我怎麼可以承受任何打擊什麼。 ” Some of his friends objected to publishing the tract on the Roman Breviary; for it was not then realized how much the Anglican Prayer Book owes to Catholic, ie to Latin and papal sources.他的一些朋友反對道出版的羅馬祈禱;因為它是不那麼實現多少聖公會祈禱書欠天主教,即拉丁美洲和教皇的來源。 Newman impatiently rejoined that they must have confidence in him.紐曼不耐煩地回答,他們必須信任他。 To Keble he disclosed his idea of giving up the tracts, the "British Critic", and St. Mary's.為了Keble他透露他的想法放棄大片, “英國批評家” ,以及聖瑪麗。 For while preaching High Anglican doctrine, he said, "one cannot stop still. Shrewd minds anticipate conclusions, oblige one to say yes or no."而對於鼓吹高聖公會教義,他說, “一個不能阻止仍在。精明頭腦預期的結論,迫使一說是或不是。 ” He collected in January, 1839, "all the strong things" which he and others had flung out against the Church of Rome, and made of them "advertisements" to the Puseyite publications.他收集的今年1月, 1839年, “所有的強有力的東西” ,他和其他人曾廣泛反對羅馬教會,並提出這些“廣告”的Puseyite出版物。 By way of protest on the Low Church side, bishops, clergy, and laity united in the Martyrs Memorial to Cranmer and Latimer, set up near the spot where they suffered, in front of Balliol College.的方式抗議低教會方面,主教,神職人員,和俗人團結在烈士紀念碑克蘭麥和拉蒂默,成立不久的地方,他們遭受前面的巴利奧爾學院。 But the tracts were selling faster than the printers could meet the demand.但是,大片出售速度超過了打印機能夠滿足市民的需求。 In July, Newman, taking up again his always projected and never issued edition of Dionysius of Alexandria, plunged into the record of the Monophysites and the Council of Chalcedon.今年7月,紐曼再次拿起他始終沒有預測和發布版的狄奧尼修斯的亞歷山大,陷入記錄Monophysites和安理會的迦克墩。 In September he wrote to F. Rogers, "I have had the first real hit from Romanism"; an allusion to Wiseman's telling article on the Donatist schism in the "Dublin" for August.今年9月,他寫信給樓羅傑斯說: “我有第一次真正的打擊來自羅馬” ,指的懷斯曼告訴一篇關於Donatist分裂的“都柏林”的8月。 Walking with H. Wilberforce in the New Forest he made to him the "astounding confidence" that doubt was upon him, thanks to "the position of St. Leo in the Monophysite controversy, and the principle 'Securis judicat orbit terrarum' in that of the Donatists."散步與閣下威爾伯福斯的新森林,他向他提出了“驚人的信心”這毫無疑問是他,感謝“的立場,聖利奧在Monophysite爭議,原則' Securis judicat軌道terrarum '在這的在多納徒派。 “ A vista had opened to the end of which he did not see.在Vista開放的末尾,他沒有看到。 His mind was never settled again in Anglicanism.他心裡從來沒有解決再次Anglicanism 。 "He has told the story with so keen a feeling of its tragic and pathetic character", as Dean Church truly says, "that it will never cease to be read where the English language is spoken." “他對這個故事如此熱衷的感覺它的悲慘和可憐的性質” ,因為教會真正的院長說, “它永遠不會停止在那裡讀的是英語口語。 ” It was the story of a deliverance.這是講述了一個解脫。 But still Samson paid for it with all he held dear. Parallels from antiquity might affect a student like Newman.但是參孫支付的一切他親愛的。 Parallels公司從古代可能會影響到一個學生喜歡紐曼。 To the many, inside or beyond Oxford, they meant nothing.許多內或超出牛津大學,他們沒有實際意義。 The live question always was, how to combat Rome, which appeared at the end of every vista as the goal of Tractarian reasoning.在生活問題始終是,如何對付羅馬,看來年底的每一個境界為目標的Tractarian推理。 The "shrewd minds" which now harried and drove on their leader did not take to any "middle way"; these men cut into the movement at right angles and sang loudly Tendimus in Latium, they were pilgrims to St. Peter's shrine. JB Morris, Dalgairns, Oakeley, Macmullen (converts in the sequel), came round Newman while his older associates had not advanced.在“精明的頭腦”現在harried開車的領導人沒有採取任何“中間道路” ;這些人切入運動成直角,並高唱Tendimus在Latium ,他們朝聖者去聖彼得靖國神社。巴頓莫里斯, Dalgairns , Oakeley , Macmullen (轉換中的續集) ,來到輪紐曼而他的老同事沒有先進的。 But the captain of the band was WG Ward, lecturer at Balliol, a friend of Stanley's and for a time attracted by Arnold, then suddenly changed for the good by the sermons at St. Mary's, with his one sole article of faith, Credo in Newmannum.但是,隊長帶工作組區,講師巴利奧爾,一個朋友士丹利和今後一個時期吸引了阿諾德,然後突然改變的良好的說教在聖瑪麗,他的第一個唯一的信仰,信中Newmannum 。 Ward, a strange, joyous, provoking figure, pervading the university with his logic and his jokes,was the enfant terrible of this critical time as Froude had been previously.區,一個奇怪的,愉快的,挑起的數字,普遍存在的大學,他的邏輯和他的笑話,是兒童可怕的這一關鍵時刻的弗勞德以前。 They differed in a hundred ways; but both certainly urged Newman forward at a pace he would not have chosen.他們不同的方式一百;但都肯定敦促紐曼前進的步伐,他不會選擇。 Froude "did not seem to be afraid of inferences"; Ward revelled in them.弗勞德“似乎並不害怕推論” ;沃德在他們出的。 It was Froude who first taught Newman "to look with admiration towards the Church of Rome."這是第一次弗勞德誰教紐曼“尋找欽佩對教會的羅馬。 ” Ward, of all men the least inclined to compromise, did not care one jot for the Church of England, except insofar as it could be proved Catholic, by which he understood, as Protestants and Liberals did before him, the doctrine and discipline of the papal communion. He had "the intellect of an archangel", as he said ingenuously; his acuteness and audacity were a continual challenge to Newman, who partly resented but still more yielded to them; and so the problem took a formidable shape: how much on "infused Catholicism" would the Establishment bear.區,所有男人最不傾向於妥協,沒有照顧一個記為英格蘭教會,除了因為它可以證明天主教,其中他的理解,因為新教徒和自由黨沒有在他面前,在理論和紀律教宗共融。他有“智慧的天使” ,因為他說ingenuously ;他的尖銳性和大膽的創新是一個不斷挑戰,紐曼,誰是反感,但仍取得更多的給他們;和問題,以便採取了一項艱鉅的形狀:有多少關於“注入天主教”將設立承擔。 It was "like proving cannon."這是“想證明炮灰。 ” The crucial test was applied in "Tract 90", which came out on 27 February, 1841.關鍵的測試適用於“道90 ” ,這是對1841年2月27號。 Once more, as in the case of Froude's "Remains", Newman miscalculated.再次,如佛洛德的“遺跡” ,紐曼失算。 He had drifted so far that he lost sight of the ever-enduring Protestantism which, to this day, is the bulwark of the national feeling against Rome.他曾漂流迄今為止,他忽略了不斷的持久的新教,這一天,是保障國家對羅馬的感覺。 He thought his peace-offering would not cause offence.他認為他的和平提供不會造成犯罪。 But Ward prophesied, and his instinct proved true, that it would "be hotly received."但是,沃德預言,他的本能證明屬實,這將“收到激烈。 ” A lively epistle from Church (afterwards Dean of St. Paul s) to F. Rogers at Naples shows the storm raging early in March.進行了熱烈的書信從教堂(後來院長聖保祿語)至F羅傑斯在那不勒斯表明,風暴肆虐在3月初。 What "Tract 90" affirmed was that the Thirty-Nine Articles might be signed in a Catholic, though not in a Roman sense; that they did not condemn the Council of Trent, which in 1562, the date of their publication, was not ended; and that a distinction must be drawn between the corruptions of popular religion and the formal decrees approved by the Holy See.什麼“ 90道”肯定是, 39條可能會簽署一個天主教,但不是在羅馬意義; ,他們沒有譴責安理會的遄達,在1562年的日期,他們的出版物,是沒有結束; ,而且必須區分的腐敗流行的宗教和法令的正式批准了羅馬教廷。 It is now admitted, in the language of JA Froude, that "Newman was only claiming a position for himself and his friends which had purposely left open when the constitution of the Anglican Church was framed."現在是承認,在語言的茉莉弗勞德說, “紐曼只是聲稱有能力為自己和他的朋友而故意留下了開放時的憲法是英國聖公會框架。 ” But he appeared to be an innovator and, in that excited season, a traitor.但他似乎是一個創新,在這激動季節,是叛徒。 The Philistines held him bound by his own cords; Erastians or Evangelicals, they well knew that his bishop would not shield him from attack.在非利士人舉行了他的約束自己的繩索; Erastians或福音派,他們也知道,他的主教將不會屏蔽他免受攻擊。 Four leading tutors, egged on by the fanatical Golightly, and including AC Tait, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, demanded the writer's name and charged him with dangerous tendencies.四大導師,慫恿由狂熱戈萊特利,包括泰特交流,會後坎特伯雷大主教,要求作家的名字和控告他危險的傾向。 The hebdomadal board now retorted on Newman the "persecution" dealt out on Hampden.董事會的hebdomadal現在反駁對紐曼的“迫害”處理了漢普頓。 They would not wait even twelve hours for his defence.他們不會等待12小時甚至為自己辯護。 They resolved on 15 March, that "modes of interpretation such as are suggested in the said Tract, evading rather than explaining the sense of the Thirty-nine Article, and reconciling subscription to them with the adoption of errors, which they were designed to counteract, defeat the object, and are inconsistent with the due observance of the above mentioned Statutes." This anathema was posted up on every buttery hatch, or public board, of the colleges, as a warning to undergraduates.他們決心在3月15日,即“模式的解釋,如建議中說,道,迴避,而不是說明意義上的39條,並兼顧訂閱他們通過錯誤的,因為他們的目的是抵消,失敗的對象,不符合適當遵守上述章程。 “這是詛咒張貼在每個拍馬屁的孵化,或公開板,學院,作為一個警告,本科生。 Newman acknowledged his authorship in a touching letter, perhaps too humble; and a war of pamphlets broke out.紐曼承認他的作品中感人的信,或許過於謙虛;和戰爭的宣傳單張爆發了。 Keble, Palmer, and Pusey stood up for the tract, though Pusey could not bring himself to approve of its method unconditionally. Keble ,帕爾默和蒲賽站起身來為道,但蒲賽不能把自己批准的方式無條件地。 But Ward, with great effect, hurled back the charge of "insincerity" on those who made it.但是,區,懷著極大的影響,拋回,罪名是“誠”就這些誰了。 How could Whateley and Hampden use the services for baptism, visitation of the sick, or ordination, all dead against their acknowledged principles?怎麼可能Whateley和漢普頓使用服務的洗禮,探視病人,或協調,對所有死亡公認的原則? But neither did Ward follow Newman. Later on, he described the articles as "patient of a Catholic but ambitious of a Protestant meaning."但是,也沒有後續紐曼區。後來,他所描述的條款“病人的天主教,但雄心勃勃的一個新教的意義。 ” Whatever their logic, their rhetoric was undoubtedly Protestant.無論他們的邏輯,他們的言論無疑是新教徒。 For himself, in subscribing them, he renounced no Roman doctrine. This, like all Ward's proceedings, was pouring oil on fire.對於自己,他們訂閱,他沒有放棄羅馬理論。這個,像所有沃德的程序,是澆油焚燒。 Newman had made the mistake of handling an explosive matter without precaution, in the dry legal fashion of an advocate, instead of using his his incomparable gift of language to persuade and convince.紐曼作出了錯誤的處理爆炸的問題沒有防範措施,在乾旱的法律時尚的倡導者,而不是用他無與倫比的禮物他的語言,說服和說服。 His refinements were pilloried as "Jesuitism", and his motive was declared to be treason.他改進了嘲笑為“ Jesuitism ” ,以及他的動機被宣布為叛國罪。 An immense commotion followed.一個巨大的騷動之後。 The "Apologia" describes it, "In every part of the country, and every class of society, through every organ and opportunity of opinion, in newspapers, in periodicals, at meetings, in pulpits, at dinner-tables, in coffee-rooms, in railway-carriages, I was denounced as a traitor who had laid his train, and was detected in the very act of firing it against the time-honoured Establishment."在“縱容”形容, “在全國各地,每一個階級社會,通過每一個器官和機會發表意見,在報紙,期刊,會議,在pulpits ,在晚餐的桌子,在咖啡廳在鐵路車廂,我譴責賣國賊誰奠定了火車,發現在非常行為的發射它的歷史悠久的建立。 “ His place in the movement was gone.他在運動已經走了。

He would not withdraw the tract; he reiterated its arguments in a Letter to Dr. Jeff; but at his bishop's request he brought the series to an end, addressing him in a strikingly beautiful pamphlet, which severed his own connection with the party he had led.他不會撤回道;他重申,它的論點在信博士傑夫,但在他的主教的請求,他帶來了一系列的結束,解決了他驚人的美麗的小冊子,它斷絕了自己與他黨領導。 He retired to Littlemore; and there, he says, "between July and November I received three blows that broke me."他退休Littlemore ;和那裡,他說, “ 7月至11月我收到了三個衝擊打破了我。 ” First, in translating St.首先,在翻譯街 Athanasius, he came on the Via Media once more; but it was that of the heretical Semi-Arians.亞他那修,他就通過媒體再一次;但它是邪教半Arians 。 Second, the bishops, contrary to an "understanding" given him, began to charge violently, as of set purpose, against "Tract 90", which they accused of Romanizing and dishonesty.第二,主教,違反了“理解”給了他,開始收費暴力,作為集的目的,對“道90 ” ,因為他們被控Romanizing和不誠實。 Last came the unholy alliance between England and Prussia by which an Anglican Bishop was appointed at Jerusalem over a flock comprising, it would appear, not only Lutherans but Druses and other heretics.最後來到了邪惡同盟關係英格蘭和普魯士其中聖公會主教被任命為在耶路撒冷一個羊群組成的,看來,不僅路德會,但Druses和其他異教徒。 The "Confession of Augsburg" was to be their standard.在“奧格斯堡自白”的是他們的標準。 Now, "if England could be in Palestine, Rome might be in England."現在, “如果英格蘭隊能在巴勒斯坦,羅馬可能是在英國。 ” The Anglican Church might have the Apostolical Succession; so had the Monophysites; but such acts led Newman to suspect that since the sixteenth century it had never been a Church at all.聖公會可能產生的使徒繼承;這樣的Monophysites ,但這種行為導致紐曼懷疑,自16世紀它從來就不是一個教會所有。

Now then he was a "pure Protestant", held back from Rome simply by its apparent errors and idolatries.現在,他是一個“純粹的基督教” ,舉行了從羅馬回到只要其明顯的錯誤和idolatries 。 Or were these but developments, after all of the primitive type and really true to it?或這些,但事態發展後,所有的原始類型和真的嗎? He had converted Ward by saying that "the Church of the Fathers might be corrupted into Popery, never into Protestantism." Did not living institutions undergo changes by a law of their being that realized their nature more perfectly?他曾轉換沃德說, “教會的父親可能會損壞到Popery ,從來沒有到新教。 ”沒有生活的機構發生變化的規律是,他們實現其性質更加完美? and was the Roman Church an instance?並且是羅馬教會的一個實例? At Littlemore the great book was to be composed "On the Development of Christian Doctrine", which viewed this problem in the light of history and philosophy. Newman resigned St. Mary's in September, 1843.在Littlemore偉大的書是由“發展的基督教學說” ,它認為這一問題,鑑於歷史和哲學。紐曼辭職聖瑪麗9月, 1843年。 He waited two years in lay communion before submitting to Rome, and fought every step of the journey. Meanwhile the movement went on.他等待兩年奠定共融,然後提交到羅馬,和戰鬥的每一步的征程。與此同時,運動了。 Its "acknowledged leader" according to Dean Stanley was now WG Ward.其“公認領袖”根據院長斯坦利現在工作組區。 On pure Anglicans a strong influence was exerted by JB Mozley, Newman's brother-in-law.純聖公會強有力的施加影響日益奠茲利,紐曼的姐夫。 Keble, who was at odds with his bishop, vacated the chair of poetry; and the Tractarian candidate, Isaac Williams, was defeated in January, 1842. Keble ,誰是不符合他的主教,空椅子的詩歌;和Tractarian候選人,艾薩克威廉姆斯,被擊敗的1月, 1842年。 Williams had innocently roused slumbering animosities by his "Tract 80", on "Reserve in communicating religious knowledge", a warning, as ever since, Low Church partisans have maintained, that the Establishment was to be secretly indoctrinated with "Romish errors."威廉姆斯曾天真地喚醒沉睡的仇恨他的“道80 ” ,關於“儲備溝通宗教知識” ,一個警告,因為從此,低教會游擊隊員一直保持著,即建立要與秘密灌輸“ Romish錯誤。 ” The heads of houses now proposed to repeal their censure of 1836 on Hampden, though he withdrew not a line of his Bampton Lectures.元首的房屋現在提出廢除他們譴責1836年在漢普頓,但他退出不是一個系列的講座他的班普頓。 It was too much.這是太多。 Convocation threw out the measure by a majority of three to two.評議會拋出措施以過半數1時57分。 Hampden, by way of revenge, turned the formal examination of a Puseyite, Macmullen of Corpus, for the BD into a demand for assent to propositions which, as he well knew, Macmullen could not sign.漢普頓的方式報復,變成正式的審查Puseyite , Macmullen的語料庫,為藍光成為需求的同意,以主張,他也知道, Macmullen不能簽署。 The vice-chancellor backed up Hampden; but the Delegates reversed that iniquitous judgment and gave the candidate his degree.副校長後盾漢普頓,但代表扭轉這一不公正的判決,給他一定程度的候選人。 The spirit of faction was mounting high.精神的派系越來越高。 Young men's testimonials for orders were refused by their colleges.青年男子的推薦的訂單被拒絕了他們的大學。 A statute was brought up in February, 1844, to place the granting of all divinity degrees under a board in conjunction with the vice-chancellor, which would mean the exclusion from them of Tractarians.法規長大2月, 1844年,將給予所有神度下的董事會與副校長,這意味著排斥他們Tractarians 。 This, indeed, was rejected by 341 votes to 21.確實,這被否決341票對21票。 But Newman had said a year earlier, that the authorities were bent on exerting their "more than military power" to put down Catholicism.但是紐曼說一年前同期比較,認為當局執意施加他們的“超過軍事強國”放下天主教。 RW Church calls them an irresponsible and incompetent oligarchy. RW光碟教會呼籲他們是不負責任和不稱職的寡頭政治。 Their chiefs were such as Hawkins, Symons, and Cardwell, bitterly opposed to the movement all through.他們的負責人,如霍金斯,西蒙斯,並Cardwell承認,強烈反對將所有的運動通過。 As Newman had retired, they struck at Pusey; and by a scandalous inquisition of "the six doctors" they suspended him, without hearing a word of his defence, from preaching for two years, 2 June, 1843.作為紐曼已經退休,他們在蒲賽擊中;和一個可恥的探討“六個醫生” ,他們禁賽,沒有一個字聽他的辯護,從鼓吹了兩年, 1843年6月二號。 His crime consisted in a moderate Anglican sermon on the Holy Eucharist.他的罪行包括在一個溫和的英國聖公會布道的聖體聖事。

Espionage, delation, quarrels between heads and tutors, rejection of Puseyites standing for fellowships, and a heated suspicion as though a second Popish Plot were in the air, made this time at Oxford a drama which Dean Church likens to the Greek faction-fights described by Thucydides.間諜, delation ,爭吵之間的首長和輔導員,拒絕Puseyites站立,獎學金,以及激烈的懷疑,彷彿第二個地塊是Popish在空中,使這一時間在牛津戲劇學院院長教會的比喻希臘派系鬥爭描述由修昔底德。 The situation could not last. A crisis might have been avoided by good sense on the part of the bishops outside, and the ruling powers within the university.這種情況可能不會持續太久。危機可能已經避免了良好的意識是對主教外,和執政黨的權力範圍內的大學。 It was precipitated by WG Ward.這是工作組沉澱區。 Ejected from his lectureship at Balliol, he wrote violent articles between 1841 and 1843 in the "British Critic", no longer in Newman's hands.從他被罰出場時巴利奧爾講座,他寫的文章之間的暴力1841年和1843年在“英國批評家” ,不再在紐曼的手中。 His conversation was a combat; his words of scorn for Anglican doctrines and dignitaries flew round the colleges.他的談話是一個打擊,他的話蔑視聖公會理論和貴賓一輪的飛行學院。 In 1843 Palmer of Worcester in his dreary "Narrative of Events" objected strongly to Ward's "Romanizing" tendencies. 1843年帕爾默在伍斯特在他的沉悶的“敘述的事件”強烈反對沃德的“ Romanizing ”的傾向。 The "British Critic" just then came to an end. “英國批評家”公正然後宣告結束。 Ward began a pamphlet in reply; it swelled to 600 pages, and in the summer of 1844 burst on an irritated public as "The Ideal of a Christian Church."沃德開始了一個小冊子,在答复;它膨脹到600頁,並在1844年夏季爆發的激怒公眾的“理想的一個基督教教堂。 ”

Its method was simple.其方法簡便。 The writer identified all that was Roman with all that was Catholic; and proceeded to apply this test to the Church of England, which could ill bear it.筆者發現所有這一切羅馬是天主教; ,並著手實施這一試驗的英格蘭教會,這可能生病承擔它。 Rome satisfied the conditions of what a Church ought to be; the Establishment shamefully neglected its duties as a "guardian of morality" and a "teacher of orthodoxy."羅馬感到滿意的條件什麼是教會應該;建立無恥忽視其職責是“道德衛士”和“正統的老師。 ” It ignored the supernatural; it allowed ethics to be thrown overboard by its doctrine of justification without works; it had no real Saints because it neither commended nor practised the counsels of perfection; it was a schismatic body which ought humbly to sue for pardon at the feet of the true Bride of Christ.它忽視了超自然的;它允許職業道德是扔到海裡其學說的理由而不工程;它沒有真正的聖徒,因為它既不讚揚也不對律師執業的完善;這是一個分裂的機構,它應該虛心起訴赦免在英尺的真正基督的新娘。 To evade the spirit of the Articles while subscribing them, where necessary, in a "non-natural" sense, was the only alternative Ward could allow to breaking with Anglicanism altogether.為了逃避精神的文章,同時他們訂閱,必要時,在一個“非天然”某種意義上說,是唯一的選擇沃德可能會允許以打破Anglicanism完全。 Unlike Newman, who aimed at reconciling differences, and to whom the Lutheran formula was but "a paradox or a truism", Ward repudiated the "solifidian" view as an outrage on the Divine sanctity; it was "a type of Antichrist", and in sound reason no better than Atheism.與紐曼,誰旨在調和的分歧,以及向誰路德公式,但“一個矛盾或不言自明” ,沃德否認“ solifidian ”認為,一種不能容忍的神聖神聖,這是“一種反基督” ,並在沒有健全的原因優於無神論。 So his "relentless and dissolving logic" made any Via Media between Catholics and Protestants impossible.因此,他的“無情和解散邏輯”作出任何通過媒體之間的天主教徒和新教徒是不可能的。 The very heart of the Elizabethan compromise he plucked out.非常核心的伊麗莎白妥協,他摘了。 His language was diffuse, his style heavy, his manner to the last degree provoking.他的語言瀰漫,他的風格沉重,他的方式,一定程度上挑起。 But whereas "Tract 90" did not really state, and made no attempt to resolve, the question at issue, Ward's "Ideal" swept away ambiguous terms and hollow reconcilements; it contrasted, however clumsily, the types of saintliness which were in dispute; it claimed for the Catholic standard not toleration, but supremacy; and it put the Church of England on its knees before Rome.但是,而“ 90道”並沒有真正狀態,並沒有設法解決,這個問題的問題,沃德的“理想”沖走條款含糊不清reconcilements空心;它對比,但是拙劣,類型的聖潔是在糾紛;它聲稱對天主教的標準不容忍,但優勢;並把英格蘭教會在其膝蓋前羅馬。

How could Oxford or the clergy endure such a lesson?怎麼可能牛津或神職人員忍受這樣的教訓? So complete a change of attitude on the part of Englishmen, haughtily erect on the ruins of the old religion, was not to be dreamt of.因此,完成了改變態度的是英國人,昂然豎立的廢墟上舊的宗教,是不是夢想。 This, then, was what "Tract 90" had in view with its subtleties and subterfuges a second Cardinal Pole absolving the nation as it lay in the dust, penitent.這,那麼,是什麼“ 90道”有鑑於其微妙之處和託辭第二樞機北極免除國家奠定基礎,因為它的灰塵,懺悔。 The result, says Dean Stanley, was "the greatest explosion of theological apprehension and animosity" known to his time. Not even the tract had excited a more immediate or a more powerful sensation. Ward's challenge must be taken up.結果,院長說,赤柱,是“最偉大的神學爆炸的恐懼和仇恨”眾所周知,他的時間。即使道了興奮的更直接或更強大的轟動。沃德的挑戰必須採取行動。 He claimed, as a priest in the Church of England, to hold (though not as yet to teach) the "whole cycle of Roman doctrine."他聲稱,作為一個牧師在教會英格蘭舉行(儘管尚未教)的“整個週期的羅馬學說。 ” Newman had never done so; even in 1844 he was not fully acquiescent on all the points he had once controverted.紐曼從來沒有這樣做,甚至在1844年,他並不完全默認的所有要點,他曾經controverted 。 He would never have written the "Ideal"; much of it to him read like a theory.他決不會寫的“理想” ,大部分是他喜歡閱讀的理論。 But in Oxford the authorities, who were acting as if with synodical powers, submitted to Convocation in Dec. 1844, three measures:但是,在牛津大學當局,誰是代理,如果與synodical的權力,向評議會提交的1844年12月,三項措施:

to condemn Ward's book;譴責沃德的書籍;

to degrade the author by taking away his university degrees; and降解的作者帶走他的大學學位;和

to compel under pain of expulsion, every one who subscribed the Articles to declare that he held them in the sense in which "they were both first published and were now imposed by the university."迫使下痛苦的驅逐,每一個誰訂閱的條款,宣布他舉行了他們在意識中, “他們都是第一次出版,目前實行的大學。 ”

Had the penalty on Ward, vindictive and childish as it now appears, stood alone, few would have minded it.如果處罰區,報復性的和幼稚的,因為它現在看來,站在就有幾個志同道合將它。 Even Newman wrote in January, 1845, to JB Mozley, "Before the Test was sure of rejection, Ward had no claims on anyone."紐曼寫道即使在1月, 1845年,以巴頓奠茲利“ ,在測試前肯定拒絕,沃德沒有要求任何人。 ” But over that "Test" a wild shriek arose.但是,這一“測試”野生尖叫聲出現。 Liberals would be affected by it as surely as Tractarians.自由黨將受它必將作為Tractarians 。 Tait, one of the "Four Tutors", Maurice, the broadest of Broad Churchmen, Professor Donkin, most intellectual of writers belonging to the same school, came forward to resist the imposition and to shield "Tract 90", on the principle of "Latitude".泰特之一, “四導師” ,莫里斯,最廣泛的廣泛的教會,教授唐金,最智慧的作家屬於同一學校,走上前來抵制強制和盾“的90道”上“的原則,緯度“ 。 Stanley and another obtained counsel's opinion from a future lord chancellor the Test was illegal.斯坦利和其他獲得律師的意見,未來的英國上議院大法官的試驗是非法的。 On 23 January, they published his conclusion, and that very day the proposal was withdrawn. 1月23日,他們出版了自己的結論,這一天的提案被撤回。 But on 25 January, the date in 1841 of "Tract 90" itself, a formal censure on the tract, to be brought up in the approaching Convocation, was recommended to voters by a circular emanating from Faussett and Ellerton.但是, 1月25日,迄今在1841年的“ 90道”本身就是一個正式的訓斥道,被帶到了評議會的臨近,有人建議選民通告來自Faussett和Ellerton 。 This anathema received between four and five hundred signatures in private, but was kept behind the scenes until 4 Feb. The hebdomadal board, in a frenzy of excitement, adopted it amid protests from the Puseyites and from Liberals of Stanley's type.這詛咒收到4至500簽字私人,但一直在幕後,直到2月4日董事會的hebdomadal ,在一個瘋狂的興奮,通過它因抗議Puseyites和自由黨的斯坦利的類型。 Stanley's words during the tumult made a famous hit.赤柱的話在騷動了著名的打擊。 In a broadside he exclaimed, "The wheel is come full circle. The victors of 1836 are the victims of 1845. The victims of 1845 are the victors of 1836. The assailants are the assailed. The assailed are the assailants. The condemned are the condemners. The condemners are the condemned. The wheel is come full circle. How soon may it come round again?"在痛批他喊道, “是的車輪來充分循環。戰勝國一八三六頃受害者的1845年。受害者一千八百四十五頃勝利者的1836年。襲擊者的攻擊。的攻擊是攻擊者。譴責的是condemners 。 condemners的是譴責。車輪是來充分循環。如何它可能很快想通了嗎? “ A comment on this "fugitive prophecy" was to be afforded in the Gorham case, in that of "Essays and Reviews," in the dispute over Colenso, and in the long and vexatious lawsuits arising out of Ritualism.評這個“逃犯預言”是給予在戈勒姆情況下,是“雜文和評論, ”在爭議科倫索,從長遠和令人煩惱的訴訟所產生的Ritualism 。 The endeavour was made to break every school of doctrine in succession on this wheel, but always at length in vain.努力取得突破每所學校的理論在繼承的這個四輪,但總是在長度是徒勞的。

Convocation met in a snowstorm on 13 February, 1845.評議會召開了雪災對1845年二月13日。 It was the last day of the Oxford Movement.這是最後一天的牛津運動。 Ward asked to defend himself in English before the vast assembly which crowded into the Sheldonian Theatre.區政府要求為自己辯護之前,在英語的巨大集會擠在Sheldonian劇院舉行。 He spoke with vigour and ability, declaring "twenty times over" that he held all the articles of the Roman Church.他談到與活力和能力,宣稱“ 21倍” ,他舉行的所有條款羅馬教會。 Amid cries and counter-cries the votes were taken.由於呼聲和反呼聲的選票被帶到。 The first, which condemned his "Ideal", was carried by 777 to 386.第一,譴責他的“理想” ,是由777至386 。 The second, which deprived him of university standing, by 569 to 511.第二,這剝奪了他的大學的地位,由569至511 。 When the vice-chancellor put the third, which was to annihilate Newman and "Tract 90", the proctors rose, and in a voice that rang like a trumpet Mr. Guillemard of Trinity, the senior, uttered their "Non placet".當副總理提出的第三次,這是消滅紐曼和“道90 ”的proctors上升,並在聲音,讓像一個小號Guillemard先生三位一體,高級,說出他們的“非placet ” 。 This was fatal to the decree, and in the event to that oligarchy which had long ruled over Oxford.這是致命的法令,並在該事件已寡頭統治長期牛津大學。 Newman gave no sign.紐曼沒有跡象。 But his reticence boded nothing good to the Anglican cause.但他的沉默預示著什麼好聖公會的事業。 The University repudiated his followers and they broke into detachments, the many lingering behind with Keble or Pusey; others, and among them Mark Pattison, a tragic instance, lapsing into various forms of modern unbelief; while the genuine Roman group, Faber, Dalgairns, Oakeley, Northcote, Seager, Morris and a long stream of successors, became Catholics.大學批判他的追隨者和他們闖進分隊,許多揮之不去的落後與Keble或蒲賽;他人,其中馬克派特森,一個悲慘例如,陷入各種形式的現代不信教,而真正的羅馬集團,伯, Dalgairns , Oakeley ,富國,西格,莫里斯和一個長期的繼任者流,成為天主教徒。 They left the Liberal party to triumph in Oxford and to remould the University.他們離開的自由黨取得勝利的牛津大學和重塑大學。 If 13 February, 1845 was the "Dies Irae" of Tractarian hopes, it saw the final discomfiture of the Evangelicals.如果1845年二月十三日是“模具Irae ”的Tractarian的希望,看到最後discomfiture的福音。 Henceforth, all parties in the National Church were compelled to "revise the very foundations of their religion."從今以後,所有各方在全國教會被迫“進行修訂的基礎他們的宗教活動。 ” Dogma had taken refuge in Rome.教條避難在羅馬舉行。

In April, 1845, the country was excited by Sir R. Peel's proposals for the larger endowment of Maynooth (see Macaulay's admirable speech on the occasion). In June, Sir H. Jenner Fust, Dean of Arches, condemned Oakeley of Margaret Street chapel for holding the like doctrines with Ward, who was already married and early in September was received into the Church.今年4月, 1845年,該國興奮皮爾河先生的建議較大的捐贈梅努斯(見利的令人欽佩的講話之際) 。今年6月,主席先生閣下詹納福斯特,院長拱門,譴責Oakeley街的瑪格麗特教堂舉辦類似的理論與區,誰已經結婚,並在9月初收到教會。 Newman resigned his Oriel fellowship, held since 1822, at the beginning of October.紐曼辭去Oriel獎學金,自1822年舉行,在10月初。 He did not wait to finish the "Development"; but on the feast of St. Denys, 9 October, made his profession of the Catholic Faith to Father Dominic at Littlemore.但他沒有等到完成了“發展” ;但節日的聖丹尼斯, 10月9日,他的職業信仰天主教神父在Littlemore星。 The Church of England "reeled under the shock."英格蘭教會“下盤的衝擊。 ” Deep silence, as of stupor, followed the clamours and long agonies of the past twelve years.深沉默,為木僵之後, clamours和長期痛苦的過去12年。 The Via Media swerved aside, becoming less theoretical and less learned, always wavering between the old Anglican and the new Roman road, but gradually drawing nearer to the Roman.通過媒體的駛向一邊,越來越少的理論和經驗教訓,始終搖擺不定歲之間的英國聖公會和羅馬的新道路,但逐漸越來越近羅馬。 Its headquarters were in London, Leeds and Brighton, no longer in Oxford.其總部設在倫敦,利茲和布賴頓,不再在牛津。

But an "aftermath" of disputes, and of conversions in the year 1851, remains to be noticed.但是, “後”的爭端,並轉換的一年1851年,仍有待發現。 On 15 November, 1847, the Prime Minister, Lord John Russell, nominated to the See of Hereford, the "stormy petrel" of those controversies, Dr. 11月15日, 1847年,總理約翰羅素勳爵,提名的見的赫里福德的“暴風雨海燕”的爭議,博士 Hampden.漢普頓。 He did so "to strengthen the Protestant character of our Church, threatened of late by many defections to the Church of Rome."他這樣做“ ,以加強新教性質,我們的教會,威脅後,許多叛逃到羅馬教會。 ” The "Times" expresses amazement; Archbishop Howley and thirteen other bishops remonstrated; but Dr. Pusey was "the leader and oracle of Hampden's opponents."在“時報”表示驚訝;大主教豪利和13個其他主教remonstrated ;但博士蒲賽是“領袖和甲骨文的漢普頓的對手。 ” At Oxford the Heads of Houses were mostly in favour of the nominee, though lying under censure since 1836.在牛津元首房屋大多贊成提名,但根據地勢自1836年責難。 An attempt was made to object at Bow Church when the election was to be confirmed; but the Archbishop had no freedom, and by congé d'élire and exercise of the Royal Supremacy a notoriously unsound teacher became Bishop of Hereford, It was the case of Hoadley in a modern form.有人企圖在弓物體時會選舉予以確認,但大主教沒有自由,並congé德élire和行使皇家至尊1名教師成為不健全的主教赫里福德,有人的情況下Hoadley在一個現代的形式。

Almost at the same date (2 November, 1847) the Rev. GC Gorham, "an aged Calvinist", was presented to the living of Brampton Speke in Devonshire.幾乎在同一日期( 1847年十一月二日)牧師的GC戈勒姆, “一個年齡加爾文主義” ,被提交給生活賓頓斯皮克在德文郡。 "Henry of Exeter", the bishop, holding High Anglican views, examined him at length on the subject of baptismal regeneration, and finding that he did not believe in it, refused to induct Mr. Gorham. “亨利埃克塞特” ,主教,持有高級聖公會的意見,審查了他的長度對主題的洗禮再生,並尋找,他不相信這一點,拒絕引進戈勒姆先生。 The case went to the Court of Arches - a spiritual court where Sir H. Jenner Fust decided against the appellant, 2 August, 1849.案件到法院的拱門-精神文明法院主席先生閣下詹納福斯特決定對上訴人, 1 849年8月2日。 Mr. Gorham carried a further appeal to the judicial committee, the lay royal tribunal, which reversed the decision of the spiritual court below. Dr.戈勒姆先生進行了進一步上訴的司法委員會,奠定王室法庭,這扭轉了決定的精神下級法院。博士 Philpotts, the Bishop of Exeter, refused to institute; and the dean of arches was compelled to do so instead. Philpotts ,主教埃克塞特,拒絕研究所;和院長拱門是不得不這樣做不是。 The bishop tried every other court in vain; for a while he broke off communion, so far as he dared, with Canterbury. As Liberalism had won at Hereford, so Calvinism won at Brampton Speke.主教千方百計其他法院徒勞的;了一段時間,他斷絕交流,迄今為止,他不敢與坎特伯雷。正如自由主義已贏得赫里福德,所以加爾文主義韓元,賓頓斯皮克。

These decisions of the Crown in Council affected matters of doctrine most intimately.這些決定的官方在安理會的影響事項的學說最密切。 Newman's lectures on "Anglican Difficulties" were drawn forth by the Gorham judgment.紐曼講座“聖公會難點”的起草提出的戈勒姆判決。 But Pusey, Keble, Gladstone, and Anglo-Catholics at large were dumbfounded.但是,蒲賽, Keble ,斯通,以及英美廣大天主教徒被目瞪口呆。 Manning, Archdeacon of Chichester, had neither written tracts nor joined in Newman's proceedings.曼寧,吏的奇切斯特,既沒有書面大片也加入了紐曼的程序。 He did not scruple to take part with the general public though in measured terms, against "Tract 90".他沒有顧忌,參加與一般公眾雖然在測量方面,對“道90 ” 。 He had gone so far as to preach an out-and-out Protestant sermon in St. Mary's on Guy Fawkes day, 1843. In 1845 he "attacked the Romanizing party so fiercely as to call forth a remonstrance from Pusey."他甚至鼓吹一個徹頭徹尾的基督教布道中聖母的蓋伊福克斯日, 1843年。於1845年,他“攻擊黨Romanizing激烈的要求提出了抗議從蒲賽。 ” And then came a change.然後來到了變化。 He read Newman's "Development," had a serious illness, travelled in Italy, spent a season in Rome, and lost his Anglican defences.他宣讀紐曼的“發展”了重病,前往意大利,花了本賽季在羅馬,並失去了聖公會的抗辯。 The Gorham judgment was a demonstration that lawyers could override spiritual authority, and that the English Church neither held nor condemned baptismal regeneration.戈勒姆判斷的是一個示範,律師可以超越的精神權威,英文教會也舉行了既不譴責洗禮再生。 This gave him the finishing stroke.這給了他最後的中風。 In the summer of 1850, a solemn declaration, calling in the Church to repudiate the erroneous doctrine thus implied, was signed by Manning, Pusey, Keble and other leading High Anglicans; but with no result, save only that a secession followed on the part of those who could not imagine Christ's Church as tolerating heresy.On 6 April, 1851, Manning and JR Hope Scott came over. Allies, a scholar of repute, had submitted in 1849, distinctly on the question now agitated of the royal headship.在1850年夏天,一個莊嚴的宣言,呼籲在教會拒絕錯誤的學說從而暗示,簽署了曼寧,蒲賽, Keble以及其他領先的高級聖公會;但無結果,只保存一個分裂後的部分這些誰不能想像基督的教會容忍heresy.On 1851年4月6號,曼寧和JR希望斯科特過來。盟友,學者的聲譽,提出了在1849年,明顯的問題現在激動的皇家校長。 Maskell, Dodsworth, Badeley, the two Wilberforces, did in like manner.馬斯克爾, Dodsworth , Badeley ,兩個Wilberforces ,但類似的方式進行。 Pusey cried out for freedom from the State; Keble took a non-juring position, "if the Church of England were to fail, it should be found in my parish."蒲賽大叫自由的國家; Keble了非juring的立場, “如果英格蘭教會是要失敗的,應當在發現我的教區。 ” Gladstone would not sign the declaration; and he lived to write against the Vatican decrees.格萊斯頓將不會簽署該宣言;和他住寫反對梵蒂岡法令。

Surveying the movement as a whole we perceive that it was part of the general Christian uprising which the French Revolution called forth.測量運動作為一個整體我們認為,它是一般基督教起義的法國大革命要求等等。 It had many features in common with German Romanticism; and, like the policy of a Free Church eloquently advocated by Lamennais, it made war on the old servitude to the State and looked for support to the people.它有許多共同的特點與德國浪漫主義;和一樣,政策的自由教會雄辯地主張Lamennais ,它在戰爭的舊奴役的國家,並期待為支持的人。 Against free-thought, speculative and anarchic, it pleaded for Christianity as a sacred fact, a revelation from on high, and a present supernatural power.對自由思想,投機和混亂,它懇求基督教作為一種神聖的事實,從一個啟示高,以及本超自然的力量。 Its especial task was to restore the idea of the Church and the dignity of the sacraments, above all the Holy Eucharist.其特殊的任務是恢復的想法,教會和尊嚴的聖禮,尤其是聖體聖事。 In the Laudian tradition, though fearfully weakened, it sought a fulcrum and a precedent for these happier changes.在Laudian的傳統,但可怕削弱,它尋求支點和一個先例,這些幸福的變化。

Joseph de Maistre, in the year 1816, had called attention to the English Church, designating it as a middle term between Catholic unity and Protestant dissent; with an augury of its future as perhaps one day serving towards the reunion of Christendom.約瑟夫德梅斯特爾,在1816年一年,已呼籲重視英文教會,指定它作為中期之間的天主教和新教統一異議;與占卜的將來也許有一天對服務的基督教團聚。 Alexander Knox foretold a like destiny, but the Establishment must be purged by suffering.亞歷山大諾克斯預言類似的命運,但必須建立整肅的痛苦。 Bishop Horsley, too, had anticipated such a time in remarkable words.主教霍斯利,也預期這樣一個時間在顯著的話。 But the most striking prophecy was uttered by an aged clergyman, Mr. Sikes of Guilsborough, who predicted that, whereas "the Holy Catholic Church" had long been a dropped article of the Creed, it would by and by seem to swallow up the rest, and there would be an outcry of "Popery" from one end of the country to another (Newman's "Correspondence", II, 484).但最引人注目的預言是說出了老年人的牧師先生,賽克斯的Guilsborough ,誰預測,而“羅馬天主教會”長期以來一直是下降的文章信條,它將通過,並似乎吞掉休息,以及將有一個強烈的“ Popery ”從一端到另一國(紐曼的“函授” ,二484 ) 。 When the tracts began, Phillips de Lisle saw in them an assurance that England would return to the Holy See.當大片開始,菲利普斯的李思兒看到他們保證,英國將返回羅馬教廷。 And JA Froude sums it all up in these words, "Newman has been the voice of the intellectual reaction of Europe", he says, "which was alarmed by an era of revolutions, and is looking for safety in the forsaken beliefs of ages which it had been tempted to despise."和JA弗勞德總結這一切在這些話, “紐曼已的聲音,智力反應的歐洲” ,他說, “這是震驚時代的革命,並正在尋找安全的拋棄信仰的年齡這它已被誘惑瞧不起。 “

Later witnesses, Cardinal Vaughan or WE Gladstone, affirm that the Church of England is transformed.後來證人,紅衣主教沃恩,或者我們斯通,申明,英格蘭教會轉化。 Catholic beliefs, devotions, rites, and institutions flourish within it.天主教信仰, devotions ,儀式,和機構內蓬勃發展。 But its law of public worship is too narrow for its religious life, and the machinery for discipline has broken down (Royal Commission on Discipline, concluding words).但其法律的公共禮拜是過於狹隘的宗教生活,以及機械紀律細分(皇家委員會的紀律,結論的話) 。 The condemnation of Anglican Orders by Pope Leo XIII in the Bull "Apostolicae Curae", 13 September, 1896, shuts out the hope entertained by some of what was termed "corporate reunion", even if it had ever been possible, which Newman did not believe.譴責英國聖公會訂單教皇利奧十三世在公牛“ Apostolicae友” , 1896年9月13日,關閉了希望不受理的一些所謂的“公司團圓” ,即使它曾經可能的,這沒有紐曼相信。 But he never doubted that the movement of 1833 was a work of Providence; or that its leaders, long after his own departure from them, were "leavening the various English denominations and parties (far beyond their own range) with principles and sentiments tending towards their ultimate absorption into the Catholic Church."但他從來沒有懷疑過,該運動的1833年是一個工作的普羅維登斯;或其領導人很久之後,他自己離開他們,是“發酵的各種英文教派和政黨(遠遠超出自己的範圍內)的原則和感情走向他們的最終吸納入天主教。 “

Publication information Written by William Barry.出版信息撰稿威廉巴里。 Transcribed by Ann Waterman. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.轉錄由安沃特曼。天主教百科全書,卷席。 Published 1911. 1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat二月一日1911 。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約


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