Council of Nicaea, Nicea, Nicæa (325)安理會尼西亞,尼西亞,尼西亞(325)

General Information 一般信息

The two councils of Nicaea or Nicæa were ecumenical councils of the Christian church held in 325 and 787, respectively.兩個市政局的尼西亞或尼西亞人合一議會的基督教教堂舉行的325和787,分別。 The First Council of Nicæa, the first ecumenical council held by the church, is best known for its formulation of the Nicene Creed, the earliest dogmatic statement of Christian orthodoxy. The council was convened in 325 by the Roman emperor Constantine I in an attempt to settle the controversy raised by Arianism over the nature of the Trinity.第一屆理事會的尼西亞,第一個基督教會教堂舉行的,最著名的是其制定的尼西亞信經,最早的基督教正統教條式的聲明。安理會召開了由325羅馬皇帝君士坦丁一世,企圖解決爭議提出的阿里烏教派對大自然的三位一體。 Nearly all those who attended came from the eastern Mediterranean region.誰參加了幾乎所有這些來自地中海東部地區。

It was the decision of the council, formalized in the Nicene Creed, that God the Father and God the Son were consubstantial and coeternal and that the Arian belief in a Christ created by and thus inferior to the Father was heretical. Arius himself was excommunicated and banished.這是對安理會的決定,正式在尼西亞信條,即聖父和聖子是同質和coeternal阿里安信仰,而在基督下創建的,因此對父親是異端邪說。阿里烏斯自己被逐出教會和放逐。 The council was also important for its disciplinary decisions concerning the status and jurisdiction of the clergy in the early church and for establishing the date on which Easter is celebrated.安理會還必須為它的紀律處分決定的有關情況和管轄範圍內的神職人員在早期教會和建立上的日期是慶祝復活節。

The Second Council of Nicæa, the seventh ecumenical council of the Christian church, was convoked by the Byzantine empress Irene in 787 to rule on the use of saints' images and icons in religious devotion.在第二屆理事會的尼西亞,第七屆大公會議的基督教教堂,召集了由拜占庭皇后艾琳在787條關於使用的聖人的形象和圖標宗教虔誠。 At that time a strong movement known as Iconoclasm, which opposed the pictorial representation of saints or of the Trinity, existed in the Greek church.當時,有強烈的運動被稱為反傳統,而反對的圖案代表的聖人或三位一體,存在於希臘教堂。 At the prompting of Irene, the council declared that whereas the veneration of images was legitimate and the intercession of saints efficacious, their veneration must be carefully distinguished from the worship due God alone.在提示的艾琳,理事會宣布,而崇拜的圖像是合法的和有效的調解的聖人,他們的敬仰必須仔細區分由於只有神的崇拜。

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息來源
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T Tackett Ŧ塔克特

Bibliography 書目
AE Burn, The Council of Nicaea (1925); G Forell, Understanding the Nicene Creed (1965); EJ Martin, A History of the Iconoclastic Controversy (1930).聲發射燒傷,理事會的尼西亞(1925年); Ğ Forell,了解尼西亞信條(1965年); Ej為馬丁,歷史打破傳統習俗論戰(1930年)。


Council of Nicaea or Nicæa (325)安理會尼西亞或尼西亞(325)

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The first ecumenical council in the history of the church was convened by the emperor Constantine at Nicaea in Bithynia (now Isnik, Turkey).第一個基督教會在歷史的教堂召開由皇帝君士坦丁在尼西亞在比提尼亞(現Isnik,土耳其)。 The main purpose of the council was to attempt to heal the schism in the church provoked by Arianism.其主要目的是企圖在議會醫治在教會的分裂阿里烏教派挑起的。 This it proceeded to do theologically and politically by the almost unanimous production of a theological confession (the Nicene Creed) by over three hundred bishops representing almost all the eastern provinces of the empire (where the heresy was chiefly centered) and by a token representation from the West. The creed thus produced was the first that could legally claim universal authority as it was sent throughout the empire to receive the agreement of the churches (with the alternative consequences of excommunication and imperial banishment).這還著手做神學和政治上的幾乎一致的神學生產供認(尼西亞信經)超過300主教代表的東部省份,幾乎所有的帝國(其中主要是異端中心)和一個象徵性的代表從西方。因此產生的信條是:第一,可以合法地主張普遍的權威,因為它在整個帝國被送往接受該協議的教堂(與其他後果逐出教會和帝國放逐)。

The issue which culminated at Nicaea arose out of an unresolved tension within the theological legacy of Origen concerning the relation of the Son to the Father.最終的問題,在尼西亞是出於一個未解決的緊張局勢在神學遺產淵源關係有關的兒子的父親。 On the one hand there was the attribution of deity to the Son in a relationship with the Father described as eternal generation.一方面是有歸屬的神的兒子在一次與父親的關係形容為永恆的一代。 On the other hand there was clear subordinationism.另一方面有明確subordinationism。 Almost appropriately, the dispute erupted at Alexandria about 318, with Arius, a popular presbyter of the church district of Baucalis, developing the latter strain of Origenism against Bishop Alexander, who advocated the former line of thinking.幾乎適當的爭端爆發亞歷山大約318,與阿里烏斯,一個流行的長老教會的區Baucalis,發展後者應變Origenism對主教亞歷山大,誰主張,前行的思想。 Arius was a quite capable logician who attacked Alexander (with motives not entirely scholarly) on the charge of Sabellianism.阿里烏斯是一個很能幹邏輯學家誰攻擊亞歷山大(與動機並非完全學術)上的電荷形態論。 After a local synod heard his own views and dismissed them and him as unsound, Arius demonstrated his popularizing literary and political talents, gathering support beyond Alexandria.經過當地主教聽到自己的意見和解僱他們,他的不健全,阿里烏斯展示了他的文學和政治人才的普及,收集支持超過亞歷山大。

His theological views appealed to left - wing Origenists, including the respected Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea.他的神學觀點呼籲-左翼Origenists,包括尊重尤西比烏斯,主教撒利亞。 His closest and most helpful ally was his former fellow student in the school of Lucian, Eusebius, bishop at the imperial residence of Nicomedia. After Constantine's personal envoy, Hosius of Cordova, failed to effect a reconciliation in 322 between the two parties in Alexandria, the emperor decided to convene an ecumenical council.他最親密和最有用的盟友是他以前的同學在學校的呂西安,尤西比烏斯,主教在皇室居住的尼科美底亞。後君士坦丁的個人特使侯休斯的科爾多瓦,沒有效力的和解322雙方在亞歷山德里亞,皇帝決定召開一次大公會議。

The teaching of Arianism is well documented.阿里烏教派的教學是有據可查的。 The central controlling idea is the unique, incommunicable, indivisible, transcendent nature of the singular divine being.中央控制的想法是獨特的,靜默,不可分割的,超越自然的奇異神福利。 This is what the Arians referred to as the Father.這就是白羊座稱為父親。 Logically pressing this definition of the Father and making use of certain biblical language, the Arians argued that if the error of Sabellius was to be avoided (and everyone was anxious to avoid it), then certain conclusions about the Son were inescapable.從邏輯上按這個定義的父親並利用某些聖經的語言,阿里安斯認為,如果錯誤的撒伯流是要避免(和每個人都渴望避免它),然後對某些結論的兒子是不可避免的。 And it is this view of the Son which is the central significance of Arianism. He cannot be of the Father's being or essence (otherwise that essence would be divisible or communicable or in some way not unique or simple, which is impossible by definition).正是這種觀點的兒子是中央意義阿里烏教派。他不可能對父親正在或本質(否則的本質是分割或傳染病或以某種方式不是唯一的或簡單的,這是不可能的定義)。 He therefore exists only by the Father's will, as do all other creatures and things.因此,他只存在了父親的意願,因為所有其他的生物和事物。 The biblical description of his being begotten does imply a special relationship between the Father and the Word or Son, but it cannot be an ontological relationship.聖經描述他是造物主並不意味著特殊關係的父親和Word或兒子,但它不是一個本體論的關係。

"Begotten" is to be taken in the sense of "made," so that the Son is a ktisma or poiema, a creature. “造物主”是將要採取的意義上的“使”,讓兒子是一個ktisma或poiema,一個生物。 Being begotten or made, he must have had a beginning, and this leads to the famous Arian phrase, "there was when he was not."作為造物主或作出,他必須有一個開端,這導致了著名的阿里安一句,“當他有沒有。” Since he was not generated out of the Father's being and he was, as they accorded him, the first of God's creation, then he must have been created out of nothing.由於他並沒有產生出父親的幸福和他,因為他們給予他的第一個上帝的創造,那麼他一定是無中生有。 Not being of perfect or immutable substance, he was subject to moral change.不完美的或一成不變的內容,他都受到道德的變化。 And because of the extreme transcendence of God, in the final respect the Son has no real communion or knowledge of the Father at all.而由於極端超越的上帝,在最後的兒子就沒有真正的交流或知識的父親所有。 The ascription of theos to Christ in Scripture was deemed merely functional.該歸屬的西奧斯基督在聖經被認為只是功能。

The council of Nicaea opened June 19, 325, with Hosius of Cordova presiding and the emperor in attendance.該委員會6月19日開幕的尼西亞,325,與侯休斯主持的科爾多瓦和皇帝出席了會議。 Despite the absence of official minutes a sketch of the proceedings can be reconstructed. Following an opening address by the emperor in which the need for unity was stressed, Eusebius of Nicomedia, leading the Arian party, presented a formula of faith which candidly marked a radical departure from traditional formularies.儘管缺乏官方分鐘素描訴訟可以重建。致開幕辭後由皇帝,其中需要強調的團結,尤西比烏斯的尼科美底亞,阿里安黨的領導,提出了一個公式信仰坦率標誌著激進離開傳統的處方。 The disapproval was so strong that most of the Arian party abandoned their support of the document and it was torn to shreds before the eyes of everyone present.反對是如此的強烈,大部分的阿里安黨放棄了支持文件,它是撕成碎片之前,每個人的眼睛存在。 Soon thereafter Eusebius of Caesarea, anxious to clear his name, read a lengthy statement of faith that included what was probably a baptismal creed of the church of Caesarea.此後不久尤西比烏斯的該撒利亞,急於明確自己的名字,讀了長篇發言,其中包括信仰什麼可能是一個洗禮的信條,教會撒利亞。 Eusebius had been provisionally excommunicated earlier in the year by a synod in Antioch for refusing to sign an anti - Arian creed.尤西比烏斯已被暫時逐出教會在今年早些時候由主教在安提阿拒絕簽署反-阿里安的信條。 The emperor himself pronounced him orthodox with only the suggestion that he adopt the word homoousios.皇帝親自宣布他的正統,只有建議他採用這個詞homoousios。

For a long time the confession of Eusebius was believed to have formed the basis of the Nicene Creed, which was then modified by the council.長期以來供認的尤西比烏斯被認為已經形成的基礎,尼西亞信經,這是當時修改了理事會。 However, it seems clear that such was not the case, the structure and content of the latter being significantly different from the former.然而,很明顯,這種情況並非如此,結構和內容的顯著不同,後者是前者。 Most likely a creed was introduced under the direction of Hosius, discussed (especially the term homoousia), and drafted in its final form requiring the signatures of the bishops.最有可能引入一個信條下方向侯休斯,討論(特別是長期homoousia),並在其草擬的最後形式,要求簽名的主教。 All those present (including Eusebius of Nicomedia) signed except two who were subsequently exiled.所有在場的人(包括尤西比烏斯的尼科美底亞)簽署除兩名誰後來流放。

It should be noted that this creed is not that which is recited in churches today as the Nicene Creed.應當指出,這一信條是不是這是今天在教會念的尼西亞信經。 Although similar in many respects, the latter is significantly longer than the former and is missing some key Nicene phrases.雖然在很多方面相似,後者明顯長於前者,而缺少一些關鍵尼西亞詞組。

The theology expressed in the Nicene Creed is decisively anti-Arian. At the beginning the unity of God is affirmed.神學表現在尼西亞信條是決定性的反阿里安。起初上帝的團結是肯定的。 But the Son is said to be "true God from true God."但他的兒子被認為是“真正的上帝的真神。” Although confessing that the Son is begotten, the creed adds the words, "from the Father" and "not made."雖然坦白說,兒子是造物主的信仰添加的話說,“從父”和“沒有。” It is positively asserted that he is "from the being (ousia) of the Father" and "of one substance (homoousia) with the Father."這是積極的斷言,他是“從目前(ousia)的父親”和“一種物質(homoousia)與父。” A list of Arian phrases, including "there was when he was not" and assertions that the Son is a creature or out of nothing, are expressly anathematized.阿里安短語的列表,包括“時,他有沒有”,並斷言說,兒子是一個生物或無中生有,是明確詛咒。 Thus an ontological rather than merely functional deity of the Son was upheld at Nicaea.因此,本體論,而不是僅僅功能神的兒子,是堅持在尼西亞。 The only thing confessed the Spirit, however, is faith in him.唯一承認的精神,卻是他的信念。

Among other things achieved at Nicaea were the agreement on a date to celebrate Easter and a ruling on the Melitian Schism in Egypt.除其他事項達成的協議是在尼西亞的日期慶祝復活節和裁決的Melitian恩怨在埃及。 Arius and his most resolute followers were banished, but only for a short time.阿里烏斯和他的最堅定的追隨者被驅逐,但只有很短的時間。 In the majority at Nicaea was Athanasius, then a young deacon, soon to succeed Alexander as bishop and carry on what would become a minority challenge to a resurgent Arianism in the East.在多數在尼西亞是亞他那修,然後一個年輕的執事,即將接替亞歷山大的主教和進行哪些會成為少數挑戰復活的阿里烏教派在東方。 However, the orthodoxy of Nicaea would eventually and decisively be reaffirmed at the Council of Constantinople in 381.然而,正統的尼西亞最終將果斷予以重申在安理會的君士坦丁堡在381。

CA Blaising加州Blaising
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (埃爾韋爾福音字典)

Bibliography 書目
Athanasius, Defense of the Nicene Council; Eusebius, The Life of Constantine; Socrates, Ecclesiastical History; Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History; Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History; AE Burn, The Council of Nicea; J Gonzalez, A History of Christian Thought, I; HM Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism; RC Gregg and DE Groh, Early Arianism; A Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition; JND Kelly, Early Christian Creeds and Early Christian Doctrines; C Luibheid, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Arian Crisis.亞他那修,防禦的尼西亞會議;尤西比烏斯,君士坦丁的生命,蘇格拉底,教會史; Sozomen,教會史; Theodoret,教會史;聲發射燒傷,安理會的nicea; J岡薩雷斯,歷史的基督教思想,我;航模格沃特金,研究了阿里烏教派;鋼筋混凝土格雷格和DE格羅,早期阿里烏教派,一個格里爾邁爾,基督在基督教傳統; JND的凱利,早期基督教教義和早期基督教的教義;三Luibheid,尤西比烏斯的該撒利亞和阿里安危機。


The First General Council of Nicaea, Nicæa 325總理事會第一次尼西亞,尼西亞 325

Advanced Information 先進的信息

It is more than sixteen hundred years since the first of the General Councils of the Church met.它比一千六百年以來的第一次總理事會對教會滿足。 This is so long ago that the very names of the places connected with its history have quite disappeared from common knowledge and the atlases.這是很久以前的很名稱的地方用自己的歷史有相當消失常識和地圖集。 They have about them an air of the fabulous; Nicaea, Bithynia, Nicomedia, and the rest.他們對他們的精彩的空中;尼西亞,庇推尼去,尼科美底亞,其餘的。 The very unfamiliarity of the sounds is a reminder that even for the purpose of the slight consideration which is all that these pages allow, a considerable adjustment of the mind is called for.很陌生的聲音是提醒人們,即使是輕微的目的,是考慮所有這些網頁允許,在相當大的調整的頭腦要求。 We must, somehow, revive the memory of a world that has wholly passed away, that had disappeared, indeed, well nigh a thousand years already when Columbus and his ships first sighted the coasts of the new continent.我們必須以某種方式,恢復記憶的世界,已全部通過後,即消失了,事實上,幾乎成了1000年已經和他的船時,哥倫布首次發現了這個沿海新的大陸。

The business that brought the three hundred or so bishops to Nicaea in 325 from all over the Christian world was to find a remedy for the disturbances that had seriously troubled the East for now nearly two years.該業務帶來的300多主教在尼西亞325來自全國各地的基督教世界是要找到一個補救的動亂嚴重困擾東方現在將近兩年。 The cause of these disturbances was a new teaching about the basic mystery of the Christian religion.這些干擾的原因是新的教學有關的基本奧秘的基督教。

Let our expert summarise the position, and say what it was that the new leader, Arius by name, had lately been popularising, through sermons, writings, and popular hymns and songs.讓我們的專家總結的立場,並說這是什麼,新的領導人,阿里烏斯的名字,最近已被推廣,通過講道,著作,和流行的讚美詩和歌曲。 "It was the doctrine of Arianism that our Lord was a pure creature, made out of nothing, liable to fall, the Son of God by adoption, not by nature, and called God in Scripture, not as being really such, but only in name. At the same time [Arius] would not have denied that the Son and the Holy Ghost were creatures transcendently near to God, and immeasurably distant from the rest of creation. “這是阿里烏教派主義,我們的主是一個純粹的動物,出於什麼,可能會墜落,上帝的兒子收養,而不是本質,並呼籲上帝在聖經,而不是被真的如此,但只有在名稱。在同一時間[阿里烏斯]也不會否認,子和聖靈是生物transcendently接近上帝,遠離其他無法估量的創作。

"Now, by contrast, how does the teaching of the Fathers who preceded Arius, stand relatively to such a representation of the Christian Creed? Is it such, or how far is it such, as to bear Arius out in so representing it? This is the first point to inquire about. “現在,相比之下,如何教學的父親誰之前阿里烏斯,這樣的立場相對代表性的基督教信條?它是這樣的,或者有多遠等,以承擔阿里烏斯代表在這樣得來的?是第一點查詢。

"First of all, the teaching of the Fathers was necessarily directed by the form of Baptism, as given by our Lord Himself to His disciples after His resurrection. To become one of His disciples was, according to His own words, to be baptized 'into the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost'; that is, into the profession, into the service, of a Triad. Such was our Lord's injunction: and ever since, before Arianism and after, down to this day, the initial lesson in religion taught to every Christian, on his being made a Christian, is that he thereby belongs to a certain Three, whatever more, or whether anything more, is revealed to us in Christianity about that Three. “首先,教學的父親是一定形式所指示的洗禮,為給予我們的主親自對他的門徒後,他的復活。要成為他的一個弟子是,根據他自己的話說,是受洗'到名稱的父親,和兒子,和聖靈',也就是到專業,到服務,一個黑社會。這就是我們的上帝的禁令:自那以來,前阿里烏教派和之後,下降這一天,在最初的宗教課教給每一個基督徒,他正在一個基督徒,是他使屬於某三,無論以上,或有沒有什麼更多的,是在向我們透露有關該基督教三。

"The doctrine then of a Supreme Triad is the elementary truth of Christianity; and accordingly, as might have been expected, its recognition is a sort of key-note, on which centre the thoughts and language of all theologians, from which they start, with which they end."[1] “中庸則是一個最高黑社會基督教的基本真理,並因此,在人們預料,它的識別是一個樣的主旨,更是中心的思想和語言的所有的神學家,從他們開始,與它們的結束。“[1]

Examination of a chain of pre-Arian writers, from every part of Christendom, reveals that "there was during the second and third centuries a profession and teaching concerning the Holy Trinity, not vague and cloudy, but of a certain determinate character," and that this teaching "was contradictory and destructive of the Arian hypothesis."[2] And from all this literature the fact emerges that, from the beginning, "some doctrine or other of a Trinity lies at the very root of the Christian conception of the Supreme Being, and of his worship and service": and that "it is impossible to view historical Christianity apart from the doctrine of the Trinity."[3]考試前的一鏈,阿里安作家,從每一個部分的基督教,說穿了就是“有一次,在第二和第三世紀的專業和教學有關的三位一體,而不是空泛多雲,但確定某字”,並這種教學“是自相矛盾和破壞性的阿里安的假設。”[2]和所有這些文獻出現的事實是,從一開始,“一些理論或其他三位一體的根源在於在基督教的觀念最高法院作為,和他的崇拜和服務“:和”它是不可能以歷史基督教除了教義的三位一體。“[3]

It was round about the year 323 that the Arian crisis developed.它是圓的約 323年的阿里安危機發展。 The struggle between the advocates of the new theory and the Church authorities who stood by the tradition was to continue thence onward for a good fifty years and more.主張之間的鬥爭的新理論和教會當局誰站在那裡的傳統是繼續前進的一個很好的五十多年等等。 And now, for the first time in the history of the Church, the State intervened in what was, of itself, a dispute about belief.現在,第一次在歷史的教會,國家干預是什麼,這本身對爭端的信念。 A second point to note is that the State, on the whole, sided with the innovators, and was hostile to the defenders of the traditional truth.第二點值得注意的是,國家,總體上,片面與創新,並敵視捍衛傳統的真理。

The history of those fifty-six years (325-81), that followed the Council of Nicaea and closed with the next General Council (Constantinople I), is part of the history of both these councils.歷史那些五六年(325-81),隨後安理會尼西亞和關閉與未來總理事會(君士坦丁堡我),是歷史的一部分,這兩個委員會。 And its complexity defies any summary simplification.其複雜性和簡化,不可能有總結。 If we turn to Newman for a clue to the meaning of it all, he will tell us that this long and stubborn struggle is nothing else than a particular passage in the conflict that never ceases between the Church and the secular power.如果我們轉向紐曼為線索,以它的含義是,他會告訴我們,這個漫長而頑強的鬥爭,是沒有別的比通過在一個特定的衝突從未停止與教會和世俗政權。 "The same principle of government which led the emperors to denounce Christianity while they were pagans, led them to dictate to its bishops, when they had become Christians." “同樣的原則而導致的政府譴責基督教的皇帝,而他們是異教徒,使他們能夠支配它的主教,當他們成為基督徒。” Such an idea as that "religion should be independent of state authority" was, in the eyes of all these princes, contrary to the nature of things.這樣的主意,因為這“宗教應該是獨立的國家權力”是,在所有這些王子的眼睛,違背自然的事情。 And not only was this conflict "inevitable," but, Newman continues, it might have been foreseen as probable that the occasion of the conflict would be a controversy within the Church about some fundamental doctrine.而這場衝突不僅是“不可避免的”,但是,紐曼持續下去,可能已經預見到可能出現的場合,衝突將是一個爭論教會內的一些基本原則。 Newman's last remarkable words may usefully warn us that in Church History things are not always so simple as we expect.[4]紐曼的最後出色的話,可能有益警告我們,在教會歷史事情並不總是那麼簡單,我們期望的那樣。[4]

Even the full history of a General (ie, world-wide) Council called in such circumstances, the first council of its kind--which had no precedents to guide its procedure, or to instruct the generality about the special value attaching to its decisions--even this would inevitably present difficulties to minds sixteen hundred years later; minds bred in a detailed, centuries-old tradition about the kind of thing General Councils are, and furnished with definite ideas about their nature, procedure, and authority.即使是一個普通的全部歷史(即,世界- wide)理事會呼籲這種情況下,第一屆理事會的同類-這沒有先例,guide其程序,或責成一般性about特殊值附加到其決定-即使這將不可避免地對目前的困難頭腦一千六百年後,心中孕育著一個詳細的,數百年的傳統,對種的東西總政局,並配有明確的想法對他們的性質,程序和權威。

But we are very far from possessing anything like a full history of this first Council of Nicaea.但是,我們從很遠的事情一樣擁有一個完整的歷史第一次尼西亞公會議。 Of any official record of the day-today proceedings--the acta of the council--there is no trace.任何官方記錄日常的程序-對安理會的文獻-沒有任何痕跡。 The earliest historians, from whose accounts our knowledge must derive, were in large measure partisan writers.最早的歷史學家,從他們的帳戶必須得到我們的知識,在很大程度上黨派作家。 And of the two writers who were present at the council, the one who was a historian[5] was an ally of the heretics and the quasi-official panegyrist of the emperor Constantine who called the council; and the other,[6] though he has much indeed to say about the council, does not anywhere profess to be writing a record of its acts.和兩位作家誰出席了議會,誰是歷史學家[5]是一個盟友的異端和半官方panegyrist誰的皇帝君士坦丁稱為議會,以及其他,[6]雖然他說,確實有許多關於安理會,沒有任何一個自稱是書面記錄的行為。

Nowhere, of course, is our knowledge of the history of these first centuries of the Church anything like so complete as is our knowledge of, let us say, any part of it during the last eight or nine hundred years.任何地方,當然,是我們知識的第一個百年歷史的Church象這樣完整的東西作為我們的知識,let我們說,任何部分的it在過去八年或九百年。 In the matter of Nicaea, as in other questions, scholars are still disputing-- and not on religious grounds--whether, for example, certain key documents were really written by the personages whose names they bear.在這個問題上的尼西亞,在其他問題,學者們仍然爭議-而不是on宗教理由- whether,例如,某些key documents是真的寫了他們的人士whose names bear。 About the details of the history of all these early councils, because of the insufficiency of our information, there is inevitably much confusion, great obscurity.關於歷史的細節,所有這些早期的議會,因為我們的資料不全,難免有許多混亂,大默默無聞。 Yet there are compensations for those who study it.然而,對於那些誰是賠償研究它。 "History does not bring clearly upon the canvas the details which were familiar to the ten thousand minds of whose combined movements and fortunes it treats. Such is it from its very nature; nor can the defect ever fully be remedied. This must be admitted . . . still no one can mistake its general teaching in this matter, whether he accept it or stumble at it. Bold outlines, which cannot be disregarded, rise out of the records of the past, when we look to see what it will give up to us: they may be dim, they may be incomplete, but they are definite; there is that which they are not, which they cannot be."[7] “歷史不能清楚地把畫布後的細節熟悉的10000頭腦中的聯合行動和命運的對待。這就是它從它本身的性質,也不能缺陷從來沒有完全糾正。這一點必須承認。 。。仍然沒有人可以錯了一般教學此事,他是否接受它或絆倒在它。加粗輪廓,不能忽視,翻身的記錄了過去,當我們看,看看它給up我們:他們可能是暗淡的,他們可能是不完整的,但他們肯定;有哪些是他們不,他們是不可能的。“[7]

The state, or political society, in which the Arian troubles arose and developed was that which we know as the Roman Empire.國家或政治社會,而產生和發展阿里安麻煩的是,我們知道,羅馬帝國。 This state, for its inhabitants, was one and the same thing as civilisation, and not surprisingly.這種狀態下,其居民是同一個事物的文明,並不奇怪。 As the accession of Constantine to the sole rulership, in 324, found the empire, so it had endured for three hundred years and more. History does not record any political achievement even remotely parallel to this.隨著加入君士坦丁統治權的唯一的,在324,發現帝國,因此它已經歷了三百年多。歷史不會記錄任何政績,甚至遠程平行於這一點。 For the empire took in, besides Italy, the whole of Europe west of the Rhine and south of the Danube and also the southern half of the island of Britain.對於發生在帝國,除了意大利,整個歐洲的萊茵河以西和多瑙河以南的南半部,也是英國的島嶼。 In the east it included the whole of the modern state we call Turkey, with Syria also, Palestine, and Egypt, and the lands on the southern shore of the Mediterranean westward thence to the Atlantic.在東方,包括整個國家的現代化,我們呼籲土耳其,敘利亞還,巴勒斯坦和埃及,並在南部的土地的地中海岸到大西洋向西那裡。

Races as varied as the peoples who today inhabit these lands, with just as little to unite them naturally, lived then for some four hundred years under the rule of the emperors, with a minimum of internal disturbance and in almost entire freedom from foreign war.由於不同種族的人民今天誰居住在這些土地上,只有少自然地團結他們,然後對一些住400年的統治下,皇帝,以最小的國內動亂和幾乎整個自由從外國的戰爭。 The stresses and strains of the internal life of the empire were, of course, a constant menace to this marvellous unity.在壓力和緊張的內部生活的帝國,當然,不斷威脅到這個奇妙的統一。 The supreme ruler, with whom lay the fullness of legislative power, who was the final judge in all lawsuits, and the head of the national religion, was the ruler because he was the commander in chief of the army: his very title imperator, which we translate "emperor," means just this.[8] And for the imperator, it was one of the chief problems of government to maintain his military prestige with the vast armies.最高統治者,與他們奠定了豐滿的立法權,誰是最後的法官在所有訴訟,以及團長,國家宗教,是統治者,因為他是指揮官陸軍司令:他非常標題imperator,其中我們翻譯“皇帝”的意思就是這樣。[8]和對imperator,這是主要問題之一,政府要維持他的軍事威望與廣大軍隊。 No man could long rule the Roman world who did not first hold the legions true to himself by his own professional worth.沒有人能夠長期統治羅馬世界誰沒有第一次舉行軍團忠實於自己被自己的專業價值。 All the great rulers who, in the course of these four centuries, developed and adapted and reformed the complex life of the state, its finances, its law, its administration, were in the first place great soldiers, highly successful generals: Trajan, for example, Hadrian, Septimius Severus, Decius, Diocletian.所有偉大的統治者誰,在這一過程中,這4個世紀,發展和調整和改革的複雜生活的國家,其財政狀況,它的法律,行政,是擺在首位的偉大戰士,非常成功的將軍:圖拉真,為例如,哈德良,塞普蒂米烏塞維魯,德西烏斯,戴克里先。

And Constantine, the first emperor to abandon the pagan religion and to profess himself a Christian, stood out to his own generation primarily as a highly successful soldier, triumphant in a series of contests with rivals for the supreme place.和君士坦丁,第一個皇帝放棄異教的宗教和信奉基督教的他,站在了他這一代人主要是作為一個非常成功的士兵,勝利的一系列比賽中與對手的最高的地方。 Such wars, fights between rival generals for the imperial throne, were the chief curse of Roman political life, and especially so in what we reckon as the third century, the century in the last quarter of which Constantine himself was born.這樣的戰爭,打鬥對手將領之間的皇帝寶座,是行政詛咒羅馬的政治生活,尤其是在我們認為作為第三個世紀,在本世紀最後的四分之一,其中君士坦丁本人也誕生了。 He would have been a little boy of nine or ten when the great Diocletian became emperor in 284, who, to put an end to these suicidal wars, immediately associated another soldier with himself, as joint emperor, the one to rule the East, the other the West.他本來是一個小男孩的9或10當大戴克里先成為皇帝in 284,誰,要制止這些自殺的戰爭,immediately相關另一個士兵,他自己作為聯合皇帝,一來統治東方,其他西方國家。 In 293 Diocletian took this devolution of power a step further With each emperor there was now associated a kind of assistant emperor, with the title of Caesar, the actual ruler of allotted territories and destined to be, in time, his principal's successor.在這293戴克里先採取下放權力一步每一次皇帝現在有關聯的一種輔助皇帝,凱撒的標題,配發的實際統治者的領土和注定要假以時日,他的主要的繼任者。 The soldier chosen in 293 as the first western Caesar was Constantine's father, Constantius, commonly called Chlorus (the Pale) from his complexion.這名士兵選擇了293作為第一個西方凱撒是君士坦丁的父親,士坦提烏斯,俗稱Chlorus(帕萊)從他的膚色。 His territory was the modern countries of Portugal, Spain, France, Belgium, and England.他的領土,是現代國家葡萄牙,西班牙,法國,比利時和英國。

These details of political reorganisation have a direct connection with our story.這些細節的政治重組有直接關連,我們的故事。 The reader knows--who does not?--that one feature of the history of this Roman state was its hostility to the Christian religion Scarcely a generation went by without some serious persecution.讀者知道-誰不是這樣呢? -這一個特點的歷史的這個羅馬國家是其敵視基督教幾乎沒有一個世代過去了,沒有一些嚴重的迫害。 And Diocletian ended his reign with the most dreadful persecution of all (303).戴克里先和他的統治結束了最可怕的迫害,所有(303)。 This was largely due to the influence of his colleague, the Caesar, Galerius who, in 305, was to succeed him as emperor in the East.這主要是由於影響他的同事,在凱撒,加萊里烏斯誰,在305,是接替他是皇帝在東部地區。 And of all the territories, it was Egypt that provided most of the victims in the eight years the terror lasted--Egypt which was to be the principal scene of the Arian troubles and, par excellence, of the Catholic resistance to them.和所有領土,這是埃及的提供大部分受害者在歷時8年的恐怖-這是埃及的主要場景將在阿里安的麻煩,以及卓越,天主教抵抗他們。 In the West the persecution was, by comparison, mild, and in the domains of Constantius Chlorus there was no persecution at all.在西方的迫害,相比之下,溫和,並在域的士坦提烏斯Chlorus沒有迫害的。 This emperor's personal religious history, and his attitude towards the Christian religion, is full of interest.這是皇帝的個人的宗教歷史,以及他對基督教的態度,充滿了興趣。 His views were also the views of his son Constantine, and they perhaps provide a clue to the strange and baffling story, not only of the long successful Arian defiance of the decisions of the Council of Nicaea, but of that first Christian emperor's seeming unawareness of the defiance.他的意見,亦是意見,他的兒子康斯坦丁,他們可能提供線索的陌生和莫名其妙的故事,不僅是長期成功的阿里安違抗的決定理事會的尼西亞,但該第一個基督教皇帝似乎不了解的的蔑視。

Constantine's own character is, of course, an element of the first importance in the history of the council he convoked; and so also is the kind of thing which his "conversion" to Christianity was, some twelve years before the Arian problem arose.康斯坦丁自己的性格,當然,一個元素的第一個重要的歷史了,他會召集等等也是種東西他的“轉換”到基督教,大約1200年以前的阿里安問題出現了。 At the time of the council he was nearing his fiftieth year, and he had been emperor for almost twenty.當時他在安理會已接近他的50年,他被皇帝差不多20。 History seems to reveal him as intelligent indeed, but passionate and headstrong; a bold campaigner and, as an administrator, "magnificent" in the Aristotelian sense.歷史似乎表明他確實是聰明的,但充滿激情和任性,一個大膽的倡導者,並作為管理員,“宏偉”的亞里士多德意義。 That is to say, he loved great schemes, supported them always with princely generosity, improvised readily, and delighted to dazzle by the scale of his successes.這就是說,他愛的偉大計劃,支持他們總是與高貴大方,簡易方便了,而且很高興耀眼的規模,他的成功。 It was a natural part of the character that he was ambitious, confident of success, and--a less obvious trait--his ambition was linked with a "mystical" belief that he was destined to succeed, and a sure, if confused, notion that the heavenly powers were on his side.這是一個很自然的一部分的性質,他雄心勃勃,充滿自信的成功,以及-一個不太明顯的特點-他的野心是聯繫在一起的“神秘”的信念,他注定要取得成功,並相信,如果混淆,概念,即天上的權力在他身邊。 Be it remembered here, once more, that this man was omnipotent in public affairs, as no ruler has been even in the recent revolutions of our own time; for the Roman emperor's omnipotence was universally accepted by his millions of subjects as his right, as something belonging to the very nature of things.無論是記得在這裡再次強調,這名男子是萬能的公共事務,因為沒有統治者已經甚至在最近的革命我們自己的時間,為羅馬皇帝的全能被普遍接受的,他以百萬計的科目作為他的權利,一些屬於非常自然的事情。

It is less easy to say exactly what Constantine knew or believed about the religion of Christ, twelve years after he had, as emperor, publicly made it his own.這是不太容易說正是君士坦丁知道或相信有關基督宗教,12年後他作為皇帝,他公開了它自己。 Certainly it would be a gross error to consider the business of his mystical dream on the eve of his victory at the Milvian Bridge (312), that made him supreme master of the West, as parallel to what happened to St.當然這將是一個嚴重的錯誤,考慮企業的夢想,他神秘的前夕,他的勝利在米里維橋橋(312),這使他無上師的西方國家,發生了什麼平行聖 Paul on the road to Damascus.保羅在大馬士革的道路。 His own personal religion at the time was that of his pagan father, the cult suddenly promoted to the supreme place as the official religion about the time that Constantine was born, by the then emperor, Aurelian (269-75).他自己的個人信仰在當時,他的父親異教,邪教突然晉升到最高的地方作為官方宗教有關的時間,君士坦丁出生後,由當時的皇帝,奧雷利安(269-75)。 This was the cult of Sol Invictus (the Unconquered Sun), the worship of the divine spirit by whom the whole universe is ruled, the spirit whose symbol is the sun; a symbol in which this spirit in some way specially manifests itself.這是邪教的索爾(不可征服的太陽),崇拜的神聖精神,誰是統治整個宇宙,精神的象徵,是太陽,一個象徵,這種精神是在一些特殊的方式表現出來。 Under Aurelian this cult was organised with great splendour.根據奧雷利安這個邪教組織了盛大的。 The temple of the Sun which he built at Rome must have been one of the wonders of the world.該廟的太陽,他建在羅馬一定是其中一個世界奇蹟。 Aurelian's coins bear the inscription The Sun is the Lord of the Roman Empire.奧里安的硬幣上刻太陽是上帝的羅馬帝國。 The whole cult is penetrated with the idea that there is a single spirit who is supreme, with the idea of an overruling divine monarchy.邪教是整個深入的想法,有一個誰是至高無上的精神,以思想的支配神聖君主制。 Moreover, the cult was in harmony with a philosophical religion steadily growing, in the high places of the administration, throughout this same century, the cult of Summus Deus--the God who is supreme.此外,邪教是一種哲學宗教和諧與穩定成長,在高處的管理,整個同一世紀,這個邪教組織的Summus迪烏斯-誰是至高無上的神。

Constantine's father remained faithful to this cult of Sol Invictus even when his seniors, Diocletian and Maximian, reverted to the old cults of Jupiter and Hercules.君士坦丁的父親仍然忠實於這一邪教的索爾即使他的長輩,戴克里先和馬克西米安,回复到舊的邪教木星和大力士。 And once Constantine--no more than Caesar on his father's death (306)--felt himself really master in the West, Hercules and Jupiter disappeared from his coinage, and Sol Invictus was restored, while the official panegyrics laud "that divine spirit which governs this whole world."而且一旦康斯坦丁-不超過愷撒在他父親去世(306) -覺得自己真正掌握在西方,大力士和木星從他的硬幣消失,並恢復了索爾,而官方頌揚讚美“的神聖精神支配整個世界。“ This in 311.這 311。

What Constantine gathered from his famous dream in September 312 was that this supreme divinity was promising him salvation in this military crisis, had despatched a messenger to assure him of it and to tell him how to act, and that this messenger was Christ, the God whom the Christians worshipped, and that the badge his soldiers must wear was the sign of Christ, the cross.什麼君士坦丁聚集了著名的夢想,從9月312是最高的神性,這是有希望拯救他在這次軍事危機,已派遣一個使者向他保證的,並告訴他如何行動,而這是基督的使者,神他們崇拜的基督徒,而他的士兵必須佩戴證章標誌是基督在十字架上。 He did not, on the morrow of his victory, ask for baptism, nor even to be enrolled as a catechumen.他沒有,他對明天的勝利,要求洗禮,甚至也沒有被註冊為一個初學者。 Constantine was never so much as even this. And not until he lay dying, twenty-five years later, was he baptised.康斯坦丁從來沒有這麼多因為即使這一點。而且直到他彌留之際,25年後,是他受洗。

It was, then, an all but uninstructed, if enthusiastic, convert who now, with all the caution of an experienced politician, set his name to the Edict of Milan ( 313 ), set up the Christian religion as a thing legally permissible, endowed its chief shrines with regal munificence, showered civic privileges, honours, and jurisdiction on its bishops, and even began the delicate task of introducing Christian ideas into the fabric of the law.它是,那麼,一但所有受過教育,如果熱情,轉換誰現在,所有的謹慎與有經驗的政治家,他的名字定為米蘭敕令(313),成立了基督教作為一個法律允許的事情,賦予它的主要神社與富豪慷慨大方,洗澡公民的特權,榮譽,並在其管轄的主教,甚至開始了微妙的任務基督教思想引入到織物的法律。 It was an all but uninstructed convert who, also, in these next ten years--and in the turbulent province of Africa--plunged boldly into the heat of a religious war, the Donatist Schism, with the instinctive confidence that his mere intervention would settle all problems.這是一個受過教育的轉換幾乎誰也表示,在這些未來10年-在動盪的非洲省-大膽地投身到熱的宗教戰爭,多納Schism,與單純的本能相信他會干預解決所有問題。 Between the truce with the Donatists, 321, and the appearance of Arius in Egypt the interval is short indeed.之間的休戰與多納徒,321,和外觀阿里烏斯在埃及的時間間隔很短的。 What had Constantine learned from the Donatist experience?學到了什麼君士坦丁從多納的經驗? What had it taught him about the kind of thing the divine society was in which he so truly believed?它教給他了什麼樣的事情對社會是神聖的,他這樣真的相信? Very little, it would seem.很少,似乎。

The great see of Alexandria in Egypt, of which Arius was a priest had for many years before his appearance as a heretic been troubled by schism.偉大的埃及亞歷山大看到,其中阿里烏斯是一個牧師有很多年之前,他的外觀作為異端被困擾的分裂。 One of the suffragan bishops--Meletius by name--had accused his principal of giving way during the persecution; and, declaring all the bishop of Alexandria's acts invalid, had proceeded to consecrate bishops in one place after another, in opposition to him.其中的輔佐主教- Meletius的名字-曾指責他的主要提供地在迫害,並宣布所有的主教亞歷山德里亞的行為無效,已著手奉獻主教在一個地方先後在反對他。 Nor did Meletius cease his activities when this particular bishop of Alexandria died.也沒有停止他的活動時Meletius這個主教亞歷山大死亡。 In many places there were soon two sets of Catholic clergy, the traditional line and the "Meletian"; the confusion was great and the contest bitter everywhere, the faithful people as active as their pastors.在許多地方有很快兩套天主教神職人員,傳統的路線和“Meletian”是偉大的混亂和痛苦的較量無處不在,人民的忠實活躍的牧師。 "It was out of the Meletian schism that Arianism was born and developed," one historian[9] will tell us. “這是不可能的Meletian阿里烏教派分裂的誕生和發展,”一個歷史學家[9]將告訴我們。 Arius had been a "Meletian" in his time, but the new bishop, Alexander, had received him back and had promoted him to an important church.阿里烏斯曾是“Meletian”在他的時間,但新的主教,亞歷山大,他收到了他的背部和促進了一個重要的教堂。 And here his learned eloquence and ascetic life soon gave his novel teaching as wide publicity as he could desire.在這裡,他學到的口才和苦行生活很快給他的小說教學,廣泛宣傳,因為他可以願望。

The bishop's first act, as the news spread, was to arrange a public disputation.主教的第一幕,隨著消息傳開,被安排公共爭論。 In this Arius was worsted.在這阿里烏斯是精紡。 He next disobeyed the bishop's natural injunction to be silent, and began to look for support outside Egypt.然後他不服從主教的自然禁令保持沉默,並開始向外界尋求支持埃及。 Meanwhile the bishop called a council of the hundred bishops subject to his see; ninety-eight voted to condemn Arius; and his two supporters, along with a handful of other clerics were deposed.與此同時,被稱為主教會的100主教受到他看到,98投譴責阿里烏斯;和他的兩個支持者,連同少數其他神職人員被廢黜。 Arius fled to Palestine, to an old friend generally regarded as the greatest scholar of the day, Eusebius, the bishop of Caesarea.阿里烏斯逃到巴勒斯坦,一個老朋友一般被視為最偉大的學者的一天,尤西比烏斯,主教撒利亞。 And from Caesarea the two began a vast correspondence to engage the support of bishops expected to be friendly to the cause, as far away as the imperial capital, Nicomedia.而從該撒利亞的兩個人開始了廣闊的信件,是要支持主教預計將友好事業,為遠在京城,尼科美底亞。

Already there was a bond between Arius and many of those to whom he wrote. They like himself were pupils of the same famous teacher of the last generation, Lucian of Antioch, whose school--and not Alexandria--was the real birthplace of this new theological development.已經有一鍵之間阿里烏斯和許多那些人,他說。他們喜歡自己的學生同老師著名的上一代人,呂西安的安提阿,他的學校-而不是亞歷山大-是真正的誕生地本新神學的發展。 And Arius could address such prelates as "Dear Fellow-Lucianist."和阿里烏斯可以解決這些主教為“親愛的研究員,Lucianist。” Of all those to whom he now wrote, none was so important as a second Eusebius, the bishop of the imperial city itself, and a possible power with the emperor through his friendship with Constantine's sister, the empress Constantia, consort of the eastern emperor, Licinius.所有這些人,他現在說,沒有一個如此重要作為第二尤西比烏斯,主教的皇城本身,以及可能的權力與皇帝通過他的友誼與君士坦丁的姐姐,皇后康士坦奇亞,配偶東部皇帝李錫尼。 The Lucianist bishop of Nicomedia rose to the occasion, "as though upon him the whole fate of the Church depended," the bishop of Alexandria complained.尼科美底亞的Lucianist主教上升到這個日子,“他好像在整個的命運取決於教會”主教亞歷山大抱怨。 For Eusebius, too, circularised the episcopate generally and summoned a council of bishops, and they voted that Arius should be reinstated, and wrote to beg this of the bishop of Alexandria.對於尤西比烏斯,也circularised主教普遍和召集議會的主教,他們投的阿里烏斯應該恢復,並說這乞求亞歷山大的主教。

Arius' bishop, meanwhile, had been active also.阿里烏斯'主教,同時,也活躍了。 We know of seventy letters which he wrote to bishops all over the Christian world; amongst others to whom he wrote was the pope.我們知道70字母,他寫信給全國各地的主教,基督教世界,除其他的人,他說是教皇。 And since all these episcopal letters were copied and passed round, made up into collections and, as we should say, published, the whole of the East was soon aflame, fighting and rioting in one city after another.此外,由於所有這些主教信被複製並通過全面,使成集合,而且我們應該說,出版,整個東很快就陷入火海之中,戰鬥和騷亂在一個城市接一個。 Few indeed of these enthusiasts could have understood the discussions of the theologians, but all grasped that what Arius was saying was that Christ was not God.少數確實可以理解這些愛好者討論的神學家,但所有的東西阿里烏斯掌握在說的是,基督不是神。 And if this were so, what about the saving death on the Cross?如果是這樣的話,那麼死亡的儲蓄在十字架上? And what was sinful man to hope for when he died?什麼是有罪的人希望他死的時候? When the bishop of Alexandria stigmatised his rebellious priest as Christomachos (fighter against Christ), he clinched the matter in such a way that all, from the Christian emperor to the meanest dock hand in the port, must be personally interested, and passionately.當主教亞歷山德里亞羞辱他叛逆牧師為Christomachos(戰鬥機對基督),他奪得了這樣一個問題,所有的方式,從基督教皇帝的最卑鄙的手停靠在港口,必須要有興趣,並熱情。

During these first months of agitation Constantine had, however, other matters to occupy him, and, to begin with, the agitation was none of his business.在這頭幾個月的鼓動君士坦丁了,但是,他佔據的其他事項等,並且將首先,激動得都沒有他的生意。 At the moment when the great movement began, none of the lands affected came under his jurisdiction.在運動的偉大時刻開始,沒有受影響的土地受到他的管轄權。 But in that same year, 323, war broke out between himself and his eastern colleague, his brother-in-law, Licinius.但在同一年,323,戰爭爆發了自己和他的同事東部,他的妹夫,李錫尼。 In July 324 Constantine, invader of Licinius territory, defeated him heavily at Adrianople, and in September he gained a second victory at Chrysopolis.[10] Later Licinius was put to death.君士坦丁在324年7月,李錫尼領土的侵略者,打敗他在阿德里安堡重,並於9月他獲得了第二場勝利在Chrysopolis。[10]後來李錫尼被處死。 When the victor entered his new capital in the ensuing weeks, there was in his household a Spanish prelate who had dwelt with Constantine for some years now, Hosius, bishop of Cordova.當勝利者進入他的新首都在隨後的幾個星期,在他家有一個西班牙主教誰已經住了數年的君士坦丁現在,侯休斯,主教科爾多瓦。 It was to him that Constantine, with the new Arian crisis confronting him, now turned.這是他君士坦丁,與新的阿里安,他面對的危機,現在轉向。

Arius, by now, had returned to Alexandria, fortified with the vote of the council at Nicomedia and of a second (more peremptory) council at Caesarea, to demand the decreed reinstatement.阿里烏斯,到現在,已經回到亞歷山大,堅定了在安理會表決時尼科美底亞和第二個(較強制性)理事會在該撒利亞,頒布法令,要求復職。 His arrival, and the campaign of propaganda now launched, set the whole city ablaze.他的到來,現在該運動的宣傳發動,將整個城市點燃。 And Constantine despatched Hosius to make a personal investigation of the affair.和君士坦丁派遣侯休斯作出個人調查這一事件。 When he returned to make his report, Alexander and Arius soon followed.當他回到他的報告,亞歷山大和阿里烏斯隨之而來。 The crisis next moved to the third great city of the empire, Antioch.未來的危機轉移到第三帝國的偉大城市,安提阿。 The bishop there had recently died, and when the fifty-six bishops subject to Antioch came in from Palestine, Arabia, Syria, and elsewhere to elect a successor (January 325, probably), they took the opportunity to notice the Arian development.主教最近出現了死亡,當56主教受到安提阿來從巴勒斯坦,沙特阿拉伯,敘利亞和其他地區選出一個繼任者(325年1月,大概),他們藉此機會通知阿里安發展。 All but unanimously (53-3) they condemned the new teaching, and excommunicated--provisionally--the three dissidents.幾乎一致(53-3),他們譴責了新的教學,並驅逐-暫時- 3個持不同政見者。 One of these was the bishop of Caesarea.其中之一是該撒利亞主教。

And now, sometime in the early spring of 325, it was decided to summon a council representative of all the bishops in the world.而現在,有時在早春325,決定召集議會代表所有的主教在世界上。 Who was it that first put out this grandiose, if simple, plan?是誰,首先提出了這個宏偉的,如果簡單的計劃? We do not know.我們不知道。 Within a matter of months--not indeed simultaneously, but with impressive nearness in time--councils had been held at Alexandria, Antioch, Caesarea, Nicomedia, in which a good half of the bishops of the East must have taken part, ie, a good proportion of the vastly more numerous half of the entire episcopate.在數月之內-而不是實際上的同時,但令人印象深刻的貼近時間-在議會舉行了亞歷山大,安提阿,該撒利亞,尼科美底亞,其中一個很好的一半主教的地區必須採取的部分,即一個良好的比例的一半多得多整個主教。 Whoever it was to whom the idea of a council of the Christian universe first occurred, it was Constantine who decided it should be held, and who chose the place and sent out the invitations to the bishops, offering to all free passage in the imperial transportation service.誰是誰的主意一會的基督教宇宙的第一次發生,它是康斯坦丁決定誰應該舉行,誰選擇的地點和發出了邀請主教,免費提供給所有通行的運輸帝國服務。

The council opened, in the imperial summer palace at Nicaea,[11] May 20, 325, with something over three hundred bishops present, the vast bulk of them from the Greek-speaking lands where the trouble was raging, Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor.理事會開幕,在避暑宮尼西亞,[11] 5月20日,325,300以上的東西主教目前,其中絕大部分來自希臘,那裡的土地上肆虐的麻煩是,埃及,巴勒斯坦,敘利亞和小亞細亞。 But there were bishops also from Persia and the Caucasus, from the lands between the Danube and the Aegean, and from Greece.但也有主教從波斯和高加索地區,從土地之間的多瑙河和愛琴海,從希臘。 There was one from Africa and one from Spain, one from Gaul and one from Italy, and since the great age of the Bishop of Rome forbade his making the journey he was represented by two of his priests.其中有一位來自非洲,一位來自西班牙,一個來自高盧和一名來自意大利,偉大的時代以來,羅馬的主教,他作出了禁止旅行,他代表他的兩個神父。

Eusebius of Caesarea who has described the great moments of the council was evidently moved, as we too may be, by his recollection of the scene when, the bishops all assembled in the great hall of the palace, some of them lame and blind from the tortures undergone in the persecutions, the Christian master of the whole Roman world entered, robed in scarlet and gold, and before taking his place at the throne, bade them be seated. Constantine came with a minimum of pomp, and in his brief address he did no more than welcome the bishops, exhort them to peaceful conference, and admit that the spectacle of "sedition" within the Church caused him more anxiety than any battle.尤西比烏斯的該撒利亞誰描述了偉大的時刻,安理會顯然感動,也可能是因為我們,他回憶現場時,所有的主教們聚集在大廳的宮殿,其中一些跛腳和盲目從經歷了折磨迫害,基督教掌握了整個羅馬世界進入,在鮮紅的長袍和黃金,並以他的位置之前,在寶座上,吩咐他們坐下。康斯坦丁帶著最低盛況,並在他簡短的講話,他確實不超過歡迎主教,告誡他們和平會議,並承認奇觀“煽動叛亂”教會內的焦慮使他更比任何戰鬥。

The little we know of the actual history of the council is soon told.我們知道,小的實際歷史上會很快告訴。 The theology of Arius was condemned unanimously--though he is said to have had twenty-two supporters among the bishops.神學的阿里烏斯是一致譴責-儘管他是說有22的支持者之間的主教。 But if it was a simple matter for the episcopate to testify to its belief that the Divine Word was truly God, it was less easy to agree about the best way to phrase a declaration of this faith, ie, to construct a statement to which no subtlety could give a heretical Arian meaning also.但如果這是一個簡單的事情為主教作證,以它認為是真正的上帝聖言,這是不太容易達成一致的最佳方式為詞組聲明的這個信念,即建設一個聲明,而沒有可以給一個微妙的含義也阿里安邪教。 One section of the bishops was anxious that no terms should be used which were not already used in Scripture.第一位主教急於沒有條件應當使用其中尚未使用的聖經。 But the Scriptures had not been written for the purpose of confuting philosophically minded heretics.但是聖經沒有書面目的confuting哲學頭腦的異端。 It was now necessary to say that the accepted Scripture meant just "this" and not "that" as well.這是現在必須說,我們接受聖經的意思就是“這個”而不是“說:”作為好。 And if this were to be accomplished, the technique must be adopted of coining a special word for the purpose.如果是這樣的工作需要完成,這項技術必須通過一個特殊的壓印字為宗旨。

The statement as the council finally passed it--the creed of the council of Nicaea--states: "We believe . . . in one Lord Jesus Christ, the son of God, born of the Father, the sole-begotten; that is to say, of the substance of the Father, God from God, Light from Light, true God from true God; born, not made, consubstantial with the Father [in the Greek original, homo- ousion toi patri], through whom all things were made, which are in heaven and on earth . . ."[11a] The word homo-ousion is the special non-Scriptural word which the council adopted to characterise the true, traditional belief, a word it was impossible to square with any kind of Arian theory, a test word that would always make it clear that any Arian theory was incompatible with the Christian tradition, and which would serve the practical purpose of preventing any further infiltration of these enemies of Christ within the Church, and defeat any endeavour to change the belief from within.該聲明作為安理會最終通過它-信條理事會的尼西亞-指出:“我們相信。。。在一個主耶穌基督,上帝的兒子,出生的父親,唯一的,造物主,這是也就是說,該物質的父親,神神,光從光,真神的真神;天分,不是靠,同質同父親[在希臘原始的,同質ousion台島帕特里],通過他們所有的東西發了言,這是在天上,地上。。。“[第11A條]一詞同源ousion是特殊的非聖經的話,安理會通過的真實刻畫,傳統信仰,一個字是不可能的平方與任何種阿里安理論,測試單詞,必會明確規定,任何阿里安理論是不符合基督教的傳統,這將有助於實際的目的,防止任何進一步的滲透,這些敵人基督在教會,並打敗任何努力改變信仰來自內部。

Who it was that proposed to the council this precise word, we do not know. An Arian historian says it was the bishop of Alexandria and Hosius of Cordova.它是誰向安理會提出這個詞的確切,我們不知道。阿里安歷史學家說,這是亞歷山大的主教和侯休斯的科爾多瓦。 St. Athanasius, who was present at the council, says it was Hosius.聖亞他那修,誰參加了會,說,這是侯休斯。 What seems clearer is that the bishops, solidly determined that the heresy should be rooted out, were yet by no means happy about the means chosen.什麼似乎更清楚的是,主教,牢固確定,應剷除異端,但絕不是高興的選擇的手段。 The word homoousion was known to them already.這個詞 homoousion他們已經是眾所周知的。 Since long before the time of Arius and Lucian it had a bad history in the East, as will be explained.由於之前很久時間阿里烏斯和盧西安它有一個不好的歷史,在東方,如將予以解釋。 But Constantine definitely declared himself in favour of the uniquely useful instrument, and the council accepted it, each bishop rising in his place and giving his vote.但康斯坦丁宣布自己肯定贊成的獨特有用的工具,理事會接受它,每個主教在他的位置上升,給他的票。 Two bishops only refused their assent. With Arius, and a few priest supporters, they were promptly sent into exile by the emperor's command.兩位主教不僅拒絕他們的同意。隨著阿里烏斯,和一些牧師的支持者,他們及時派出由流亡皇帝的命令。

The bishops then passed to other problems.主教們然後傳遞到其他問題。 In the first place the twenty- year-old Meletian schism.首先是20歲的Meletian分裂。 Its leaders had appealed to Constantine, and the emperor left it to the council to judge.它的領導人已經呼籲君士坦丁,皇帝離開它向安理會法官。 The bishops supported their brother of Alexandria, but offered the schismatics very easy terms, restoring Meletius himself to his see of Lycopolis.主教們表示支持他們的哥哥亞歷山大,但提供的schismatics與羅馬非常優惠的條件,恢復Meletius他看到自己的Lycopolis。 But he was not, ever again, to confer Holy Orders, and all those whom he had unlawfully ordained were to be reordained before again officiating.但他沒有,永遠再次授予聖令,以及所有那些他已經被非法祝聖前將reordained再次嘉賓。 Moreover they were to be subject henceforward to the true, ie, Catholic, bishop of the place. Those whom Meletius had made bishops might be elected to sees in the future, as vacancies arose--always with the consent of the bishop of Alexandria, the traditional head of this extensive episcopate.此外,他們是應該受到從今以後,以真,即天主教,主教的地方。那些人Meletius曾當選主教可能認為在今後,隨著出現空缺-永遠與同意的主教亞歷山德里亞,傳統的頭部這一廣泛的主教。

A second practical problem, that had teased the eastern churches for generations, was now finally solved, viz., how the date of the Easter feast should be calculated.第二個實際問題,即在東部教會取笑世代,現在終於解決了,即。如何在復活節的日期必須計算宴。 "All our good brothers of the East[12] who until now have been used to keep Easter at the Jewish Passover, will henceforward keep it at the same time as the Romans and you," so the bishops of Egypt announced in a letter to their people. “我們所有的好兄弟,東[12]誰到現在為止已被用來保持在猶太人逾越節復活節,從今以後將保持在同一時間,羅馬和你”,使埃及的主教在信中宣布他們的人民。

Finally the bishops promulgated twenty laws--canons--for general observance.最後,主教法律頒布20 -大砲-的普遍遵守。 Like the solution proposed for the Meletians they are notable for a new mildness of tone, a quality more Roman than Oriental, it may be said.提出的解決辦法一樣的Meletians他們是值得注意的一個新的溫和的語調,質量更比東方羅馬,可以說。 They are, in great part, a repetition of measures enacted eleven years earlier in the Latin council held at Arles, in Gaul.[13] Five canons deal with those who fell away in the recent persecution.他們是在偉大的一部分,一個重複的措施,制定11年早些時候在拉丁美洲理事會在阿爾勒,在高盧。[13]五經處理那些誰脫落在最近的迫害。 If any such have since been admitted to ordination they are to be deposed.如果任何這些人已送往協調它們是被廢黜。 Those who apostatised freely--that is, without the compulsion of fear--are to do twelve years' penance before being admitted to Holy Communion.這些誰apostatised自由-也就是沒有強制恐懼-是做12年苦修方能接受聖餐。 If, before the penance is completed, they fall sick and are in danger of death they may receive Holy Viaticum.如果在完成懺悔,他們生病和死亡的危險是,他們可能會收到聖Viaticum。 Should they then recover they are to take place with the highest class of the penitents--those who are allowed to hear mass, though not to receive Holy Communion.如果他們再收回他們要舉行的最高級別的懺悔者-那些誰可以聽到群眾,但不接受聖餐。 Catechumens who fell away-- ie, Christians not yet baptised--are to do three years' penance and then resume their place as catechumens.慕道誰脫落-即尚未受洗的基督徒-是做3年的懺悔自己的位置,然後恢復為慕道。 Finally, the Christians who, having once left the army, had re-enlisted in the army of the persecutor, the lately destroyed emperor Licinius, are to do thirteen years' penance, or less if the bishop is satisfied of the reality of their repentance, but always three years' penance at least.最後,誰的基督徒,一旦離開軍隊後,已重新徵召入伍的迫害,最近摧毀了皇帝李錫尼,是13年做'懺悔,或更少,如果主教是滿足了他們的懺悔現實,但總是三年苦修以上。

There are two canons about the readmission of heretical schismatics.有兩個大砲對重返邪教schismatics與羅馬。 First of all there are the remnants of the schism begun in Rome by the antipope Novatian, some seventy-five years before the council.首先有殘餘的分裂開始在羅馬的對立教皇諾瓦蒂安,一些七五年提交理事會審議。 Novatian was one of that fairly numerous class for whom the rulers of the Church deal far too mildly with repentant sinners.諾瓦蒂安就是這種相當眾多一流的統治者對他們來說,教會處理過於溫和與懺悔的罪人。 He ended by denying that the Church had the power to absolve those who fell away in times of persecution; and his followers, self-styled "the Pure," extended this disability to all sins of idolatry, sex sins, and murder.他結束了否認,教會有權力免除那些誰走在時代下跌的迫害,以及他的追隨者,自稱為“純”,並擴展到所有的罪孽殘疾的偶像崇拜,性罪,謀殺罪。 They also regarded second marriage as a sex sin.他們還認為第二次婚姻作為性犯罪。 At this time there were many Novatians in Asia Minor, and the council offered generous terms to those who wished to be reconciled, recognising the orders of their clergy, and the dignity of their bishops, but exacting written declarations that they will regard as fellow Catholics those who have contracted a second marriage and those doing penance for apostasy.此時有許多Novatians在小亞細亞,和理事會提供的慷慨的條款,誰願意和解,承認他們的神職人員的命令,以及尊嚴,他們的主教,但嚴格的書面聲明,他們將同天主教徒視為那些誰染上第二次婚姻和那些做懺悔的叛教。

To a second class of schismatics the same generosity was shown.到第二類 schismatics與羅馬同樣慷慨的表現。 These were the sect that descended from the notorious bishop of Antioch, Paul of Samosata, deposed in 268 by a council of bishops, for various crimes and for his heretical teaching that there is no distinction between the three persons of the Holy Trinity.這些都是該教派的後裔從臭名昭著的主教安提,保薩莫薩塔,廢黜在一個由安理會268主教,為各類案件,為他的邪教是沒有區別的3人的聖三位一體。 But these "Paulinians," so to call them, are to be rebaptised.但是,這些“Paulinians”,所以打電話給他們,要rebaptised。 Those who had functioned as clergy may be reordained if the Catholic bishop to whom they are now subject thinks fit.這些誰已經發揮了神職人員可能reordained如果天主教主教,現在誰認為合適的主題。

On various aspects of clerical life there are as many as ten canons.對各方面的文書生活有多達 10門炮。 No one is to be ordained who has had himself castrated, nor anyone only recently converted to the faith.沒有一個是誰已被祝聖自己閹割,也只是在最近才轉換為任何人的信仰。 "Yesterday a catechumen, today a bishop," says St. Jerome; "in the evening at the circus and next morning at the altar; just lately a patron of comedians, now busy consecrating virgins." “昨天一個初學者,今天主教說,”圣杰羅姆,“在晚上和第二天早上的馬戲團在祭壇;只是最近一個靠山的喜劇演員,現在正忙於神聖的處女。” It is the canon itself which speaks of ordination, and episcopal consecration, following immediately on baptism.它是佳能談到本身的協調,以及主教祝聖後,立即洗禮。 Bishops are not to ordain another bishop's subject without his consent.主教們不要再主教祝聖的主題沒有他的同意。 No clerics--bishops, priests, or deacons--are to move from one diocese to another.沒有神職人員-主教,司鐸,執事或-是從一個移動到另一個教區。 Clerics are forbidden to take interest for money loans, and for this offence they must be deposed.神職人員是禁止採取貸款利息的錢,因為這種違法行為而它們必須被廢黜。

Finally there are two canons regarding three famous sees: Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem.最後有兩個著名的三大砲就看到:亞歷山大,安提阿,耶路撒冷。 The council confirms the ancient custom that gives the bishop of Alexandria jurisdiction over the bishops of the civil provinces of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis.安理會確認的古老風俗,讓亞歷山大主教的主教管轄的民事省份埃及,利比亞和五城。 And likewise the ancient privileges of the see of Antioch and of [the chief sees] of the other provinces.與同樣古老的特權的見安提阿和[行政看到]的其他省份。 Jerusalem is a city apart, the Holy City par excellence, and although its bishop remains as much as ever the subject of the metropolitan bishop at Caesarea, he is allowed what canon 7 calls a precedence of honour, without a hint to say in what this consists.耶路撒冷是一個城市外,卓越的聖城,雖然其主教仍然和過去一樣的主題都會在該撒利亞主教,他可以調用什麼佳能七優先的榮譽,沒有暗示說的這是什麼組成。

All this variety of business was rapidly despatched, for the council held its final session barely four weeks after it opened, June 19, 325.所有這些種類的業務正在迅速派出,安理會舉行了最後一次會議剛剛開幕後4個星期,6月19日,325。

As the date all but coincided with the celebrations that marked the twentieth year of Constantine's reign, the emperor entertained the prelates at a banquet in full imperial style, and as they passed before the guards, presenting arms in salute, they asked themselves, says Eusebius, if the Kingdom of Heaven on earth had not finally come to pass.由於日期幾乎正好是慶祝活動,標誌著20年的君士坦丁的統治時期,皇帝宴請了主教在一個宴會中充分帝國風格,因為他們通過以前的警衛,呈現武器致敬,他們問自己,說尤西比烏斯如果天國地球上最後沒有來通過。

Save for the letter of the bishops of Egypt, mentioned already, and two letters of the emperor, the one general, announcing the new rule about Easter, the other telling the people of Egypt that the bishops had confirmed the traditional belief and that Arius was the tool of the devil, we know nought of what might be called "the promulgation" of the council's decisions.保存為信的主教埃及,已經提到,兩個字母的皇帝,一個一般,宣布新規則對復活節,其他人告訴埃及的主教證實了傳統的信仰和阿里烏斯是魔鬼的工具,我們知道什麼可能化為烏有被稱為“頒布”安理會的決定。 But the breakup of the great gathering was by no means followed by the silence that accompanies peace perfectly attained.但是,分手的偉大聚會是絕不其次是沉默伴隨和平完美實現。 The real troubles had not yet begun.真正的麻煩還沒有開始。

NOTES注意事項

1. 1。 Newman, Causes of the Rise and Successes of Arianism (February 1872) in Tracts, Theological and Ecclesiastical, pp. 103-4.紐曼,成因的興起和成功的阿里烏教派(1872年2月)在大港,神學和教會,頁。103-4。

2. 2。 Ibid., 116.同上。,116。 For Newman's "examination," 103-11.對於紐曼的“考試”,103-11。

3. 3。 Ibid., 112.同上。,112。

4. 4。 Ibid., 96, 97 for the passages quoted.同上。,96,97通道引用。

5. 5。 Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea (?265-338).尤西比烏斯,主教撒利亞(?265-338)。

6. 6。 St. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria ( 328-73); born ?295.聖亞他那修,主教亞歷山德里亞(328-73);出生的?295。

7. 7。 Newman, The Development of Christian Doctrine, 1st ed., 1845, pp. 7, 5; with one sentence ("Still no one," etc.) from ibid., rev.紐曼,發展基督教學說,第1版。,1845年,頁。七,5;的一句話(“仍然沒有人,”等)由同上。,轉速。 ed., p.教育署。山口 7. 7。

8 A standard Latin dictionary will give as a first basic equivalent, "commander in chief." 8標準的拉丁字典將作為第一個基本相等,“總司令”。

9. 9。 J. Lebreton, SJ, Histoire de Eglise, edited by A. Fliche and Msgr. j的勒布勒,律政司司長,歷史學德埃格斯,編輯由A.弗利甚和主教。 V. Martin (henceforward referred to as F. and M.), vol.五,馬丁(從今以後稱為樓和M.),第一卷。 2, p. 2,第 343. 343。

10. 10。 The modern Scutari, on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus.現代斯庫台,在博斯普魯斯海峽的亞洲沿岸。

11. 11。 A city 60 to 70 miles from Constantinople, on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus, at the head of Lake Iznik.阿城市60至70英里從君士坦丁堡,在博斯普魯斯海峽的亞洲沿岸,在頭湖伊茲尼克。 It was about 25 miles south from the then capital, Nicomedia.這是約25英里以南從當時的首都,尼科美底亞。

11a.第11A條。 Denzinger, Enchiridion, no.登青格,便覽,沒有。 54, prints the Greek text; Barry, Readings in Church History, p. 54,打印希臘文,巴里,讀教會歷史,山口 85, gives a translation. 85,給出了一個翻譯。

12. 12。 The word has here a special meaning as the name of the (civil) diocese of which Antioch was the chief city, Oriens: the modern Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Syria, the coast of Turkey thence north and west for a good 200 miles with a vast territory in the interior that went beyond the Euphrates.這個詞在這裡有一個特殊的含義的名稱(民事)安提阿教區,其中主要是城市,Oriens:現代黎巴嫩,以色列,約旦,敘利亞,土耳其那裡的海岸北部和西部有一個良好的與200英里幅員遼闊,在內地是超出了幼發拉底河。

13. 13。 Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils (1937), prints the text and a translation.施羅德,紀律法令總議會(1937年),打印文本和翻譯。 This note serves for all the councils down to the Fifth Lateran of 1512-17.這說明服務的所有議會下降到了1512年至1517年第五次拉特蘭。 Barry, no 16, gives a translation.巴里,16號,給出了一個翻譯。

From: THE CHURCH IN CRISIS: A History of the General Councils: 325-1870來自:教會在危機:歷史總議會:325-1870
CHAPTER 1第一章
Mgr.經理。 Philip Hughes菲利普休斯


First Council of Nicaea, Nicæa (325)第一屆理事會的尼西亞,尼西亞(325)

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Index指數

Introduction介紹
The Profession Of Faith Of The 318 Fathers該專業的信仰神父的318
Canons大砲
The Letter Of The Synod In Nicaea To The Egyptians該信的主教在尼西亞為埃及人


Introduction 介紹

This council opened on 19 June in the presence of the emperor, but it is uncertain who presided over the sessions. In the extant lists of bishops present, Ossius of Cordova, and the presbyters Vitus and Vincentius are listed before the other names, but it is more likely that Eustathius of Antioch or Alexander of Alexandria presided.本會在6月19日開幕的皇帝的存在,但它是不確定誰主持的會議。現存的名單在主教出席,Ossius的科爾多瓦和長老聖維特和文森是上市前的其他名稱,但它更有可能的是歐斯塔修斯的安提阿或亞歷山大的亞歷山大主持。 (see Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed. Norman P. Tanner SJ) (見法令的合一議會,教育署。諾曼體育坦納律政司司長)

The bold text in the profession of faith of the 318 fathers constitutes, according to Tanner "The additions made by the council to an underlying form of the creed", and that the underlying creed was most likely "derived from the baptismal formula of Caesarea put forward by the bishop of that city Eusebius" or that it "developed from an original form which existed in Jerusalem or at any rate Palestine".大膽的文字在同業間有318個父親的信仰構成,根據唐納說:“增加安理會作出一個基本形式的信條”,並指出,基本的信條是最有可能“來自洗禮公式提出撒利亞提出了該城的主教尤西比烏斯“或者說,它”開發從原來的形式存在於耶路撒冷的巴勒斯坦或在任何速度“。 "A direct descent from the creed of Eusebius of Caesarea is manifestly out of the question." “直接後裔從信仰的尤西比烏斯的該撒利亞是明顯不可能的。” Vol.第一卷。 1, p2)一,小二)

The figure of 318 given in the heading below is from Hilary of Poitier and is the traditional one.鑑於這一數字318在標題下面是從希拉里的波伊提爾,是傳統之一。 Other numbers are Eusebius 250, Eustathius of Antioch 270., Athanasius about 300, Gelasius of Cyzicus at more than 300.其他數字是250尤西比烏斯,歐斯塔修斯的安提阿270。,亞他那修約300格拉西的基齊庫斯超過300人。


The Profession Of Faith Of The 318 Fathers該專業的信仰神父的318

1. 1。 We believe in one God the Father all powerful, maker of all things both seen and unseen.我們相信,在一個上帝的父親都強大,製造商都看到的一切事物和看不見的。 And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the only-begotten begotten from the Father, that is from the substance [Gr.而在一主耶穌基督,上帝的兒子,是唯一的造物主造物主從父,即從物質[石墨。 ousias, Lat. ousias,緯度。 substantia] of the Father, God from God, light from light, true God from true God, begotten [Gr.黑質]的父親,神神,光從光,從真神的真神,造物主[石墨。 gennethenta, Lat. gennethenta,緯度。 natum] not made [Gr.納圖姆]沒有[石墨。 poethenta, Lat. poethenta,緯度。 factum], Consubstantial [Gr.呈文],同質 [石墨。 homoousion, Lat. homoousion,緯度。 unius substantiae (quod Graeci dicunt homousion)] with the Father, through whom all things came to be, both those in heaven and those in earth; for us humans and for our salvation he came down and became incarnate, became human, suffered and rose up on the third day, went up into the heavens, is coming to judge the living and the dead. unius substantiae(狴Graeci dicunt homousion)]與父親,通過他們所有的東西逐漸被,無論是在天上和地上的人士,對於我們人類和我們的拯救,他下來,成為肉身,成為人的,遭受和玫瑰在第三日上升,上升到天空,是來審判活人與死人。 And in the holy Spirit.而在聖靈。

2. 2。 And those who say而那些說誰

1. 1。 "there once was when he was not", and "before he was begotten he was not", and that “有一次是當他不”,並“之前,他是造物主,他是不是”,而
2. 2。 he came to be from things that were not, or from another hypostasis [Gr.他後來被從東西沒有,或者從另一個 hypostasis [石墨。 hypostaseos] or substance [Gr. hypostaseos]或物質[石墨。 ousias, Lat. ousias,緯度。 substantia], affirming that the Son of God is subject to change or alteration these the catholic and apostolic church anathematises.黑質],確認神的兒子是隨時更改或修改這些天主教和使徒教會anathematises。


Canons 大砲

1. If anyone in sickness has undergone surgery at the hands of physicians or has been castrated by barbarians, let him remain among the clergy. 1。若有人在疾病發生在手外科的醫生或已被閹割的野蠻人,讓他留之間的神職人員。 But if anyone in good health has castrated himself, if he is enrolled among the clergy he should be suspended, and in future no such man should be promoted.但是,如果有人在良好的健康狀況閹割自己,如果他參加的神職人員中,他應該暫停,並在未來沒有這樣的人應該加以推廣。 But, as it is evident that this refers to those who are responsible for the condition and presume to castrate themselves, so too if any have been made eunuchs by barbarians or by their masters, but have been found worthy, the canon admits such men to the clergy.但是,因為它是顯而易見的,這裡指的是那些誰負責的狀況和推定閹割自己,所以太多,如果任何已被夷宦官或他們的主人,但已發現值得,佳能承認這樣的人來神職人員。

2 . 2。 Since, either through necessity or through the importunate demands of certain individuals, there have been many breaches of the church's canon, with the result that men who have recently come from a pagan life to the faith after a short catechumenate have been admitted at once to the spiritual washing, and at the same time as their baptism have been promoted to the episcopate or the presbyterate, it is agreed that it would be well for nothing of the kind to occur in the future.因為,無論是通過必要或通過急切的需求,某些個人,有很多違反教會的佳能,其結果是男人最近來自異教生活的信心經過短暫慕道已被送往立刻精神洗滌,並在同一時間,因為他們的洗禮已被晉升為主教或自問,人們一致認為這將是很好的那種白白發生的未來。 For a catechumen needs time and further probation after baptism, for the apostle's words are clear: "Not a recent convert, or he may be puffed up and fall into the condemnation and the snare of the devil".對於一個初學者需要時間的洗禮後,進一步緩刑,對使徒的話很清楚:“並不是最近才轉換,否則他可能會趾高氣揚起來,落入圈套的譴責和對魔鬼”。 But if with the passage of time some sin of sensuality is discovered with regard to the person and he is convicted by two or three witnesses, such a one will be suspended from the clergy.但是,如果通過時間與一些罪惡的淫蕩發現,關於他被定罪的人,由兩個或三個見證人,這樣的人,將由神職人員。 If anyone contravenes these regulations, he will be liable to forfeit his clerical status for acting in defiance of this great synod.如果有人違反這些規定,他將被沒收,他擔任文職地位頂風這個偉大的主教。

3 . 3。 This great synod absolutely forbids a bishop, presbyter, deacon or any of the clergy to keep a woman who has been brought in to live with him, with the exception of course of his mother or sister or aunt, or of any person who is above suspicion.這個偉大的主教絕對禁止主教,長老,執事或任何神職人員保持一個女人誰一直在生活帶來了與他同例外,當然他的母親或姐妹或姑姑,或任何人誰是以上懷疑。

4 . 4。 It is by all means desirable that a bishop should be appointed by all the bishops of the province.它是用一切手段可取的主教應該由所有的主教任命的省。 But if this is difficult because of some pressing necessity or the length of the journey involved, let at least three come together and perform the ordination, but only after the absent bishops have taken part in the vote and given their written consent.但如果這是很困難,因為一些緊迫的必要性或長度的旅程involved,讓至少3走到一起,履行協調,但只有在缺席主教曾經積極參與投票,並取得他們的書面同意。 But in each province the right of confirming the proceedings belongs to the metropolitan bishop.但是,在每個省的確認訴訟的權利屬於大都市主教。

5 . 5。 Concerning those, whether of the clergy or the laity, who have been excommunicated, the sentence is to be respected by the bishops of each province according to the canon which forbids those expelled by some to be admitted by others.關於這些,無論是神職人員還是俗人,誰被驅逐,這句話是要尊重每個省的主教們根據佳能禁止那些被驅逐的一些被接納別人。 But let an inquiry be held to ascertain whether anyone has been expelled from the community because of pettiness or quarrelsomeness or any such ill nature on the part of the bishop. Accordingly, in order that there may be proper opportunity for inquiry into the matter, it is agreed that it would be well for synods to be held each year in each province twice a year, so that these inquiries may be conducted by all the bishops of the province assembled together, and in this way by general consent those who have offended against their own bishop may be recognised by all to be reasonably excommunicated, until all the bishops in common may decide to pronounce a more lenient sentence on these persons.但是,讓一個研訊,以確定是否有人已被開除出社會因為雞毛蒜皮的小事或quarrelsomeness或任何上述者性質的部分主教。因此,為了有可能是適當的機會,調查此事,但一致認為,這將是很好的主教會議,以每年舉行兩次,每年每個省,所以,這些查詢,可進行所有主教of the province the組裝在一起,並以這種方式被普遍同意those誰也得罪反對他們自己的主教可能是大家公認的是合理的驅逐,直到所有的主教們共同可以決定一個較寬鬆的發音判處這些人。 The synods shall be held at the following times: one before Lent, so that, all pettiness being set aside, the gift offered to God may be unblemished; the second after the season of autumn.在主教會議應在以下時間:1四旬期之前,所以,所有雞毛蒜皮的小事被擱置,提供給神的禮物可能是清白的,第二個賽季後的秋天。

6 . 6。 The ancient customs of Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis shall be maintained, according to which the bishop of Alexandria has authority over all these places since a similar custom exists with reference to the bishop of Rome.古老的習俗埃及,利比亞和五城予以保留,根據該主教亞歷山德里亞的權力,因為在所有這些地方存在著類似的習俗,參照羅馬的主教。 Similarly in Antioch and the other provinces the prerogatives of the churches are to be preserved.同樣,在安提阿和其他省份的特權,教會將被保留。 In general the following principle is evident: if anyone is made bishop without the consent of the metropolitan, this great synod determines that such a one shall not be a bishop.一般來說,以下原則是顯而易見的:如果有人未經同意了主教的大都市,這個偉大的主教會議決定,這樣一個不應成為主教。 If however two or three by reason of personal rivalry dissent from the common vote of all, provided it is reasonable and in accordance with the church's canon, the vote of the majority shall prevail.然而,如果兩個或三個原因持不同政見者的個人之爭從共同投票的是,只要它是合理的,並按照教會的佳能,選票的多數為準。

7 . 7。 Since there prevails a custom and ancient tradition to the effect that the bishop of Aelia is to be honoured, let him be granted everything consequent upon this honour, saving the dignity proper to the metropolitan.由於普遍存在一個古老的習俗和傳統,其大意是主教埃利亞卡皮要兌現,讓他被授予這一榮譽後,隨之而來的一切,節省的尊嚴,對各大都市。

8 . 8。 Concerning those who have given themselves the name of Cathars, and who from time to time come over publicly to the catholic and apostolic church, this holy and great synod decrees that they may remain among the clergy after receiving an imposition of hands.對於那些誰給了自己的名字Cathars,誰不時過來公開的天主教和使徒教堂,這個神聖和偉大的主教法令,他們可能會保持神職人員實施後,收到手。 But before all this it is fitting that they give a written undertaking that they will accept and follow the decrees of the catholic church, namely that they will be in communion with those who have entered into a second marriage and with those who have lapsed in time of persecution and for whom a period [of penance] has been fixed and an occasion [for reconciliation] allotted, so as in all things to follow the decrees of the catholic and apostolic church.但在這一切,是恰當的,他們作出書面承諾,他們將接受和遵循法令的天主教教會,即它們將在共融與那些誰已經進入了第二次婚姻,與那些誰已失效時間他們的迫害和一個時期[懺悔]已經固定和場合[和解]分配,使所有的事情按照法令的天主教和使徒教會。 Accordingly, where all the ordained in villages or cities have been found to be men of this kind alone, those who are so found will remain in the clergy in the same rank; but when some come over in places where there is a bishop or presbyter belonging to the catholic church, it is evident that the bishop of the church will hold the bishop's dignity, and that the one given the title and name of bishop among the so-called Cathars will have the rank of presbyter, unless the bishop thinks fit to let him share in the honour of the title.因此,讓所有的祝聖鄉村或城市都被認為是男人這種alone,是那些found將保持在同一職級的神職人員,但當一些come over的情形下是主教或長老屬於天主教教堂,很顯然,這位主教的教會將舉行主教的尊嚴,這是一個給定的名稱和姓名的主教之間的所謂Cathars將有秩的長老,除非主教認為合適讓他分享榮譽的稱號。 But if this does not meet with his approval, the bishop will provide for him a place as chorepiscopus or presbyter, so as to make his ordinary clerical status evident and so prevent there being two bishops in the city.但是,如果這個不符合他的批准後,主教為他們提供一個地方作為chorepiscopus或長老,使他的普通辦事員地位明顯,從而防止有可能出現兩個主教的城市。

9 . 9。 If any have been promoted presbyters without examination, and then upon investigation have confessed their sins, and if after their confession men have imposed hands upon such people, being moved to act against the canon, the canon does not admit these people, for the catholic church vindicates only what is above reproach.如果任何已經晉升長老免試,然後經調查後已供認自己的罪孽,如果他們的供詞後,男人們強加在這些人手中,被轉移到採取行動對付佳能,佳能不承認這些人,為天主教不僅維護教會只有什麼是無可指責。

10. If any have been promoted to ordination through the ignorance of their promoters or even with their connivance, this fact does not prejudice the church's canon; for once discovered they are to be deposed. 10。如果任何已被晉升為協調通過其發起人或無知,甚至與他們的縱容下,這一事實並不妨礙教會的佳能,因為一旦發現他們是被廢黜。

11 . 11。 Concerning those who have transgressed without necessity or the confiscation of their property or without danger or anything of this nature, as happened under the tyranny of Licinius, this holy synod decrees that, though they do not deserve leniency, nevertheless they should be treated mercifully.對於那些誰沒有必要或有逾越的沒收其財產或無危險或任何這種性質的,as在暴政下發生的李錫尼,this聖主教法令,雖然他們不應該得到寬大處理,nevertheless,他們應受到仁慈。 Those therefore among the faithful who genuinely repent shall spend three years among the hearers, for seven years they shall be prostrators, and for two years they shall take part with the people in the prayers, though not in the offering.因此,那些中忠實誰真正悔改度過了三年的聽眾,為7年,他們應prostrators,為兩年後,他們將參加與人的祈禱,但不是在產品。

12. Those who have been called by grace, have given evidence of first fervour and have cast off their [military] belts, and afterwards have run back like dogs to their own vomit, so that some have even paid money and recovered their military status by bribes; such persons shall spend ten years as prostrators after a period of three years as hearers. 12。那些誰被稱為是本乎恩,也給予熱情的證據第一,並已擺脫其[軍事]帶,後來都跑回自己喜歡的狗的嘔吐物,使一些人甚至付錢和恢復其軍事地位通過賄賂,這樣的人應花十年後的一段時期內prostrators三年聽眾。 In every case, however, their disposition and the nature of their penitence should be examined.在任何情況下,然而,他們的性格和性質應審查其懺悔。 For those who through their fear and tears and perseverance and good works give evidence of their conversion by deeds and not by outward show, when they have completed their appointed term as hearers, may properly take part in the prayers, and the bishop is competent to decide even more favourably in their regard.對於那些誰通過他們的恐懼和眼淚,毅力和良好的工作提供證據的相互轉換的行動,而不是由外在的表現,當他們完成了他們的委任的任期為聽眾,可以適當參與的祈禱,和有能力的主教決定在更有利的方面。 But those who have taken the matter lightly, and have thought that the outward form of entering the church is all that is required for their conversion, must complete their term to the full.現在,那些採取掉以輕心,並認為向外的形式進入教堂是所有需要的轉換,必須完成他們的任期為完整。

13 . 13。 Concerning the departing, the ancient canon law is still to be maintained namely that those who are departing are not to be deprived of their last, most necessary viaticum.關於離境,古教會法仍然要維持即那些誰是離境的人士不會被剝奪他們最後的,最必要的viaticum。 But if one whose life has been despaired of has been admitted to communion and has shared in the offering and is found to be numbered again among the living, he shall be among those who take part in prayer only [here a variant reading in Les canons des conciles oecumeniques adds "until the term fixed by this great ecumenical synod has been completed"].但如果他的生活已經絕望了,被送往交流,並分享在提供和被發現有編號再次與生活,他要在那些參加禱告只有[這裡變種閱讀萊斯大砲德conciles oecumeniques補充道:“直到長期固定的這個偉大的基督教主教已經完成”]。 But as a general rule, in the case of anyone whatsoever who is departing and seeks to share in the eucharist, the bishop upon examining the matter shall give him a share in the offering.但作為一般規則,任何人在任何情況下誰是離境,並尋求分享聖體聖事主教研究這個問題後,應給他提供一個分享。

14. Concerning catechumens who have lapsed, this holy and great synod decrees that, after they have spent three years as hearers only, they shall then be allowed to pray with the catechumens. 14。關於慕道誰已經過去了,這個神聖和偉大的主教法令後,他們花了3年,單單聽道,他們應被允許與慕道者祈禱。

15. On account of the great disturbance and the factions which are caused, it is decreed that the custom, if it is found to exist in some parts contrary to the canon, shall be totally suppressed, so that neither bishops nor presbyters nor deacons shall transfer from city to city. 15。佔了很大的干擾,這是造成各派系,它是頒布法令,自定義,如果發現在一些地區存在違反佳能,應完全壓制,因此,無論是主教或長老執事,也不應從城市轉移到城市。 If after this decision of this holy and great synod anyone shall attempt such a thing, or shall lend himself to such a proceeding, the arrangement shall be totally annulled, and he shall be restored to the church of which he was ordained bishop or presbyter or deacon.如果這一決定後,這個神聖和偉大主教任何人會嘗試這樣的事情,或應給予自己這樣的程序,有關安排應完全取消,他將恢復到教堂,而他被祝聖主教或長老或執事。

16. Any presbyters or deacons or in general anyone enrolled in any rank of the clergy who depart from their church recklessly and without the fear of God before their eyes or in ignorance of the church's canon, ought not by any means to be received in another church, but all pressure must be applied to them to induce them to return to their own dioceses, or if they remain it is right that they should be excommunicated. 16。任何長老或執事或一般人參加任何級別的神職人員誰離開他們的教會輕率和不懼怕神在他們眼前或無知教會的經典,不應該以任何方式將收到另一教堂,但所有的壓力必須適用於他們,促使他們返回到their own教區,或者他們remain認為他們是正確should被開除教籍。 But if anyone dares to steal away one who belongs to another and to ordain him in his church without the consent of the other's own bishop among whose clergy he was enrolled before he departed, the ordination is to be null.但是,如果有人膽敢偷走一個誰屬於另一個祝聖他在教會未經同意對方的自己的主教的神職人員中,他被錄取前,他離開時,協調是為空。

17. Since many enrolled [among the clergy] have been induced by greed and avarice to forget the sacred text, "who does not put out his money at interest", and to charge one per cent [a month] on loans, this holy and great synod judges that if any are found after this decision to receive interest by contract or to transact the business in any other way or to charge [a flat rate of] fifty per cent or in general to devise any other contrivance for the sake of dishonourable gain, they shall be deposed from the clergy and their names struck from the roll. 17。由於許多登記[神職人員]所引起的貪婪和貪婪忘記的神聖文本,“誰不把他的金錢利益”,並收取百分之一[1月]的貸款,這神聖和偉大的主教法官,如果發現有損壞後,這一決定得到利息,合同或辦理業務,或以任何其他方式收取[1平率]或百分之五十的一般設計為任何其他發明的前提下,不光彩的收益,他們應被廢黜的神職人員和他們的名字從名冊擊中。

18. It has come to the attention of this holy and great synod that in some places and cities deacons give communion to presbyters, although neither canon nor custom allows this, namely that those who have no authority to offer should give the body of Christ to those who do offer. 18。它已經到了這個神聖的重視和偉大的主教,在一些地方和城市的交流,以使長老執事,雖然沒有佳能和習俗允許這一點,即那些誰也無權提供,讓身體的基督那些誰報價。 Moreover it has become known that some of the deacons now receive the eucharist even before the bishops.此外,它已成為眾所周知的一些執事現在還沒收到聖體的主教。 All these practices must be suppressed.所有這些做法必須加以抑制。 Deacons must remain within their own limits, knowing that they are the ministers of the bishop and subordinate to the presbyters.執事必須留在自己的界限,知道他們是部長的主教和服從長老。 Let them receive the eucharist according to their order after the presbyters from the hands of the bishop or the presbyter.讓他們接受聖體根據他們的訂單後,從長老手中的主教或長老。 Nor shall permission be given for the deacons to sit among the presbyters, for such an arrangement is contrary to the canon and to rank.也不得給予許可的執事長老坐在其中,對這樣的安排是違反佳能和排名。 If anyone refuses to comply even after these decrees, he is to be suspended from the diaconate.如果有人不遵守,即使這些法令,他要暫停從diaconate。

19. Concerning the former Paulinists who seek refuge in the catholic church, it is determined that they must be rebaptised unconditionally. 19。關於前者Paulinists誰尋求庇護的天主教教堂,它決心,他們必須無條件地rebaptised。 Those who in the past have been enrolled among the clergy, if they appear to be blameless and irreproachable, are to be rebaptised and ordained by the bishop of the catholic church.這些誰在過去已登記的神職人員中,如果他們似乎是無可指責的和無可指責的,要rebaptised和祝聖主教由天主教教堂。 But if on inquiry they are shown to be unsuitable, it is right that they should be deposed.但是,如果調查顯示他們是不合適的,這是正確的,他們應該被廢黜。 Similarly with regard to deaconesses and all in general whose names have been included in the roll, the same form shall be observed.同樣對於執事和所有一般的名字已被列入名冊的時候,應當遵循相同的形式。 We refer to deaconesses who have been granted this status, for they do not receive any imposition of hands, so that they are in all respects to be numbered among the laity.我們把女執事誰得到了這種地位,因為他們沒有收到任何強加的手中,使他們在所有方面都將編號之間的俗人。

20. Since there are some who kneel on Sunday and during the season of Pentecost, this holy synod decrees that, so that the same observances may be maintained in every diocese, one should offer one's prayers to the Lord standing. 20。由於有一些誰跪在星期日和在本賽季的五旬節,這個神聖的主教法令,從而使相同的紀念活動,可維持在每一個教區,一應提供的祈禱,向上帝禱告的地位。


The Letter Of The Synod In Nicaea To The Egyptians該信的主教在尼西亞為埃及人

The bishops assembled at Nicaea, who constitute the great and holy synod, greet the church of the Alexandrians, by the grace of God holy and great, and the beloved brethren in Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis.主教們聚集在尼西亞,誰構成了偉大而神聖的主教,迎接教會的亞力山大,由恩典的神聖和偉大的神,和親愛的弟兄們在埃及,利比亞和五城。

Since the grace of God and the most pious emperor Constantine have called us together from different provinces and cities to constitute the great and holy synod in Nicaea, it seemed absolutely necessary that the holy synod should send you a letter so that you may know what was proposed and discussed, and what was decided and enacted.由於恩典和最虔誠的皇帝君士坦丁呼籲我們一起從不同的省份和城市構成的偉大而神聖的主教在尼西亞,似乎完全必要的,神聖的主教應該給你的信,讓你可以知道什麼是提出並討論,什麼是決定和制定。

First of all the affair of the impiety and lawlessness of Arius and his followers was discussed in the presence of the most pious emperor Constantine.首先,這一事件的不虔誠和無法無天的阿里烏斯和他的追隨者被討論了存在的最虔誠的皇帝君士坦丁。 It was unanimously agreed that anathemas should be pronounced against his impious opinion and his blasphemous terms and expressions which he has blasphemously applied to the Son of God, saying "he is from things that are not", and "before he was begotten he was not", and "there once was when he was not", saying too that by his own power the Son of God is capable of evil and goodness, and calling him a creature and a work.據一致認為,應突出anathemas對他的大不敬的意見和他褻瀆的詞語和他有褻瀆適用於上帝的兒子,說:“他是從東西,是不是”,並“之前,他是造物主,他不“和”有一次是當他不是“,說得太多,通過自己的權力是上帝的兒子,有能力的邪惡和善良,並呼籲他的生物和工作。

Against all this the holy synod pronounced anathemas, and did not allow this impious and abandoned opinion and these blasphemous words even to be heard.對所有這神聖的主教明顯anathemas,並沒有讓這個不虔誠和被遺棄的意見,這些褻瀆的話甚至被聽到。

Of that man and the fate which befell him, you have doubtless heard or will hear, lest we should seem to trample upon one who has already received a fitting reward because of his own sin.該名男子和他所遭受的命運,你無疑會聽到或聽到的,否則我們似乎應該踐踏一個誰已經收到一個合適的報酬,因為他自己的罪惡。 Such indeed was the power of his impiety that Theonas of Marmarica and Secundus of Ptolemais shared in the consequences, for they too suffered the same fate.這些的確是他的權力是Theonas不虔誠的邁爾邁里卡和Secundus的托勒梅斯共享的後果,因為他們也遭受同樣的命運。

But since, when the grace of God had freed Egypt from this evil and blasphemous opinion, and from the persons who had dared to create a schism and a separation in a people which up to now had lived in peace, there remained the question of the presumption of Meletius and the men whom he had ordained, we shall explain to you, beloved brethren, the synod's decisions on this subject too.但因為when上帝的恩典釋放埃及從這個邪惡和褻瀆的意見,從persons誰竟敢create一個分裂和一個分離in 1 people到目前位置曾和平共存,仍然存在的對question推定Meletius和男子正是他自己受戒,我們會向你解釋,親愛的弟兄們,主教會議的決定,關於這個問題了。 The synod was moved to incline towards mildness in its treatment of Meletius for strictly speaking he deserved no mercy.主教會議提出傾向於溫和其治療Meletius嚴格來說,他不值得憐憫。 It decreed that that he might remain in his own city without any authority to nominate or ordain, and that he was not to show himself for this purpose in the country or in another city, and that he was to retain the bare name of his office.它下令,他可能會留在自己的城市,他沒有任何權力,提名或阿拉維,他不是為了顯示自己對這一目的,在該國或在另一個城市,他是保留他的辦公室裸名稱。

It was further decreed that those whom he had ordained, when they had been validated by a more spiritual ordination, were to be admitted to communion on condition that they would retain their rank and exercise their ministry, but in every respect were to be second to all the clergy in each diocese and church who had been nominated under our most honoured brother and fellow minister Alexander; they were to have no authority to appoint candidates of their choice or to put forward names or to do anything at all without the consent of the bishop of the catholic church, namely the bishop of those who are under Alexander.據進一步頒布法令,那些他已經注定,當他們已經驗證了一個更協調的精神,為日後進入共融條件,他們將保留其職級和行使他們的部,但在各方面都認為是僅次於所有在各教區神職人員和教會誰被提名在我們最尊貴的兄弟和同胞部長亞歷山大,他們希望有無權任命自己選擇的候選人或提出姓名或做任何事情都沒有同意的情況主教的天主教教堂,即這些主教誰正在亞歷山大。 But those who by the grace of God and by our prayers have not been detected in any schism, and are spotless in the catholic and apostolic church, are to have authority to appoint and to put forward the names of men of the clergy who are worthy, and in general to do everything according to the law and rule of the church.但是,這些誰的恩典和我們的祈禱並沒有發現任何分裂,並一塵不染,在天主教和使徒教會,是有權力任命,並提出人的姓名的神職人員誰是值得,和一般盡一切依法而治之的教會。

In the event of the death of any in the church, those who have recently been accepted are thereupon to succeed to the office of the deceased, provided that they appear worthy and are chosen by the people; the bishop of Alexandria is to take part in the vote and confirm the election.在事件死亡的任何教會,那些誰最近被接受的隨即繼承死者的辦公室,只要他們出現值得的,是由人民選出,亞歷山大的主教,是參與表決,並確認了選舉。 This privilege, which has been granted to all others, does not apply to the person of Meletius because of his inveterate seditiousness and his mercurial and rash disposition, lest any authority or responsibility should be given to one who is capable of returning to his seditious practices.這種特權,它已獲得所有其他國家,並不適用於該人的Meletius因為他的鐵桿seditiousness和他的善變和皮疹處置,否則任何權力或責任應給予一個誰是能夠回到他的煽動行為。

These are the chief and most important decrees as far as concerns Egypt and the most holy church of the Alexandrians.這些是主要的和最重要的法令,據有關埃及和最神聖的教堂的亞力山大。 Whatever other canons and decrees were enacted in the presence of our lord and most honoured fellow minister and brother Alexander, he will himself report them to you in greater detail when he comes, for he was himself a leader as well as a participant in the events.無論其他大砲和頒布了法令的存在,我們的主,最榮幸同胞和兄弟部長亞歷山大,他將自己報告給你更詳細的時候他來了,因為他自己是一個領導者,以及在事件參與者。

The following is not found in the Latin text, but is found in the Greek text :以下是找不到的拉丁文字,但發現在希臘文字:

We also send you the good news of the settlement concerning the holy Pasch, namely that in answer to your prayers this question also has been resolved.我們也向你的好消息是解決問題的神聖Pasch,即在回答你的祈禱這個問題也已得到解決。 All the brethren in the East who have hitherto followed the Jewish practice will henceforth observe the custom of the Romans and of yourselves and of all of us who from ancient times have kept Easter together with you.所有的弟兄們在東誰迄今為止遵循的猶太人的做法今後將遵守習俗和羅馬人自己和我們大家誰從古代一直復活節與您一起。 Rejoicing then in these successes and in the common peace and harmony and in the cutting off of all heresy, welcome our fellow minister, your bishop Alexander, with all the greater honour and love.歡樂然後在這些成就和在共同的和平與和諧,切斷所有異端,我們歡迎各位部長,您的主教亞歷山大,與所有的更大的榮譽和愛情。 He has made us happy by his presence, and despite his advanced age has undertaken such great labour in order that you too may enjoy peace.他使我們高興他的存在,儘管他的年紀已承諾,以如此巨大的勞動,你也可以享受和平。

Pray for us all that our decisions may remain secure through almighty God and our lord Jesus Christ in the holy Spirit, to whom is the glory for ever and ever.我們祈禱,我們都可以保持安全的決定通過全能的上帝和我們的主耶穌基督的聖靈,誰是永遠的光榮和永遠。 Amen.阿門。


Translation taken from Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed.翻譯從法令合一議會,教育,教育署。 Norman P. Tanner諾曼體育坦納
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Documents from the First Council of Nicaea, Nicæa - 325 AD文件從第一局的尼西亞,尼西亞 - 公元325

Advanced Information 先進的信息

SOURCE: Henry R. Percival, ed., _The Seven Ecumenical Councils of the Undivided Church_, Vol XIV of Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, 2nd series, edd.消息來源:亨利河波斯富街,編輯。,兩隊的7合一議會的不可分割的Church_,第十四卷尼西亞和郵政尼西亞的父親,第二輯,教育博士。 Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, (repr. Edinburgh: T&T Clark; Grand Rapids MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1988)菲利普沙夫和亨利Wace(repr.愛丁堡:電訊克拉克;大急流心肌梗塞:箭牌醣類有限公司。乙Eerdmans,1988)

The value of the Percival edition is that it not only provides basic texts, but also has a number of well informed excursuses on significant topics, as well as, after each canon commentaries by later writers on the meaning.波斯富街的價值的版本,它不僅提供了基本的文本,但也有消息靈通excursuses數量上的重要問題,以及,在後來的每一個經典的評論作家的意義。

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THE NICENE CREED尼西亞信經

(Found in the Acts of the Ecumenical Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, in the Epistle of Eusebius of Coesarea to his own Church, in the Epistle of St. Athanasius Ad Jovianum Imp., in the Ecclesiastical Histories of Theodoret and Socrates, and elsewhere, The variations in the text are absolutely without importance.) (存在於基督教的行為安理會的以弗所和卡爾西,在書信的尤西比烏斯的Coesarea自己的教堂,聖亞他那修書信廣告Jovianum進出口。,在教會史和蘇格拉底的theodoret,和其他地方,在文本的差異是絕對沒有的重要性。)

The Synod at Nice set forth this Creed.(1)主教會議在尼斯提出這個信條。(1)

The Ecthesis of the Synod at Nice.(2)該 Ecthesis區會在尼斯。(2)

We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the only-begotten of his Father, of the substance of the Father, God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten (我們相信一個上帝,全能的父,製造商的所有有形和無形的東西,以及在一個主耶穌基督,上帝的兒子,是唯一的造物主,他的父親,該物質的父親,神神,光輕,很神很神,造物主( gennhq gennhq , ent耳鼻喉科 , not made, being of one substance( ,沒有作出,被一個物質( omoousion omoousion , consubstantialem) with the Father. ,consubstantialem)與父。 By whom all things were made, both which be in heaven and in earth.由何人所有的事情發了言,無論是在天堂和在地球上。 Who for us men and for our salvation came down [from heaven] and was incarnate and was made man.誰對我們人類和我們的拯救下來[從天上],是體現並取得了男子。 He suffered and the third day he rose again, and ascended into heaven.他遭受的第三天,他再次上升,並升天。 And he shall come again to judge both the quick and the dead. And [we believe] in the Holy Ghost.他必再來判斷雙方的快速和死亡。與[我們相信]在聖靈。 And whosoever shall say that there was a time when the Son of God was not (人若說有一段時間,上帝的兒子是不是( hn的HN pote頗特 ote希臘電信 ouk的Ouk h Ĥ n ñ ), or that before he was begotten he was not, or that he was made of things that were not, or that he is of a different substance or essence [from the Father] or that he is a creature, or subject to change or conversion(3)--all that so say, the Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematizes them. ),或者他是造物主,他之前並沒有,或者說他寫了的東西,沒有,或者說他是一個不同的物質或精神[從父]或者他是一個怪物,或隨時更改或轉換(3) -所有這麼說,天主教和使徒教會anathematizes他們。

NOTES注意事項

The Creed of Eusebius of Caesarea, which he presented to the council, and which some suppose to have suggested the creed finally adopted.該信條的尤西比烏斯的該撒利亞,他向安理會提交,並提出了一些假設有最後通過的信條。

(Found in his Epistle to his diocese; vide: St. Athanasius and Theodoret.) (發現在他的書信,以他的教區;隨:聖亞他那修和Theodoret。)

We believe in one only God, Father Almighty, Creator of things visible and invisible; and in the Lord Jesus Christ, for he is the Word of God, God of God, Light of Light, life of life, his only Son, the first- born of all creatures, begotten of the Father before all time, by whom also everything was created, who became flesh for our redemption, who lived and suffered amongst men, rose again the third day, returned to the Father, and will come again one day in his glory to judge the quick and the dead.我們相信,在一個只有上帝,全能的父,創造者對事物有形和無形的,以及在主耶穌基督,因為他是神的話語,神的神,光燈,生命的生命,他唯一的兒子,第一-出生的所有生物,遺物的父親在所有的時間,由何人也都被創建,誰成了肉身為我們的救贖,誰住,遭到人們之間,再次上升的第三天,回到了父親,並會再來有一天在他的榮耀,審判活人,死人。 We believe also in the Holy Ghost We believe that each of these three is and subsists; the Father truly as Father, the Son truly as Son, the Holy Ghost truly as Holy Ghost; as our Lord also said, when he sent his disciples to preach: Go and teach all nations, and baptize them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.我們也相信在聖靈我們相信,每3個是和存續,父親真正作為父親,兒子真正的兒子,聖靈真正的聖靈,正如我們主也說,當他派他的弟子講道:你去教大家的,他們施洗在名稱的父親,和兒子,和聖靈。

EXCURSUS ON THE WORD HOMOUSIOS.(4)附錄在Word HOMOUSIOS。(4)

The Fathers of the Council at Nice were at one time ready to accede to the request of some of the bishops and use only scriptural expressions in their definitions.父親理事會於尼斯是在同一時間準備加入該請求的一些主教和只使用聖經詞句在他們的定義。 But, after several attempts, they found that all these were capable of being explained away.但是,經過幾次嘗試,他們發現,所有這些都能夠被解釋了。 Athanasius describes with much wit and penetration how he saw them nodding and winking to each other when the orthodox proposed expressions which they had thought of a way of escaping from the force of.亞他那修描述了許多智慧和普及程度如何,他看見他們點頭和眨眼對方提出的正統時表達他們所想到的方式逃避從力。 After a series of attempts of this sort it was found that something clearer and more unequivocal must be adopted if real unity of faith was to be attained; and accordingly the word homousios was adopted.經過一系列的嘗試這一類的發現,更清晰,更明確的東西必須採取統一的,如果真正要達到信仰,以及相應的單詞homousios獲得通過。 Just what the Council intended this究竟這是安理會打算

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expression to mean is set forth by St. Athanasius as follows: "That the Son is not only like to the Father, but that, as his image, he is the same as the Father; that he is of the Father; and that the resemblance of the Son to the Father, and his immutability, are different from ours: for in us they are something acquired, and arise from our fulfilling the divine commands. Moreover, they wished to indicate by this that his generation is different from that of human nature; that the Son is not only like to the Father, but inseparable from the substance of the Father, that he and the Father are one and the same, as the Son himself said: 'The Logos is always in the Father, and, the Father always in the Logos,' as the sun and its splendour are inseparable."(1)表達的意思是由聖亞他那修規定如下:“這兒子是不是只喜歡父親,但是,由於他的形象,他的父親一樣,這是他的父親,並認為該相似的兒子的父親,和他的不變性,不同於我們:在我們,他們獲得的東西,並出現從我們履行神聖的命令。此外,他們希望通過這一表示是他那一代不同的是,人性;的兒子不僅喜歡的父親,但離不開物質的父親,他和父親是一個和相同的,因為自己的兒子說:'的標識總是在父, ,父親總是在理性,'當太陽和它的輝煌是分不開的。“(1)

The word homousios had not had, although frequently used before the Council of Nice, a very happy history.這個詞homousios還沒有,但經常使用在安理會尼斯,一個非常愉快的歷史。 It was probably rejected by the Council of Antioch,(2) and was suspected of being open to a Sabellian meaning.這可能拒絕安理會的安提阿,(2),被懷疑是開放給Sabellian意義。 It was accepted by the heretic Paul of Samosata and this rendered it very offensive to many in the Asiatic Churches.它接受了邪教保薩莫薩塔,這使得它非常反感,因為在亞洲的教會。 On the other hand the word is used four times by St. Irenaeus, and Pamphilus the Martyr is quoted as asserting that Origen used the very word in the Nicene sense.另一方面,這個詞是用4倍聖愛任紐,並Pamphilus的烈士是引述聲稱奧利用這個詞在尼西亞意義。 Tertullian also uses the expression "of one substance" (unius substanticoe) in two places, and it would seem that more than half a century before the meeting of the Council of Nice, it was a common one among the Orthodox.良還使用了“一個物質”(unius substanticoe)在兩個地方,它似乎超過半世紀前的會議上,安理會尼斯,這是一個共同的一間東正教。

Vasquez treats this matter at some length in his Disputations, (3) and points out how well the distinction is drawn by Epiphanius between Synousios and Homousios, "for synousios signifies such an unity of substance as allows of no distinction: wherefore the Sabellians would admit this word: but on the contrary homousios signifies the same nature and substance but with a distinction between persons one from the other. Rightly, therefore, has the Church adopted this word as the one best calculated to confute the Arian heresy."(4)巴斯克斯在對待這個問題在他的Disputations一些長度,(3),並指出如何好,兩者的區別由埃皮法尼烏斯之間Synousios和Homousios,“為synousios標誌著這種團結的實質內容不容區別:人哪會承認的薩姆奈特這個詞:反而homousios標誌相同的性質和內容,而是人與人之間的區別與一位來自其他。理所當然,因此,有教會通過這個詞作為一個最佳的阿里安計算駁斥異端。“(4)

It may perhaps be well to note that these words are formed like這也許可以很好地注意到,這些話是形成了一個類似 omobios omobios and omoiobios omoiobios , omognwmwn omognwmwn and omoiognwmwn omoiognwmwn , etc., etc. ,等等

The reader will find this whole doctrine treated at great length in all the bodies of divinity; and in Alexander Natalis (HE t. iv., Dies. xiv.); he is also referred to Pearson, On the Creed; Bull, Defence of the Nicene Creed; Forbes, An Explanation of the Nicene Creed; and especially to the little book, written in answer to the recent criticisms of Professor Harnack, by HB Swete, DD, The Apostles' Creed.讀者會發現這整個學說治療連篇累牘的所有機構的神性;和亞歷山大Natalis(何噸四。,模具。十四。),他也被稱為皮爾遜論的信條,牛,國防部長尼西亞信經,福布斯,一種解釋是尼西亞信經,以及特別是對小書,書面回答的Harnack教授最近批評,由乙肝斯威特,副署長,使徒信經。

EXCURSUS ON THE WORDS附錄的字詞 gennhqeta gennhqeta ou poihqenta poihqenta ] (JB Lightfoot. The Apostolic Fathers--Part II. Vol. ii. Sec. I. pp. 90, et seqq.) The Son is here [Ignat. ](新山富特。使徒的父親-第二部分。卷。二。秒。第一頁。90等seqq。)的兒子是在這裡[伊格納特。 Ad.廣告。 Eph.弗。 vii.] declared to be七。]宣布為 gennh gennh os as man and作為人與 a , ennhtos ennhtos as God, for this is clearly shown to be the meaning from the parallel clauses.為上帝,這是清楚顯示的意義是從並行條款。 Such language is not in accordance with later theological definitions, which carefully distinguished between這種語言不是按照後來神學的定義,其中仔細區分 genhtos genhtos and gennhtos gennhtos between之間 agenhtos agenhtos and agennhtos agennhtos ; so that ;使 genhtos genhtos , agenhtos agenhtos respectively denied and affirmed the eternal existence, being equivalent to分別否認,肯定了永恆的存在,相等於 ktistos ktistos , aktistos aktistos , while ,而 gennhtos gennhtos , agen阿根 htos htos described certain ontological relations, whether in time or in eternity.形容某些本體論關係,無論在時間或在永恆。 In the later theological language, therefore, the Son was在後來的神學語言,因此,兒子 gennhtos gennhtos even in his Godhead.甚至在他的神性。 See esp.見電除塵器。 Joann. Damasc.喬安。Damasc。 de Fid.德瞎話。 Orth.奧爾特。 i. 8 [where he draws the conclusion that only the Father is 8 [他得出結論,只有父親是 agennhtos agennhtos , and only the Son ,只有聖子 gennhtos gennhtos ]. ]。

There can be little doubt however, that Ignatius wrote幾乎可以肯定然而,伊格內修斯說 gennh?os gennh?操作系統 kai agennhtos agennhtos , though his editors frequently alter it into雖然他的編輯經常改變它到 gennh?os gennh?操作系統 kai agennhtos agennhtos . For (1) the Greek MS. (1)希臘碩士學位。 still retains the double [Greek nun] v, though the claims of orthodoxy would be a temptation to scribes to仍然保留了雙[希臘修女]五,雖然索賠的正統將是一個文士來誘惑

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substitute the single v. And to this reading also the Latin genitus et ingenitus points.代替單一訴而這也是拉美genitus閱讀等ingenitus點。 On the other hand it cannot be concluded that translators who give factus et non factus had the words with one v, for this was after all what Ignatius meant by the double v, and they would naturally render his words so as to make his orthodoxy apparent.另一方面,不能得出結論認為翻譯誰給factus等非factus有詞彙的一個V,因為這是畢竟什麼伊格含義的雙V,和他們會自然地使他的話使他的正統apparent 。 (2) When Theodoret writes (2)當Theodoret寫 gennhtos gennhtos ex當然 agennhtou agennhtou , it is clear that he, or the person before him who first substituted this reading, must have read ,很顯然,他或在他面前的人誰取代這首讀,必須讀 gennhtos gennhtos kai agennhtos agennhtos , for there would be no temptation to alter the perfectly orthodox ,因為在那裡不會改變的完美誘惑正統 genhtos genhtos kai agenhtos agenhtos , nor (if altered) would it have taken this form. ,或(如更改)將它採取這種形式。 (3) When the interpolator substitutes (3)當插替代品 o Ø monos莫諾 alhqinos alhqinos Qeos Qeos o Ø agennhtos agennhtos . . . tou de monogonous monogonous pathr pathr kai gennhtwr gennhtwr , the natural inference is that he too, had the forms in double v, which he retained, at the same time altering the whole run of the sentence so as not to do violence to his own doctrinal views; see Bull Def. ,自然的推論是,他也有形式的雙V,他保留,同時改變了整個運行的句子,以免給自己做暴力理論觀點,見牛業。 Fid.瞎話。 Nic.網卡。 ii.二。 2 (s) 6. (4) The quotation in Athanasius is more difficult. 2(第)6。(4)報價在亞他那修是更加困難。 The MSS. MSS的。 vary, and his editors write各不相同,他的編輯寫 genhtos genhtos kai agenhtos agenhtos . Zahn too, who has paid more attention to this point than any previous editor of Ignatius, in his former work (Ign. v. Ant. p. 564), supposed Athanasius to have read and written the words with a single v, though in his subsequent edition of Ignatius (p. 338) he declares himself unable to determine between the single and double v. I believe, however, that the argument of Athanasius decides in favour of the vv.贊恩太多,誰更注重這一點比以往任何編輯的伊格內修,在他以前的工作(Ign.訴螞蟻。頁564),本來他那修已經閱讀並寫了一個單V字,但在他後來的版本的伊格(第338頁)他宣布自己無法確定之間的單人和雙人訴我相信,然而,該參數決定的亞他那修贊成在VV。 Elsewhere he insists repeatedly on the distinction between在其他地方,他一再堅持之間的區別 ktixein ktixein and gennan gennan , justifying the use of the latter term as applied to the divinity of the Son, and defending the statement in the Nicene Creed ,理由是後者的使用術語適用於神的兒子,和衛冕的聲明在尼西亞 gennhton gennhton ek綻出 ths主題性住戶統計 ousias ousias tou patros patros ton uion uion omoousion omoousion (De Synod. 54, 1, p. 612). (德主教會議。54,1,612頁)。 Although he is not responsible for the language of the Macrostich (De Synod. 3, 1, p. 590), and would have regarded it as inadequate without the雖然他不是負責語言的Macrostich(德主教。三,1,第590頁),並把它有沒有不足 omoousion omoousion yet this use of terms entirely harmonizes with his own.然而,這方面完全使用與自己相協調。 In the passage before us, ib.在過道裡擺在我們面前,興業。 (s)(s) 46, 47 (p. 607), he is defending the use of homousios at Nicaea, notwithstanding that it had been previously rejected by the council which condemned Paul of Samosata, and he contends that both councils were orthodox, since they used homousios in a different sense. (第)(第)46,47(607頁),他是衛冕的使用homousios在尼西亞,儘管它先前已經拒絕了安理會的譴責保薩莫薩塔,和他爭辯說,兩局的正統,因為他們使用homousios在不同的意義。 As a parallel instance he takes the word作為一個實例,他採取平行字 agennhtos agennhtos which like homousios is not a scriptural word, and like it also is used in two ways, signifying either (1) T就像homousios不是聖經單詞,喜歡它也被用在兩個方面,意味著要么(1)筆 o Ø on關於 men男子 , mhte mhte de gennhqen gennhqen mhte mhte olws olws ekon怡康 ton aition aition or(2) T或(2)筆 o Ø aktiston aktiston . In the former sense the Son cannot be called在前者的意義上不能稱為子 agennhtos agennhtos , in the latter he may be so called.在後者,他可能是所謂的。 Both uses, he says, are found in the fathers.這兩種用途,他說,在父親被發現。 Of the latter he quotes the passage in Ignatius as an example; of the former he says, that some writers subsequent to Ignatius declare後者通過他引述了在伊格作為一個例子,他說,前,後,一些作家伊格申報 en to agennhton agennhton o Ø pathr pathr , kai eis電化學阻抗譜 o Ø ex當然 autou autou uios uios gnhsios gnhsios , gennhma gennhma alhqinon alhqinon k K表 . t . l . [He may have been thinking of Clem. [他可能一直在思考的克萊姆。 Alex.亞歷克斯。 Strom.斯特羅姆。 vi.六。 7, which I shall quote below.] He maintains that both are orthodox, as having in view two different senses of the word 7,我會引述如下。]他認為,無論是正統的,因為有鑑於兩種不同的意義這個詞 agennhton agennhton , and the same, he argues, is the case with the councils which seem to take opposite sides with regard to homousios. ,同樣,他認為,是這樣的議會,雙方似乎採取相反的方面homousios。 It is dear from this passage, as Zahn truly says, that Athanasius is dealing with one and the same word throughout; and, if so, it follows that this word must be親愛的,是從這段話,作為贊恩真正所說,亞他那修是處理同一個詞在整個以及,如果有的話,於是,這個詞必須 agennhton agennhton , since agenhton agenhton would be intolerable in some places.將是不能容忍的一些地方。 I may add by way of caution that in two other passages, de Decret.我可以補充的方式提醒大家,在其他兩個通道,德Decret。 Syn.突觸。 Nic.網卡。 28 (1, p. 184), Orat. 28(1,第184頁),Orat。 c. Arian.阿里安。 i. 30 (1, p. 343), St. Athanasius gives the various senses of 30(1,343頁),聖亞他那修給出了各種感官的 agenhton agenhton (for this is plain from the context), and that these passages ought not to be treated as parallels to the present passage which is concerned with the senses of (因為這是平原,從上下文),而且這些通道不應該被視為平行的通道是目前關注的感官 agennhton agennhton . Much confusion is thus created, eg in Newman's notes on the several passages in the Oxford translation of Athanasius (pp. 51 sq., 224 sq.), where the three passages are treated as parallel, and no attempt is made to discriminate the readings in the several places, but "ingenerate" is given as the rendering of both alike. If then Athanasius who read由此產生很多混淆,如在紐曼的債券在幾個通道,在牛津翻譯亞他那修(第51平方米,224平方米),其中3個通道被視為平行,並沒有試圖將歧視的讀數在幾個地方,但“ingenerate”給出的渲染都一樣。如果誰讀那麼亞他那修 gennhtos gennhtos kai agennhtos agennhtos in Ignatius, there is absolutely no authority for the spelling with one v. The earlier editors (Voss, Useher, Cotelier, etc.), printed it as they found it in the MS.; but Smith substituted the forms with the single v, and he has been followed more recently by Hefele, Dressel, and some other.在伊格,是絕對沒有權力的拼寫與一訴較早編輯器(沃斯,Useher,Cotelier等),印有他們發現在MS。,但史密斯取代單一的形式與五,他最近一直遵循由黑弗勒,德雷瑟爾,以及其他一些。 In the Casatensian copy of the MS., a marginal note is added,在Casatensian副本的MS。一個旁注被添加, anagnwsteon anagnwsteon

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agenhtos agenhtos tout招徠 esti埃斯蒂 mh榮譽勳章 poihqeis poihqeis . Waterland (Works, III., p. 240 sq., Oxf. 1823) tries ineffectually to show that the form with the double v was invented by the fathers at a later date to express their theological conception.沃特蘭(工程,三。,第240頁平方米,Oxf。1823)嘗試闕如顯示,形成了雙V是發明的父親在稍後的日期,表達他們的神學觀。 He even "doubts whether there was any such word as他甚至“懷疑是否有這樣的單詞 agennhtos agennhtos so early as the time of Ignatius." In this he is certainly wrong.這麼早的時間伊格。“在這一點,他肯定是錯誤的。

The MSS. MSS的。 of early Christian writers exhibit much confusion between these words spelled with the double and the single v. See eg Justin Dial.早期基督教作家展出許多混亂與拼寫之間的這些話的雙和單訴見如賈斯汀撥號。 2, with Otto's note; Athenag. 2,奧托的說明; Athenag。 Suppl.增刊。 4 with Otto's note; Theophil, ad Autol. 4奧托的說明;特奧菲爾,廣告奧托爾。 ii.二。 3, 4; Iren. 3,4;伊倫。 iv.四。 38, 1, 3; Orig. 38,1,3;原始。 c. Cels.透明片。 vi.六。 66; Method. 66;方法。 de Lib.德lib中。 Arbitr., p. Arbitr。山口 57; Jahn (see Jahn's note 11, p. 122); Maximus in Euseb. 57;雅恩(見雅恩的注11,第122頁);馬克西姆斯在Euseb。 Praep. Praep。 Ev.電子伏特。 vii.七。 22; Hippol. 22; Hippol。 Haer.哈爾。 v. 16 (from Sibylline Oracles); Clem.五,16(從知未來的甲骨文);克萊姆。 Alex.亞歷克斯。 Strom v. 14; and very frequently in later writers.斯特羅姆訴 14;及經常在以後的作家。 Yet notwithstanding the confusion into which later transcribers have thus thrown the subject, it is still possible to ascertain the main facts respecting the usage of the two forms.然而,儘管到後來的混亂謄寫就此引發的問題,還是有可能查明的主要事實,尊重使用的兩種形式。 The distinction between the two terms, as indicated by their origin, is that之間的區別這兩個詞,正如他們的出身,是 agenhtos agenhtos denies the creation, and否認創造, agennhtos agennhtos the generation or parentage.或父母的一代。 Both are used at a very early date; eg兩者都用在非常早的日期;如 agenhtos agenhtos by Parmenides in Clem.由巴門尼德的克萊姆。 Alex.亞歷克斯。 Strom.斯特羅姆。 v. l4, and by Agothon in Arist.五,腰椎,以及Agothon在Arist。 Eth.以太。 Nic.網卡。 vii.七。 2 (comp. also Orac. Sibyll. prooem. 7, 17); and 2(comp.也Orac。Sibyll。prooem。七,17);及 agennhtos agennhtos in Soph.在Soph。 Trach.澤。 61 (where it is equivalent to 61(它相當於 dusgenwn dusgenwn . Here the distinction of meaning is strictly preserved, and so probably it always is in Classical writers; for in Soph.這裡的含義是嚴格區分的保存,所以它可能永遠是經典作家,在Soph。 Trach.澤。 743 we should after Porson and Hermann read 743我們應該閱讀後波森和赫爾曼 agenhton agenhton with Suidas.與 Suidas。 In Christian writers also there is no reason to suppose that the distinction was ever lost, though in certain connexions the words might be used convertibly.在基督教作家也沒有理由認為這種區分是永遠失去了,儘管在某些接駁的話有可能被利用可轉換債券。 Whenever, as here in Ignatius, we have the double v where we should expect the single, we must ascribe the fact to the indistinctness or incorrectness of the writer's theological conceptions, not to any obliteration of the meaning of the terms themselves.無論何時,因為在這裡伊格內,我們有雙V,我們應該期望單,我們必須歸於事實不明確或不正確的是作家的神學概念,而不是任何抹殺其意義本身的條件。 To this early father for instance the eternal父親為了這個早期例如永恆 gen?hsis根?hsis of the Son was not a distinct theological idea, though substantially he held the same views as the Nicene fathers respecting the Person of Christ. The following passages from early Christian writers will serve at once to show how far the distinction was appreciated, and to what extent the Nicene conception prevailed in ante-Nicene Christianity; Justin Apol.聖子是不是一個獨特的神學想法,但實質上他持相同意見的尼西亞父親尊重人的基督。下面的段落from早期基督教作家將出任一次顯示多遠的區分欣賞,以及在何種尼西亞觀念盛行的程度在宰前尼西亞基督教;賈斯汀Apol。 ii.二。 6, comp. 6,可比。 ib.興業。 (s) 13; Athenag. (南)13; Athenag。 Suppl.增刊。 10 (comp. ib. 4); Theoph. 10(可比興業。四); Theoph。 ad.廣告。 Aut.奧地利。 ii.二。 3; Tatian Orat. 3;提安Orat。 5; Rhodon in Euseb. 5; Rhodon在Euseb。 HE v. 13; Clem.何訴13人;克萊姆。 Alex.亞歷克斯。 Strom.斯特羅姆。 vi.六。 7; Orig. 7;原始。 c. Cels.透明片。 vi.六。 17, ib. 17日,興業。 vi.六。 52; Concil. Antioch (AD 269) in Routh Rel. 52;促進會。安提阿(公元269)在魯斯│。 Sacr. Sacr。 III., p.三。山口 290; Method. 290;方法。 de Creat. 5.去開創全省。5。 In no early Christian writing, however, is the distinction more obvious than in the Clementine Homilies, x.在任何早期基督教的著作卻是區分更加明顯比在克萊門汀講道詞,十 10 (where the distinction is employed to support the writer's heretical theology): see also viii. 16, and comp. 10(其中的區別是用來支持作家的異端神學):又見八。16,可比。 xix.十九。 3, 4, 9, 12. 3,4,9,12。 The following are instructive passages as regards the use of these words where the opinions of other heretical writers are given; Saturninus, Iren.以下是有益的段落至於這些詞的使用情況的意見的其他邪教作家發出;撒端黎納,伊倫。 i. 24, 1; Hippol. 24,1; Hippol。 Haer.哈爾。 vii.七。 28; Simon Magus, Hippol. 28;西蒙法師,Hippol。 Haer.哈爾。 vi.六。 17, 18; the Valentinians, Hippol. Haer. 17,18;華倫提努,Hippol。哈爾。 vi.六。 29, 30; the Ptolemaeus in particular, Ptol. 29,30,托勒密,特別是Ptol。 Ep.內啡肽。 ad.廣告。 Flor.弗洛爾。 4 (in Stieren's Ireninians, Hipaeus, p. 935); Basilides, Hippol. 4(斯捷倫的Ireninians,Hipaeus,頁935);巴西里德,Hippol。 Haer.哈爾。 vii.七。 22; Carpocrates, Hippol. 22; Carpocrates,Hippol。 Haer.哈爾。 vii.七。 32. 32。

From the above passages it will appear that Ante-Nicene writers were not indifferent to the distinction of meaning between the two words; and when once the othodox Christology was formulated in the Nicene Creed in the words從上面的段落也將出現前廳尼西亞的作家,不無動於衷,區分這兩個詞的含義,而當一旦othodox基督是制定了尼西亞信經中的話 gennhqenta gennhqenta ou poihqenta poihqenta , it became henceforth impossible to overlook the difference. ,它成為今後不能忽視其中的差別。 The Son was thus declared to be兒子因此宣布為 gennhtos gennhtos but not但不 genhtos genhtos . I am therefore unable to agree with Zahn (Marcellus, pp. 40, 104, 223, Ign. von Ant. p. 565), that at the time of the Arian controversy the disputants were not alive to the difference of meaning.因此,我不能同意贊恩(馬塞勒斯頁。40,104,223是IGN。馮螞蟻。第565頁),即當時的阿里安爭議,爭執雙方都沒有活著的意義的差異。 See for example Epiphanius, Haer.例如見埃皮法尼烏斯,哈爾。 lxiv. lxiv。 8. 8。 But it had no especial interest for them.但它沒有特殊的利益他們。 While the orthodox party clung to the homousios as enshrining the doctrine for which they fought, they had no liking for the terms雖然正統黨秉持著homousios作為供奉的學說為他們爭取,他們沒有喜歡的條件 agennhtos agennhtos and gennhtos gennhtos as applied to the Father and the Son respectively, though unable to deny their propriety, because they were affected by the Arians and applied in their own way.適用於父親和兒子分別,但不能否認他們的禮,因為他們受到白羊座和應用在他們自己的方式。 To the orthodox mind the Arian formula為正統思想的阿里安公式 ouk的Ouk hn的HN prin首席 gennhqhnai gennhqhnai or some Semiarian formula hardly less dangerous, seemed或一些Semiarian公式幾乎同樣危險,似乎

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always to be lurking under the expression總是要根據表達潛伏 Qeos Qeos g nnhtos nnhtos as applied to the Son.適用於子。 Hence the language of Epiphanius Haer.因此,語言埃皮法尼烏斯哈爾。 lxxiii. lxxiii。 19: "As you refuse to accept our homousios because though used by the fathers, it does not occur in the Scriptures, so will we decline on the same grounds to accept your 19:“當你拒絕接受,因為雖然我們homousios所使用的父親,它不會出現在聖經,這樣,我們就以同樣的理由拒絕接受您的 ag股份公司 nnhtos nnhtos ." Similarly Basil c. Eunom. i., iv., and especially ib. further on, in which last passage he argues at great length against the position of the heretics, 。“同樣羅勒角Eunom。一,四。,尤其是興業。進一步,而在這最後一段,他認為在很大篇幅對異端的位置, ei ag股份公司 nnhtos nnhtos , fasin fasin , o Ø pathr pathr , genntos genntos de o Ø ui用戶界面 s s , ou ths主題性住戶統計 auths auths ous OU的 as . See also the arguments against the Anomoeans in[Athan.] Dial.另見論據反對Anomoeans在[森。]撥號。 de Trin.德特林。 ii.二。 passim. This fully explains the reluctance of the orthodox party to handle terms which their adversaries used to endanger the homousios.各處。這充分說明了不情願的正統黨的處理方面,他們的對手使用的危及homousios。 But, when the stress of the Arian controversy was removed, it became convenient to express the Catholic doctrine by saying that the Son in his divine nature was但是,當應力的阿里安爭議被拆除,成為方便的表達天主教教義,他說兒子在他的神聖性質 g nnhtos nnhtos but not但不 g nhtos nhtos . And this distinction is staunchly maintained in later orthodox writers, eg John of Damascus, already quoted in the beginning of this Excursus.而這種區別是堅決維護在以後的正統作家,如約翰大馬士革已經開始引用這個附錄。

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THE CANONS OF THE 318 HOLY FATHERS該炮的318聖教父

ASSEMBLED IN THE CITY OF NICE, IN BITHYNIA.聚集在城市尼斯在比提尼亞。

CANON I佳能我

IF any one in sickness has been subjected by physicians to a surgical operation, or if he has been castrated by barbarians, let him remain among the clergy; but, if any one in sound health has castrated himself, it behoves that such an one, if [already] enrolled among the clergy, should cease [from his ministry], and that from henceforth no such person should be promoted.中頻任何一個已經遭受疾病醫師外科手術,或者如果他已被閹割的野蠻人,讓他國之間存在神職人員,但是,如果任何一個在良好的健康狀況castrated自己,是有責任,這樣的一,如果[已]入讀中神職人員,應停止[從他的部],而且從今以後,沒有這樣的人應該加以推廣。 But, as it is evident that this is said of those who wilfully do the thing and presume to castrate themselves, so if any have been made eunuchs by barbarians, or by their masters, and should otherwise be found worthy, such men the Canon admits to the clergy.但是,因為它是顯而易見的,這是說那些故意每年至少去一個閹割和推定to themselves,因此,如果任何已太監by野蠻人或他們的主人,應該以其他方式值得被,這些男子佳能承認對神職人員。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME(1) OF CANON I.古代的一個縮影(1)佳能一

Eunuchs may be received into the number of the clergy, but those who castrate themselves shall not be received.宦官可以接收到數字的神職人員,但那些誰閹割的人,不能接受。

BALSAMON. BALSAMON。

The divine Apostolic Canons xxi., xxii., xxiii., and xxiv., have taught us sufficiently what ought to be done with those who castrate themselves, this canon provides as to what is to be done to these as well as to those who deliver themselves over to others to be emasculated by them, viz., that they are not to be admitted among the clergy nor advanced to the priesthood.神聖的使徒大砲21。,22。,二十三。,和二十四。,有什麼足以告訴我們應當做那些誰閹割自己,這經典規定什麼是必須做這些以及那些誰交付自己給他人以閹割他們,即。,他們是不被接納之間的神職人員也不先進的神職人員。

DANIEL BUTLER.丹尼爾巴特勒。

(Smith and Cheetham, Dict. Christ. Ant.) The feeling that one devoted to the sacred ministry should be unmutilated was strong in the Ancient Church .... (史密斯和奇塔姆,快譯通。基督。螞蟻。)的感覺,一個致力於神聖的部門應該未被殘割的強烈古代教會.... This canon of Nice, and those in the Apostolic Canons and a later one in the Second Council of Arles(canon vii.) were aimed against that perverted notion of piety, originating in the misinterpretation of our Lord's saying (Matt. xix. 12) by which Origen, among others, was misled, and their observance was so carefully enforced in later times that not more than one or two instances of the practice which they condemn are noticed by the historian.這佳能尼斯,以及那些在使徒大砲和以後一個在第二屆理事會的阿爾勒(佳能七。)旨在對那扭曲的孝道概念,原產於誤解,我們的主的說法(19。12)其中淵源,等等,被誤導,他們是如此認真遵守執行在稍後的時間,不超過一個或兩個實例的做法,他們譴責歷史學家都注意到了。 The case was different if a man was born an eunuch or had suffered mutilation at the hands of persecutors; an instance of the former, Dorotheus, presbyter of Antioch, is mentioned by Eusebius(HE vii., c. 32); of the latter, Tigris, presbyter of Constantinople, is referred to both by Socrates(HE vi. 16) and Sozomen(HE vi. 24) as the victim of a barbarian master.該案件是不同的,如果一個人出生的宦官或受到殘害在手中的迫害;一個實例前,Dorotheus,長老的安提阿,提到由尤西比烏斯(何七。角32);後者,底格里斯河,長老君士坦丁堡,被稱為均蘇格拉底(何六。16)和Sozomen(何六。24)作為受害者的野蠻的主人。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

We know, by the first apology of St. Justin(Apol. c. 29) that a century before Origen, a young man had desired to be mutilated by physicians, for the purpose of completely refuting the charge of vice which the heathen brought against the worship of Christians.我們知道,由第一個道歉的聖賈斯汀(Apol.角29),一個世紀前淵源,一個年輕的男子曾渴望被肢解的醫生,為目的的收費完全駁斥該副異教徒提起基督徒的崇拜。 St. Justin neither praises nor blames this young man: he only relates that he could not obtain the permission of the civil authorities for his project, that he renounced his intention, but nevertheless remained virgo all his life.聖賈斯汀既不讚揚也不怪這個年輕人:他只與他無法獲得許可的民事當局為他的項目,他放棄了他的意圖,但仍然是處女座一生。 It is very probable that the Council of Nice was induced by some fresh similar cases to renew the old injunctions; it was perhaps the Arian bishop, Leontius, who was the principal cause of it.(1)這是非常可能的是,安理會尼斯誘導一些新鮮的類似案件,以更新舊的禁令,它也許是阿里安主教,Leontius,誰是主要的原因了。(1)

LAMBERT.蘭伯特。

Constantine forbade by a law the practice condemned in this canon.君士坦丁通過一項法律禁止這種做法的譴責,這經典。 "If anyone shall anywhere in the Roman Empire after this decree make eunuchs, he shall be punished with death. If the owner of the place where the deed was perpetrated was aware of it and hid the fact, his goods shall be confiscated."(Const. M. 0pera. Migne Patrol. vol. viii., 396.) “如果任何人不得在任何地方,羅馬帝國的這項法令後作出的太監,他將被處以死刑。如果業主的地方,是犯下契約知道它藏在事實上,他的貨物,應當予以沒收。”(常量。米0pera。米涅巡邏。第一卷。八。,396。)

BEVERIDGE.貝弗里奇。

The Nicene fathers in this canon make no new enactment but only confirm by the authority of an Ecumenical synod the Apostolic Canons, and this is evident from the wording of this canon.尼西亞的父親在這經典作任何新的立法,但只是證實了一個基督教主教權威的使徒大砲,這是顯而易見的,從這個經典的措辭。 For there can be no doubt that they had in mind some earlier canon when they said, "such men the canon admits to the clergy."因為在那裡可以毫無疑問,他們已經考慮到的一些早期經典時,他們說,“這樣的人佳能承認的神職人員。” Not,沒有, outos outos ok?nwn好嗎?NWN的 , but ,但 o Ø kanwn kanwn , as if they had said "the formerly set forth ,因為如果他們說:“以前提出

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and well-known canon" admits such to the clergy. But no other canon then existed in which this provision occurred except apostolical canon xxi. which therefore we are of opinion is here cited.和著名的佳能“承認這樣的神職人員。但沒有其他佳能當時存在發生在本規定除使徒的教會21。因此,我們對這些意見在這裡引用。

[In this conclusion Hefele also agrees.] This law was frequently enacted by subsequent synods and is inserted in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Decretum Gratiani. [在黑弗勒也同意這一結論。]該法頒布以後經常主教會議,並插入法典卡諾尼奇,Decretum Gratiani。 Pars.帕爾斯。 I. Distinctio LV., C vii.一Distinctio低壓。,ç七。

EXCURSUS ON THE USE OF THE WORD "CANON."附錄關於使用這個詞的“佳能”。

(Bright: Notes on the Canons, pp. 2 and 3.) (光亮:債券在大砲,頁。2和3。)

K K表 anwn anwn , as an ecclesiastical term, has a very interesting history.作為一個教會的任期內,有一個非常有趣的歷史。 See Westcott's account of it, On the New Testament Canon, p.見韋斯科特的賬戶吧,在新約聖經佳能,山口 498 if. 498如果。 The original sense, "a straight rod" or "line," determines all its religious applications, which begin with St. Paul's use of it for a prescribed sphere of apostolic work(2 Cor. x. 13, 15), or a regulative principle of Christian life(Gal. vi. 16).原來意義上說,“直桿”或“線”,決定了其所有的宗教應用,首先聖保羅利用它為指定領域的使徒工作(2肺心病。十,13,15),或調節基督徒生活原則(加拉太書 6。16)。 It represents the element of definiteness in Christianity and in the order of the Christian Church.它代表了元素的定性和基督教在該命令的基督教堂。 Clement of Rome uses it for the measure of Christian attainment(Ep. Cor. 7).克萊門特的羅馬使用它為衡量基督教程度(插曲肺心病。7)。 Irenaeus calls the baptismal creed "the canon of truth"(i. 9, 4): Polycrates(Euseb. v. 24) and probably Hippolytus(ib. v. 28) calls it "the canon of faith;" the Council of Antioch in AD 269, referring to the same standard of orthodox belief, speaks with significant absoluteness of "the canon"(ib. vii. 30). Eusebius himself mentions "the canon of truth" in iv.愛任紐調用洗禮信條“佳能的真相”(一,9,4):波利克拉特斯(Euseb.訴24),可能希波呂托斯(ib.第訴28)稱之為“經典的信念,”安理會的安提阿在公元269,指的是同一標準的正統信仰,講有顯著絕對的“佳能”(ib.七。30)。尤西比烏斯自己提到的“佳能”真理在四。 23, and "the canon of the preaching" in iii. 23日,“佳能的說教”中三。 32; and so Basil speaks of "the transmitted canon of true religion"(Epist. 204-6). 32,等等巴西爾說的是“傳播經典的真正的宗教”(Epist. 204-6)。 Such language, like Tertullian's "regula fidei," amounted to saying, "We Christians know what we believe: it is not a vague 'idea' without substance or outline: it can be put into form, and by it we 'test the spirits whether they be of God.'這種語言,如良的“雷古拉信德奧跡”,等於是在說,“我們基督徒知道我們相信:這不是一個空泛的'想法'沒有實質內容或大綱:它可以被放入形式,通過它我們'試驗那些靈不論是神。 " Thus it was natural for Socrates to call the Nicene Creed itself a "canon," ii. “因此,這是理所當然的蘇格拉底,致電尼西亞信條本身就是一個”經典,“二。 27. 27。 Clement of Alexandria uses the phrase "canon of truth" for a standard of mystic interpretation, but proceeds to call the harmony between the two Testaments "a canon for the Church," Strom.克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞使用短語“佳能”真理的標準的神秘解釋,但收益調用和諧兩者之間的聖經“的教會,為教會,”斯特羅姆。 vi.六。 15, 124, 125. 15,124,125。 Eusebius speaks of "the ecclesiastical canon" which recognized no other Gospels than the four(vi. 25).尤西比烏斯說的是“教會的佳能”,承認沒有其他福音比4(第六25)。 The use of the term and its cognates in reference to the Scriptures is explained by Westcott in a passive sense so that "canonized" books, as Athanasius calls them(Fest. Ep. 39), are books expressly recognized by the Church as portions of Holy Scripture.這個詞的使用及其同源參照聖經的解釋是韋斯科特處於被動的意義,使“封聖”的書籍,稱他們為亞他那修(Fest.內啡肽。39),是書明確承認教會作為部分的聖經。 Again, as to matters of observance, Clement of Alexandria wrote a book against Judaizers, called "The Churches Canon"(Euseb. vi. 13); and Cornelius of Rome, in his letter to Fabius, speaks of the "canon" as to what we call confirmation(Euseb. vi. 43), and Dionysius of the "canon" as to reception of converts from heresy(ib, vii. 7).同樣,作為遵守的事項,克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞對Judaizers寫了一本書,叫做“教會佳能”(Euseb.六。13);和科尼利厄斯羅馬,在他的信法比尤斯,談到“佳能”,以我們所說的確認(Euseb.六。43),和修斯的“佳能”,以接待來自異端的轉換(興業,七。七)。 The Nicene Council in this canon refers to a standing "canon" of discipline(comp. Nic. 2, 5, 6, 9, 10, 15, 16, 18), but it does not apply the term to its own enactments, which are so described in the second canon of Constantinople(see below), and of which Socrates says "that it passed what are usually called 'canons' "(i. 13); as Julius of Rome calls a decree of this Council a "canon"(Athan. Apol. c. Ari. 25); so Athanasius applies the term generally to Church laws(Encycl. 2; cp. Apol. c. Ari. 69).尼西亞會議在這經典指的是一個常設的“經典”的紀律(可比網卡。2,5,6,9,10,15,16,18),但它並不適用於自身的長遠頒布,這如此描述了第二佳能君士坦丁堡(見下文),而其中蘇格拉底說:“它通過什麼通常被稱為'大砲'”(一,13);為朱利葉羅馬一項法令,要求對本局的“經典“(Athan. Apol。角阿里。25),因此適用於他那修的任期一般為教會法(Encycl. 2;處長。Apol。角阿里。69)。 The use of的使用 kanwn kanwn for the clerical body(Nic. 16, 17, 19; Chalc. 2) is explained by Westcott with reference to the rule of clerical life, but Bingham traces it to the roll or official list on which the names of clerics were enrolled(i. 5, 10); and this appears to be the more natural derivation, see "the holy canon" in the first canon of the Council of Antioch, and compare Socrates(i. 17), "the Virgins enumerated為文職機構(Nic. 16,17,19; Chalc。2)解釋韋斯科特參照本規則的文書的生活,但賓厄姆痕跡,它的推出或正式名單上的名字登記的神職人員是(我。五,10);,這似乎是更自然的推導,看到“葵花寶典”在第一佳能的安理會安提,並比較蘇格拉底(一17),“處女列舉 en tw荃灣 ekklhsiwn ekklhsiwn kan ni ," and(ib. v. 19) on the addition of a penitentiary "to the canon of the church;" see also George of Laodicea in Sozomon, iv. 13. Hence any cleric might be called ,“和(ib.第訴19)對另外一個監獄”,以佳能的教會,“又見喬治老底嘉在Sozomon,四。13。因此,任何可以被稱為教士 kan nikos尼科斯 , see Cyril of Jerusalem, Procatech.(4); so we read of "canonical singers." Laodicea, canon xv.見西里爾耶路撒冷,Procatech。(4),因此我們讀到的“典型歌手。”老底嘉,佳能十五。 The same notion of definiteness appears in同樣的概念出現在有定性

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the ritual use of the word for a series of nine "odes" in the Eastern Church service(Neale, Introd. East. Ch. if. 832), for the central and unvarying element in the Liturgy, beginning after the Tersanctus(Hammond, Liturgies East and West, p. 377); or for any Church office(Ducange in v.); also in its application to a table for the calculation of Easter(Euseb. vi. 29; vii. 32); to a scheme for exhibiting the common and peculiar parts of the several Gospels(as the "Eusebian canons") and to a prescribed or ordinary payment to a church, a use which grew out of one found in Athanasius' Apol.儀式使用這個詞的一個系列九“詩經”中的東方教會服務(尼爾,Introd。東。總。如果。832),為中央和一成不變的元素,在禮儀開始後Tersanctus(哈蒙德禮儀東,西,第377頁),或為任何教會辦公室(迪康熱在訴);還表現在申請表的計算復活節(Euseb.六。29;七。32);一個計劃參展的共同和特殊地區的幾個福音(也就是“Eusebian大砲”),並訂明或普通支付給教會,使用它的前身是一發現在他那修'Apol。 c. Ari.阿里。 60. 60。

In more recent times a tendency has appeared to restrict the term Canon to matters of discipline, but the Council of Trent continued the ancient use of the word, calling its doctrinal and disciplinary determinations alike "Canons."在最近次的傾向有所抬頭,限制任期佳能紀律的事項,但安理會的遄達繼續使用的古字,調用它的理論和學科都確定“大砲”。

CANON II佳能二

FORASMUCH as, either from necessity, or through the urgency of individuals, many things have been done contrary to the Ecclesiastical canon, so that men just converted from heathenism to the faith, and who have been instructed but a little while, are straightway brought to the spiritual layer, and as soon as they have been baptized, are advanced to the episcopate or the presbyterate, it has seemed right to us that for the time to come no such thing shall be done. forasmuch因為,無論從必要性,緊迫性,或通過個人,很多事情已經做違背了教會佳能,使官兵們只需轉換從異教的信仰,並已指示誰,但一小會兒,立刻被帶到精神層,一旦他們被洗禮,先進的主教或自問,它似乎告訴我們,正確的時間來沒有這樣的事情應當這樣做。 For to the catechumen himself there is need of time and of a longer trial after baptism.對於自己的初學者需要有一個較長的時間和審判後的洗禮。 For the apostolical saying is clear, "Not a novice; lest, being lifted up with pride, he fall into condemnation and the snare of the devil."對於使徒的意思是清楚的,“沒有一個新手,免得,被取消了自豪,他落入圈套和譴責的魔鬼。” But if, as time goes on, any sensual sin should be found out about the person, and he should be convicted by two or three witnesses, let him cease from the clerical office.但是,如果隨著時間的推移,任何感性罪,應找出有關的人,他應該被定罪由兩個或三個證人,讓他停止以文職辦公室。 And whoso shall transgress these[enactments] will imperil his own clerical position, as a person who presumes to disobey fie great Synod.和任何名副其實應超越這些[頒布]會危及自己的文書的地位,作為一個人誰不服從外商投資企業擅自偉大的主教。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON II.古縮影佳能二。

Those who have come from the heathen shall not be immediately advanced to the presbyterate.這些誰是來自異教徒不得立即提前到鐸。 For without a probation of some time a neophyte is of no advantage(對於沒有試用一段時間,一個新手的是沒有好處( kakos卡科斯 ). )。 But if after ordination it be found out that he had sinned previously, let him then be expelled from the clergy.但如果它被發現後協調出來以前,他曾犯過罪,然後讓他被驅逐的神職人員。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

It may be seen by the very text of this canon, that it was already forbidden to baptize, and to raise to the episcopate or to the priesthood anyone who had only been a catechumen for a short time: this injunction is in fact contained in the eightieth(seventy-ninth) apostolical canon; and according to that, it would be older than the Council of Nicaea.這可能是看到了這個非常經典文本,它已禁止為施洗,並提高到主教或神職人員的人誰也只不過是初學者很短的時間:此禁令其實是包含在八十(第七十九屆)使徒的教會,並根據是,這將是安理會以上的尼西亞。 There have been, nevertheless, certain cases in which, for urgent reasons, an exception has been made to the rule of the Council of Nicaea--for instance, that of S. Ambrose.有,然而,某些案件中,緊急的原因,已經取得了一個例外的規則,安理會尼西亞-例如,該S的劉漢銓。 The canon of Nicaea does not seem to allow such an exception, but it might be justified by the apostolical canon, which says, at the close: "It is not right that any one who has not yet been proved should be a teacher of others, unless by a peculiar divine grace."佳能尼西亞似乎不容許這種例外,但它可能是有道理的,使徒的教會,這表示,在關閉:“這是不對的,任何一個誰尚未被證明應該是教師的人,除非有特殊神聖的恩典“。 The expression of the canon of Nicaea,這表達了佳能的尼西亞, yukikon yukikon ti amarthma amarthma , is not easy to explain: some render it by the Latin words animale peccatam, believing that the Council has here especially in view sins of the flesh; but as Zonaras has said, all sins are ,是不容易的解釋:有些使其由拉丁字安尼米爾peccatam,認為安理會在這裡特別是鑑於罪惡的肉,但由於Zonaras說,所有的罪 yukika yukika amarthmata amarthmata . We must then understand the passage in question to refer to a capital and very serious offence, as the penalty of deposition annexed to it points out.然後,我們必須了解通行問題指的是資本和非常嚴重的罪行,因為刑罰的沉積所附它指出。

These words have also given offence,這句話也給予罪行, ei de proiontos proiontos tou krono柯諾 , n ñ ; that is to say, "It is necessary henceforward," etc., understanding that it is only those who have been too quickly ordained who are threatened with deposition in case they are guilty of crime; but the canon is framed, and ought to be understood, in a general manner: it applies to all other clergymen, but it appears also to point out that greater severity should be shown toward those who have been too quickly ordained. ,這就是說,“有必要從今以後,”等等,理解,只有那些誰也過於迅速受戒誰是威脅沉積情況下,他們是犯了罪,但佳能所採用的措辭,並要可以理解,在一般的方式:它適用於所有其他神職人員,但它似乎還指出,更大程度應表現出對那些誰已經太快受戒。

Others have explained the passage in this manner: "If it shall become known that any one who has been too quickly ordained was guilty before his baptism of any serious offence, he ought to be deposed." This is the interpretation given by Gratian, but it must也有人解釋了通過這種方式:“如果它應成為眾所周知,任何一個誰也很快被祝聖是有罪之前,他的洗禮任何嚴重罪行,他應該下台。”這是解釋,由gratian的,但它必須

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be confessed that such a translation does violence to the text.是承認這樣一個沒有暴力的翻譯文本。 This is, I believe, the general sense of the canon, and of this passage in particular: "Henceforward no one shall be baptized or ordained quickly. As to those already in orders(without any distinction between those who have been ordained in due course and those who have been ordained too quickly), the rule is that they shall be de posed if they commit a serious offence. Those who are guilty of disobedience to this great Synod, either by allowing themselves to be ordained or even by ordaining others prematurely, are threatened with deposition ipso facto, and for this fault alone."這是,我認為,一般意義上的經典,和這段話特別是:“從此以後,任何人不得接受洗禮或受戒迅速。至於那些已經在命令(不帶任何區分那些誰已頒布在適當的時候和那些誰已頒布太快),規則是他們應得提出,如果他們犯了嚴重罪行。那些誰是有罪的不服從這個偉大的世界主教會議,要么讓自己被祝聖祝聖別人,甚至被過早,受到威脅的事實本身與沉積,並為此故障孤單。“ We consider, in short, that the last words of the canon may be understood as well of the ordained as of the ordainer.我們認為,總之,這最後一句話,佳能可能被理解為工作的祝聖為命定。

CANON III佳能三

THE great Synod has stringently forbidden any bishop, presbyter, deacon, or any one of the clergy whatever, to have a subintroducta dwelling with him, except only a mother, or sister, or aunt, or such persons only as are beyond all suspicion.偉大的主教會議已經嚴格禁止任何主教,長老,執事,或任何一處的神職人員什麼,有一個與他subintroducta住宅,除了只有一個母親,或姐妹或姑姑,或僅是這些人超越一切懷疑。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON III.古縮影佳能三。

No one shall have a woman in his house except his mother, and sister, and persons altogether beyond suspicion.任何人不得有一個女人在他家裡,除了他的母親,姐姐,完全超越和人員的懷疑。

JUSTELLUS. JUSTELLUS。

Who these mulieres subintroductae were does not sufficiently appear . .這些mulieres subintroductae誰是沒有充分顯示。。 . but they were neither wives nor concubines, but women of some third kind, which the clergy kept with them, not for the sake of offspring or lust, but from the desire, or certainly under the pretence, of piety.但他們既不是妻子也不妄,但婦女的一些第三類,這與他們保持的神職人員,而不是為後代或慾望,但是從慾望,或肯定的幌子下,對虔誠。

JOHNSON.約翰遜。

For want of a proper English word to render it by, I translate "to retain any woman in their houses under pretence of her being a disciple to them."由於缺少一個適當的英語單詞,以使其通過,我翻譯“,以保留任何女人在他們的房屋下,她是一個幌子,向他們的門徒。”

VAN ESPEN加值埃斯彭

translates: And his sisters and aunts cannot remain unless they be free from all suspicion.翻譯:他的姐姐和姑姑不能保持,除非他們是不受任何懷疑。

Fuchs in his Bibliothek der kirchenver sammlungen confesses that this canon shews that the practice of clerical celibacy had already spread widely.福克斯在他的藏書德kirchenver sammlungen坦承在這經典shews文書的做法獨身已經廣泛傳播。 In connexion with this whole subject of the subintroductae the text of St. Paul should be carefully considered.在Connexion與這整個主題的subintroductae聖保羅的文本應當認真考慮。 1 Cor. 1肺心病。 ix.九。 5. 5。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

It is very terrain that the canon of Nice forbids such spiritual unions, but the context shows moreover that the Fathers had not these particular cases in view alone; and the expression這是非常地形,佳能尼斯禁止這樣的精神工會,但顯示的上下文此外,父親沒有這些特定的案件中獨特的看法,以及表達 sun太陽 isaktos isaktos should be understood of every woman who is introduced(應理解每一個女人誰介紹( sun太陽 isaktos isaktos ) into the house of a clergyman for the purpose of living there. )進了屋子的一個牧師為生活在那裡的目的。 If by the word如果按字數 sun太陽 isaktos isaktos was only intended the wife in this spiritual marriage, the Council would not have said, any只打算讓妻子在這精神的婚姻,會不會說,任何 sun太陽 isaktos isaktos , except his mother, etc.; for neither his mother nor his sister could have formed this spiritual union with the cleric.除了他的母親等;因為無論他的母親和他的妹妹也已形成這種精神工會與教士。 The injunction, then, does net merely forbid the該禁令,那麼這只是禁止網 sun太陽 isaktos isaktos in the specific sense, but orders that "no woman must live in the house of a cleric, unless she be his mother," etc.在特定意義,但訂單“沒有女人必須住在房子裡的神職人員,除非她是他的母親”等

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Gratian's Decretum, Pars I., Distinc.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇,格拉的Decretum,帕爾斯一,Distinc。 XXXII., C. xvi.三十二。,三十六。

CANON IV佳能第四

IT is by all means proper that a bishop should be appointed by all the bishops in the province; but should this be difficult, either on account of urgent necessity or because of distance, three at least should meet together, and the suffrages of the absent[bishops] also being given and communicated in writing, then the ordination should take place.它是由一個適當的一切手段應任命主教的主教在所有的省,但如果這是困難的,無論是在佔迫切需要,或因為距離,至少應該滿足三個在一起,在缺席的suffrages [主教]也正在考慮並書面通知,則應該進行協調。 But in every province the ratification of what is done should be left to the Metropolitan.但是,在每個省的批准,這樣做無非應由大都會。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON IV.古縮影佳能四。

A bishop is to be chosen by all the bishops of the province, or at least by three, the rest giving by letter their assent ; but this choice must be confirmed by the Metropolitan.一位主教,是被選擇的所有主教的省,或至少是三,在rest給他們的信中表示同意,但這種選擇必須由大都會。

ZONARAS. ZONARAS。

The present Canon might seem to be opposed to the first canon of the Holy Apostles, for the latter enjoins that a bishop ordained by two or three bishops, but this by目前佳能似乎是反對的第一個經典的聖使徒,後者責成一個由兩個或兩個主教祝聖三位主教,但這

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three, the absent also agreeing and testifying their assent by writing. But they are not contradictory; for the Apostolical canon by ordination ( 3,缺席也同意並以書面證明其同意。但他們並不矛盾;為使徒佳能的協調( keirotonian keirotonian ) means consecration and imposition of hands, but the present canon by constitution ( )意味著奉獻和徵收的手,但目前佳能的憲法( katastasin katastasin ) and ordination means the election, and enjoins that the election of a bishop do not take place unless three assemble, having the consent also of the absent by letter, or a declaration that they also will acquiesce in the election(or vote,( )和排序方式進行選舉,並責成該選舉主教不發生,除非三組裝後,也同意缺席通過信函,或聲明,表示他們也將默許選舉(或投票,( yhfw yhfw ) made by the three who have assembled. But after the election it gives the ratification or completion of the matter--the imposition of hands and consecration--to the metropolitan of the province, so that the election is to be ratified by him. )由3個誰也組裝。但在選舉中,使批准或完成的事項-徵收的雙手和奉獻-對大城市的省,所以,選舉是要由他批准。 He does so when with two or three bishops, according to the apostolical canon, he consecrates with imposition of hands the one of the elected persons whom he himself selects.他這樣做時,有兩個或三個主教,根據使徒的教會,他供奉與徵收手中的當選人之一的人,他自己選擇。

BALSAMON BALSAMON

also understands也了解 kaqistasqai kaqistasqai to mean election by vote.指選舉投票。

BRIGHT.光明。

The Greek canonists are certainly in error when they interpret希臘 canonists人是在錯誤的時候,他們當然解釋 keirotonia keirotonia of election.選舉。 The canon is akin to the 1st Apostolic canon which, as the canonists admit, must refer to the consecration of a new bishop, and it was cited in that sense at the Council of Cholcedon--Session xiii.(Mansi., vii. 307).佳能是類似於第一使徒教會,正如承認的canonists,必須提到一個新主教祝聖的,正是在這個意義上提到在安理會的Cholcedon -會話十三。(Mansi.,七。307 )。 We must follow Rufinus and the old Latin translators, who speak of "ordinari" "ordinatio" and "manus impositionem."我們必須按照Rufinus和老拉丁語翻譯,誰講“ordinari”“ordinatio”和“馬努斯impositionem。”

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The Council of Nice thought it necessary to define by precise rules the duties of the bishops who took part in these episcopal elections.安理會尼斯認為有必要通過精確的規則來界定職責的主教,誰參加了這些主教選舉。 It decided(a) that a single bishop of the province was not sufficient for the appointment of another;(b) three at least should meet, and(c) they were not to proceed to election without the written permission of the absent bishops; it was necessary(d) to obtain afterward the approval of the metropolitan.它決定:(一),單一主教全省沒有足夠的委任他人;(二)3,至少應達到,及(c)他們沒有進行選舉未經書面許可,缺席主教;這是必要的(四)獲得批准後的大都會。 The Council thus confirms the ordinary metropolitan division in its two most important points, namely, the nomination and ordination of bishops, and the superior position of the metropolitan. The third point connected with this division--namely, the provincial synod--will be considered under the next canon.因此,安理會確認了普通大都市司在其最重要的兩點,即提名和協調的主教,以及優越的位置大都市。第三點與此有關的部門-即,省主教會議-將考慮根據未來佳能。

Meletius was probably the occasion of this canon. Meletius可能是這個經典時刻。 It may be remembered that he had nominated bishops without the concurrence of the other bishops of the province, and without the approval of the metropolitan of Alexandria, and had thus occasioned a schism.這可能是想起他提名的主教未經同意的其他主教的省,未經批准,大都市的亞歷山大,並因此引起一個分裂。 This canon was intended to prevent the recurrence of such abuses.這經典旨在防止再次發生此類侵權行為。 The question has been raised as to whether the fourth canon speaks only of the choice of the bishop, or whether it also treats of the consecration of the newly elected.這個問題已經提出是否第四佳能說,只有選擇主教,還是也對待的奉獻,新當選的。 We think, with Van Espen, that it treats equally of both,--as well of the part which the bishops of the province should take in an episcopal election, as of the consecration which completes it.我們認為,與Van埃斯彭,它都一視同仁, -以及其中的一部分主教全省應參加選舉的主教,作為奉獻的完成它。

This canon has been interpreted in two ways.這被解釋佳能在兩個方面。 The Greeks had learnt by bitter experience to distrust the interference of princes and earthly potentates in episcopal elections.希臘人學會了不信任的痛苦經驗的干擾和世俗統治者的首領在主教選舉。 Accordingly, they tried to prove that this canon of Nice took away from the people the right of voting at the nomination of a bishop, and confined the nomination exclusively to the bishops of the province.因此,他們試圖證明在這經典的尼斯拿走了市民的權利於會上投票提名的主教,而且只限於提名的主教專門的省份。

The Greek Commentators, Balsamon and others, therefore, only followed the example of the Seventh and[so-called] Eighth(Ecu- menical Councils in affirming that this fourth canon of Nice takes away from the people the right previously possessed of voting in the choice of bishops and makes the election depend entirely on the decision of the bishops of the province.希臘評論員,Balsamon和其他人,因此,只有遵循的例子,第七和[所謂]第八屆(埃居,menical議會在肯定這第四佳能尼斯帶走了市民以前擁有的投票權在選擇的主教,使選舉的決定完全取決於對主教的省份。

The Latin Church acted otherwise.拉丁美洲教會行事,否則。 It is true that with it also the people have been removed from episcopal elections, but this did not happen till later, about the eleventh century; and it was not the people only who were removed, but the bishops of the province as well, and the election was conducted entirely by the clergy of the Cathedral Church. The Latins then interpreted the canon of Nice as though it said nothing of the rights of the bishops of the province in the election of their future colleague(and it does not speak of it in a very explicit manner), and as though it determined these two points only;(a) that for the ordination of a bishop three bishops at least are necessary;(b) that the right of confirmation rests with the metropolitan.誠然,與它的人也已被調離主教的選舉,但這並沒有發生,直到後來,關於第十一世紀,並能不是人遭撤職的唯一,但主教全省的歡迎,並這次選舉是完全由神職人員進行了大教堂。拉丁人則解釋了佳能尼斯好像什麼也沒有說的權利的主教該省在這次選舉中對未來的同事(並且它不談論它在一個非常明確的方式),雖然它和這兩點決定的;(1)表示,為配合三位主教的主教在至少是necessary;(b)該權利的確認取決於with的大都會。

The whole subject of episcopal elections is treated fully by Van Espen and by Thomassin, in Ancienne et Nouvelle Discipline de l' Eglise, P. II.整個主題的主教選舉被視為完全凡埃斯彭和湯瑪森,在安西安娜等中篇小說學科德升'埃格斯,第二。 1. 1。 2. 2。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Gratian's Decretum, Pars I. Dist.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇,格拉的Decretum,帕爾斯一區。 LXIV. LXIV。 cj終審法院首席法官

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CANON V同性戀者

CONCERNING those, whether of the clergy or of the laity, who have been excommunicated in the several provinces, let the provision of the canon be observed by the bishops which provides that persons cast out by some be not readmitted by others.關於這些,無論是神職人員或俗人,誰被驅逐的幾個省,讓提供的佳能的主教們應遵守的規定,其中一些人趕出去是沒有重新接納別人。 Nevertheless, inquiry should be made whether they have been excommunicated through captiousness, or contentiousness, or any such like ungracious disposition in the bishop.不過,調查他們是否應被驅逐通過captiousness,或contentiousness,或任何該等處置喜歡無禮的主教。 And, that this matter may have due investigation, it is decreed that in every province synods shall be held twice a year, in order that when all the bishops of the province are assembled together, such questions may by them be thoroughly examined, that so those who have confessedly offended against their bishop, may be seen by all to be for just cause excommunicated, until it shall seem fit to a general meeting of the bishops to pronounce a milder sentence upon them. And let these synods be held, the one before Lent, (that the pure Gift may be offered to God after all bitterness has been put away), and let the second be held about autumn.而且,這一問題可能有適當的調查,這是命令,在每個省主教會議將每年舉行兩次,以便當所有的主教全省組裝在一起,這種問題可通過他們將仔細研究,那一那些已經明白地得罪誰對他們的主教,可以看到所有被驅逐的正義事業,直到它似乎應當適合一般會議的主教宣告判決後,他們溫和。並且讓這些主教會議將舉行,一在封齋期,(即純禮品,可提供給上帝畢竟苦已放好),並讓有關秋季舉行第二。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON V.佳能五古縮影

Such as have been excommunicated by certain bishops shall not be restored by others, unless the excommunication was the result of pusillanimity, or strife, or some other similar cause.如已被驅逐某些主教,不得由他人恢復,除非是絕罰結果膽怯,或爭鬥,或一些其他類似的原因。 And that this may be duly attended to, there shall be in each year two synods in every province--the one before Lent, the other toward autumn.而且,這可能是適當的照顧時,應當在每年2主教會議的每一個省-一個大齋前,另一對秋季。

There has always been found the greatest difficulty in securing the regular meetings of provincial and diocesan synods, and despite the very explicit canonical legislation upon the subject, and the severe penalties attached to those not answering the summons, in large parts of the Church for centuries these councils have been of the rarest occurrence.一直以來發現的最大的困難在確保定期會議和教區主教會議的省,儘管非常明確的規範立法呼籲的主題,並附加了嚴厲的懲罰那些沒有回答的傳票,大部分地區的數個世紀的教會這些評議會一直是最稀有的發生。 Zonaras complains that in his time "these synods were everywhere treated with great contempt," and that they had actually ceased to be held. Zonaras抱怨說,在他的時代“這些主教會議到處都是禮遇有加,蔑視”,他們實際上已不再舉行。

Possibly the opinion of St. Gregory Nazianzen had grown common, for it will be remembered that in refusing to go to the latter sessions of the Second Ecumenical he wrote, "I am resolved to avoid every meeting of bishops, for I have never seen any synod end well, nor assuage rather than aggravate disorders."(1)也許認為聖格雷戈里齊恩曾共同長大,因為它都不會忘記,拒絕前往後者在第二屆大公他寫道:“我決心以避免每次會議的主教,因為我從來沒有見過主教會議順利結束後,也減輕而不是加重疾病。“(1)

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

Gelasius has given in his history of the Council of Nice, the text of the canons passed by the Council; and it must be noticed that there is here a slight difference between his text and ours.格拉西曾在他的歷史,安理會尼斯,文本的大砲由理事會通過,以及它必須看到,這裡有一個細微的差別是他的文字和我們之間。 Our reading is as follows: "The excommunication continues to be in force until it seem good to the assembly of bishops (我們的閱讀是如下:“罰仍然有效,直到它似乎好大會的主教( tw荃灣 koinw koinw ) to soften it." Gelasius, on the other hand, writes: )來軟化它。“格拉西,另一方面,寫道: mekris mekris an一個 tp總磷 koinp koinp h Ĥ tp總磷 episkopw episkopw , k K表 . t . l ., that is to say, "until it seem good to the assembly of bishops, or to the bishop (who has passed the sentence)," etc. 。,這是說,“直到它似乎好大會的主教或主教(誰通過了一句),”等

Dionysius the Less has also followed this vacation, as his translation of the canon shows.狄奧尼欠也遵循了這一假期,因為他翻譯的經典節目。 It does not change the essential meaning of the passage; for it may be well understood that the bishop who has passed the sentence of excommunication has also the right to mitigate it.它不改變基本含義的通行;因為這可能會清楚地認識到的主教,已通過一句罰也有權以減輕它。 But the variation adopted by the Prisca alters, on the contrary, the whole sense of the canon: the Prisca has not但變異通過普里斯卡馬改變,相反,整個意義上的經典:沒有了普里斯卡馬 ew電子戰 koinp koinp , but only ,但只 episkopw episkopw : it is in this erroneous form that the canon has passed into the Corpus jurisc an. :它是在這種錯誤的形式傳遞到佳能語料庫jurisc 1。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Gratian's Decretum, Pars II., Causa XI, Quaest.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇,格拉的Decretum,帕爾斯第二。,榮譽博士第十一Quaest。 III., Canon lxxiii., and the latter part in Pars I., Distinc.三。,佳能lxxiii。,後者在帕爾斯一部份,Distinc。 XVIII., c.十八。角 iii.三。

EXCURSUS ON THE WORD附錄在Word Prosferein Prosferein . (Dr. Adolph Harnack: Hist. of Dogma [Eng. Tr.] Vol. I. p. 209.) 。(博士阿道夫哈納克:組織胺。教條[工程。章。]卷。一,第209頁。)

The idea of the whole transaction of the Supper as a sacrifice, is plainly found in the dache, (c. 14), in Ignatius, and above all, in Justin (I. 65f.) But even Clement of Rome presupposes it, when (in cc. 40- 44) he draws a parallel between bishops and deacons and the這個想法是整個交易的晚餐作為犧牲,顯然是發現於大車,(約14),在伊格,最重要的是,在賈斯汀(一65F條)。克萊門特的羅馬,但即使它的先決條件,當(在CC。40 - 44),他繪製一個平行之間的主教和執事和

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Priests and Levites of the Old Testament, describing as the chief function of the former (44.4)祭司和利未人的舊約,描述為主要功能前(44.4) prosferein prosferein . This is not the place to enquire whether the first celebration had, in the mind of its founder, the character of a sacrificial meal; but, certainly, the idea, as it was already developed at the time of Justin, had been created by the churches.這不是place,詢問是否第一次慶功,在其創始人的思想,人物的一餐犧牲,但是,肯定的想法,因為它已經開發了當時賈斯汀,對所造成的,教堂。 Various reasons tended towards seeing in the Supper a sacrifice.對各種原因往往看到在晚餐的犧牲。 In the first place, Malachi i.首先,瑪拉基島 11, demanded a solemn Christian sacrifice: see my notes on Didache, 14.3. 11,要求在莊嚴的基督教犧牲:看到我的筆記上十二使徒遺訓,14.3。 In the second place, all prayers were regarded as a sacrifice, and therefore the solemn prayers at the Supper must be specially considered as such.在第二位,所有的祈禱被視為一種犧牲,因此,在莊嚴的祈禱晚餐必須特別考慮等。 In the third place, the words of institution在第三個地點,即體制 touto touto poieite poieite , contained a command with regard to a definite religious action. ,載有命令就一個明確的宗教行動。 Such an action, however, could only be represented as a sacrifice, and this the more, that the Gentile Christians might suppose that they had to understand這樣的行動,但是,只能表現為一種犧牲,這更需要的詹蒂萊基督徒,他們可能想了解 poiein poiein in the sense of在這個意義上的 quein quein . In the fourth place, payments in kind were necessary for the "agapae" connected with the Supper, out of which were taken the bread and wine for the Holy celebration; in what other aspect could these offerings in the worship be regarded than as在第四位,實物支付了必要的“agapae”關連的晚餐,其中採取了麵包和酒的聖慶祝活動;在哪些其他方面可以在這些產品被認為比作為崇拜 prosforai prosforai for the purpose of a sacrifice?為目的的犧牲? Yet the spiritual idea so prevailed that only the prayers were regarded as the然而,這樣的精神理念盛行,只有祈禱視為 qusia qusia proper, even in the case of Justin (Dial. 117).適當的,即使是在案件賈斯汀(Dial. 117)。 The elements are only唯一的元素 dpra dpra , prosforai prosforai , which obtain their value from the prayers, in which thanks are given for the gifts of creation and redemption, as well as for the holy meal, and entreaty is made for the introduction of the community into the Kingdom of God (see Didache, 9. 10). ,而獲得其價值的祈禱,感謝在其中給出的禮物創造和贖回,以及為聖吃飯,懇求的經費用於引進社會進入上帝的王國(見十二使徒遺訓,9 。10)。 Therefore, even the sacred meal itself is called因此,即使是神聖的膳食本身被稱為 eukaristia eukaristia (Justin, Apol. I. 66: (賈斯汀,Apol。一,66: h Ĥ trofh trofh auth權威性 kaleitai kaleitai par面值 hmin hmin eukaristia eukaristia . Didache, 9.十二使徒遺訓,9。 1: Ignat.), because it is 1:伊格納特。),因為它是 trafh trafh eukaristhqeisa eukaristhqeisa . It is a mistake to suppose that Justin already understood the body of Christ to be the object of這是一個錯誤的假設,賈斯汀已經明白基督的身體是對象 poiein poiein ,(1) and therefore thought of a sacrifice of this body (I. 66). (1),因此想到了犧牲本機構(一66)。 The real sacrificial act in the Supper consists rather, according to Justin, only in the真正的祭祀行為,而在晚餐組成,根據賈斯汀,只在 eukaristian eukaristian poiein poiein whereby the即在 koinos koinos artos阿托斯 becomes the成為 artos阿托斯 ths主題性住戶統計 eukaristias eukaristias .(2) The sacrifice of the Supper in its essence, apart from the offering of alms, which in the practice of the Church was closely united with it, is nothing but a sacrifice of prayer: the sacrificial act of the Christian here also is nothing else than an act of prayer (See Apol. I. 14, 65-67; Dial. 28, 29, 41, 70, 116-118). 。(2)犧牲晚餐在其精神實質,除了提供施捨,這在實踐中教會緊密團結它,只不過是一種犧牲的祈禱:祭祀行為,基督教在這裡也沒有別的比行為的祈禱(見Apol。一14,65-67;撥號。28,29,41,70,116-118)。

Harnack (lib. cit. Vol. II. chapter III. p. 136) says that "Cyprian was the first to associate the specific offering, ie the Lord's Supper with the specific priesthood. Secondly, he was the first to designate the passio Domini, nay, the sanguis Christi and the dominica hostia as the object of the eucharistic offering."哈納克(lib.前。卷。二。第三章。第136頁)說,“塞浦路斯是第一個聯想到的具體產品,即聖餐與特定的神職人員。其次,他是第一個指定passio多米尼,不僅如此,基督的血和多米尼加hostia為對象的聖祭。“ In a foot-note (on the same page) he explains that "Sacrificare, Sacrificium celebrare in all passages where they are unaccompanied by any qualifying words, mean to celebrate the Lord's Supper."在一英尺的說明(在同一頁)他解釋說,“Sacrificare,祭celebrare在所有通道,他們是無人陪伴的任何限定詞,意思是慶祝主的晚餐。” But Harnack is confronted by the very evident objection that if this was an invention of St. Cyprian's, it is most extraordinary that it raised no protest, and he very frankly confesses (note 2, on same page) that "the transference of the sacrificial idea to the consecrated elements which in all probability Cyprian already found in existence, etc."但哈納克面臨的非常明顯的反對意見,如果這是一個聖塞浦路斯發明的,它是最尋常的是,它沒有提出抗議,他很坦承(注2,在同一頁)說,“移情的犧牲思想的神聖化的要素在所有已發現的概率塞浦路斯存在,等等“ Harnack further on (in the same note on p. 137) notes that he has pointed out in his notes on the Didache that in the "Apostolic Church Order" occurs the expression進一步哈納克(在同一份關於第137頁)指出,他指出,在他的筆記上牧羊人,在“使徒教會訂購”發生的表達 h Ĥ prosqora prosqora tou swmatos swmatos kai tou aimatos aimatos .

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CANON VI佳能六

LET the ancient customs in Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis prevail, that the Bishop of Alexandria have jurisdiction in all these, since the like is customary for the Bishop of Rome also.讓古老的習俗在埃及,利比亞和五城為準,即主教亞歷山德里亞,在所有這些具有管轄權,因為喜歡的是習慣的羅馬主教也。 Likewise in Antioch and the other provinces, let the Churches retain their privileges.同樣,在安提阿和其他省份,讓教會保持其特權。 And this is to be universally understood, that if any one be made bishop without the consent of the Metropolitan, the great Synod has declared that such a man ought not to be a bishop.這是得到普遍的理解,如果任何一個主教作出未經同意的大都會,偉大的主教已經宣布,這樣的人不應該是一個主教。 If, however, two or three bishops shall from natural love of contradiction, oppose the common suffrage of the rest, it being reasonable and in accordance with the ecclesiastical law, then let the choice of the majority prevail.然而,如果兩個或三個主教應熱愛自然的矛盾,反對普選的休息,但有一項合理,根據教會法,然後讓大多數人選擇為準。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON VI.古縮影佳能六。

The Bishop of Alexandria shall have jurisdiction over Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis.主教亞歷山大應具有管轄權埃及,利比亞和五城。 As also the Roman bishop over those subject to Rome. So, too, the Bishop of Antioch and the rest over those who are under them.同時也作為羅馬主教對那些受羅馬。同樣,主教安提,其餘正在對這些誰他們。 If any be a bishop contrary to the judgment of the Metropolitan, let him be no bishop.如果任何一個主教違背判斷大都會,讓他沒有主教。 Provided it be in accordance with the canons by the suffrage of the majority, if three object, their objection shall be of no force.只要它是按照大砲由普選多數,如果三個對象,他們的反對意見是任何勢力。

Many, probably most, commentators have considered this the most important and most interesting of all the Nicene canons, and a whole library of works has been written upon it, some of the works asserting and some denying what are commonly called the Papal claims.許多人,可能大部分評論家都認為這是最重要,最有趣的所有尼西亞大砲,以及整個圖書館工程已被寫入後,有些工程的主張,有些什麼俗稱否認教皇索賠。 If any one wishes to see a list of the most famous of these works he will find it in Phillips's Kirchenrecht (Bd. ii. S. 35).如果任何人希望看到一個列表的最有名的這些作品,他會發現它在菲利普斯的Kirchenrecht(Bd.二。南35)。 I shall reserve what I have to say upon this subject to the notes on a canon which seems really to deal with it, confining myself here to an elucidation of the words found in the canon before us.我想保留我必須說在這個問題上的筆記佳能似乎真的要處理,圍在這裡澄清自己的話中找到佳能在我們面前。

HAMMOND, WA哈蒙德,西澳

The object and intention of this canon seems clearly to have been, not to introduce any new powers or regulations into the Church, but to confirm and establish ancient customs already existing.對象和目的本經典似乎已經清楚,不引入任何新的權力或法律法規的教會,而是要確認和建立業已存在的古老習俗。 This, indeed, is evident from the very first words of it: "Let the ancient customs be maintained."這的確是非常顯而易見的,從它的第一句話:“讓古老的習俗予以保留。” It appears to have been made with particular reference to the case of the Church of Alexandria, which had been troubled by the irregular proceedings of Miletius, and to confirm the ancient privileges of that see which he had invaded.這似乎已與特別提到案件的亞歷山大教會,這已經困擾了不規則的Miletius訴訟,並確認這一古老的特權,他看到了入侵。 The latter part of it, however, applies to all Metropolitans, and confirms all their ancient privileges.後者的一部分吧,不過,適用於所有的大都市,並證實其所有古老的特權。

FFOULKES. FFOULKES。

(Dict. Christ. Antiq. voce Council of Nicaea). The first half of the canon enacts merely that what had long been customary with respect to such persons in every province should become law, beginning with the province where this principle had been infringed; while the second half declares what was in future to be received as law on two points which custom had not as yet expressly ruled. (Dict.基督。Antiq。悄悄安理會尼西亞)。上半年頒布只是佳能的東西早就習慣了這樣的人就應該成為每一個省的法律,首先是省的這一原則已受到侵犯;而下半年的聲明是,在未來會收到兩點法習俗尚未明確裁決。 ... ... Nobody disputes the meaning of this last half; nor, in fact, would the meaning of the first half have been questioned, had it not included Rome.沒有人爭議的意義這一最後的一半;也不,事實上,將在上半年意義受到質疑,如果它不包括羅馬。 ... ... Nobody can maintain that the bishops of Antioch and Alexandria were called patriarchs then, or that the jurisdiction they had then was co-extensive with what they had afterward, when they were so called.沒有人能保持這個主教的安提阿和亞歷山大被稱為元老然後,或者說,他們當時管轄權的合作與他們所廣泛後來,當他們被所謂的。 ... ... It is on this clause ["since the like is customary for the Bishops of Rome also"] standing parenthetically between what is decreed for the particular cases of Egypt and Antioch, and in consequence of the interpretation given to it by Rufinus, more particularly, that so much strife has been raised.正是在這一條款[“因為喜歡的是習慣的羅馬主教也”]站在插入語是什麼命定之間的特殊案件埃及和安提阿,和後果的解釋,給它Rufinus,更具體地說,有這麼多紛爭已經提高。 Rufinus may rank low as a translator, yet, being a native of Aquileia, he cannot have been ignorant of Roman ways, nor, on the other hand, had he greatly misrepresented them, would his version have waited till the seventeenth century to be impeached. Rufinus可能等級低做翻譯,但是,作為一個本土的阿奎,他不能被無知的羅馬方式,也沒有,另一方面,如果他大大歪曲他們,將他的版本已等待,直到17世紀被彈劾。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The sense of the first words of the canon is as follows: "This ancient right is assigned to the Bishop of Alexandria which places under his jurisdiction the whole diocese of Egypt."在意義上的第一句話是,佳能如下:“這個古老的權利被分配到哪些地方主教亞歷山大在他管轄的整個教區的埃及。” It is without any reason, then, that the French Protestant Salmasius (Saumaise), the Anglican Beveridge, and the Gallican Launoy, try to show that the Council of Nice granted to the Bishop of Alexandria only the rights of ordinary metropolitans.它是在沒有任何理由,那麼,法國的新教薩爾馬西於斯(Saumaise),英國聖公會貝弗里奇和高盧Launoy,試圖表明,安理會尼斯授予主教亞歷山德里亞的權利只是普通大都市。

BISHOP STILLINGFLEET.主教斯蒂林弗利。

I do confess there was something peculiar in the case of the Bishop of Alexandria, for all the provinces of Egypt were under his immediate care, which was Patriarchal as to extent, but Metropolical in the administration.我承認有一些特殊的案件主教亞歷山德里亞,為全國各省,埃及是根據他的直接關心,這是宗族以程度,但Metropolical在管理。

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JUSTELLUS. JUSTELLUS。

This authority (本授權書( exousia exousia ) is that of a Metropolitan which the Nicene Fathers decreed to be his due over the three provinces named in this canon, Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, which made up the whole diocese of Egypt, as well in matters civil as ecclesiastical. )就是其中的一個大都市尼西亞下令將他的父親因為在這三個省名為佳能,埃及,利比亞和五城,正好是整個教區的埃及,以及民間的事項作為教會。

On this important question Hefele refers to the dissertation of Dupin, in his work De Antiqua Ecclesoe Disciplina.在這個重要問題黑弗勒是指論文的杜平,在他的作品德安蒂奎Ecclesoe Disciplina。 Hefele says: "It seems to me beyond a doubt that in this canon there is a question about that which was afterward calm the patriarchate of the Bishop of Alexandria; that is to say that he had a certain recognized ecclesiastical authority, not only over several civil provinces, but also over several ecclesiastical provinces (which had their own metropolitans);" and further on (p. 392) he adds: "It is incontestable that the civil provinces of Egypt, Libya, Pentapolis and Thebais, which were all in subjection to the Bishop of Alexandria, were also ecclesiastical provinces with their own metropolitans; and consequently it is not the ordinary fights of metropolitans that the Sixth Canon of Nice confers on the Bishop of Alexandria, but the rights of a superior Metropolitan, that is, of a Patriarch."黑弗勒說:“在我看來,毫無疑問,在這個經典有一個問題是有關該事後平靜東正教的主教亞歷山德里亞,這就是說,他有一定的承認教會的權力,而不是只對幾個民間省份,但也教會了幾個省(它們都有自己的大城市),“關於進一步(第392頁)他又說:”這是無可爭議的,公務員省份埃及,利比亞,五城和Thebais,這些都是在服從主教亞歷山德里亞,也教會了他們自己的大城市的省份;,因此它不是普通的打架的大都市,第六佳能尼斯賦予主教亞歷山德里亞,但上級都權利,即一個主教。“

There only remains to see what were the bounds of the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Antioch.目前只剩看什麼是對管轄範圍主教安提。 The civil diocese of Oriens is shown by the Second Canon of Constantinople to be conterminous with what was afterward called the Patriarchate of Antioch.民事教區Oriens二是表現在佳能的君士坦丁堡被貫以什麼為後來被稱為主教安提。 The see of Antioch had, as we know, several metropolitans subject to it, among them Caesarea, under whose jurisdiction was Palestine.在看到了安提阿,因為我們知道,一些大城市受到它,其中包括該撒利亞,在其管轄的巴勒斯坦。 Justellus, however, is of opinion that Pope Innocent I. was in error when he asserted that all the Metropolitans of Oriens were to be ordained by him by any peculiar authority, and goes so far as to stigmatize his words as "contrary to the mind of the Nicene Synod."(1) Justellus,但是,是認為諾森一,是在錯誤的時候,他說,所有的大城市的Oriens要被祝聖他任何特殊的權力,竟誣衊他的話是“違背了心在尼西亞主教。“(1)

EXCURSUS ON THE EXTENT OF THE JURISDICTION OF THE BISHOP OF ROME OVER THE SUBURBICAN CHURCHES.附錄的程度的司法管轄區的主教,羅馬上空的SUBURBICAN教堂。

Although, as Hefele well says, "It is evident that the Council has not in view here the primacy of the Bishop of Rome over the whole Church, but simply his power as a patriarch," yet it may not be unimportant to consider what his patriarchal limits may have been.雖然如黑弗勒也說:“很明顯,安理會並沒有認為這裡的首要羅馬的主教在整個教會,而是他的權力作為元老”,但它可能不會考慮他有什麼不重要重男輕女的限制可能已。

(Hefele, Hist. Councils, Vol. I., p. 397.) The translation of this [VI.] canon by Rufinus has been especially an apple of discord. (黑弗勒,組織胺。議會,卷。一,第397頁。)的翻譯本[第六章。]佳能的Rufinus特別是蘋果一直不和諧。 Et ut apud Alexandriam et in urbe Roma vetusta consuetudo servetur, ut vel ille Egypti vel hic suburbicariarum ecclesiarum sollicitudinem gerat.等UT斯達康apud Alexandriam等在烏爾貝羅馬vetusta consuetudo servetur,UT斯達康的Vel伊勒Egypti韋爾嗝suburbicariarum ecclesiarum sollicitudinem很大。 In the seventeenth century this sentence of Rufinus gave rise to a very lively discussion between the celebrated jurist, Jacob Gothfried (Gothofredus), and his friend, Salmasius, on one side, and the Jesuit, Sirmond, on the other.在17世紀的Rufinus這句話引起了熱烈討論一個非常著名的法學家之間,雅各Gothfried(戈托弗雷杜斯),和他的朋友,薩爾馬西於斯,一邊,和耶穌,西爾蒙,另一方面。 The great prefecture of Italy, which contained about a third of the whole Roman Empire, was divided into four vicariates, among which the vicariate of Rome was the first.意大利偉大的縣,其中載有大約三分之一的整個羅馬帝國,分為四個牧區,其中牧區羅馬是第一次。 At its head were two officers, the proefectus urbi and the vicarius urbis.在它的頭兩個人員,proefectus urbi和vicarius雅邦規劃設計。 The proefectus urbi exercised authority over the city of Rome, and further in a suburban circle as far as the hundredth milestone, The boundary of the vicarins urbis comprised ten provinces--Campania, Tuscia with Ombria, Picenum, Valeria, Samnium, Apulia with Calabria, Lucania and that of the Brutii, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica.行使權力的proefectus urbi在羅馬城,並進一步在郊區圈至於一百里程碑,邊界的vicarins雅邦規劃設計包括10個省-坎帕尼亞,Tuscia與Ombria,Picenum,瓦萊里婭,薩謨奈,阿普利亞與卡拉布里亞,盧卡尼亞而該Brutii,西西里島,撒丁島和科西嘉島。 Gothfried and Salmasius maintained, that by the regiones suburbicarioe the little territory of the proefectus urbi must be understood; while, according to Sirmond, these words designate the whole territory of the vicarius urbis. Gothfried和薩爾馬西於斯認為,這由regiones suburbicarioe小領土的proefectus urbi必須理解,而根據西爾蒙,這些話全境指定的vicarius雅邦規劃設計。 In our time Dr. Maasen has proved in his book,(2) already quoted several times, that Gothfried and Salmasius were right in maintaining that, by the regiones suburbicarioe, the little territory of the proefectus urbi must be alone understood.在我們這個時代已經證明Maasen博士在他的書,(2)已多次引用,即Gothfried和薩爾馬西於斯堅持認為是正確的,由regiones suburbicarioe,小領土的proefectus urbi必須單獨理解。

Hefele thinks that Phillips "has proved" that the Bishop of Rome had patriarchal rights over places outside the limits of the ten provinces of the vicarius urbis; but does not agree黑弗勒認為,菲利普斯“證明”是羅馬主教的權利超過了父權的限制以外的地方,在10個省份,vicarius雅邦規劃設計,但不同意

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with Phillips in thinking Rufinus in error.與菲利普斯思維 Rufinus錯誤。 As a matter of fact the point is a difficult one, and has little to do with the gist of the meaning of the canon.鑑於該事項的事實問題是一個困難,並沒有什麼與精神的含義的經典。 One thing is certain: the early Latin version of the canons, called the Prisca, was not satisfied with the Greek wording and made the Canon read thus: "It is of ancient custom that the bishop of the city of Rome should have a primacy (principatum), so that he should govern with care the suburban places, AND ALL HIS OWN PROVINCE."(1) Another interesting reading is that found in several MSS.有一點是肯定的:早期拉丁版的大砲,被稱為普里斯卡馬,不滿意的措辭,並與希臘的佳能閱讀這樣的:“這是古老的習俗,主教城市羅馬應該有一個優先( principatum),所以,他應該以照顧郊區的地方,和他自己的省。“(1)另一個有趣的發現是,在閱讀一些MSS的。 which begins, "The Church of Rome hath always had a primacy (primatum)," and as a matter of fact the early date of this addition is evinced by the fact that the canon was actually quoted in this shape by Paschasinus at the Council of Chalcedon.它開始,“教會羅馬祂所始終有一個首要地位(primatum),”作為一個事實問題的早日這除了是表現出的是,佳能在這實際上是引述形狀由Paschasinus在安理會的卡爾西。

Hefele further on says, "The Greek commentators Zonaras and Balsamon (of the twelfth century) say very explicitly, in their explanation of the Canons of Nice, that this sixth canon confirms the rights of the Bishop of Rome as patriarch over the whole West," and refers to Beveridge's Syodicon, Tom.黑弗勒進一步說,“希臘評論員Zonaras和Balsamon(12世紀)說得很清楚,在他們的解釋是大砲尼斯,佳能公司證實,這六所享有的權利作為元老羅馬主教在整個西方, “並提到貝弗里奇的Syodicon,湯姆。 I., pp. 66 and 67.一,頁。66和67。 After diligent search I can find nothing to warrant the great amplitude of this statement.經過認真搜查我能找到什麼值得大振幅的這項聲明。 Balsamon's interpretation is very vague, being simply that the Bishop of Rome is over the Western Eparchies ( Balsamon的解釋是很含糊,只是說,羅馬主教教區是對西( tpn主題方案 esperiwn esperiwn eparkiwn eparkiwn ) and Zonaras still more vaguely says that )和Zonaras更隱約說, tpn主題方案 esperiwn esperiwn arkein arkein eqos eqos ekrathse ekrathse . That the whole West was in a general way understood to be in the Roman Patriarchate I have no doubt, that the Greek scholiasts just quoted deemed it to be so I think most probably the case, but it does not seem to me that they have said so in the particular place cited.整個西是在一個一般的方式理解為是在羅馬主教我毫不懷疑,希scholiasts just引述認為它是如此我想大多數也許就是這樣但它似乎沒有我,他們說因此,在特定地點引用。 It seems to me that all they meant to say was that the custom observed at Alexandria and Antioch was no purely Eastern and local thing, for a similar state of affairs was found in the West.在我看來,所有這些的意思是說自定義觀察亞歷山大和安提沒有純粹的東西和地方的事,一個類似的事態被發現在西方。

CANON VII佳能七

SINCE custom and ancient tradition have prevailed that the Bishop of AElia [ie, Jerusalem] should be honoured, let him, saving its due dignity to the Metropolis, have the next place of honour.古老的習俗和傳統以來已經取得了勝利,主教的埃利亞卡皮[即耶路撒冷]應該得到尊重,讓他節省了應有的尊嚴的大都會,有未來的地方的榮譽。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON VII.古縮影佳能七。

Let the Bishop of AElia be honoured, the rights of the Metropolis being preserved intact.讓主教埃利亞卡皮兌現,所享有的權利都會被保存完好。

There would seem to be a singular fitness in the Holy City Jerusalem holding a very exalted position among the sees of Christendom, and it may appear astonishing that in the earliest times it was only a suffragan see to the great Church of Caesarea.目前似乎是一個獨特的健身在聖城耶路撒冷舉行一個非常崇高的地位中看到的基督教,它可能會出現驚人的,在最早的時候,它只是一個輔佐看到的偉大教會撒利亞。 It must be remembered, however, that only about seventy years after our Lord's death the city of Jerusalem was entirely destroyed and ploughed as a field according to the prophet.必須記住,但是,只有大約70年之後我們的上帝的死亡之城耶路撒冷是完全被毀,耕種像一塊田按照先知。 As a holy city Jerusalem was a thing of the past for long years, and it is only in the beginning of the second century that we find a strong Christian Church growing up in the rapidly increasing city, called no longer Jerusalem, but aelia Capitolina.作為聖城耶路撒冷是一個東西過去的漫長歲月中,它只是在開始的第二個世紀,我們找到一個強大的基督教教會成長在迅速增加的城市,所謂不再耶路撒冷,但埃利亞卡皮托利納。 Possibly by the end of the second century the idea of the holiness of the site began to lend dignity to the occupant of the see; at all events Eusebius(2) tells us that "at a synod held on the subject of the Easter controversy in the time of Pope Victor, Theophilus of Caesarea and Narcissus of Jerusalem were presidents."可能由最終的第二個世紀的想法是聖潔的網站開始提供尊嚴,乘員的看到,在所有的事件尤西比烏斯(2)告訴我們:“在一個主教舉行的關於這個問題的爭論中的復活節當時教皇維克多,西奧菲勒斯撒利亞,水仙的耶路撒冷的總統。“

It was this feeling of reverence which induced the passing of this seventh canon.正是這種敬畏的感覺而引起的通過這個第七經典。 It is very hard to determine just what was the "precedence" granted to the Bishop of AElia, nor is it clear which is the metropolis referred to in the last clause.這是非常難以判斷什麼是公正的“優先”的授予主教埃利亞卡皮,也不清楚它是大都市中提到的最後一句。 Most writers, including Hefele, Balsamon, Aristenus and Beveridge consider it to be Caesarea; while Zonaras thinks Jerusalem to be intended, a view recently adopted and defended by Fuchs; [3] others again suppose it is Antioch that is referred to.大多數作家,包括黑弗勒,Balsamon,Aristenus和貝弗里奇認為這是該撒利亞,而Zonaras認為耶路撒冷是有意,最近通過的一個觀點和辯護福克斯; [3]另外一些想這是安提阿被稱為。

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EXCURSUS ON THE RISE OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM.附錄論的興起東正教耶路撒冷。

The narrative of the successive steps by which the See of Jerusalem rose from being nothing but AElia, a Gentile city, into one of the five patriarchal sees is sad reading for a Christian.敘述了連續的步驟,其中耶路撒冷見上升,但沒有被埃利亞卡皮,一詹蒂萊城市,成為一個五宗法認為是可悲的閱讀對於一個基督徒。 It is but the record of ambition and, worse still, of knavery.這不過是創紀錄的野心,更糟糕的是,對虞。 No Christian can for a moment grudge to the Holy City of the old dispensation the honour shewn it by the Church, but he may well wish that the honour had been otherwise obtained.沒有基督教可以了一會兒怨恨到聖城老來得光彩啦免除它的榮譽由教會,但他可能也希望,否則已獲得的榮譽。 A careful study of such records as we possess shews that until the fifth century the Metropolitan of Caesarea as often took precedence of the Bishop of Jerusalem as vice versa, and Beveridge has taken great pains to shew that the learned De Marca is in error in supposing that the Council of Nice assigned to Jerusalem a dignity superior to Caesarea, and only inferior to Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch.仔細研究這些記錄,因為我們擁有shews,直到第五世紀的大都會一樣經常參加優先撒利亞的主教耶路撒冷為反之亦然,貝弗里奇已經不厭其煩地向大家學得的027馬卡是在錯誤的假設安理會尼斯分配到耶路撒冷的尊嚴高於撒利亞,僅次於羅馬,亞歷山大,和安提。 It is true that in the signatures the Bishop of Jerusalem does sign before his metropolitan, but to this Beveridge justly replies that the same is the case with the occupants of two other of his suffragan sees.誠然,在簽名的耶路撒冷主教之前,他都會做標誌,而是要理直氣壯地回答說,這貝弗里奇相同的情況下與其他兩個住戶,他輔佐看到。 Bishop Beveridge's opinion is that the Council assigned Jerusalem the second place in the province, such as London enjoys in the Province of Canterbury.畢曉普貝弗里奇的意見是,安理會分配耶路撒冷全省第二位,如倫敦享有坎特伯雷省。 This, however, would seem to be as much too little as De Marca's contention grants too much.然而,這似乎是因為過於少代馬卡的論點贈款太多。 It is certain that almost immediately after the Council had adjourned, the Bishop of Jerusalem, Maximus, convoked a synod of Palestine, without any reference to Caesarea, which consecrated bishops and acquitted St. Athanasius.可以肯定的是,幾乎立即理事會休會後,耶路撒冷主教,鮃,召集主教會議的巴勒斯坦,沒有任何提及該撒利亞,這神聖的主教和被宣告無罪聖亞他那修。 It is true that he was reprimanded for doing so,(1) but yet it clearly shews how lie intended to understand the action of Nice.這是真的,他譴責這樣做,(1),但尚未清楚shews目的在於了解如何撒謊的行動尼斯。 The matter was not decided for a century more, and then through the chicanery of Juvenal the bishop of Jerusalem.此事尚未決定了一個世紀以上,然後通過欺騙的韋納爾耶路撒冷的主教。

(Canon Venables, Dict. Christ. Biography.) Juvenalis succeeded Praylius as bishop of Jerusalem somewhere about 420 AD The exact year cannot be determined. (佳能維納布爾斯,快譯通。基督。傳記。)Juvenalis成功Praylius主教的耶路撒冷作為某處公元420年的確切無法確定。 The episcopate of Praylius, which commenced in 417 AD, was but short, and we can hardly give it at most more than three years.主教團的Praylius,公元417展開的,只不過是短暫的,我們很難給它最多超過3年。 The statement of Cyril of Scythopolis, in his Life of St. Euthymius (c. 96), that Juvenal died "in the forty-fourth year of his episcopate," 458 AD, is certainly incorrect, as it would make his episcopate begin in 414 AD, three years before that of his predecessor.該聲明的西里爾錫索波利斯,在他生命的聖Euthymius(約96),即韋納爾死了“在第四十四年他的主教,”458廣告,肯定是不正確的,因為這將使他的主教團開始公元414 3年之前,他的前任。 Juvenal occupies a prominent position during the Nestorian and Eutychian troubles towards the middle of the fifth century.韋納爾佔有突出的位置,在景教和Eutychian麻煩向中間的第五世紀。 But the part played by him at the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, as well as at the disgraceful但他所發揮的作用在議會的以弗所和卡爾西,以及在可恥 lhstrikh lhstrikh of 449, was more conspicuous than creditable, and there are few of the actors in these turbulent and saddening scenes who leave a more unpleasing impression. 449,比誠信更為突出,並有幾個演員在這些動盪和可悲的場景誰留下的印象更強弩之末。 The ruling object of Juvenal's episcopate, to which everything else was secondary, and which guided all his conduct, was the elevation of the see of Jerusalem from the subordinate position it held in accordance with the seventh of the canons of the council of Nicaea, as suffragan to the metropolitan see of Caesarea, to a primary place in the episcopate.執政的對象韋納爾的主教,對此一切是次要的,並指導他的所有行為,是立面見耶路撒冷的從屬地位舉行了按照第七屆大砲,安理會尼西亞,作為輔佐的大都市看到該撒利亞,到主放置在主教。 Not content with aspiring to metropolitan rank, Juvenal coveted patriarchal dignity, and, in defiance of all canonical authority, he claimed jurisdiction over the great see of Antioch, from which he sought to remove Arabia and the two Phoenicias to his own province.不滿足於有志大都市行列,韋納爾覬覦重男輕女的尊嚴,並在所有典型的蔑視權威,他宣稱管轄權的偉大看到安提,他試圖從沙特阿拉伯和刪除兩個Phoenicias自己的省份。 At the council of Ephesus, in 431, he asserted for "the apostolic see of Jerusalem the same rank and authority with the apostolic see of Rome" (Labbe, Concil. iii. 642).在安理會的以弗所,在431,他斷言為“耶路撒冷的使徒見同一職級和權威的使徒見羅馬”(拉貝,促進會。三。642)。 These falsehoods he did not scruple to support with forged documents ("insolenter ausus per commentitia scripta firmare," Leo. Mag. Ep. 119 [92]), and other disgraceful artifices.這些謊言,他不顧忌支持以偽造文件(“insolenter ausus每commentitia斯立firmare,”利奧。倍率。內啡肽。119 [92]),以及其他不光彩的手腕。 Scarcely had Juvenal been consecrated bishop of Jerusalem when he proceeded to assert his claims to the metropolitan rank by his acts.幾乎已被聖主教韋納爾耶路撒冷時,他隨即宣稱他聲稱他的行為都會排列。 In the letter of remonstrance against the proceedings of the council of在抗議信中對訴訟的理事會

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Ephesus, sent to Theodosius by the Oriental party, they complain that Juvenal, whose "ambitious designs and juggling tricks" they are only too well acquainted with, had ordained in provinces over which he had no jurisdiction (Labbe, Concil. iii. 728).以弗所,發送到狄奧多西由東方黨,他們抱怨說韋納爾,其“雄心勃勃的設計和玩弄花招”,他們只是太熟悉,已經注定了他在省沒有管轄權(拉貝,促進會。三。728) 。 This audacious attempt to set at nought the Nicene decrees, and to falsify both history and tradition was regarded with the utmost indignation by the leaders of the Christian church.這種大膽的嘗試設置抹煞尼西亞法令,偽造歷史和傳統都被視為以極大憤慨領導人的基督教教堂。 Cyril of Alexandria shuddered at the impious design ("merito perhorrescens," Leo. us), and wrote to Leo, then archdeacon of Rome, informing him of what Juvenal was undertaking, and begging that his unlawful attempts might have no sanction from the apostolic See ("ut nulla illicitis conatibus praeberetur assensio," us). Juvenal, however, was far too useful an ally in his campaign against Nestorius for Cyril lightly to discard.西里爾亞歷山大在戰栗的impious設計(“梅里托perhorrescens,”利奧。我們),並致函利奧,然後副主教羅馬,告訴他是什麼韋納爾承諾,乞討,他的非法制裁的企圖可能沒有從使徒見(“UT斯達康納拉illicitis conatibus praeberetur assensio,”我們)。韋納爾,然而,太有用的盟友在對聶斯脫裡為他的競選西里爾輕易放棄。 When the council met at Ephesus Juvenal was allowed, without the slightest remonstrance, to take precedence of his metropolitan of Caesarea, and to occupy the position of vice-president of the council, coming next after Cyril himself (Labbe, Concil. iii. 445), and was regarded in all respects as the second prelate in the assembly.當下午以弗所韋納爾是允許的,沒有絲毫的抗議,採取優先,他都會該撒利亞,並佔領陣地的副理事會主席,其次後西里爾自己(拉貝,促進會。三。445 ),並把各方面的第二個總主教在向大會發言。 The arrogant assertion of his supremacy over the bishop of Antioch, and his claim to take rank next after Rome as an apostolical see, provoked no open remonstrance, and his pretensions were at least tacitly allowed.他斷言的傲慢凌駕主教安提,他聲稱在羅馬參加下一職級作為一個使徒見,引起沒有公開抗議,他的野心至少有默許。 At the next council, the disgraceful Latrocinium, Juvenal occupied the third place, after Dioscorus and the papal legate, having been specially named by Theodosius, together with Thalassius of Caesarea (who appears to have taken no umbrage at his suffragan being preferred before him), as next in authority to Dioscorus (Labbe, Concil. iv. 109), and he took a leading part in the violent proceedings of that assembly.在下一局,可恥Latrocinium,韋納爾佔領了第三位,之後Dioscorus和教皇使節,已被命名為特別狄奧多西,連同Thalassius撒利亞(誰似乎沒有採取任何樹蔭在他的輔佐在他面前被首選)作為未來的權力Dioscorus(拉貝,促進會。四。109),和他領導的暴力訴訟參與該大會。 When the council of Chalcedon met, one of the matters which came before it for settlement was the dispute as to priority between Juvenal and Maximus Bishop of Antioch.當安理會的chalcedon滿足,其中的一個方面來解決之前,它是有爭議,優先之間韋納爾和鮃主教安提。 The contention was long and severe.論點是漫長和嚴重。 It ended in a compromise agreed on in the Seventh Action,它結束了一個妥協同意在第七屆行動 meta pollhn pollhn filoneikian filoneikian . Juvenal surrendered his claim to the two Phoenicias and to Arabia, on condition of his being allowed metropolitical jurisdiction over the three Palestines (Labbe, Concil. iv. 613).韋納爾交出其聲稱的兩個Phoenicias和沙特阿拉伯,條件,他被允許metropolitical管轄的三個巴勒斯坦人和(拉貝,促進會。四。613)。 The claim to patriarchal authority over the Bishop of Antioch put forward at Ephesus was discreetly dropped.對父權的要求在安提阿主教提出了在以弗所謹慎下降。 TIle difficulty presented by the Nicene canon does not appear to have presented itself to the council, nor was any one found to urge the undoubted claims of the see of Caesarea.瓷磚的困難提出了尼西亞佳能似乎並未有提出自己的議會,也沒有發現任何一個不容置疑的索賠要求在看到該撒利亞。 The terms arranged between Maximus and Juvenal were regarded as satisfactory, and received the consent of the assembled bishops (ibid. 618).安排的條款之間鮃和朱被視為令人滿意,並得到同意的組裝主教(同上618)。 Maximus, however, was not long in repenting of his too ready acquiescence in Juvenal's demands, and wrote a letter of complaint to pope Leo, who replied by the letter which has been already quoted, dated June 11, 453 AD, in which he upheld the binding authority of the Nicene canons, and commenting in the strongest terms on the greediness and ambition of Juvenal, who allowed no opportunity of forwarding his ends to be lost, declared that as far as he was concerned he would do all he could to maintain the ancient dignity of the see of Antioch (Leo Magn. Ep. ad Maximum, 119 [92]).大菱鮃,然而,是不是長期在懺悔,他也準備默許韋納爾的要求,並寫了一封信,投訴,教皇利奧,誰回答的信中已經已經公佈的,6月11日,453廣告,其中他堅持結合權威的尼西亞大砲,和評論最強烈的貪婪和野心的韋納爾,誰沒有機會讓他兩端的轉發丟失,聲明,就他而言,他將盡一切可能保持古老的尊嚴,看到安提(利奧馬格恩。內啡肽。廣告最多,119 [92])。 No further action, however, seems to have been taken either by Leo or by Maximus.沒有進一步的行動,但是,似乎已經採取或者通過利奧或馬克西姆斯。 Juvehal was left master of the situation, and the church of Jerusalem has from that epoch peaceably enjoyed the patriarchal dignity obtained for it by such base means. Juvehal是在掌握有關情況,和教會的耶路撒冷從宗法時代和平地享有尊嚴,獲得了它的這種卑劣的手段。

CANON VIII佳能八

CONCERNING those who call themselves Cathari, if they come over to the Catholic and Apostolic Church, the great and holy Synod decrees that they who are ordained shall continue as they are in the clergy.至於那些自稱卡塔利誰,如果他們過來的天主教和使徒教會,偉大而神聖的主教法令,他們誰是注定會繼續,因為他們是在神職人員。 But it is before all things necessary that they should profess in writing that they will observe and follow the dogmas of the Catholic and Apostolic Church; in particular that they will communicate with persons who have been twice married, and with those who having lapsed in persecution have had a period [of但是,在一切必要的,應以書面形式信奉他們將遵守並按照教條的天主教和使徒教會,特別是他們與人溝通,誰已經結過兩次婚,與那些在迫害誰已經失效有一段時間 [的

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penance] laid upon them, and a time [of restoration] fixed so that in all things they will follow the dogmas of the Catholic Church. Wheresoever, then, whether in villages or in cities, all of the ordained are found to be of these only, let them remain in the clergy, and in the same rank in which they are found.懺悔]奠定在他們身上,一時間[恢復]固定,使所有的事情,他們將遵循教條的天主教教會。何處,那麼,無論在鄉村還是在城市,所有的受戒被發現這些只是,讓他們留在神職人員,在同一職級在它們被發現。 But if they come over where there is a bishop or presbyter of the Catholic Church, it is manifest that the Bishop of the Church must have the bishop's dignity; and he who was named bishop by those who are called Cathari shall have the rank of presbyter, unless it shall seem fit to the Bishop to admit him to partake in the honour of the title.但是,如果他們過來的地方有一個主教或長老的天主教教會,這是明顯的,主教的教會必須有主教的尊嚴和他誰被任命主教那些誰被稱為卡塔利將有秩的長老,除非它似乎應當適合主教承認他參加了光榮的稱號。 Or, if this should not be satisfactory, then shall the bishop provide for him a place as Chorepiscopus, or presbyter, in order that he may be evidently seen to be of the clergy, and that there may not be two bishops in the city.或者,如果這不應是令人滿意的,則不得將主教為他提供一個地方作為Chorepiscopus,或長老,為了使他可以明顯地看到是神職人員,而且可能沒有兩位主教的城市。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON VIII.佳能八古縮影。

If those called Cathari come over, let them first make profession that they are willing to communicate with the twice married, and to grant pardon to the lapsed.如果這些所謂卡塔利過來,讓他們先界,他們是願意溝通與結過兩次婚,並給予赦免的失效。 And on this condition he who happens to be in orders, shall continue in the same order, so that a bishop shall still be bishop.並在此條件下,他恰好是誰的訂單,將繼續以相同的順序,這樣一主教仍須主教。 Whoever was a bishop among the Cathari let him, however, become a Chorepiscopus, or let him enjoy the honour of a presbyter or of a bishop.誰是主教之間的卡塔利讓他,然而,成為一個Chorepiscopus,或讓他享受榮譽的長老或主教。 For in one church there shall not be two bishops.在一教堂,不得有兩個主教。

The Cathari or Novatians were the followers of Novatian, a presbyter of Rome, who had been a Stoic philosopher and was delivered, according to his own story, from diabolical possession at his exorcising by the Church before his baptism, when becoming a Catechumen.該卡塔利或Novatians是信徒諾瓦蒂安,一個長老羅馬,誰曾是斯多葛派哲學家和發表,根據他自己的故事,從惡魔藏在他儺由教會在他的洗禮,當成為慕道。 Being in peril of death by illness he received clinical baptism, and was ordained priest without any further sacred rites being administered to him.正在因病死亡的危險,他收到的臨床洗禮,並沒有任何進一步的祝聖司鐸的神聖儀式正對他管理。 During the persecution he constantly refused to assist his brethren, and afterwards raised his voice against what he considered their culpable laxity in admitting to penance the lapsed. Many agreed with him in this, especially of the clergy, and eventually, in AD 251, he induced three bishops to consecrate him, thus becoming, as Fleury remarks,(1) "the first Anti-Pope."在不斷的迫害,他拒絕幫助他的兄弟,後來提出了他的聲音對他認為自己有罪懈怠地承認,以懺悔的失效。許多人同意他在這方面,尤其是神職人員,並最終於公元251,他三位主教奉獻誘導他,從而成為作為弗勒裡備註:(1)“的第一個反教皇。” His indignation was principally spent upon Pope Cornelius, and to overthrow the prevailing discipline of the Church he ordained bishops and sent them to different parts of the empire as the disseminators of his error.他的憤慨,主要是用在教皇哥尼流,並推翻了當時的紀律,教會他祝聖主教,送到不同地區的帝國作為傳播者對他的錯誤。 It is well to remember that while beginning only as a schismatic, he soon fell into heresy, denying that the Church had the power to absolve the lapsed.這是要記得,雖然一開始只是作為一個分裂的,他很快又陷入異端,否認教會有權力免除失效。 Although condemned by several councils his sect continued on, and like the Montanists they rebaptized Catholics who apostatized to them, and absolutely rejected all second marriages.雖然他譴責一些政局節繼續,和他們一樣了Montanists rebaptized天主教徒誰apostatized給他們,完全拒絕所有第二次婚姻。 At the time of the Council of Nice the Novatian bishop at Constantinople, Acesius, was greatly esteemed, and although a schismatic, was invited to attend the council.當時,安理會尼斯的諾瓦蒂安主教在君士坦丁堡,Acesius,深受尊敬,雖然一個分裂的,被邀請參加理事會。 After having in answer to the emperor's enquiry whether he was willing to sign the Creed, assured him that he was, he went on to explain that his separation was because the Church no longer observed the ancient discipline which forbade that those who had committed mortal sin should ever be readmitted to communion. According to the Novatians he might be exhorted to repentance, but the Church had no power to assure him of forgiveness but must leave him to the judgment of God.之後在回答皇帝的詢問他是否願意簽署的信條,向他保證,他是,他接著解釋說,他的離職是因為教會不再觀察了古紀律,禁止那些誰犯了彌天大罪要不斷被重新接納共融。根據Novatians他可能會告誡悔改,但教會沒有權力向他保證寬恕,但他必須離開神的判決。 It was then that Constantine said, "Acesius, take a ladder, and climb up to heaven alone."(2)當時,康斯坦丁說:“Acesius,採取階梯,爬上天堂孤單。”(2)

ARISTENUS. ARISTENUS。

If any of them be bishops or chorepiscopi they shall remain in the same rank, unless perchance in the same city there be found a bishop of the Catholic Church, ordained before their coming.如果其中任何被主教或chorepiscopi他們應留在同一職級,除非碰巧在同一個城市裡找到一個天主教教會的主教,祝聖前,他們的到來。 For in this case he that was properly bishop from the first shall have the preference, and he alone shall retain the Episcopal throne.在這情況下,他認為是恰當主教從第一應有的偏好,也只有他會保留主教寶座。 For it is not right that in the same city there should be two bishops.因為這是不正確的,在同一城市應該有兩名主教。 But he who by the Cathari was called bishop, shall be honoured as a presbyter, or (if it so please the bishop), he shall be sharer of the title bishop; but he shall exercise no episcopal jurisdiction.但他誰的卡塔利被稱為主教,應認定為一個長老,或(如果它所以請主教),他將分享者的稱號主教,但他沒有主教行使管轄權。

Zonaras, Balsamon, Beveridge and Van Espen, are of opinion that Zonaras,Balsamon,貝弗里奇和埃斯彭凡,都認為, keiroqetoumenous keiroqetoumenous does not mean that they are to receive a new laying on of hands at their reception into the Church, but that it refers to their already condition of being ordained, the meaning being that as they have had Novatian ordination they must be reckoned among the clergy.並不意味著他們要接受一個新鋪設的手在他們的接待到教會,但它指的是他們已經被祝聖的條件,意思是說,他們有諾瓦蒂安協調他們必須認真對待的神職人員之間。 Dionysius Exiguus takes a different view, as does also the Prisca version, according to which the教士艾克西古斯採用了不同的看法一樣,也普里斯卡馬版本,根據該

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clergy of the Novatians were to receive a laying on of hands,神職人員的Novatians要收到突出的手, keiroqetoumenous keiroqetoumenous , but that it was not to be a reordination. ,但它不是一個reordination。 With this interpretation Hefele seems to agree, founding his opinion upon the fact that the article is wanting before有了這個解釋黑弗勒似乎都同意,他認為應成立一個事實,這一條是希望前 keiroqetoumenous keiroqetoumenous , and that ,而 autous autous is added.被添加。 Gratian(1) supposes that this eighth canon orders a re- ordination.格拉(1)假設這第八佳能下令重新協調。

EXCURSUS ON THE CHOREPISCOPI.附錄論 CHOREPISCOPI。

There has been much difference of opinion among the learned touching the status of the Chorepiscopus in the early Church.出現了許多不同意見之間的了解現況的觸摸Chorepiscopus初期教會。 The main question in dispute is as to whether they were always, sometimes, or never, in episcopal orders.主要的問題是在爭議是否他們總是,有時,或者從來沒有,在主教的訂單。 Most Anglican writers, including Beveridge, Hammond, Cave, and Routh, have affirmed the first proposition, that they were true bishops, but that, out of respect to the bishop of the City they were forbidden the exercise of certain of their episcopal functions, except upon extraordinary occasions.大多數聖公會作家,包括貝弗里奇,哈蒙德,洞,羅斯,已經肯定了第一個命題,他們是真正的主教,但是,為了尊重主教城市,他們被禁止行使的某些職能的主教,除非有特殊場合。 With this view Binterim(2) also agrees, and Augusti is of the same opinion.(3) But Thomassinus is of a different mind, thinking, so says Hefele,(4) that there were "two classes of chorepiscopi, of whom the one were real bishops, while the other had only the title without consecration."這種看法Binterim(2)也同意,並奧古斯蒂是同樣的觀點。(3)但Thomassinus是一個不同的心靈,思維,所以說黑弗勒,(4)有“兩個類別的chorepiscopi,其中的一個是真正的主教,而其他只是標題沒有奉獻。“

The third opinion, that they were merely presbyters, is espoused by Morinus and Du Cange, and others who are named by Bingham.(5) This last opinion is now all but universally rejected, to the other two we shall now devote our attention.第三個意見,他們只是長老,是信奉由Morinus和杜參紇等誰願意為賓厄姆。(5)這最後的意見是現在幾乎普遍拒絕,其他兩個我們現在把我們的注意力。

For the first opinion no one can speak more learnedly nor more authoritatively than Arthur West Haddon, who writes as follows;對於第一個意見,沒有人能說更多learnedly更有權威,也不比阿瑟西哈敦,誰寫如下;

(Haddon, Dict. Christ. Antiq. sv Chorepiscopus.) The chorepiscopus was called into existence in the latter part of the third century, and first in Asia Minor, in order to meet the want of episcopal supervision in the country parts of the now enlarged dioceses without subdivision. (哈頓,快譯通。基督。Antiq。希沃特Chorepiscopus。)的chorepiscopus被稱為誕生在下半年的第三個世紀,並首次在小亞細亞,以滿足需要監督的主教在全國各地的現擴大教區沒有細分。 [They are] first mentioned in the Councils of Ancyra and Neo-Caesarea AD 314, and again in the Council of Nice (which is subscribed by fifteen, all from Asia Minor or Syria). [他們]首先提到了理事會對安該拉和新撒利亞公元314,並再次在安理會尼斯(即認購15,所有來自小亞細亞和敘利亞)。 [They became] sufficiently important to require restriction by the time of the Council of Antioch, AD 341; and continued to exist in the East until at least the ninth century, when they were supplanted by [他們成了]足夠重要,要求限制的時候,安理會的安提阿,公元341,並繼續存在,直到在東方至少在第九世紀,當他們所取代 exarkoi exarkoi . [Chorepiscopi are] first mentioned in the West in the Council of Riez, AD 439 (the Epistles of Pope Damasus I. and of Leo. M. respecting them being forgeries), and continued there (but not in Africa, principally in France) until about the tenth century, after which the name occurs (in a decree of Pope Damasus II. ap. Sigeb. in an. 1048) as equivalent to archdeacon, an office from which the Arabic Nicene canons expressly distinguish it. [Chorepiscopi是]第一次提到在西方在安理會的里耶茲,公元439(書信教皇達瑪斯一和獅子座。米尊重他們被偽造),並繼續在那裡(但不是在非洲,主要是在法國)直到10世紀,在這之後發生的名稱(在一項法令,教皇達瑪斯二。美聯社。Sigeb。在。1048)等同副主教,一個辦事處,以阿拉伯語尼西亞大砲明確區分了。 The functions of chorepiscopi, as well as their name, were of an episcopal, not of a presbyterial kind, although limited to minor offices. They overlooked the country district committed to them, "loco episcopi," ordaining readers, exorcists, subdeacons, but, as a rule, not deacons or presbyters (and of course not bishops), unless by express permission of their diocesan bishop. chorepiscopi的職能,以及他們的名字,是一個主教,而不是一個長老的一種,但僅限於小規模的辦事處。國家地區,他們忽略了他們的承諾,“火車頭episcopi,”祝聖的讀者,法師,修士,但作為一項規則,而不是執事或長老(當然不是主教),除非明示准許其教區主教。 They confirmed in their own districts, and (in Gaul) are mentioned as consecrating churches (vide Du Cange).他們確認在自己的地區,以及(在高盧)提到作為神聖的教堂(隨都參哥)。 They granted他們獲 eirenikai eirenikai , or letters dimissory, which country presbyters were forbidden to do.或字母dimissory,哪個國家的長老被禁止做的事。 They had also the honorary privilege (他們還名譽特權( timwmenoi timwmenoi ) of assisting at the celebration of the Holy Eucharist in the mother city church, which country presbyters had not (Conc. Ancyr. can. xiii.; Neo- Caesar. can. xiv.; Antioch, can. x.; St. Basil M. Epist. 181; Rab. Maur. De Instit. Cler. i. 5, etc. etc.). )協助在慶祝聖體聖事在教會的母親城市,沒有哪個國家長老(Conc. Ancyr。可以。十三。;理學凱撒。可以。十四。;安提阿,可以。十;聖巴索米Epist。181;饒。莫爾。德依學院。Cler。島5,等等,等等)。 They were held therefore to have power of ordination, but to lack jurisdiction, save subordinately.因此,他們舉行了擁有權力的協調,但缺乏管轄權,節省次有。 And the actual ordination of a presbyter by Timotheus, a chorepiscopus, is recorded (Pallad., Hist. Lausiac. 106).而實際的統籌由一個長老提摩太,一chorepiscopus,記錄(Pallad.,組織胺。Lausiac。106)。

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In the West, ie chiefly in Gaul, the order appears to have prevailed more widely, to have usurped episcopal functions without due subordination to the diocesans, and to have been also taken advantage of by idle or worldly diocesans.在西方,即主要是在高盧,順序似乎佔了上風更廣泛,有篡奪主教職能沒有適當服從diocesans,並已還所利用閒置或世俗diocesans。 In consequence it seems to have aroused a strong feeling of hostility, which showed itself, first in a series of papal bulls, condemning them; headed, it is true, by two forged letters respectively of Damasus I. and Leo.在後果似乎已經引起了強烈的敵對情緒,這表明本身,首先是在一系列的教皇公牛,譴責他們;為首,這是事實,偽造兩個字母分別達瑪斯一和獅子座。 M. (of which the latter is merely an interpolated version of Conc. Hispal. II. AD 619, can. 7, adding chorepiscopi to presbyteri, of which latter the council really treats), but continuing in a more genuine form, from Leo III. down to Pope Nicholas I. (to Rodolph, Archbishop of Bourges, AD 864); the last of whom, however, takes the more moderate line of affirming chorepiscopi to be really bishops, and consequently refusing to annul their ordinations of presbyters and deacons (as previous popes had done), but orders them to keep within canonical limits; and secondly, in a series of conciliar decrees, Conc.米(其中後者僅僅是一個插版本濃。Hispal。二。公元619,可以的。七,增加chorepiscopi到presbyteri,其中後者會真的對待),但繼續在更真實的形式,從獅子座三。下降到教皇尼古拉斯一(對Rodolph,大主教布爾日,公元864),最後的人,但是,採取較溫和的路線的肯定chorepiscopi要真正主教,並因此拒絕廢止其祝聖的長老和執事(如前教皇做了),但令他們保持在規範的範圍;第二,在大公的一系列法令,濃。 Ratispon. Ratispon。 AD 800, in Capit.公元800年,在Capit。 lib. lib中。 iv.四。 c. 1, Paris. 1,巴黎。 AD 829, lib.公元829年,lib中。 ic 27; Meld.集成電路 27;合併。 AD 845, can. 44; Metens.公元845,可以的。44; Metens。 AD 888, can.公元888,可以的。 8, and Capitul. 8,Capitul。 v. 168, vi.五,168,六。 119, vii. 119七。 187, 310, 323, 324, annulling all episcopal acts of chorepiscopi, and ordering them to be repeated by "true" bishops; and finally forbidding all further appointments of chorepiscopi at all. 187,310,323,324,廢止所有主教的行為chorepiscopi,並命令他們將重複“真正的”主教,最終禁止所有進一步任命chorepiscopi的。

That chorepiscopi as such--ie omitting the cases of reconciled or vacant bishops above mentioned, of whose episcopate of course no question is made--were at first truly bishops both in East and West, appears almost certain, both from their name and functions, and even from the arguments of their strong opponents just spoken of.這chorepiscopi等-即省略了案件和解或空置上述主教,主教團的的當然是沒有問題了-起初真正主教無論在東方和西方,出現幾乎可以肯定,無論從他們的姓名和職務,甚至從他們的論據剛才發言的強勁對手。 If nothing more could be urged against them, than that the Council of Neo- Caesarea compared them to the Seventy disciples, that the Council of Antioch authorises their consecration by a single bishop, and that they actually were so consecrated (the Antiochene decree might mean merely nomination by the word如果沒有更多可以敦促對他們,除了安理會理學的撒利亞比他們的70門徒,安理會授權他們奉獻安提由一個主教,他們實際上是如此神聖(在安提阿學派法令可能意味著只是這個詞提名 ginesqai ginesqai , but the actual history seems to rule the term to intend consecration, and the [one] exceptional case of a chorepiscopus recorded [Actt. ,但實際的歷史似乎要統治任期打算奉獻,和[1]特殊情況的chorepiscopus記錄[Actt。 Episc. Cenoman. Episc。Cenoman。 ap.美聯社。 Du Cange] in late times to have been ordained by three bishops [in order that he might be a full bishop] merely proves the general rule to the contrary)--and that they were consecrated for "villages," contrary to canon,--then they certainly were bishops.都參戈]倍年底已祝聖三名主教[以便他可能是一個完整的主教]只是證明了一般規則相反) -這是他們神聖的“村莊”,相反佳能, - ,那麼他們一定是主教。 And Pope Nicholas expressly says that they were so.和教皇尼古拉斯明確表示,他們是如此。 Undoubtedly they ceased to be so in the East, and were practically merged in archdeacons in the West.毫無疑問,他們不再是在東部地區,並切實合併archdeacons在西方。

For the second opinion, its great champion, Thomassinus shall speak.對於第二個觀點,其偉大的冠軍,Thomassinus應當發言。

(Thomassin, Ancienne et Nouvelle Discipline de l'Eglise, Tom. I. Livre II. chap 1. iii.) The chorepiscopi were not duly consecrated bishops, unless some bishop had consecrated a bishop for a town and the bishop thus ordained contrary to the canons was tolerated on condition of his submitting himself to the diocesan as though he were only a chorepiscopus. (湯瑪森,安西安娜等中篇小說學科德l'埃格斯,湯姆。一利夫雷二。第一章1。三。)沒有適當的chorepiscopi聖主教,除非有一些主教祝聖主教的鎮和祝聖主教從而違背該炮是不能容忍的條件,他提出自己的教區,彷彿他只是一個chorepiscopus。 This may be gathered from the fifty-seventh canon of Laodicea.這可能是聚集了第五十七屆佳能的老底嘉。

From this canon two conclusions may be drawn, 1st.從這個經典可以得出兩個結論,第一。 That bishops ought not to be ordained for villages, and that as Chorepiscopi could only be placed in villages they could not be bishops.這不應該成為主教祝聖的村莊,而作為Chorepiscopi只能被放置在鄉村,他們無法主教。 2d.二維。 That sometimes by accident a chorepiscopus might be a bishop, but only through having been canonically lowered to that rank.有時偶然一chorepiscopus可能是一個主教,而只能通過已被canonically降低到該行列。

The Council of Nice furnishes another example of a bishop lowered to the rank of a chorepiscopus in Canon viii.安理會尼斯furnishes另一個例子主教降低其職級的chorepiscopus佳能八。 This canon shows that they should not have been bishops, for two bishops could never be in a diocese, although this might accidentally be the case when a chorepiscopus happened to be a bishop.這表明,佳能他們不應該被主教,主教為二絕不能在一個教區,雖然這可能是意外情況發生時,chorepiscopus成為主教。

This is the meaning which must be given to the tenth canon of Antioch, which directs that chorepiscopi, even if they have received episcopal orders, and have been consecrated bishops, shall keep within the limits prescribed by the canon; that in cases of necessity, they ordain這是意義,必須考慮到第十屆佳能安提,這是chorepiscopi指示,即使他們已經收到主教的訂單,並已聖主教,應保持在規定的限額由佳能公司,在案件的必要性,他們注定

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the lower clergy; but that they be careful not to ordain priests or deacons, because this power is absolutely reserved to the Diocesan.較低的神職人員,但他們必須小心,不要祝聖司鐸或執事,因為這是絕對的權力保留給教區。 It must be added that as the council of Antioch commands that the Diocesan without any other bishop can ordain the chorepiscopus, the position can no longer be sustained that the chorepiscopi were bishops, such a method of consecreting a bishop being contrary to canon xix.必須補充,由於該委員會的命令,在安提阿教區主教,沒有任何其他可以阿拉維的chorepiscopus,情況不能再持續下去了,該chorepiscopi主教,這種方法consecreting主教是違反佳能十九。 of the same council, moreover the canon does not say the chorepiscopus is to be ordained, but uses the word同一議會,而且佳能的不說chorepiscopus要受戒,但使用這個詞 genesqai genesqai by the bishop of the city (canon x.).由主教城市(佳能十)。 The Council of Neocaesarea by referring them to the seventy disciples (in Canon XIV.) has shown the chorepiscopi to be only priests.安理會的Neocaesarea,轉介他們到70門徒(佳能十四。)表明了chorepiscopi是只有祭司。

But the Council of Ancyra does furnish a difficulty, for the text seems to permit chorepiscopi to ordain priests.但是,安理會對安該拉不提供一個困難,案文似乎允許chorepiscopi祝聖司鐸。 But the Greek text must be corrected by the ancient Latin versions.但是,希臘文,必須予以糾正的古拉丁語版本。 The letter attributed to pope Nicholas, AD 864, must be considered a forgery since he recognises the chorepiscopi as real bishops.由於教皇的信尼古拉斯,公元864,必須被視為偽造,因為他認識到chorepiscopi作為真正的主教。

If Harmenopulus, Aristenus, Balsamon, and Zonaras seem to accord to the chorepiscopi the power to ordain priests and deacons with the permission of the Diocesan, it is because they are explaining the meaning and setting forth the practice of the ancient councils and not the practice of their own times.如果Harmenopulus,Aristenus,Balsamon,並Zonaras似乎給予了chorepiscopi權力阿拉維神父和執事與權限的教區,這是因為他們解釋的意義和設置提出了實踐的古議會,而不是實踐他們自己的時代。 But at all events it is past all doubt that before the seventh century there were, by different accidents, chorepiscopi who were really bishops and that these could, with the consent of the diocesan, ordain priests.但在所有的事件都懷疑這是過去7世紀前有,由不同的事故,chorepiscopi誰是真正的主教,這些可以在得到同意的教區,祝聖司鐸。 But at the time these authors wrote, there was not a single chorepiscopus in the entire East, as Balsamon frankly admits in commenting on Canon xiii.但在當時這些作者說,沒有一個單一chorepiscopus在整個東亞,作為Balsamon坦承在評論佳能十三。 of Ancyra.作者:安該拉。

Whether in the foregoing the reader will think Thomassinus has proved his point, I do not know, but so far as the position of the chorepiscopi in synods is concerned there can be no doubt whatever, and I shall allow Hefele to speak on this point.無論是在上述的讀者會認為Thomassinus證明他的觀點,我不知道,但只要該位置chorepiscopi在主教會議而言不可能有什麼疑問,我將讓黑弗勒在這一點上發言。

(Hefele, History of the Councils, Vol. I. pp. 17, 18.) (黑弗勒,歷史上的政局,卷。第一頁。17,18。)

The Chorepiscopi (該 Chorepiscopi( kwrepiskopoi kwrepiskopoi ), or bishops of country places, seem to have been considered in ancient times as quite on a par with the other bishops, as far as their position in synod was concerned. ),國家或地方主教,似乎已被認為在遠古時代是相當等同於其他主教,據他們的地位在主教關注。 We meet with them at the Councils of Neocaesarea in the year 314, of Nicaea in 325, of Ephesus in 431.我們與他們在安理會Neocaesarea在今年314尼西亞在325 431的以弗所。 On the other hand, among the 600 bishops of the fourth Ecumenical Council at Chalcedon in 451, there is no chorepiscopus present, for by this time the office had been abolished; but in the Middle Ages we again meet with chorepiscopi of a new kind at Western councils, particularly at those of the French Church, at Langres in 830, at Mayence in 847, at Pontion in 876, at Lyons in 886, at Douzy in 871.另一方面,在600名主教第四次大公會議在卡爾西在451,沒有chorepiscopus目前,這個時候該辦事處已被取消,但在中世紀,我們再次見面chorepiscopi一個新的實物西方議會,特別是在那些在法國教堂,在朗格勒在830,在馬延斯在847,在Pontion在876,在886年在里昂,在杜濟在871。

CANON IX佳能九

IF any presbyters have been advanced without examination, or if upon examination they have made confession of crime, and men acting in violation of the canon have laid hands upon them, notwithstanding their confession, such the canon does not admit; for the Catholic Church requires that [only] which is blameless.若有任何長老一直沒有先進的檢查,或者經審查,他們已供認犯罪,違反和男子形跡奠定了佳能在他們手中,儘管他們的供述,such佳能不承認,天主教會要求這 [只]是無可指責的。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON IX.古縮影佳能九。

Whoever are ordained without examination, shall be deposed if it be found out afterwards that they had been guilty.誰是注定沒有考試,應被廢黜,如果它被發現後,他們已經認罪。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The crimes in question are those which were a bar to the priesthood-- such as blasphemy, bigamy, heresy, idolatry, magic, etc.--as the Arabic paraphrase of Joseph explains.有關的罪行是那些有一欄為司鐸-如褻瀆,重婚,異端,偶像崇拜,魔術等-作為阿拉伯語意譯約瑟解釋說。 It is clear that these faults are punishable in the bishop no less than in the priest, and that consequently our canon refers to the bishops as well as to the很顯然,這些故障是在懲罰不低於主教在祭司的,因此我們的經典是指主教,以及向 presbuteroi presbuteroi in the more restricted sense.在較受限制的感覺。 These words of the Greek text, "In the case in which any one might be這句話的希臘文,“在任何一個案件中,可能會

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induced, in opposition to the canon, to ordain such persons," allude to the ninth canon of the Synod of Neocaesarea. It was necessary to pass such ordinances; for even in the fifth century, as the twenty-second letter to Pope Innocent the First testifies, some held that as baptism effaces all former sins, so it takes away all the impedimenta ordinationis which are the results of those sins.誘導,反對佳能,祝聖了這些人,“暗示第九佳能的主教會議的Neocaesarea。有必要通過這樣的條例,因為即使在第五世紀,第二十二屆信諾森的首先證明,有些認為,隨著前洗禮抹去所有的罪孽,所以它帶走所有的輜重ordinationis是那些罪惡的結果。

BALSAMON. BALSAMON。

Some say that as baptism makes the baptized person a new man, so ordination takes away the sins committed before ordination, which opinion does not seem to agree with the canons.有人說,作為洗禮使受洗的人一個新的人,所以協調帶走前所犯的罪的協調,而輿論似乎並不同意大砲。

This canon occurs twice in the Corpus Juris Canonici.這兩次發生在佳能的法典卡諾尼奇。 Decretum Pars I. Decretum帕爾斯一 Dist.區。 xxiv. 24。 c. vii., and Dist.七。,和區。 lxxxi., c. lxxxi。角 iv.四。

CANON X佳能X

IF any who have lapsed have been ordained through the ignorance, or even with the previous knowledge of the ordainers, this shall not prejudice the canon of the Church for when they are discovered they shall be deposed.誰過去了,若有任何有被命定通過的無知,or即使在以往的知識的的ordainers,this應not損害了佳能的的教會為了當他們到發現他們應被推翻。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON X.古代的一個縮影佳能十

Whoso had lapsed are to be deposed whether those who ordained and promoted them did so conscious of their guilt or unknowing of it.任何名副其實的時間過去了,是被廢黜的誰是否受戒,並促進他們意識到這樣做的有罪或不知情它。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The tenth canon differs from the ninth, inasmuch as it concerns only the lapsi and their elevation, not only to the priesthood, but to any other ecclesiastical preferment as well, and requires their deposition. The punishment of a bishop who should consciously perform such an ordination is not mentioned; but it is incontestable that the lapsi could not be ordained, even after having performed penance; for, as the preceding canon states, the Church requires those who were faultless. It is to be observed that the word第十屆佳能不同於第九,因為它僅涉及lapsi和海拔,而不是只對神職人員,但任何其他教會升遷的歡迎,並要求其沉積。主教的懲罰誰應該自覺地執行這樣一協調是沒有提及,但無可爭辯的是lapsi不能受戒,即使完成後懺悔,因為,正如前面的佳能國家,教會需要這些誰是完美無缺的。這是應該注意到,這個詞 prokeirizein prokeirizein is evidently employed here in the sense of "ordain," and is used without any distinction from這裡顯然是在受僱感“注定”,是用從沒有任何區別 keirizein keirizein , whilst in the synodal letter of the Council of Nicaea on the subject of the Meletians, there is a distinction between these two words, and ,而在主教會議的信中,安理會對這一問題的尼西亞的Meletians,有一個區分這兩個詞,並 prokeirizein prokeirizein is used to signify eliger.是用來表示eliger。

This canon is found in Corpus Juris Canonici.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇。 Decretum. Decretum。 Pars I. Dist. lxxxi.帕爾斯一區。lxxxi。 cv簡歷

CANON XI佳能席

CONCERNING those who have fallen without compulsion, without the spoiling of their property, without danger or the like, as happened during the tyranny of Licinius, the Synod declares that, though they have deserved no clemency, they shall be dealt with mercifully.對於那些沒有強迫誰也下跌,但沒有破壞他們的財產,沒有危險或類似,如發生在暴政的李錫尼,主教會議聲明說,雖然他們沒有應有的寬大處理,依法處理仁慈。 As many as were communicants, if they heartily repent, shall pass three years among the hearers; for seven years they shall be prostrators; and for two years they shall communicate with the people in prayers, but without oblation.和許多人聖餐,如果他們感到由衷的懺悔,將通過3年間的聽眾,為7年,他們應prostrators;以及兩年後,他們將與市民溝通的祈禱,但沒有祭品。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XI.古縮影佳能十一。

As many as fell without necessity, even if therefore undeserving of indulgence, yet some indulgence shall be shown them and they shall be prostrators for twelve years.多達下跌沒有必要,即使因此不應得到寬容,但應表現出一些放縱他們,他們應當prostrators為12年。

On the expression "without oblation" (在表達“沒有祭品”( kwris kwris

prosforas prosforas ) see the notes to Ancyra, Canon V. where the matter is treated at some length. )的說明中看到安該拉,佳能五,在處理這一問題是在一些長度。

LAMBERT.蘭伯特。

The usual position of the hearers was just inside the church door.通常的位置聽者只是教堂裡門。 But Zonaras (and Balsamon agrees with him), in his comment on this canon, says, "they are ordered for three years to be hearers, or to stand without the church in the narthex."但Zonaras(和Balsamon同意他),在他對此有何評論佳能,說:“他們訂購了3年,是聽眾,或者沒有教會的立場在前廳。”

I have read "as many as were communicants" (我已閱讀“和許多人聖餐”( oi 433個 pistoi皮斯托伊 ) thus following Dr. Routh. )因此,繼博士魯斯。

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Vide his Opuscula.隨他的opuscula。 Caranza translates in his Summary of the Councils "if they were faithful" and seems to have read卡蘭扎翻譯在總結局“如果他們忠實”,似乎已閱讀 ei pistoi皮斯托伊 , which is much simpler and makes better sense. ,這是非常簡單,可以更好的感覺。

ZONARAS. ZONARAS。

The prostrators stood within the body of the church behind the ambo [ie the reading desk] and went out with the catechumens.該prostrators站在體內的教會背後的安博[即閱讀辦公桌]和出去的慕道。

EXCURSUS ON THE PUBLIC DISCIPLINE OR EXOMOLOGESIS OF THE EARLY CHURCH.附錄有關公務員紀律處分或EXOMOLOGESIS初期教會。

(Taken chiefly from Morinus, De Disciplina in Administratione Sacramenti Poenitentioe; Bingham, Antiquities; and Hammond, The Definitions of Faith, etc. Note to Canon XI. of Nice.) "In the Primitive Church there was a godly discipline, that at the beginning of Lent, such persons as stood convicted of notorious sin were put to open penance, and punished in this world that their souls might be saved in the day of the Lord; and that others, admonished by their example, might be the more afraid to offend." (兩者主要來自Morinus,德disciplinâ在Administratione Sacramenti Poenitentioe;賓厄姆,古物和哈蒙德的定義,信仰等注意佳能十一。尼斯。)“在原始教會有一個神聖的紀律,即在四旬期的開始,這些人如被判有罪站在了臭名昭著的罪惡將其公開懺悔,並懲罰在這個世界上,他們的靈魂可能被保存在當天的主,以及其他人,告誡他們的例子,可能是更怕得罪。“

The foregoing words from the Commination Service of the Church of England may serve well to introduce this subject.從上述話的威嚇服務教會的英格蘭可能會更好地服務介紹這個問題。 In the history of the public administration of discipline in the Church, there are three periods sufficiently distinctly marked.在歷史上的公共行政在教會的紀律,有三個顯著的時期相當明顯。 The first of these ends at the rise of Novatianism in the middle of the second century; the second stretches down to about the eighth century; and the third period shews its gradual decline to its practical abandonment in the eleventh century.這些目標的第一個在上升Novatianism在中間的第二個世紀,第二延伸到約公元8世紀,第三期shews其逐步下降到其實際放棄在11世紀。 The period with which we are concerned is the second, when it was in full force.這一時期是我們所關心的是第二,當它是完全有效。

In the first period it would seem that public penance was required only of those convicted of what then were called by pre-eminence "mortal sins" (crimena mortalia(1)), viz: idolatry, murder, and adultery.在第一階段,但似乎公眾懺悔,需要被定罪者只有當時的東西所要求的卓越“致命的罪過”(crimena mortalia(1)),即:偶像崇拜,謀殺和通姦。 But in the second period the list of mortal sins was greatly enlarged, and Morinus says that "Many Fathers who wrote after Augustine's time, extended the necessity of public penance to all crimes which the civil law punished with death, exile, or other grave corporal penalty."(2) In the penitential canons ascribed to St. Basil and those which pass by the name of St. Gregory Nyssen, this increase of offences requiring public penance will be found intimated.但在第二階段的清單凡人罪被大大拓寬,Morinus說:“很多父親是誰寫在奧古斯丁的時間,延長了必要的公共懺悔的所有罪行的民事法律處以死刑,流放,或其他嚴重體罰罰款。“(2)在悔罪大砲歸功於聖巴索和那些經過的名稱聖格雷戈里Nyssen,這種增長的罪行,要求公眾懺悔會被發現暗示。

From the fourth century the penitents of the Church were divided into four classes.從四世紀的懺悔者的教會分為4類。 Three of these are mentioned in the eleventh canon, the fourth, which is not here referred to, was composed of those styled其中三個中提到的第十一屆佳能,第四,它是指不在這裡,是由那些風格 sugklaiontes sugklaiontes , flentes or weepers. ,flentes或weepers。 These were not allowed to enter into the body of the church at all, but stood or lay outside the gates, sometimes covered with sackcloth and ashes.這些都不准進入人體所有的教堂,但站著或躺在門外,有時覆蓋著麻布和灰燼。 This is the class which is sometimes styled這是階級有時風格 keimozomenoi keimozomenoi , hybernantes, on account of their being obliged to endure the inclemency of the weather. ,hybernantes,就不得不考慮他們正在忍受嚴酷的天氣。

It may help to the better understanding of this and other canons which notice the different orders of penitents, to give a brief account of the usual form and arrangement of the ancient churches as well as of the different orders of the penitents.它可以幫助to更好了解這一點,其他大砲發出通知的不同訂單的懺悔者,以作簡單的介紹了常見的形式及安排的古老教堂的以及不同訂單的懺悔者。

Before the church there was commonly either an open area surrounded with porticoes, called教堂前有一個開闊地帶一般要么用柱廊環繞,被稱為 mesaulion mesaulion or atrium, with a font of water in the centre, styled a cantharus or phiala, or sometimes only an open portico, or或中庭,有一個字體中水的中心,風格一cantharus或phiala,有時只是一個開放的門廊,或 propulaion propulaion . The first variety may still be seen at S. Ambrogio's in Milan, and the latter in Rome at S.第一品種仍可能出現在南安布魯吉奧的在米蘭,後者在羅馬在南 Lorenzo's, and in Ravenna at the two S. Apollinares.洛倫佐的,在拉文納在二南Apollinares。 This was the place at which the first and lowest order of penitents, the weepers, already referred to, stood exposed to the weather.這是發生在其中第一和最低階的penitents的weepers,已經提到,站在暴露於天氣。 Of these, St. Gregory Thaumaturgus says: "Weeping takes place outside the door of the church, where the sinner must stand and beg the prayers of the faithful as they go in."其中,聖格雷戈里thaumaturgus說:“哭泣的發生門外的教堂,那裡的罪人必須站,祈求禱告的信徒,他們進去”

The church itself usually consisted of three divisions within, besides these exterior courts這座教堂本身通常由三個部門內部,除了這些外部法院

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and porch.和門廊。 The first part after passing through "the great gates," or doors of the building, was called the Narthex in Greek, and Faerula in Latin, and was a narrow vestibule extending the whole width of the church.第一部分通過後,通過“偉大的蓋茨,”或門的建築,被稱為希臘的前廳,在拉丁美洲和Faerula,並於一個狹窄的門廳擴大整個寬度的教堂。 In this part, to which Jews and Gentiles, and in most places even heretics and schismatics were admitted, stood the Catechumens, and the Energumens or those afflicted with evil spirits, and the second class of penitents (the first mentioned in the Canon), who were called the在這一部分,對此猶太人和外邦人,而且在大多數地方甚至異端和schismatics被接納,經受住了慕道者,以及Energumens或那些患有邪靈,和第二類的penitents(第一次提到的佳能),誰被稱為 akowmenoi akowmenoi , audientes, or hearers. ,audientes,或聽眾。 These were allowed to hear the Scriptures read, and the Sermon preached, but were obliged to depart before the celebration of the Divine Mysteries, with the Catechumens, and the others who went by the general name of hearers only.這些被允許聽到的聖經閱讀,和講道宣揚,但不得不離開前,慶祝神聖的奧秘,與慕道者,誰去和其他人的名字一般聽眾只。

The second division, or main body of the church, was called the Naos or Nave.第二次分裂,或在教堂的主體,被稱為納奧斯或夫。 This was separated from the Narthex by rails of wood, with gates in the centre, which were called "the beautiful or royal gates."這是脫離前廳的欄杆木與蓋茨的中心,被稱為“美麗的或皇家大門。” In the middle of the Nave, but rather toward the lower or entrance part of it, stood the Ambo, or reading-desk, the place for the readers and singers, to which they went up by steps, whence the name, Ambo. Before coming to the Ambo, in the lowest part of the Nave, and just after passing the royal gates, was the place for the third order of penitents, called in Greek在中間的中殿,而是越往下或入口部分的,經受住了安博,或閱讀崗位,地點為讀者和歌手,它們所上升的步驟,從那裡的名稱,安博。前未來的安博,在最低部分內夫,僅合格後王室大門,是地方為三階的penitents,呼籲希臘 gonuklinontes gonuklinontes , or upopiptontes upopiptontes ,and in Latin Genuflectentes or Prostrati, ie, kneelers or prostrators, because they were allowed to remain and join in certain prayers particularly made for them. ,以及拉丁美洲Genuflectentes或Prostrati,即kneelers或prostrators,因為他們被允許留在加入某些特別為他們祈禱。 Before going out they prostrated themselves to receive the imposition of the bishop's hands with prayer.外出前,他們跪拜自己收到徵收主教的雙手祈禱。 This class of penitents left with the Catechumens.這個類的penitents留下的慕道者。

In the other parts of the Nave stood the believers or faithful, ie, those persons wire were in full communion with the Church, the men and women generally on opposite sides, though in some places the men were below, and the women in galleries above.在其他地方,內夫站著或忠實信徒,即這些人在電線與教會完全共融,男人和婦女一般對立,但在有些地方低於男性,婦女在上面畫廊。 Amongst these were the fourth class of penitents, who were called這些人當中的第四類的penitents,誰被稱為 sunestwtes sunestwtes , consistentes, ie, co-standers, because they were allowed to stand with the faithful, and to remain and hear the prayers of the Church, after the Catechumens and the other penitents were dismissed, and to be present while the faithful offered and communicated, though they might not themselves make their offerings, nor partake of the Holy Communion. ,consistentes,即共同旁觀者,因為他們可以站在一起的忠誠,並繼續和聽到祈禱的教會,在慕道者和其他懺悔者被駁回,並出席而忠實的提供和交流雖然他們可能本身並不使他們的產品,也分享到聖餐。 This class of penitents are frequently mentioned in the canons, as "communicating in prayers," or "without the oblation;" and it was the last grade to be passed through previous to the being admitted again to full communion.這個類的penitents經常提到的大砲,為“溝通的祈禱”,或“沒有祭品,”它是最後一個等級,可通過向被接納前再次完全共融。 The practice of "hearing mass" or "non-communicating attendance" clearly had its origin in this stage of discipline.實踐“聽群眾”或“非溝通出席”顯然有其原產地在這個階段的紀律。 At the upper end of the body of the church, and divided from it by rails which were called Cancelli, was that part which we now call the Chancel. This was anciently called by several names, as Bema or tribunal, from its being raised above the body of the church, and Sacrarium or Sanctuary.在上月底的身體的教會,並從它的軌道分裂而被稱為坎切利,是那一部分,我們現在稱之為斯爾。古時稱這是由幾個名字,如貝馬或仲裁庭,從它被提出上述身體的教會,並Sacrarium或庇護。 It was also called Apsis and Concha Bematis, from its semicircular end.它也被稱為拱點和康恰Bematis,從半圓形結束。 In this part stood the Altar, or Holy Table (which names were indifferently used in the primitive Church), behind which, and against the wall of the chancel, was the Bishop's throne, with the seats of the Presbyters on each side of it, called synthronus.在這部分經受住了祭壇,或聖桌(這名字是漠然用在原始教會),它的後面,並在牆上的聖壇,是主教的寶座,與座位的長老在每邊的它,所謂 synthronus。 On one side of the chancel was the repository for the sacred utensils and vestments, called the Diaconicum, and answering to our Vestry; and on the other the Prothesis, a side-table, or place, where the bread and wine were deposited before they were offered on the Altar.一邊是聖壇是倉庫的神聖器皿和法衣,稱為Diaconicum,回答我們的小禮拜堂,並在其他的假體,邊桌,或地方,那裡的麵包和酒的存放,才被獻在壇上。 The gates in the chancel rail were called the holy gates, and none but the higher orders of the clergy, ie, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, were allowed to enter within them.蓋茨在聖壇的鐵路被稱為聖門,但沒有一個較高的訂單神職人員,即主教,司鐸,執事,被允許進入在其中。 The Emperor indeed was permitted to do so for the purpose of making his offering at the Altar, but then he was obliged to retire immediately, and to receive the communion without.皇帝確實被允許這樣做的目的,使他的產品在壇,但後來他不得不立即退出,並沒有收到共融。

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(Thomassin. Ancienne et Nouvelle Discipline de l'Eglise. Tom. I. Livre II. chap. xvi. somewhat abridged.) In the West there existed always many cases of public penance, but in the East it is more difficult to find any traces of it, after it was abolished by the Patriarch Nectarius in the person of the Grand Penitentiary. (Thomassin.安西安娜等中篇小說學科德l'埃格斯。湯姆。一利夫雷二。第一章。12.2。有所刪節。)在西方一直存在著許多案件公開懺悔,但在東方,是比較難以找到任何它的痕跡,被廢除後,由主教Nectarius在人的大監獄。

However, the Emperor Alexis Comnenus, who took the empire in the year 1080, did a penance like that of older days, and one which may well pass for miraculous.然而,皇帝亞歷Comnenus,誰拍的帝國在1080年,做了這樣的懺悔昔日,實有可能通過的奇蹟。 He called together a large number of bishops with the patriarch, and some holy religious; be presented himself before them in the garb of a criminal; he confessed to them his crime of usurpation with all its circumstances.他召集了大量的主教的元老,和一些神聖的宗教,做自我介紹,他在他們面前的外衣的犯罪,他承認他的罪行的篡奪他們與所有的情況。 They condemned the Emperor and all his accomplices to fasting, to lying prostrate upon the earth, to wearing haircloth, and to all the other ordinary austerities of penance. Their wives desired to share their griefs and their sufferings, although they had had no share in their crime.他們譴責皇帝和他的同夥,以絕食,以說謊匍匐在地上,戴披上麻布,和所有其他普通的苦行苦修。他們的妻子渴望分享他們的悲哀和痛苦,雖然他們沒有分享他們的罪行。 The whole palace became a theatre of sorrow and public penance.整個宮殿變成了戰場的悲哀和公眾懺悔。 The emperor wore the hairshirt under the purple, and lay upon the earth for forty days, having only a stone for a pillow.皇帝穿著紫色的hairshirt下,並躺在地上四十天,僅有一個石頭的枕頭。

To all practical purposes Public Penance was a general institution but for a short while in the Church.對所有實際目的的公共懺悔是一般院校,但很短,而在教會。 But the reader must be careful to distinguish between this Public Penance and the private confession which in the Catholic Church both East and West is universally practised.但是讀者必須注意區分此公用懺悔和私營供認這在天主教教會,東,西是普遍實行。 What Nectarius did was to abolish the office of Penitentiary, whose duty it had been to assign public penance for secret sin;(1) a thing wholly different from what Catholics understand by the "Sacrament of Penance."什麼Nectarius所做的是取消監獄辦公室,其職責已被指派為公眾懺悔秘密罪:(1)從一個完全不同的東西是什麼天主教徒理解的“聖事的懺悔。” It would be out of place to do more in this place than to call the reader's attention to the bare fact, and to supply him, from a Roman Catholic point of view, with an explanation of why Public Penance died out.這將是出於地方在這個地方做更多比呼籲讀者注意,這個顯而易見的事實,並送給他,從羅馬天主教點的看法和解釋了為什麼公共懺悔死了。 "It came to an end because it was of human institution. But sacramental confession, being of divine origin, lasted when the penitential discipline had been changed, and continues to this day among the Greeks and Oriental sects."(2) That the reader may judge of the absolute can-dour of the writer just quoted, I give a few sentences from the same article: "An opinion, however, did prevail to some extent in the middle ages, even among Catholics, that confession to God alone sufficed. The Council of Chalons in 813 (canon xxxiii.), says: 'Some assert that we should confess our sins to God alone, but some think that they should be confessed to the priest, each of which practices is followed not without great fruit in Holy Church. ... Confession made to God purges sins, but that made to the priest teaches how they are to be purged.'他說:“結束了,因為它是人組成的機構。但聖招供,被神聖的起源,歷時當悔罪紀律已經改變,並一直持續到今天的希臘人和東方之間的教派。”(2)讀者可以判斷的絕對可以,倔強的作家只是引述,我給了幾句從相同的文章:“一個意見,但是,確實在一定程度上佔上風,在中世紀,甚至是天主教徒,那只有上帝懺悔足以。安理會的沙隆在813(佳能三十三。)說:'有人斷言,我們應該承認我們的罪孽只有上帝,但有人認為他們應該承認的神父,每個做法其次是不是沒有大水果在神聖的教堂。向上帝懺悔...清洗的罪孽,而是向神父教他們如何被清除。 This former opinion is also mentioned without reprobation by Peter Lombard (In Sentent. Lib. iv. dist. xvii.)."前者認為,這是不非難也提到了彼得倫巴(在Sentent。利布。四。區。十七。)“。

CANON XII佳能十二

As many as were called by grace, and displayed the first zeal, having cast aside their military girdles, but afterwards returned, like dogs, to their own vomit, (so that some spent money and by means of gifts regained their military stations); let these, after they have passed the space of three years as hearers, be for ten years prostrators.和許多人所要求的寬限期,並顯示第一個熱情,有唾棄的軍事腰帶,但後來回來了,就像狗,到自己的嘔吐物,(所以,有些花的錢和禮物手段恢復其軍事站);讓這些後,他們已通過空間三年聽眾,為十年prostrators。 But in all these cases it is necessary to examine well into their purpose and what their repentance appears to be like.但在所有這些情況下,是需要研究的目的以及在他們看來,什麼是他們的懺悔一樣。 For as many as give evidence of their conversions by deeds, and not pretence, with fear, and tears, and perseverance, and good works, when they have fulfilled their appointed time as hearers, may properly communicate in prayers; and after that the bishop may determine yet more favourably concerning them.對於多達作證其轉換的事,而不是幌子,與恐懼和淚水,毅力,和好的作品,當他們完成了指定的時間作為聽眾,可以適當地溝通,禱告後,主教但更有利的決定可能與他們有關。 But those who take [the matter] with indifference, and who think the form of [not] entering the Church is sufficient for their conversion, must fulfil the whole time.但是,這些誰採取[問題]與冷漠,誰認為這表格的[不]進入教會是足夠的轉換,必須履行的全部時間。

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NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XII.古縮影佳能十二。

Those who endured violence and were seen to have resisted, but who afterwards yielded go wickedness, and returned to the army, shall be excommunicated for ten years.那些誰遭受暴力和被認為有抵制,但誰後產生了去惡,並返回到軍隊,應驅逐了10年。 But in every case the way in which they do their penance must be scrutinized.但在任何情況下的方式,他們做他們的懺悔,必須審查。 And if anyone who is doing penance shews himself zealous in its performance, the bishop shall treat him more lentently than had he been cold and indifferent.如果任何人誰是他熱心做懺悔shews在其性能,主教應更加lentently對待他比原來他被冷漠。

LAMBERT.蘭伯特。

The abuse of this power, namely, of granting under certain circumstances a relaxation in the penitential exercises enjoined by the canons--led, in later times, to the practice of commuting such exercises for money payments, etc.這種權力的濫用,即在某些情況下給予放寬政策,在悔罪演習受命於大砲-領導,在稍後的時間,到實踐中的通勤演習錢付款等

In his last contests with Constantine, Licinius had made himself the representative of heathenism; so that the final issue of the war would not be the mere triumph of one of the two competitors, but the triumph or fall of Christianity or heathenism.在他最後的比賽與君士坦丁,李錫尼作出了自己的代表的異教,所以,最後的問題,戰爭將不會是單純的勝利之一,這兩家競爭對手,但勝利還是屬於基督教或異教。 Accordingly, a Christian who had in this war supported the cause of Licinius and of heathenism might be considered as a lapsus, even if he did not formally fall away.因此,一個基督徒誰曾在這場戰爭中支持事業李錫尼和異教可能被視為一個失策,即使他沒有正式消失。 With much more reason might those Christians be treated as lapsi who, having conscientiously given up military service (this is meant by the soldier's belt), afterwards retracted their resolution, and went so far as to give money and presents for the sake of readmission, on account of the numerous advantages which military service then afforded.隨著更多的原因可能那些基督徒被視為lapsi誰,有自覺放棄軍事服務(這是由士兵的腰帶),後來又收回了他們的決議,竟然把錢和禮物的緣故再入院,有關帳戶的眾多優勢,軍事服務的話,負擔得起。 It must not be forgotten that Licinius, as Zonaras and Eusebius relate, required from his soldiers a formal apostasy; compelled them, for example, to take part in the heathen sacrifices which were held in the camps, and dismissed from his service those who would not apostatize.我們絕不能忘記的是,李錫尼,作為Zonaras和尤西比烏斯相關,需要從他的士兵正式叛教,迫使它們,例如,參加在異教徒的犧牲而被關押在難民營,並免去他的服務那些想誰不apostatize。

BRIGHT.光明。

This canon (which in the Prisca and the Isidorian version stands as part of canon 11) deals, like it, with cases which had arisen under the Eastern reign of Licinius, who having resolved to "purge his army of all ardent Christians" (Mason, Persec. of Diocl. p. 308), ordered his Christian officers to sacrifice to the gods on pain of being cashiered (compare Euseb. HE x. 8; Vit. Con. i. 54).這佳能(這是在普里斯卡馬和Isidorian版本站的一部分佳能11)優惠,喜歡它,與案件已經出現在東部統治的李錫尼,誰擁有決心“清除所有熱愛他的軍隊的基督徒”(梅森,Persec。的Diocl。第308頁),命令他的基督教人員祭神疼痛被撤職(比較Euseb。他x的8條;維生素。CON組。島54)。 It is to be observed here that military life as such was not deemed unchristian.這是必須遵守這裡的軍事生活,這就是不被視為非基督教的。 The case of Cornelius was borne in mind.該案件哥尼流是牢記在心。 "We serve in your armies," says Tertullian, Apol. “我們為你的軍隊,說:”良,Apol。 42 (although later, as a Montanist, he took a rigorist and fanatical view, De Cor. 11), and compare the fact which underlies the tale of the "Thundering Legion,"--the presence of Christians in the army of Marcus Aurelius. 42(雖然後來,作為一個Montanist,他花了rigorist和狂熱的看法,德肺心病。11),並比較了事實基礎的故事的“雷雨軍團” -存在的基督徒在軍隊的馬可奧勒留。 It was the heathenish adjuncts to their calling which often brought Christian soldiers to a stand (see Routh. Scr. Opusc. i. 410), as when Marinus' succession to a centurionship was challenged on the ground that he could not sacrifice to the gods (Euseb. HE vii. 15).這是異教的附屬品,以他們的要求,往往使基督教士兵立場(見羅斯。血肌酐。Opusc。島410),因為當馬里努斯思想的繼承到centurionship被質疑,理由是他不能祭神(Euseb.何七。15)。 Sometimes, indeed, individual Christians thought like Maximilian in the Martyrology, who absolutely refused to enlist, and on being told by the proconsul that there were Christian soldiers in the imperial service, answered, "Ipsi sciunt quod ipsis expediat" (Ruinart, Act. Sanc. p. 341).有時候,的確,個別基督徒的思想像馬克西米利在Martyrology,誰斷然拒絕參軍,並在被告知的駐伊士兵有基督教在帝國服務,回答說:“同側sciunt狴ipsis expediat”(Ruinart,法令。尚茨。第341頁)。 But, says Bingham (Antiq. xi. 5, 10), "the ancient canons did not condemn the military life as a vocation simply unlawful. ... I believe there is no instance of any man being refused baptism merely because he was a soldier, unless some unlawful circumstance, such as idolatry, or the like, made the vocation sinful."但是,說賓厄姆(Antiq.十一。五,10),“古代大砲沒有譴責軍方的生活只是一種職業是非法的。...我相信沒有任何人如被拒絕洗禮只是因為他是一個士兵,除非一些非法的情況下,如偶像崇拜,或類似的職業罪惡“。 After the victory of Constantine in the West, the Council of Aries excommunicated those who in time of peace "threw away their arms" (can. 2).勝利後的君士坦丁在西方,會白羊座驅逐那些誰在和平時期“扔掉了他們的武器”(can. 2)。 In the case before us, some Christian officers had at first stood firm under the trial imposed on them by Licinius.在我們面前的情況下,一些基督教人員在第一站公司根據審判強加給他們,李錫尼。 They had been "called by grace" to an act of self-sacrifice (the phrase is one which St. Augustine might have used); and had shown "their eagerness at the outset" ("primum suum ardorem," Dionysius; Philo and Evarestus more laxly, "primordia bona;" compare他們被“要求寬限期”的行為自我犧牲的(這句話,是一些可能使用的聖奧古斯丁),並顯示“他們渴望在一開始”(“primum豬蛔蟲ardorem,”狄奧尼;斐洛和Evarestus更加無法無天,“真正的原基,”比較 thn thn agaphn agaphn sou thn thn prwthn prwthn , Rev. ii.牧師 2。 4). 4)。 Observe here how beautifully the ideas of grace and free will are harmonized. These men had responded to a Divine impulse: it might seem that they had committed themselves to a noble course: they had cast aside the "belts" which were their badge of office (compare the cases of Valentinian and Valens, Soc. iii. 13, and of Benevoins throwing down his belt at the feet of Justina, Soz. vii. 13).觀察這裡的想法如何漂亮的恩典和自由意志是統一的。這些人已經回答了神聖的衝動:它可能看起來他們已承諾一項崇高的過程:他們拋棄了“安全帶”,這是他們的標誌辦公室(比較例瓦倫蒂安和瓦倫斯,片上系統。三。13,和Benevoins扔下他的皮帶在腳的梁太,蘇茲。七。13)。 They had done, in fact, just what Auxentius, one of Licinius' notaries, had done when, according to the graphic anecdote of Philostorgius (Fragm. 5), his master bade him place a bunch of grapes before a statue of Bacchus in the palace- court; but their zeal, unlike his, proved to be too impulsive--they reconsidered their position, and他們所做的,事實上,正是Auxentius之一李錫尼'公證員,做了時,根據圖形故事的Philostorgius(Fragm. 5),他的主人叫他的地方一堆葡萄酒神雕像前,在宮殿庭,但他們的積極性,不像他的,被證明是過於衝動-他們重新考慮其立場,

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illustrated the maxim that in morals second thoughts are not best (Butler, Serm. 7), by making unworthy attempts--in some cases by bribery--to recover what they had worthily resigned.說明了道德格言,在第二個想法是不是最好的(巴特勒,據泰國。7),通過使不值得嘗試-在某些情況下通過賄賂-恢復他們所抱負辭職。 (Observe the Grecised Latinism (觀察Grecised Latinism benefikiois benefikiois and compare the Latinisms of St. Mark, and others in Euseb.並比較Latinisms聖馬可和其他人Euseb。 iii.三。 20, vi. 20,六。 40, x. 40,十 5.) This the Council describes in proverbial language, probably borrowed from 2 Pet. 5。)安理會介紹了該諺語的語言,大概借了2寵物。 ii.二。 22, but, it is needless to say, without intending to censure enlistment as such. 22,但是,它是不用說,如果沒有打算譴責入伍等。 They now desired to be received to penance: accordingly they were ordered to spend three years as Hearers, during which time "their purpose, and the nature (他們現在想要的是收到的懺悔:據此,他們奉命花3年,受話者,在此期間,“他們的目的,性質( eidos Eidos公司 ) of their repentance" were to be carefully "examined." Again we see the earnest resolution of the Council to make discipline a moral reality, and to prevent it from being turned into a formal routine; to secure, as Rufinus' abridgment expresses it, a repentance "fructuosam et attentam." If the penitents were found to have "manifested their conversion by deeds, and not in outward show ( )他們悔過書“要仔細”審查。“我們再一次看到了安理會的決議認真作出紀律的道德現實,以防止它被變成一個正式的常規,以安全,作為Rufinus'刪節表示它一個悔改“fructuosam等attentam。”懺悔者如果發現有“體現在行動上的轉換,而不是外在的表現( skhmati skhmati ), by awe, and tears, and patience, and good works" (such, for instance, Zonaras comments, as almsgiving according to ability), "it would be then reasonable to admit them to a participation in the prayers," to the position of Consistentes, "with permission also to the bishop to come to a yet more indulgent resolution concerning them," by admitting them to full communion. This discretionary power of the bishop to dispense with part of a penance-time is recognized in the fifth canon of Ancyra and the sixteenth of Chalcedon, and mentioned by Basil, Epist. 217, c. 74. It was the basis of "indulgences "in their original form (Bingham, xviii. 4, 9). But it was too possible that some at least of these "lapsi" might take the whole affair lightly, "with indifference" ),由敬畏,眼淚和耐心,好作品“(例如,例如,Zonaras評論,施捨根據能力),”這將是再合理承認他們參與了一個祈禱,“到位置Consistentes,“經許可的主教也來了更加寬容與他們有關的決議”,允許他們充分交流。這種自由裁量權的主教免除懺悔的一部份時間是公認的在第五佳能的安該拉和16的chalcedon,並提到了羅勒,Epist。217角74。這是基礎的“寬容”在其原來的形式(賓厄姆,十八。4,9)。但它也可能至少其中一些“lapsi”可能使整個事件輕描淡寫,“漠視” adiakorws adiakorws -not seriously enough, as Hervetas renders- -just as if, in common parlance, it did not signify: the fourth Ancyrene canon speaks of lapsi who partook of the idol-feast未嚴重不足,使得作為Hervetas - -就好像,在一般的說法,這並不意味著:第四Ancyrene佳能談到lapsi誰友人的偶像盛宴 adiakorws adiakorws as if it involved them in no sin (see below on Eph. 5, Chalc. 4).因為如果它涉及他們沒有罪(見下面的弗。五,Chalc。4)條。 It was possible that they might "deem" the outward form of "entering the church" to stand in the narthex among the Hearers (here, as in c. 8, 19,有人可能會“認為”的外在形式的“進教堂”,以站在前廳中的受話者(在這裡,如角8,19, skhma skhma denotes an external visible fact) sufficient to entitle them to the character of converted penitents, while their conduct out of church was utterly lacking in seriousness and self-humiliation.指一個外部可見的事實)足以使其有權的性質的轉換懺悔者,而他們的行為完全出於教堂缺乏嚴肅性和自我羞辱。 In that case there could be no question of shortening their penance, time, for they were not in a state to benefit by indulgence: it would be, as the Roman Presbyters wrote to Cyprian, and as he himself wrote to his own church, a "mere covering over of the wound" (Epist. 30, 3), an "injury" rather than "a kindness" (De Lapsis, 16); they must therefore "by all means" go through ten years as Kneelers, before they can become Consistentes.在這種情況下不可能有任何問題,縮短他們的懺悔,時間,因為他們沒有一個國家是惠及放縱:它會是這樣,因為羅馬長老寫信給塞浦路斯,和他自己寫自己的教堂, “僅僅覆蓋了的傷口”(Epist. 30日,3),1“傷害”而不是“仁慈”(德Lapsis,16),他們因此必須“採取一切手段”經過十年的Kneelers,才可以成為 Consistentes。

There is great difficulty about the last phrase and Gelasius of Cyzicus, the Prisca, Dionysius Exiguus, the pseudo-Isidore, Zonaras and most others have considered the "not" an interpolation.有很大的困難對最後一句和格拉西的基齊庫斯的普里斯卡馬,教士艾克西古斯,偽伊西多爾,Zonaras和多數國家則認為“不是”一插。 I do not see how dropping the "not" makes the meaning materially clearer.我看不出如何去掉“不”,使重大的意義更明確。

CANON XIII佳能第十三

CONCERNING the departing, the ancient canonical law is still to be maintained, to wit, that, if any man be at the point of death, he must not be deprived of the last and most indispensable Viaticum.關於離任的,典型的古代法仍然要維持,以機智,說,若有人在這一點死亡,他不能被剝奪的最後也是最不可缺少的Viaticum。 But, if any one should be restored to health again who has received the communion when his life was despaired of, let him remain among those who communicate in prayers only.但是,如果任何人都不應再恢復到健康誰收到了交流時,他絕望的生活,讓他留在那些誰溝通,只在祈禱。 But in general, and in the case of any dying person whatsoever asking to receive the Eucharist, let the Bishop, after examination made, give it him.但總的來說,在任何情況下死去的人的任何要求接受聖體,讓主教,經審查後作出,給他。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XIII.古縮影佳能十三。

The dying are to be communicated.奄奄一息的要溝通。 But if any such get well, he must be placed in the number of those who share in the prayers, and with these only.但是,如果任何此類做好,他必須被放置在數那些誰分享的禱告,與這些只是。

VAN ESPEN.加值埃斯彭。

It cannot be denied that antiquity used the name "Viaticum "not only to denote the Eucharist which was given to the dying, but also to denote the reconciliation, and imposition of penance, and in general, everything that could be conducive to the happy death of the person concerned, and this has been shown by Aubespine (lib. 1, Obs. cap. ii.).不能否認,古代所用的名稱“Viaticum”不只是指聖體聖事是給奄奄一息的,但也表示和解,並施加懺悔,並在一般情況下,一切可能有利於幸福的死亡有關的人,這也表明了Aubespine(lib. 1,骨細胞。帽。二。)。 But while this is so, the more usual sense of the word is the Eucharist.不過,雖然是這樣,更通常意義上的字是聖體。 For this cannot be denied that the faithful of the first ages of the Church looked upon the Eucharist as the complement of Christian perfection, and as the last seal of對於這不能否認,在信徒中,第一個年齡看,教會聖體後,基督教作為補充完善,並作為最後的印章

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hope and salvation.希望和拯救。 It was for tiffs reason that at the beginning of life, after baptism and confirmation, the Eucharist was given even to infants, and at the close of life the Eucharist followed reconciliation and extreme unction, so that properly and literally it could be styled "the last Viaticum."正是由於TIFF無法原因,一開始生活,洗禮和確認後,給予聖體甚至嬰兒,並在接近生活的聖體後和解,終傅,以便正確和字面可能是風格的“最後 Viaticum。“ Moreover for penitents it was considered especially necessary that through it they might return to the peace of the Church; for perfect peace is given by that very communion of the Eucharist.況且,懺悔者認為這是必要的,特別是通過它,他們可能會回到和平的教會;完美的和平這是因為該共融的聖體。 [A number of instances are then cited, and various ancient versions of the canon.] Balsamon and Zonaras also understand the canon as I have done, as is evident from their commentaries, and so did Josephus AEgyptius, who in his Arabic Paraphrase gives the canon this title: "Concerning him who is excommunicated and has committed some deadly sin, and desires the Eucharist to be granted to him." [一個數字,然後列舉的事例,以及各種版本的古代經典。] Balsamon和Zonaras也明白我的佳能所做的那樣,這一點從他們的評論,因此決定約瑟夫AEgyptius,誰在他的阿拉伯語釋義賦予佳能這個標題:“關於誰是驅逐他,並承諾一些致命的罪惡,慾望聖體被授予了他。”

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Gratian, Decretum Pars.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇,格拉,Decretum帕爾斯。 II.二。 causa xxvi, Quaes.考薩 26,Quaes。 VI., c.六。角 ix.九。

EXCURSUS ON THE COMMUNION OF THE SICK.附錄論共融的病人。

There is nothing upon which the ancient church more strenuously insisted than the oral reception of the Holy Communion.沒有什麼,因為後者更強烈堅持古老的教堂比口頭接待的聖餐。 What in later times was known as "Spiritual Communion" was outside of the view of those early days; and to them the issues of eternity were considered often to rest upon the sick man's receiving with his mouth "his food for the journey," the Viaticum, before he died.是什麼在稍後的時間被稱為“精神體”不屬於認為那些早期的天,給他們的問題的永恆被認為經常休息後病夫的接收與他的嘴“,他的食物的旅程”的Viaticum前就死了。 No greater proof of how important this matter was deemed could be found than the present canon, which provides that even the stern and invariable canons of the public penance are to give way before the awful necessity of fortifying the soul in the last hour of its earthly sojourn.沒有更多的證據多麼重要這個問題被認為是可以找到比現在佳能,其中規定,即使是嚴肅和不變的大砲公眾懺悔是讓路前可怕的必要性堅定的靈魂在最後一小時的人間逗留。

Possibly at first the Italy Sacrament may have been consecrated in the presence of the sick person, but of this in early times the instances are rare and by was considered a marked favour that such a thing should be allowed, and the saying of mass in private houses was prohibited (as it is in the Eastern and Latin churches still to-day) with the greatest.可能在第一的意大利聖可能已被consecrated在存在的有病的人,但這些早年的情況很少見,by被認為是明顯贊成這樣的事情應該允許,而且在私下說,大規模房子是被禁止的(因為它是在東部和拉丁教會仍然日)與最大的。

The necessity of having the consecrated bread and wine for the sick led to their reservation, a practice which has existed in the Church from the very beginning, so far as any records of which we are in possession shew.有必要性的神聖麵包和酒為病人導致其保留,這種做法一直存在在教會從一開始,只要任何記錄,我們在擁有027。

St. Justin Martyr, writing less than a half century after St. John's death, mentions that "the deacons communicate each of those present, and carry away to the absent the blest bread, and wine and water."(1) It was evidently a long established custom in his day.聖賈斯汀烈士,寫不到一個半世紀後,聖約翰死亡提到,“執事每個在場的人溝通,並帶走的缺席在望麵包,酒和水。”(1)這是很明顯一個沿用已久的習俗在他的一天。

Tertullian tells us of a woman whose husband was a heathen and who was allowed to keep the Holy Sacrament in her house that she might receive every morning before other food.良告訴我們,女人的丈夫是一個異教徒,誰被允許保持神聖的聖事在她家,她每天早上之前可能收到的其他食物。 St. Cyprian also gives a most interesting example of reservation.聖塞浦路斯還給出了一個最有趣的例子保留。 In his treatise "On the Lapsed" written in AD 251, (chapter xxvi), he says: "Another woman, when she tried with unworthy hands to open her box, in which was the Holy of the Lord, was deterred from daring to touch it by fire rising from it."在他的論文“論失效”寫於公元251,(章26),他說:“另一個女人,不配當她試圖用雙手打開她的盒子,這是神聖的主,是不敢大膽到觸摸它從它的火上升。“

It is impossible with any accuracy to fix the date, but certainly before the year four hundred, a perpetual reservation for the sick was made in the churches.這是不可能解決任何準確的日期,但肯定是在一年400,一個永久保留的病是在教會。 A most interesting incidental proof of this is found in the thrilling description given by St. Chrysostom of the great riot in Constantinople in the year 403, when the soldiers "burst into the place where the Holy Things were stored, and saw all things therein," and "the most holy blood of Christ was spilled upon their clothes."(2) From this incident it is evident that in that church the Holy Sacrament was reserved in both kinds, and separately.一個最有趣的附帶證明,這是激動人心的描述中找到聖金口給予的巨大騷亂在君士坦丁堡在403年,當士兵“闖入聖物的地方存放了,看到所有的東西當中, “和”最神聖的基督被溢出的血液在他們的衣服。“(2)從這次事件很明顯,在這神聖的聖事是教會預留兩種,並分別。

Whether this at the time was usual it is hard to say, but there can be no doubt that even in the earliest times the Sacrament was given, on rare occasions at least, in one kind,無論這在當時是一般也很難說,但毫無疑問,即使在最早的時候給予的聖事,在罕見的情況,至少在一種,

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sometimes under the form of bread alone, and when the sick persons could not swallow under the form of wine alone.有時麵包的形式下單,當病患者,無法吞嚥的形式下的葡萄酒單。 The practice called "intinction," that is the dipping of the bread into the wine and administering the two species together, was of very early introduction and still is universal in the East, not only when Communion is given with the reserved Sacrament, but also when the people are communicated in the Liturgy from the newly consecrated species.這種做法被稱為“intinction,”這是把麵包浸在酒和管理這兩個物種在一起,是很早就引進,仍然是普遍在東方,而不是只在與共融是預留給聖禮,但也當人們都在傳達新的禮儀從神聖物種。 The first mention of intinction in the West, is at Carthage in the fifth century.(1) We know it was practised in the seventh century and by the twelfth it had become general, to give place to the withdrawal of the chalice altogether in the West.(2) "Regino(De Eccles. Discip. Lib. I. c. lxx.) in 906, Burchard(Decr. Lib. V. cap. ix. fol. 95. colon. 1560.) in 996, and Ivo(Decr. Pars. II. cap. xix. p. 56, Paris 1647) in 1092 all cite a Canon, which they ascribe to a council of Tours ordering 'every presbyter to have a pyx or vessel meet for so great a sacrament, in which the Body of the Lord may be carefully laid up for the Viaticum to those departing from this world, which sacred oblation ought to be steeped in the Blood of Christ that the presbyter may be able to say truthfully to the sick man, The Body and Blood of the Lord avail thee, etc.'"(3)第一次提到intinction在西方,是在迦太基在第五世紀。(1)我們知道這是在實行7世紀,由第十二屆它已成為普遍,給地方撤出的聖杯完全在西。(2)“雷吉諾(德埃克爾斯。Discip。利布。國際法院LXX的。)在906,伯查德(Decr.利布。五上限。九。FOL的。95。結腸癌。1560。)在996,和伊沃(Decr.標準桿。二。帽。十九。第56頁,巴黎1647年)在1092年都舉佳能,他們歸於一會旅遊訂購'每長老有聖餐盒或船隻滿足如此巨大的聖禮在該機構的主,可仔細奠定了為Viaticum那些脫離這個世界,這神聖的祭品應該沉浸在血液中的基督長老可以說如實向病夫,該身體與血的主利用你,等'“(3)

The reservation of the Holy Sacrament was usually made in the church itself, and the learned WE Scudamore is of opinion that this was the case in Africa as early as the fourth century.(4)這項保留的聖聖通常是在教會本身,我們學到斯卡德莫爾是認為這是在非洲的情況早在4世紀。(4)

It will not be uninteresting to quote in this connection the "Apostolic Constitutions," for while indeed there is much doubt of the date of the Eighth Book, yet it is certainly of great antiquity.這不會是無趣引述在這方面的“使徒憲法”,因為雖然確實有很大的疑問的日期的第八書,但它肯定是非常古老。 Here we read, "and after the communion of both men and women, the deacons take what remains and place it in the tabernacle."(5)在這裡,我們看到,“之後的共融男人和女人,仍然和執事採取什麼地方,便在帳幕。”(5)

Perhaps it may not be amiss before closing the remark that so far as we are aware the reservation of the Holy Sacrament in the early church was only for the purposes of communion, and that the churches of the East reserve it to the present day only for this purpose.也許未必是不妥的言論之前關閉,到目前為止,我們都知道保留的聖聖事,在早期教會是唯一的目的共融,而教堂的東儲備到今天只這一目的。

Those who wish to read the matter treated of more at length, can do so in Muratorius's learned "Dissertations" which are prefixed to his edition of the Roman Sacramentaries(chapter XXIV) and in Scudamore's Notitia Eucharistica, a work which can be absolutely relied upon for the accuracy of its facts, however little one may feel constrained to accept the logical justness of its conclusions.這些誰願意閱讀問題處理更多的篇幅,可以這樣做,Muratorius的教訓“之”,這是前綴他版的羅馬Sacramentaries(章24條)和斯卡德莫爾's Notitia Eucharistica,一個工作,可以完全依賴它的準確性事實,但小傢伙可能會覺得接受邏輯公正的結論。

CANON XIV佳能十四

CONCERNING catechumens who have lapsed, the holy and great Synod has decreed that, after they have passed three years only as hearers, they shall pray with the catechumens.關於慕道誰已經過去了,神聖和偉大主教已經頒布法令,經過3年過去了,他們只能作為聽眾,他們都要祈禱與慕道。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XIV.古縮影佳能十四。

If any of the catechumens shall have fallen for three years he shall be a hearer only, and then let him pray with the catechumens.如果任何慕道應下降3年來,他應是一個聽者只,然後讓他祈禱與慕道。

JUSTELLUS. JUSTELLUS。

The people formerly were divided into three classes in the church, for there were catechumens, faithful, and penitents; but it is clear from the present canon there were two kinds of catechumens: one consisting of those who heard the Word of God, and wished to become Christians, but had not yet desired baptism; these were called "hearers."以前的人分為3類在教堂,有慕道者,忠誠,和懺悔者,但它顯然從目前的佳能有兩種慕道:1組成的那些誰聽到神的話語,並希望成為基督徒,但還沒有預期的洗禮,這些被稱為“聽眾”。 Others who were of long standing, and were properly trained in the faith, and desired baptism--these were called "competentes."其他誰是長期的,並得到適當培訓的信念,理想和洗禮-這些被稱為“competentes。”

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There is difference of opinion among the learned as to whether there was not a third or even a fourth class of catechumens.有不同意見之間的學習,是否有沒有三分之一甚至四分之一的慕道班。 Bingham and Card.賓厄姆和卡。 Bona, while not agreeing in particular points, agree in affirming that there were more than two classes.博納,雖然不同意,特別是點,同意在肯定有超過兩班。 Bingham's first class are those not allowed to enter the church, the賓厄姆第一類是那些不能進入教堂, exwqoumenoi exwqoumenoi , but the affirmation of the existence of such a class rests only on a very forced explanation of canon five of Neocaesarea. ,但肯定是存在這樣的類只在於在一個非常被迫解釋佳能5 Neocaesarea。 The second class, the hearers, audientes, rests on better evidence.第二類,聽者,audientes,有賴於更有力的證據。 These were not allowed to stay while the Holy Mysteries were celebrated, and their expulsion gave rise to the distinction between the "Mass of the Catechumens"(Missa Catechumenorum) and the "Mass of the Faithful"(Missa Fidelium).這些都不能留,而神聖的奧秘了慶祝活動,引起了他們的驅逐之間的區別是“群眾的慕道者”(彌撒Catechumenorum)和“群眾的忠實”(彌撒Fidelium)。 Nor were they suffered to hear the Creed or the Our Father.也沒有聽到他們遭受的信條或我們的父親。 Writers who multiply the classes insert here some who knelt and prayed, called Prostrati or Genuflectentes(the same name as was given to one of the grades of penitence).作家誰在這裡繁殖的類中插入一些誰跪下禱告,叫Prostrati或Genuflectentes(相同的名稱給予了一個檔次的懺悔)。 (Edw. H. Plumptre in Dict. Christ. Antiq. sv Catechumens.) (Edw.閣下普拉普特雷在快譯通。基督。Antiq。希沃特慕道。)

After these stages had been traversed each with its appropriate instruction, the catechumens gave in their names as applicants for baptism, and were known accordingly as Competentes經過這些階段已經走過了它的每一個適當的指示,在慕道了自己的名字作為申請人的洗禮,但據了解相應的Competentes sunaitountes sunaitountes . This was done commonly at the beginning of the Quadragesimal fast, and the instruction, carried on through the whole of that period, was fuller and more public in its nature (Cyril Hieros. Catech. i. 5; Hieron. Ep. 61, ad Pammach. c. 4:). To catechumens in this stage the great articles of the Creed, the nature of the Sacraments, the penitential discipline of the Church, were explained, as in the Catechetical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem, with dogmatic precision.這是通常在一開始做的Quadragesimal快速,其指令,通過進行整個這一時期,was更充分和更公眾在性質(西里爾Hieros。兒茶酚。島5; Hieron。內啡肽。61,ad Pammach。角4:)。為慕道者在這一階段的偉大文章的信條,在聖禮的性質,是悔罪的紀律的教會,進行了解釋,如要理講座西里爾耶路撒冷,以教條主義的精度。 Special examinations and inquiries into character were made at intervals during the forty days.特別考試及查詢到性格上作了間隔期間的四十天。 It was a time for fasting and watching and prayer(Constt. Apost. viii. 5; 4 C. Carth. c. 85; Tertull. De Bapt. c. 20; Cyril. 1. c.) and, in the case of those who were married, of the strictest continence(August. De fide et oper. v. 8). Those who passed through the ordeal were known as the perfectiores這是一個時間和觀看禁食和祈禱(Constt. Apost。八。五; 4長Carth。角85; Tertull。德BAPT的。角20;西里爾。1。角),並在案件那些誰結婚,最嚴格的節制(August.德善意等歌劇院。訴8)。那些誰通過了考驗被稱為perfectiores teleiwterot teleiwterot the electi, or in the nomenclature of the Eastern Church as在electi,或命名為東方教會 baptizomenoi baptizomenoi or fwtizowenoi fwtizowenoi , the present participle being used of course with a future or gerundial sense. ,正在使用的現在分詞當然有前途或動名詞意義。 Their names were inscribed as such in the album or register of the church.他們的名字刻在這樣的專輯或註冊的教會。 They were taught, but not till a few days before their baptism, the Creed and the Lord's Prayer which they were to use after it.他們被教導,但不是直到前幾天的洗禮,信念和主禱文,他們是使用後。 The periods for this registration varied, naturally enough, in different churches.這個註冊的期限各不相同,自然地,在不同的教會。 At Jerusalem it was done on the second(Cyril. Catech. iii.), in Africa on the fourth Sunday in Lent(August. Serm. 213), and this was the time at which the candidate, if so disposed, might lay aside his old heathen or Jewish name and take one more specifically Christian(Socrat. HE vii. 21).在耶路撒冷,這是在第二個(Cyril.兒茶酚。三。),在非洲的第四個星期天在四旬期(August.據泰國。213),這是時間上的候選人,如果這樣處理,可能擱置他的老猶太異教徒或名稱,並採取一個更具體的基督教(Socrat.何七。21)。 . . .It is only necessary to notice here that the Sacramentum Catechumenorum of which Augustine speaks(De Peccat. Merit. ii. 26) as given apparently at or about the time of their first admission by imposition of hands, was probably the 。。它是只需要通知一下,Sacramentum Catechumenorum其中談到奧古斯丁(德Peccat。優異。2。26)為給定顯然是與之有關的第一次住院時間,他們的雙手被強加的,可能是 eul的EUL giai giai or panis benedictus, and not, as Bingham and Augusta maintain, the salt which was given with milk and honey after baptism.或潘尼斯樞機主持的,而不是如賓厄姆和奧古斯塔維護,這是由於鹽奶與蜜後的洗禮。

CANON XV佳能十五

ON account of the great disturbance and discords that occur, it is decreed that the custom prevailing in certain places contrary to the Canon, must wholly be done away; so that neither bishop, presbyter, nor deacon shall pass from city to city.對帳戶的偉大干擾和不和發生,它是頒布法令,當時的習俗在某些地方違背了佳能,必須完全be掉,所以這既不主教,長老,執事或通過從城市到城市。 And if any one, after this decree of the holy and great Synod, shall attempt any such thing, or continue in any such course, his proceedings shall be utterly void, and he shall be restored to the Church for which he was ordained bishop or presbyter.如果任何一個後,這項法令的神聖和偉大的主教會議,會嘗試任何事情,或繼續在上述過程中,他的程序應完全無效,他應恢復到教會,他被祝聖主教或長老。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XV.古縮影佳能十五。

Neither bishop, presbyter, nor deacon shall pass from city to city.無論是主教,長老,執事也不會把從城市到城市。 But they shall be sent back, should they attempt to do so, to the Churches in which they were ordained.但是,他們應當被遣送回國,如果他們試圖這樣做,教會他們在被祝聖。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The translation of a bishop, priest, or deacon from one church to another, had already been forbidden in the primitive Church. Nevertheless, several translations had taken place, and even at the Council of Nice several eminent men were present who had left their first bishoprics to take others: thus Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, had been before Bishop of Berytus; Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, had been before Bishop of Berrhoea in Syria.翻譯的一位主教,司鐸,執事,或從一個教堂到另一個,已被禁止在原始的教會。然而,一些翻譯已經發生,甚至在安理會尼斯幾個著名的男子目前誰離開他們的第一個主教採取其他:因此尤西比烏斯,主教尼科美底亞,前已經主教貝來圖斯;歐斯塔修斯,主教安提,之前已在敘利亞主教Berrhoea。 The Council of Nice thought it necessary to安理會尼斯認為有必要

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forbid in future these translations, and to declare them invalid.禁止在今後這些翻譯,並宣布作廢。 The chief reason of this prohibition was found in the irregularities and disputes occasioned by such change of sees; but even if such practical difficulties had not arisen, the whole doctrinal idea, so to speak, of the relationship between a cleric and the church to which he had been ordained, namely, the contracting of a mystical marriage between them, would be opposed to any translation or change.究其原因,這一禁令被發現違規和糾紛引起的看到這種變化,但即使這樣的實際困難還沒有出現,整個理論的想法,可以說,這種關係之間的教士和教會的他被祝聖,即承包它們之間的一種神秘的婚姻,將反對任何翻譯或改變。 In 341 the Synod of Antioch renewed, in its twenty-first canon, the prohibition passed by the Council of Nice; but the interest of the Church often rendered it necessary to make exceptions, as happened in the case of St.在341的主教安提再次在其第二十一屆佳能,禁止通過安理會尼斯,但教會的利益常常呈現有必要作出例外,如案件發生在聖 Chrysostom.金口。 These exceptional cases increased almost immediately after the holding of the Council of Nice, so that in 382, St.這些特殊的情況下幾乎增加後,立即舉行安理會尼斯,以便在382街 Gregory of Nazianzum considered this law among those which had long been abrogated by custom.格雷戈里Nazianzum認為這項法律中那些早已被廢除的習俗。 It was more strictly observed in the Latin Church; and even Gregory's contemporary, Pope Damasus, declared himself decidedly in favour of the rule of Nice.這是更嚴格遵守在拉丁美洲教會,連格雷戈里的當代,教皇達瑪斯,宣布自己堅決贊成規則尼斯。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇。 Decretum, Pars II. Causa VII, Q. 1, c. Decretum,帕爾斯第二。榮譽博士七,問:1角 xix.十九。

EXCURSUS ON THE TRANSLATION OF BISHOPS.附錄的翻譯主教。

There are few points upon which the discipline of the Church has so completely changed as that which regulated, or rather which forbade, the translation of a bishop from the see for which he was consecrated to some other diocese.有幾點賴以紀律,教會一直完全改變,這和監管,或者更確切地說,它禁止,翻譯的一位主教從他所看到的其他一些教區祝聖。 The grounds on which such prohibition rested were usually that such changes were the outcome of ambition, and that if tolerated the result would be that smaller and less important sees would be despised, and that there would be a constant temptation to the bishops of such sees to make themselves popular with the important persons in other dioceses with the hope of promotion. Besides this objection to translation, St. Athanasius mentions a spiritual one, that the diocese was the bishop's bride, and that to desert it and take another was an act of unjustifiable divorce, and subsequent adultery.(1) Canon XIV.其中的理由在於這樣的禁令通常,這種變化的結果的野心,而如果容忍的結果將是更小,更重要的認為將會被輕視,這將有一個不斷誘惑主教認為這種使自己受歡迎的重要人物在其他教區,希望推廣。此外反對翻譯,聖亞他那修提到一種精神,這是該教區主教的新娘,而沙漠,採取另一種是行為不合理離婚,和隨後的通姦。(1)佳能十四。 of the Apostolic Canons does not forbid the practice absolutely, but allows it for just cause, and although the Council of Nice is more stringent so far as its words are concerned, apparently forbidding translation under any circumstances, yet, as a matter of fact, that very council did allow and approve a translation.(2) The general feeling, however, of the early Church was certainly very strong against all such changes of Episcopal cure, and there can be no doubt that the chief reason why St. Gregory Nazianzen resigned the Presidency of the First Council of Constantinople, was because he had been translated from his obscure see Sasima(not Nazianzum as Socrates and Jerome say) to the Imperial City.(3)在使徒大砲沒有絕對禁止這種做法,但允許它為正義的事業,儘管安理會尼斯是更嚴格,到目前為止它的話來說,顯然翻譯禁止在任何情況下,然而,作為一個事實問題,這確實很會允許和批准的翻譯。(2)一般的感覺,但是,早期的教會當然非常強烈反對所有這些變化主教治愈,而且可以毫無疑問,主要原因為何聖格雷戈里齊恩曾院長辭職的第一屆理事會君士坦丁堡,是因為他已經被翻譯從他的晦澀看到Sasima(不Nazianzum蘇格拉底和杰羅姆說)到皇城。(3)

From the canons of some provincial councils, and especially from those of the Third and of the Fourth Council of Carthage, it is evident that despite the conciliar and papal prohibitions, translations did take place, being made by the authority of the provincial Synods, and without the consent of the pope,(4) but it is also evident that this authority was too weak, and that the aid of the secular power had often to be invoked.從一些省議會的大砲,特別是那些在第三和第四屆理事會的迦太基,很明顯,儘管conciliar和教皇的禁令,並進行翻譯,正在作出權威的省級主教會議,並未經同意的教皇,(4),但同樣明顯的是這種權力過於軟弱,並說,援助的世俗權力常常被援引。

This course, of having the matter decided by the synod, was exactly in accordance with the Apostolic Canon(no. xiv.).這當然有問題的決定的主教,是完全按照使徒佳能(十四號。)。 In this manner, for example, Alexander was translated from Cappadocia to Jerusalem, a translation made, so it is narrated, in obedience to heavenly revelation. It will be noticed that the Nicene Canon does not forbid Provincial Councils to translate通過這種方式,例如,亞歷山大的英文翻譯卡帕多西亞到耶路撒冷,翻譯了,所以它是敘述,在服從天上的啟示。注意到,這將是佳能的尼西亞不禁止省議會翻譯

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bishops, but forbids bishops to translate themselves, and the author of the tract De Translationibus in the Jus Orient.(i. 293, Cit. Haddon. Art. "Bishop," Smith and Cheetham, Dict. Chr. Antiq.) sums up the matter tersely in the statement that主教,但禁止主教自己翻譯,提交的道德Translationibus在東方的物權法。(一,293,同前。哈敦。藝術。“主教”,史密斯和奇塔姆,快譯通。人權委員會。Antiq。)總結此事簡潔的語句 h Ĥ metabasis metabasis kekwlutak kekwlutak , ou mhn mhn h Ĥ metaqesis metaqesis : ie, the thing prohibited is "transmigration"(which arises from the bishop himself, from selfish motives) not "translation"(wherein the will of God and the good of the Church is the ruling cause); the "going," not the "being taken" to another see. :即禁止的東西是“輪迴”(這是來自他自己的主教,從自私的動機)而不是“翻譯”(其中上帝的意志和良好的教會是執政黨的原因);“走出去”,不在“正在採取”到另一個看到的。 And this was the practice both of East and West, for many centuries.這是實踐中的東方和西方,許多世紀。 Roman Catholic writers have tried to prove that translations, at least to the chief sees, required the papal consent, but Thomassinus, considering the case of St. Meletius having translated St.羅馬天主教作家都試圖證明翻譯,至少在行政看到,要求教皇同意,但Thomassinus,考慮到案件有翻譯聖聖Meletius Gregory of Nazianzum to Constantinople, admits that in so doing he "would only have followed the example of many great bishops of the first ages, when usage had not yet reserved translations to the first see of the Church."(1)格雷戈里Nazianzum君士坦丁堡承認,他這樣做“只會遵照了許多偉大的主教的例子,第一個年齡,尚未使用時預留翻譯的第一個看到的教會。”(1)

But the same learned author frankly confesses that in France, Spain, and England, translations were made until the ninth century without consulting the pope at all, by bishops and kings.但是,同樣的教訓作者坦承,在法國,西班牙和英國,翻譯了言,直到第九世紀,教皇在沒有諮詢所有,由主教和國王。 When, however, from grounds of simple ambition, Anthimus was translated from Trebizonde to Constantinople, the religious of the city wrote to the pope, as also did the patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem, and as a result the Emperor Justinian allowed Anthimus to be deposed.(2)然而,如果從簡單的理由野心,Anthimus的英文翻譯Trebizonde君士坦丁堡,宗教城市寫信給教皇,這也是做了元老安提阿和耶路撒冷,並因此皇帝查士丁尼允許Anthimus被廢黜。(2)

Balsamon distinguishes three kinds of translations. Balsamon區分三種譯本。 The first, when a bishop of marked learning and of equal piety is forced by a council to pass from a small diocese to one far greater where he will be able to do the Church the most important services, as was the case when St. Gregory of Nazianzum was transferred from Sasima to Constantinople,第一,當主教的顯著學習和平等的虔誠,是一個由安理會強行通過從一個小教區1大得多,他將可以做教會的最重要的服務,就是這樣的情況時,聖格雷戈里被轉移的Nazianzum從 Sasima到君士坦丁堡, ?eta ?埃塔 ,s215> ,s215> esis物質信息系統 ; the second when a bishop, whose see has been laid low by the barbarians, is transferred to another see which is vacant, ;第二主教時,看到的已臥床不起的野蠻人,是轉移到另一看看哪一個空缺, metabasis metabasis ; and the third when a bishop, either having or lacking a see, seizes on a bishopric which is vacant, on his own proper authority ;第三主教時,無論有或沒有一見,就抓住這是一個主教空缺,他自己應有的權力 anabasis遠征 it is this last which the Council of Sardica punishes so severely.這是最後的決議,其中安理會的薩爾迪卡懲罰如此嚴重。 In all these remarks of Balsamon there is no mention of the imperial power.在所有這些言論的Balsamon卻沒有提到的皇權。

Demetrius Chomatenus, however, who was Archbishop of Thessalonica, and wrote a series of answers to Cabasilas, Archbishop of Durazzo, says that by the command of the Emperor a bishop, elected and confirmed, and even ready to be ordained for a diocese, may be forced to take the charge of another one which is more important, and where his services will be incomparably more useful to the public.德米特里Chomatenus,但是,誰是大主教的薩洛尼卡,並撰寫了一系列的答案Cabasilas,大主教杜拉佐說,由皇帝命令一位主教,選舉和確認,甚至準備被祝聖為教區,可能被迫採取負責的另一個更重要的是,並在他的服務將會無比更有助於公眾。 Thus we read in the Book of Eastern Law that "If a Metropolitan with his synod, moved by a praiseworthy cause and probable pretext, shall give his approbation to the translation of a bishop, this can, without doubt, be done, for the good of souls and for the better administration of the church's affairs, etc."(3) This was adopted at a synod held by the patriarch Manuel at Constantinople, in the presence of the imperial commissioners.因此,我們閱讀圖書的東區,“如果一個城市與他的主教會議,提出一個值得稱道的原因和可能的藉口,應給予他的讚許,對翻譯的一位主教,這可以,毫無疑問,這樣做,因為良好靈魂,為更好地管理教會事務,等等“(3)這是通過一個主教舉行的元老曼努埃爾在君士坦丁堡,在存在的欽差大臣。

The same thing appears also in the synodal response of the patriarch Michael, which only demands for translation the authority of the Metropolitan and "the greatest authority of the Church."(4) But, soon after this, translation became the rule, and not the exception both in East and West.同樣的事情也出現在主教會議的元老邁克爾響應,只要求翻譯的權威的大都市和“最權威的教會。”(4)但是,此後不久,翻譯成了不變的規則,而不是例外都在東方和西方。

It was in vain that Simeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica, in the East raised his voice against the constant translations made by the secular power, and the Emperors of Constantinople were often absolute masters of the choice and translations of bishops; and Thomassinus sums up the matter, "At the least we are forced to the conclusion that no translations could這是徒勞的西蒙,大主教薩洛尼卡,在東方舉起反對的聲音不斷譯本所作的世俗政權,而皇帝的絕對主人往往君士坦丁堡的選擇和翻譯的主教,以及Thomassinus總結了問題“至少我們是在被迫的結論是,沒有翻譯可

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be made without the consent of the Emperor, especially when it was the See of Constantinople that was to be filled."未經同意下作出的皇帝,尤其是當它是見君士坦丁堡就是要填補。“

The same learned writer continues: "It was usually the bishop or archbishop of another church that was chosen to ascend the patriarchal throne of the imperial city. The Kings of England often used this same power to appoint to the Primatial See of Canterbury a bishop already approved in the government of another diocese."(1)同樣的教訓作家繼續說:“這是通常的主教或大主教的另一所教堂,這是為了登上王位的重男輕女的皇城。英格蘭的國王經常使用同樣的權力,委任的靈長類見坎特伯雷主教已經在政府批准的另一個教區。“(1)

In the West, Cardinal Bellarmine disapproved the prevailing custom of translations and protested against it to his master, Pope Clement VIII., reminding him that they were contrary to the canons and contrary to the usage of the Ancient Church, except in cases of necessity and of great gain to the Church.在西方,樞機貝拉明拒絕了風尚的翻譯和抗議反對他的主人,教皇克萊門特八。,提醒他,他們違背了大砲和違反使用古教堂,除了案件的必要性和具有增益教會。 The pope entirely agreed with these wise observations, and promised that he would himself make, and would urge princes to make, translations only "with difficulty."教宗完全同意這些明智的意見,並承諾他將親自製作,並促請王子製作,翻譯只有“困難”。 But translations are made universally, all the world over, today, and no attention whatever is paid to the ancient canons and discipline of the Church.(2)但翻譯是由普遍,全世界所有的今天,也沒有注意什麼是支付給古老的大砲和紀律的教會。(2)

CANON XVI佳能十六世

NEITHER presbyters, nor deacons, nor any others enrolled among the clergy, who, not having the fear of God before their eyes, nor regarding the ecclesiastical Canon, shall recklessly remove from their own church, ought by any means to be received by another church; but every constraint should be applied to restore them to their own parishes; and, if they will not go, they must be excommunicated.不明飛行物長老,也沒有執事,也不參加任何其他神職人員之間,誰沒有恐懼上帝在他們眼前,也對教會的佳能,應肆意刪除自己的教堂,應該以任何方式將收到另一所教堂,但應適用於每一個約束,以恢復他們自己的教區;,如果他們不去,他們必須被開除教籍。 And if anyone shah dare surreptitiously to carry off and in his own Church ordain a man belonging to another, without the consent of his own proper bishop, from whom although he was enrolled in the clergy list he has seceded, let the ordination be void.如果有人膽敢偷偷沙帶走,在他自己的教會注定屬於另一個男人,他不同意自己應有的主教,他是從他們雖然參加了這個名單,他已脫離聯邦的神職人員,讓協調無效。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XVI.古縮影佳能十六。

Such presbyters or deacons as desert their own Church are not to be admitted into another, but are to be sent back to their own diocese.這些長老或執事沙漠自己教會是不能被接納到另一個,而是要被送回自己的教區。 But if any bishop should ordain one who belongs to another Church without the consent of his own bishop, the ordination shall be cancelled.然而,如果任何主教祝聖了一個誰應該屬於另一個教會不同意他自己的主教,祝聖會被取消。

"Parish" in this canon, as so often elsewhere, means "diocese." “教區”在這經典,正如經常在其他地方,意思是“教區”。

BALSAMON. BALSAMON。

It seemed right that the clergy should have no power to move from city to city and to change their canonical residence without letters dimissory from the bishop who ordained them.看來正確的神職人員應該無權提出從城市到城市,並沒有改變他們的典型居住信件dimissory從主教祝聖他們誰。 But such clerics as are called by the bishops who ordained them and cannot be persuaded to return, are to be separated from communion, that is to say, not to be allowed to concelebrate但是,這種被稱為由神職人員的主教祝聖他們,誰不能被勸返,要分開的共融,這就是說,不被容許共祭 sunierourgein sunierourgein with them, for this is the meaning of "excommunicated" in this place, and not that they should not enter the church nor receive the sacraments.與他們,因為這是意義的“驅逐”在這個地方,而不是他們不應該進入教堂,也不接受聖禮。 This decree agrees with canon xv.這項法令同意佳能十五。 of the Apostolical canons, which provides that such shall not celebrate the liturgy.在使徒的大砲,其中規定,如不得慶祝禮儀。 Canon xvi.佳能十六。 of the same Apostolical canons further provides that if a bishop receive a cleric coming to him from another diocese without his bishop's letters dimissory, and shall ordain him, such a bishop shall be separated. From all this it is evident that the Chartophylax of the Great Church for the time does rightly in refusing to allow priests ordained in other dioceses to offer the sacrifice unless they bring with them letters commendatory and dimissory from those who ordained them.同一使徒的大砲還規定,如果一個主教收到一個教士來給他從另一個教區沒有主教的信件dimissory,並注定他,這樣的主教應分開。這一切,顯然,Chartophylax大教會的時間不正確,拒絕讓其他教區祝聖司鐸提供的犧牲,除非他們帶來了信件評述和dimissory祝他們從那些誰。

Zonaras had also in his Scholion given the same explanation of the canon. Zonaras在Scholion也給予同樣的解釋的經典。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, divided into two. Decretum.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇,分為兩個。Decretum。 Pars II, Causa VII.帕爾斯二,榮譽博士七。 Quaest. Quaest。 I. c.國際法院 xxiii.; and Pars I. Dist. LXXI., c.二十三。;和標準桿一區。LXXI。角 iii.三。

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CANON XVII佳能第十七

FORASMUCH as many enrolled among the Clergy, following covetousness and lust of gain, have forgotten the divine Scripture, which says, "He hath not given his money upon usury," and in lending money ask the hundredth of the sum[as monthly interest], the holy and great Synod thinks it just that if after this decree any one be found to receive usury, whether he accomplish it by secret transaction or otherwise, as by demanding the whole and one half, or by using any other contrivance whatever for filthy lucre's sake, he shall be deposed from the clergy and his name stricken from the list. forasmuch因為許多神職人員之間的登記後,貪婪和慾望的增益,忘記了神聖的經文,說:“他就沒有給他的錢後,高利貸”,並要求在貸款資金的總和的百分之[作為月息] ,神聖和偉大主教認為它只是說,如果這項法令後,任何人被發現接受高利貸,他是否完成它的秘密交易或其他方式,如要求整個一半,或使用任何其他的什麼骯髒的詭計lucre起見,他將被廢黜的神職人員,他的名字從名單上受災。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XVII.古縮影佳能十七。

If anyone shall receive usury or 150 per cent.如果任何人不得接受高利貸或150百分之。 he shall be cast forth and deposed, according to this decree of the Church.他要投出來,被廢黜,根據這一法令的教會。

VAN ESPEN.加值埃斯彭。

Although the canon expresses only these two species of usury, if we bear in mind the grounds on which the prohibition was made, it will be manifest that every kind of usury is forbidden to clerics and under any circumstances, and therefore the translation of this canon sent by the Orientals to the Sixth Council of Carthage is in no respect alien to the true intent of the canon; for in this version no mention is made of any particular kind of usury, but generally the penalty is assigned to any clerics who "shall be found after this decree taking usury" or thinking out any other scheme for the sake of filthy lucre.佳能表示,雖然只有這兩個物種的高利貸,如果我們牢記理由是made該禁令,這將是明顯的高利貸每個種禁止神職人員,任何情況下,因此本經典翻譯派出由東方人在第六局的迦太基是不尊重外國人的真正意圖,佳能,在這個版本沒有提到任何特定類型的高利貸,但一般的刑罰是分配給任何神職人員誰“應這項法令後,發現服用高利貸“或思考任何其他計劃的前提下,為不義之財。

This Canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, in the first part of the Decretum, in Dionysius's version.這是佳能中找到法典卡諾尼奇,在第一部分所decretum,在狄奧尼修斯的版本。 Dist.區。 xlvii, c.四十七角 ii, and again in Isidore's version in Pars II, Causa xiv.二,後來又在伊西多爾的版本在帕爾斯第二,榮譽博士十四。 Quaes. Quaes。 iv., c.四。角 viii.八。

EXCURSUS ON USURY.附錄對高利貸。

The famous canonist Van Espen defines usury thus: "Usura definitur lucrum ex mutuo exactum aut speratum;"(1) and then goes on to defend the proposition that, "Usury is forbidden by natural, by divine, and by human law. The first is proved thus. Natural law, as far as its first principles are concerned, is contained in the decalogue; but usury is prohibited in the decalogue, inasmuch as theft is prohibited; and this is the opinion of the Master of the Sentences, of St. Bonaventura, of St. Thomas and of a host of others: for by the name of theft in the Law all unlawful taking of another's goods is prohibited; but usury is an unlawful, etc."著名的canonist凡埃斯彭高利貸定義為:“Usura definitur lucrum前墨脫exactum引渡speratum;”(1),然後接著的主張辯護,“禁止高利貸是由自然的,神聖的,和人類的法律。第一從而證明了。自然法,就其關注的首要原則是,載於十誡,但禁止高利貸在十誡,因為盜竊被禁止,這就是民意的主的刑罰,聖。波納文圖拉,聖托馬斯和他人的主機:由名盜竊在法律的所有非法佔有他人的貨物禁止,但高利貸是非法的,等等“ For a proof of usury's being contrary to divine law he cites Ex.為證明高利貸的是違反法律,他列舉神前。 xxii. 22。 25, and Deut. 25,申命記。 xxiii.二十三。 29; and from the New Testament Luke vi. 29;和新約路加福音六。 34. 34。 "The third assertion is proved thus. Usury is forbidden by human law: The First Council of Nice in Canon VII. deposed from the clergy and from all ecclesiastical rank, clerics who took usury; and the same thing is the case with an infinite number of councils, in fact with nearly all eg Elvira, ii, Arles j, Carthage iii, Tours iii, etc. Nay, even the pagans themselves formerly forbid it by their laws." “第三,證明了這樣的說法。高利貸是被禁止人類法:第一會在尼斯佳能七。廢黜從教會神職人員和各職級,神職人員誰了高利貸,以及同樣的事情是這樣的一個無限多議會的,實際上幾乎所有如埃爾維拉,二,阿爾勒j,迦太基三,旅遊三,等等不僅如此,即使是異教徒自己以前由本國法律禁止它。“ He then quotes Tacitus(Annal. lib. v.), and adds, "with what severe laws the French Kings coerced usurers is evident from the edicts of St. Louis, Philip IV., Charles IX., Henry III., etc."然後,他引用塔西圖(Annal. lib中。訴),並補充說,“什麼嚴厲的法律與法國國王被迫高利貸者是顯而易見的,從法令聖路易斯,腓力四世。查爾斯九。亨利三世。等“

There can be no doubt that Van Espen in the foregoing has accurately represented and without any exaggeration the universal opinion of all teachers of morals, theologians, doctors, Popes, and Councils of the Christian Church for the first fifteen hundred years.不可能有任何疑問,埃斯彭凡在上述已準確地反映,沒有任何誇張的普遍意見的所有教師的道德,神學家,醫生,教皇和議會的基督教教會第一一千五百年。 All interest exacted upon loans of money was looked upon as usury, and its reception was esteemed a form of theft and dishonesty.所有利息付出的錢是貸款後視為高利貸,其接待尊敬的形式是盜竊和欺詐。 Those who wish to read the history of the matter in all its details are referred to Bossuet's work on the subject, Traite de l'Usure,(2) where they will find這些誰願意讀歷史問題的所有細節被稱為博絮埃的工作主題,Traite德l'烏蘇雷,(2)他們將在那裡找到

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the old, traditional view of the Christian religion defended by one thoroughly acquainted with all that could be said on the other side.舊的,傳統的觀點辯護的基督教由一個徹底熟悉所有的,可以說在另一邊。

The glory of inventing the new moral code on the subject, by which that which before was looked upon as mortal sin has been transfigured into innocence, if not virtue, belongs to John Calvin!榮耀發明新的道德準則的問題,其中的面前是視為彌天大罪已被改變成無辜的,如果不是美德,屬於約翰卡爾文! He made the modern distinction between "interest" and "usury," and was the first to write in defence of this then new-fangled refinement of casuistry.(1) Luther violently opposed him, and Melancthon also kept to the old doctrine, though less violently(as was to be expected); today the whole Christian West, Protestant and Catholic alike, stake their salvation upon the truth of Calvin's distinction!他是現代的區分“興趣”和“高利貸”,並是第一個寫在國防研究此事,新一屆完善的詭辯。(1)路德激烈反對他,梅蘭克森還不斷對舊的教義,雖然那麼猛烈的(正如預料的一樣),今天的整個西方基督教,新教和天主教一樣,他們得救的股份後,真理卡爾文的區別! Among Roman Catholics the new doctrine began to be defended about the beginning of the eighteenth century, the work of Scipio Maffei, Dell' impiego dell danaro, written on the laxer side, having attracted a widespread attention.其中羅馬天主教徒的新學說開始被辯護的開始,約在18世紀,工作西皮奧馬菲,戴爾impiego戴爾danaro,寫在拉克澤爾方面,具有吸引了廣泛關注。 The Ballerini affirm that the learned pope Benedict XIV. allowed books defending the new morals to be dedicated to him, and in 1830 the Congregation of the Holy Office with the approval of the reigning Pontiff, Plus VIII., decided that those who considered the taking of interest allowed by the state law justifiable, were "not to be disturbed."該巴萊里尼申明,據悉教皇本篤十四。允許新的道德辯護書得以專注於他,並在1830年畢業典禮的神聖辦公室的批准,教宗在位,加上八。決定,考慮到那些誰感興趣的國家法律允許的合理的,是“不被干擾。” It is entirely disingenuous to attempt to reconcile the modern with the ancient doctrine; the Fathers expressly deny that the State has any power to make the receiving of interest just or to fix its rate, there is but one ground for those to take who accept the new teaching, viz.這是完全沒有誠意,試圖調和現代與古老的學說;的父親明確否認該國的任何權力,使剛剛收到利息或固定的利率,只有一個理由對那些採取誰接受新的教學,即。 that all the ancients, while true on the moral principle that one must not defraud his neighbour nor take unjust advantage of his necessity, were in error concerning the facts, in that they supposed that money was barren, an opinion which the Schoolmen also held, following Aristotle.所有的古人,而真正的道德原則,我們不能欺騙他的鄰居,也不能採取不公平的優勢his必要性,是錯誤有關的事實,因為它們本來金錢是貧瘠的,經院哲學的看法,因此也舉行以下亞里士多德。 This we have found in modern times, and amid modern circumstances, to be an entire error, as Gury, the famous modern casuist, well says, "fructum producit et multiplicatur per se."(2)這是我們找到了近代,現代的形勢下召開的情況下,將整個錯誤,因為Gury,著名的現代詭辯,並說:“fructum producit等multiplicatur本身。”(2)

That the student may have it in his power to read the Patristic view of the matter, I give a list of the passages most commonly cited, together with a review of the conciliar action, for all which I am indebted to a masterly article by Wharton B. Marriott in Smith and Cheetham's Dictionary of Christian Antiquities(sv Usury).這可能有它的學生在讀了他的權力,鑑於問題的教父,我給一個列表中最常被引用的段落,連同審查大公行動,因為所有這些我要感謝一個巧妙的文章,沃頓商學院二萬豪在史密斯和奇塔姆詞典基督教古物(希高利貸)。

Although the conditions of the mercantile community in the East and the West differed materially in some respects, the fathers of the two churches are equally explicit and systematic in their condemnation of the practice of usury.雖然條件的商業社會在東方和西方不同物質在某些方面,父親的兩個教會都同樣明確和系統地譴責他們這種做法的高利貸。 Among those belonging to the Greek church we find Athanasius(Expos. in Ps. xiv); Basil the Great(Hom. in Ps. xiv). Gregory of Nazianzum(Orat. xiv. in Patrem tacentem).其中屬於希臘教會我們發現他那修(Expos.在PS。十四);羅勒大(Hom.在PS。十四)。格雷戈里Nazianzum(Orat.十四。在Patrem tacentem)。 Gregory of Nyssa(Orat. cont. Usurarios); Cyril of Jerusalem(Catech. iv. c. 37), Epiphanius(adv. Haeres. Epilog. c. 24), Chrysostom(Hom. xli. in Genes), and Theodoret(Interpr. in Ps. xiv. 5, and liv. 11).格雷戈里的nyssa(Orat.續。Usurarios);西里爾耶路撒冷(Catech.四。角37),埃皮法尼烏斯(adv. Haeres。跋。角24),金口(Hom.四十一。在基因),和Theodoret(解釋中的。在PS。十四。五,和麗芙。11)。 Among those belonging to the Latin church, Hilary of Poitiers(in Ps. xiv); Ambrose(de Tobia liber unus).其中屬於拉丁美洲教會,希拉里的普瓦捷(在PS。十四);劉漢銓(德托比亞利貝聯合國大學)。 Jerome(in Ezech. vi. 18); Augustine de Baptismo contr.杰羅姆(在Ezech。六。18);奧古斯丁去Baptismo contr。 Donatistas, iv. Donatistas,四。 19); Leo the Great(Epist. iii. 4), and Cassiodorus {in Ps. 19);利奧大(Epist.三。4),並Cassiodorus(在PS。 xiv.十四。 10). 10)。

The canons of later councils differ materially in relation to this subject, and indicate a distinct tendency to mitigate the rigour of the Nicaean interdict.該炮後來議會大不相同有關這個問題,一個明顯的趨勢,並指出,以減輕嚴格的Nicaean禁令。 That of the council of Carthage of the year 348 enforces the original prohibition, but without the penalty, and grounds the veto on both Old and New Testament authority, "nemo contra prophetas, nemo contra evangelia facit sine periculo"(Mansi, iii. 158). ,安理會在今年的迦太基執行原來的348禁止,但沒有懲罰,理由否決老的和新約聖經的權威,“海底總動員禁忌prophetas,尼摩禁忌evangelia法西特正弦periculo”(曼西,三。158 )。 The language, however, when compared with that of the council of Carthage of the year 419, serves to suggest that, in the interval, the lower clergy had occasionally been found having recourse to the forbidden practice, for the general terms of the earlier canon, "ut non liceat clericis fenerari," are enforced with的語言,但是,當比說,安理會的迦太基今年419,服務建議,在此期間,較低的神職人員有時也被發現有禁止訴諸實踐,對一般條款的早期經典“UT斯達康非liceat clericis fenerari,”是強制執行

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greater particularity in the latter, "Nec omnino cuiquam clericorum liceat de qualibet re foenus accipere"(Mansi, iv. 423).在後一種更大的特殊性,有“NEC omnino cuiquam clericorum liceat德qualibet重新foenus accipere”(曼西,四。423)。 This supposition is supported by the language of the council of Orleans(AD 538), which appears to imply that deacons were not prohibited from lending money at interest, "Et clericus a diaconatu, et supra, pecuniam non commodet ad usuras"(ib. ix. 18).這個假設是支持理事會的語言奧爾良(公元538),這似乎暗示,執事不禁止從有息貸款的錢,“等神職一diaconatu,等前,pecuniam非commodet廣告usuras”(同上九。18)。 Similarly, at the second council of Trullanum(AD 692) a like liberty would appear to have been recognised among the lower clergy(Hardouin, iii. 1663).同樣,在第二屆理事會的Trullanum(公元692)這樣的自由似乎已認識到中下層神職人員(Hardouin,三。1663)。 While, again, the Nicaean canon requires the immediate deposition of the ecclesiastic found guilty of the practice, the Apostolical canon enjoins that such deposition is to take place only after he has been admonished and has disregarded the admonition.同時,再次,Nicaean佳能要求立即沉積的教會認定犯有實踐中,使徒的教會責成這些沉積是只發生後,他一直告誡,並不顧警告。

Generally speaking, the evidence points to the conclusion that the Church imposed no penalty on the layman.一般來說,證據中可以得出結論說,教會沒有受到處罰的門外漢。 St. Basil(Epist. clxxxviii. can. 12), says that a usurer may even be admitted to orders, provided he gives his acquired wealth to the poor and abstains for the future from the pursuit of gain(Migne, Patrol. Groec. xxxii. 275).聖巴索(Epist. clxxxviii。可以。12),說一高利貸者甚至可能被接納為命令,只要他把他獲得的財富向窮人和棄權票為未來的追求增益(米涅,巡邏。Groec。三十二。275)。 Gregory of Nyssa says that usury, unlike theft, the desecration of tombs, and sacrilege格雷戈里的nyssa說,高利貸,不像偷竊,褻瀆墳墓,和褻瀆 ierosulia ierosulia , is allowed to pass unpunished, although among the things forbidden by Scripture, nor is a candidate at ordination ever asked whether or no he has been guilty of the practice(Migne, ib. xlv. 233). ,已獲准通過懲罰,雖然在事中禁止的聖經,也不是候選人在協調或根本沒有問過他是否已犯的做法(米涅,興業。第四十五。233)。 A letter of Sidonius Apollinaris(Epist. vi. 24) relating an experience of his friend Maximus, appears to imply that no blame attached to lending money at the legal rate of interest, and that even a bishop might be a creditor on those terms.阿信Sidonius亞坡理納(Epist.六。24)有關的經驗,他的朋友鮃,似乎在暗示,沒有責怪重視借錢在法定利率的利息,而且甚至可能是一個主教債權人對這些條款。 We find also Desideratus, bishop of Verdun, when applying for a loan to king Theodebert, for the relief of his impoverished diocese, promising repayment, "cure usuris legitimis," an expression which would seem to imply that in the Gallican church usury was recognised as lawful under certain conditions(Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. iii. 34).我們發現還Desideratus,主教凡爾登的,在申請貸款,王特奧德貝爾,用於救濟貧困的教區他,承諾還款,“治愈usuris legitimis,”這些字眼這似乎暗示,在高盧聖教會高利貸被確認在一定條件下為合法(Greg.圖爾。組織胺。瑞士法郎。三。34)。 So again a letter(Epist. ix. 38) of Gregory the Great seems to shew that he did not regard the payment of interest for money advanced by one layman to another as unlawful.所以再次的信(Epist.九。38)格里高利大027,他似乎並沒有把錢支付利息由一個門外漢,以先進的另一個非法。 But on the other hand, we find in what is known as archbishop Theodore's "Penitential"(circ. AD 690) what appears to be a general law on the subject, enjoining "Sie quis usuras undecunque exegerit . . . tres annos in pane et aqua"(c. xxv. 3); a penance again enjoined in the Penitential of Egbert of York(c. ii. 30).但另一方面,我們發現什麼是被稱為大主教西奧多的“悔罪”(公元690號通告)似乎是一個普遍的法律上的問題,責令“謝quis usuras undecunque exegerit。。。特雷斯annos在窗格等阿卡“(長二十五。三);再次責成一個懺悔的懺悔的埃格伯特在約克(約2。30)。 In like manner, the legates, George and Theophylact, in reporting their proceedings in England to pope Adrian I.(AD 787), state that they have prohibited "usurers," and cite the authority of the Psalmist and St. Augustine(Haddan and Stubbs, Conc. iii. 457).在這樣的方式,使節,喬治和Theophylact,在報告其程序在英格蘭教皇阿德里安一(公元787),說明他們已經禁止“高利貸者”,並引用權威的詩人和聖奧古斯丁(哈丹和斯塔布斯,濃。三。457)。 The councils of Mayence, Rheims, and Chalons, in the year 813, and that of Aix in the year 816, seem to have laid down the same prohibition as binding both on the clergy and the laity(Hardouin, Conc. iv. 1011, 1020, 1033, 1100).安理會馬揚斯,蘭斯和夏龍,在今年813人,而在今年816艾克斯,似乎已經制定了同樣的禁令都具有約束力的神職人員及平信徒(Hardouin,濃。四。1011 1020,1033,1100)。

Muratori, in his dissertation on the subject(Antichita, vol. i.), observes that "we do not know exactly how commerce was transacted in the five preceding centuries," and consequently are ignorant as to the terms on which loans of money were effected.穆拉托裡,在他的論文的題目(Antichita,第二卷。島),指出,“我們不知道到底是商業交易中的前5世紀,”是無知的,因此以貸款的條件,而錢是影響。

CANON XVIII佳能十八

IT has come to the knowledge of the holy and great Synod that, in some districts and cities, the deacons administer the Eucharist to the presbyters, whereas neither canon nor custom permits that they who have no right to offer should give the Body of Christ to them that do offer.資訊科技已經到了知識的神聖和偉大的主教,在一些地區和城市管理的執事聖體的長老,而不是經典,也不習慣許可證,他們誰也無權提供,讓身體的基督他們可以提供。 And this also has been made known, that certain deacons now touch the Eucharist even before the bishops.而這也已經公佈,現在接觸某些執事聖體甚至在主教。 Let all such practices be utterly done away, and let the deacons remain within their own bounds, knowing that they are the ministers of the bishop and the inferiors of the presbyters.讓所有這些做法應被徹底廢除,讓執事留在自己的界限,知道他們是部長的主教和下級的長老。 Let them receive the Eucharist according to their order, after the presbyters, and let either the bishop or the presbyter administer to them.讓他們接受聖體根據它們的順序,在長老,讓無論是主教或長老管理他們。 Furthermore, let not the deacons sit among the presbyters, for that is contrary to canon and order.此外,不要讓坐在中間的長老執事,因為這是違背教會和秩序。 And if, after this decree, any one shall refuse to obey, let him be deposed from the diaconate.而且,如果這項法令後,任何人不得拒絕服從,讓他被廢黜的diaconate。

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NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XVIII.古縮影佳能十八。

Deacons must abide within their own bounds.執事必須遵守自己的範圍內。 They shall not administer the Eucharist to presbyters, nor touch it before them, nor sit among the presbyters.他們不得向長老聖體的管理,也不摸他們面前,也坐在中間的長老。 For all this is contrary to canon, and to decent order.所有這一切是違背教會,以及體面的秩序。

VAN ESPEN.加值埃斯彭。

Four excesses of deacons this canon condemns, at least indirectly.這四個過度的執事佳能譴責,至少間接。 The first was that they gave the holy Communion to presbyters.首先是他們給了聖餐到長老。 To understand more easily the meaning of the canon it must be remembered that the reference here is not to the presbyters who were sacrificing at the altar but to those who were offering together with the bishop who was sacrificing; by a rite not unlike that which to-day takes place, when the newly ordained presbyters or bishops celebrate mass with the ordaining bishop; and this rite in old times was of daily occurrence, for a full account of which see Morinus De SS.為了更容易明白它的意思是佳能必須記住,這裡指的是不是誰的長老在祭壇上犧牲了,但誰是提供給那些連同主教誰是犧牲,不是由一個儀式不像來天發生,當新主教祝聖長老或大規模的慶祝祝聖主教,這在舊時代的禮儀是每天發生,為充分考慮到這看到Morinus代的SS。 Ordinat. Ordinat。 P. III.體育三。 Exercit. Exercit。 viii.八。 . . . The present canon does not take away from deacons the authority to distribute the Eucharist to laymen, or to the minor clergy, but only reproves their insolence and audacity in presuming to administer to presbyters who were concelebrating with the bishop or another presbyter.目前佳能,並沒有帶走由執事的權力分配聖體的學問,或對未成年人的神職人員,但只譴責他們的傲慢和大膽的假設,以管理為長老誰是共祭的主教或其他發起人。

The second abuse was that certain deacons touched the sacred gifts before the bishop.第二個是,濫用某些執事感動的神聖禮物前主教。 The vulgar version of Isidore reads for "touched" "received," a meaning which Balsamon and Zonaras also adopt, and unless the Greek word, which signifies "to touch," is contrary to this translation, it seems by no means to be alien to the context of the canon.粗俗的版本伊西多爾讀取“感動”,“收到”,一個含義Balsamon和Zonaras也採用,除非希臘字,這標誌著“觸摸”,是違反本翻譯,似乎並非是外來的到上下文的經典。

"Let them receive the Eucharist according to their order, after the presbyters, and let the bishop or the presbyter administer to them." “讓他們接受聖體根據它們的順序,在長老,讓主教或長老管理他們。” In these words it is implied that some deacons had presumed to receive Holy Communion before the presbyters, and this is the third excess of the deacon which is condemned by the Synod.這些話是在暗示,一些執事已推定為接受聖餐前的長老,這是第三過多的執事是由主教譴責。

And lastly, the fourth excess was that they took a place among the presbyters at the very time of the sacrifice, or "at the holy altar," as Balsamon observes.最後,第四個多餘的是,他們採取了地方之間的長老在非常時間的犧牲,或“神聖祭壇”,作為Balsamon觀察。

From this canon we see that the Nicene, fathers entertained no doubt that the faithful in the holy Communion truly received "the body of Christ."從這個經典,我們看到,尼西亞,父親受理毫無疑問,在神聖的共融忠實真正收到“基督的身體。” Secondly, that that was "offered" in the church, which is the word by which sacrifice is designated in the New Testament, and therefore it was at that time a fixed tradition that there was a sacrifice in which the body of Christ was offered.其次,那是“提供”在教堂,這是這個詞,其中的犧牲是指定在新約,因此它當時有一個固定的傳統,這是一個犧牲的基督的身體提供。 Thirdly that not to all, nor even to deacons, but only to bishops and presbyters was given the power of offering.第三,並非所有人,甚至也不執事,而只是主教和長老被授予權力的產品。 And lastly, that there was recognized a fixed hierarchy in the Church, made up of bishops and presbyters and deacons in subordination to these.最後,有一個固定的層次承認在教會裡,由主教和長老和執事在服從這些。

Of course even at that early date there was nothing new in this doctrine of the Eucharist.當然,即使在早期的日期也沒有任何新的這種學說的聖體。 St. Ignatius more than a century and a half before, wrote as follows: "But mark ye those who hold strange doctrine touching the grace of Jesus Christ which came to us, how that they are contrary to the mind of God. They have no care for love, none for the widow, none for the orphan, none for the afflicted, none for the prisoner, none for the hungry or thirsty. They abstain from eucharist(thanksgiving) and prayer, because they allow not that the Eucharist is the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which flesh suffered for our sins, and which the Father of his goodness raised up."(1)聖依納爵超過一個半世紀前,寫道:“但馬克你們誰hold奇怪的學說感人耶穌基督的恩典而來到我們這裡,他們是如何違背上帝的心。他們沒有關懷的愛,沒有為寡婦,沒有為孤兒,沒有一個進入到災區,沒有對囚犯,沒有為飢餓或口渴。他們放棄聖體(感恩節)和祈禱,因為他們容許不說,聖體是肉我們救主耶穌基督,這肉體遭受的罪,而他的善良的父親提出的。“(1)

In one point the learned scholiast just quoted has most seriously understated his case.在一個點的教訓註釋者只是引用了他的情況最嚴重低估。 He says that the wording of the canon shews "that the Nicene fathers entertained no doubt that the faithful in the holy Communion truly received 'the body of Christ.'" Now this statement is of course true because it is included in what the canon says, but the doctrinal statement which is necessarily contained in the canon is that "the body of Christ is given" by the minister to the faithful.他說,措辭的佳能shews“父親的尼西亞受理毫無疑問,在聖餐信徒真正收到'基督的身體。”現在,這句話當然是正確的,因為它包含在說什麼佳能,但聲明的理論必然是包含在經典的是,“基督的身體給出了”由部長眾。 This doctrine is believed by all Catholics and by Lutherans, but is denied by all other Protestants; those Calvinists who kept most nearly to the ordinary Catholic phraseology only admitting that "the sacrament of the Body of Christ" was given in the supper by the minister, while "the body of Christ," they taught, was present only in the soul of the worthy communicant(and in no way connected with the form of bread, which was but the divinely appointed sign and assurance of the heavenly gift), and therefore could not be "given" by the priest.(2)這一理論認為,所有天主教徒和路德會,但被拒絕了所有其他新教徒,誰的加爾文教派保持最近的普通天主教措辭只承認“聖餐的基督的身體”是刊載於晚飯由部長,而“基督的身體,”他們教,是目前只有在靈魂值得重視的聖餐(在沒有連接的方式與形式的麵包,這是神聖的任命,但簽署和保證的神聖禮物),和因此,不能將“給予”,由神父。(2)

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Decretum.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇,Decretum。 Pars I. Dist.帕爾斯一區。 XCIII., c. XCIII。角 xiv.十四。

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CANON XIX佳能第十九

CONCERNING the Paulianists who have flown for refuge to the Catholic Church, it has been decreed that they must by all means be rebaptized; and if any of them who in past time have been numbered among their clergy should be found blameless and without reproach, let them be rebaptized and ordained by the Bishop of the Catholic Church; but if the examination should discover them to be unfit, they ought to be deposed.至於誰的Paulianists有飛行避難的天主教會,它已頒布法令,他們必須採取一切手段be rebaptized;如果其中任何誰在過去的日子已被編號之間應該找到自己的清白神職人員和無非議,讓他們是rebaptized和由主教祝聖的天主教教會,但如果考試應該發現他們是不合適的,他們應該被廢黜。 Likewise in the case of their deaconesses, and generally in the case of those who have been enrolled among their clergy, let the same form be observed.同樣,在案件的執事,和一般情況下這些誰一直在他們的神職人員參加,讓同樣的形式被觀察到。 And we mean by deaconesses such as have assumed the habit, but who, since they have no imposition of hands, are to be numbered only among the laity.而我們所說的執事,如承擔了習慣,但誰,因為他們沒有施加手,要俗人之間的唯一編號。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XIX.古縮影佳能十九。

Paulianists must be rebaptised, and if such as are clergymen seem to be blameless let then, be ordained. Paulianists必須rebaptised,如果是神職人員,如似乎是無可指責的,讓那麼,被祝聖。 If they do not seem to be blameless, let them be deposed.如果他們不似乎是無可指責的,讓他們被廢黜。 Deaconesses who have been led astray, since they are not sharers of ordination, are to be reckoned among the laity.執事誰誤入歧途,因為他們並不共享者的協調,是不可忽視的俗人之間。

FOULKES.福克斯。

(Dict. Chr. Ant. sv Nicaea, Councils of.) That this is the true meaning of the phrase (Dict.人權委員會。螞蟻。希沃特尼西亞,議會的。)這是真正意義的短語 oros ekteqeitai ekteqeitai , viz. ,即。 "a decree has now been made," is clear from the application of the words “一項法令,現在已經被”,這是明顯,從應用的話 oros in Canon xvii., and佳能十七。,和 wrisen wrisen , in Canon vi.在佳能六。 It has been a pure mistake, therefore, which Bp.這是一個純粹的錯誤,因此,這血壓。 Hefele blindly follows, to understand it of some canon previously passed, whether at Aries or elsewhere.黑弗勒盲目如下,以了解它的一些經典先前通過的,無論是在白羊座或其他地方。

JUSTELLUS. JUSTELLUS。

Here這裡 keiroqesia keiroqesia is taken for ordination or consecration, not for benediction, .是採取協調或奉獻,而不是祝福。 .. .. for neither were deaconesses, sub-deacons, readers, and other ministers ordained, but a blessing was merely pronounced over them by prayer and imposition of hands.因為無論是執事,分執事,讀者,和其他部長受戒,但祝福只是宣布了他們的祈禱和強加的手中。

ARISTENUS. ARISTENUS。

Their(the Paulicians') deaconesses also, since they have no imposition of hands, if they come over to the Catholic Church and are baptized, are ranked among the laity.他們(Paulicians')執事也,因為他們沒有強加的手,如果他們過來的天主教教會和受洗,是躋身俗人。

With this Zonaras and Balsamon also agree.有了這個 Zonaras和Balsamon也同意。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

By Paulianists must be understood the followers of Paul of Samosata the anti-Trinitarian who, about the year 260, had been made bishop of Antioch, but had been deposed by a great Synod in 269.通過Paulianists必須明白信徒保羅薩莫薩塔反三位一體誰,大約260年,已經取得了主教安提,但被罷黜了一個偉大的主教在269。 As Paul of Samosata was heretical in his teaching on the Holy Trinity the Synod of Nice applied to him the decree passed by the council of Arles in its eighth canon.正如保羅在他的薩莫薩塔是異端邪說教學三位一體的主教尼斯適用於他的法令通過的理事會阿爾勒在第八屆佳能。 "If anyone shall come from heresy to the Church, they shall ask him to say the creed; and if they shall perceive that he was baptized into the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, (1) he shall have a hand laid on him only that he may receive the Holy Ghost. But if in answer to their questioning he shall not answer this Trinity, let him be baptized." “如果有人將來自異端的教會,他們會要求他說的信條,如果他們認為他應當受洗成為父親,和兒子,和聖靈,(1)他應手奠定他只說他可能會收到聖靈。但如果在回答他們的提問,他不回答這個三位一體,讓他接受洗禮。“

The Samosatans, according to St. Athanasius, named the Father, Son and Holy Spirit in administering baptism(Oral. ii, Contra Arian. No. xliii), but as they gave a false meaning to the baptismal formula and did not use the words Son and Holy Spirit in the usual sense, the Council of Nice, like St. Athanasius himself, considered their baptism as invalid.該Samosatans,根據聖亞他那修,名為父,子和聖靈的洗禮管理(Oral.二,孔特拉阿里安。第四十三號),但他們給虛假意義的洗禮公式,並沒有使用的話聖子,聖靈在通常意義上說,安理會尼斯,如聖亞他那修自己,認為自己的洗禮視為無效。

There is great difficulty about the text of the clause beginning "Likewise in the case, etc.," and Gelasius, the Prisca, Theilo and Thearistus,(who in 419 translated the canons of Nice for the African bishops), the PseudoIsidore, and Gratian have all followed a reading有很大的困難,說明文字該條的開始“在同樣的情況,等等,”和格拉西的普里斯卡馬,Theilo和Thearistus,(誰在翻譯了419門炮尼斯為非洲主教),在PseudoIsidore,和格拉都遵循一個閱讀 diakonwn diakonwn , instead of ,而不是 diakonisspn diakonisspn . This change makes all clear, but many canonists keep the ordinary text, including Van Espen, with whose interpretation Hefele does not agree. 。這種變化使得所有的清楚,但多canonists保持普通文本,包括凡埃斯彭,與他的解釋黑弗勒不同意。

The clause I have rendered "And we mean by deaconesses" is most difficult of translation.該條款我已立下“我們所指的執事”是最困難的翻譯。 I give the original, 'E我給原來,『E mnhsqhm mnhsqhm n ñ tpn主題方案 en tp總磷 skhmati skhmati exetasqeispn exetasqeispn , epei epei . Hefele's translation seems to me impossible, by黑弗勒的翻譯在我看來是不可能的,由 skhmati skhmati he understands the list of the clergy just mentioned.他明白名單剛才提到的神職人員。

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EXCURSUS ON THE DEACONESS OF THE EARLY CHURCH.附錄論女執事初期教會。

It has been supposed by many that the deaconess of the Early Church had an Apostolic institution and that its existence may be referred to by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans(xvi. 1) where he speaks of Phoebe as being a它已被許多人認為應該是女執事早期使徒教會有一個機構,它的存在可能被轉介到聖保羅在他的書信向羅馬人(xvi. 1)他講的是一楠 diakonos diakonos of the Church of Cenchrea.教會的Cenchrea。 It moreover has been suggested that the "widows" of 1 Tim. v.而且它已經表明,“寡婦”的一添。訴 9 may have been deaconesses, and this seems not unlikely from the fact that the age for the admission of women to this ministry was fixed by Tertullian at sixty years(De Vel. Virg. Cap. ix.), and only changed to forty, two centuries later by the Council of Chalcedon, and from the further fact that these "widows" spoken of by St. Paul seem to have had a vow of chastity, for it is expressly said that if they marry they have "damnation, because they have cast off their first faith"(1 Tim. v. 12). 5月9日已執事,這似乎不是不可能從事實的入學年齡婦女對這個部是由良固定後60年(德維爾。維吉尼亞。帽。九。),只有改為40,兩個世紀後,由安理會的chalcedon,從進一步的事實,這些“寡婦”談到由聖保羅似乎有一個誓言的貞潔,它是明確表示,如果他們結婚,他們有“詛咒,因為他們擺脫了他們的第一個信念“(1添。訴12)。

These women were called這些婦女被稱為 diakonissbi diakonissbi , Presbutides Presbutides (which must be distinguished from the (必須是區別於 presbuterai presbuterai , a poor class referred to in the Apostolic Constitutions(ii. 28) who are to be only invited frequently to the love- feasts, while the ,一個貧窮的階層中提到的使徒憲法(白介素28)到底是誰的,只有經常邀請的愛情節日,而 pr公關 , sbutioes sbutioes had a definite allotment of the offerings assigned to their support),有一定的配額的產品分配給他們的支持), khrai khrai , diaconissoe, presbyteroe, and viduce. ,diaconissoe,presbyteroe和viduce。

The one great characteristic of the deaconess was that she was vowed to perpetual chastity.(1) The Apostolical Constitutions(vi. 17) say that she must be a chaste virgin(一個偉大的女執事的特點是,她發誓要永遠貞潔。(1)使徒的憲法(第六十七日)說,她必須是一個純潔的處女( parqenos parqenos agnh agnh ) or else a widow. ),否則一個寡婦。 The writer of the article "Deaconess" in the Dictionary of Christian Antiquities says: "It is evident that the ordination of deaconesses included a vow of celibacy." We have already seen the language used by St. Paul and of this the wording of the canon of Chalcedon is but an echo(Canon xv).筆者的文章“女執事”在字典的基督教古物說:“顯然,這是協調的執事包括禁慾誓言。”我們已經看到了語言使用的聖保羅和本的措辭的佳能的chalcedon只是一個迴聲(佳能15)。 "A woman shall not receive the laying on of hands as a deaconess under forty years of age, and then only after searching examination. And if, after she has had hands laid on her, and has continued for a time to minister, she shall despise the Grace of God and give herself in marriage, she shall be anathematized and the man who is united to her." “女人不接受關於鋪設雙手一女執事下四十年的年齡,然後才搜索檢查。如果,在她的手放在了她,而且已經持續了一個時期的部長,她將藐視神的恩典,讓自己在婚姻中,她將和詛咒的人團結起來,誰是她的。“ The civil law went still further, and by Justinian's Sixth Novel(6) those who attempted to marry are subjected to forfeiture of property and capital punishment.民事法律走得更遠,和查士丁尼的第六小說(六)誰試圖結婚受到沒收財產和死刑。 In the collect in the ancient office there is a special petition that the newly admitted deaconess may have the gift of continence.在收集古代辦公室有一個特殊的請願書,剛剛被接納的女執事可能有節制的恩賜。

The principal work of the deaconess was to assist the female candidates for holy baptism.主要工作的女執事是協助女性候選人為神聖的洗禮。 At that time the sacrament of baptism was always administered by immersion(except to those in extreme illness) and hence there was much that such an order of women could be useful in. Moreover they sometimes gave to the female catechumens preliminary instruction, but their work was wholly limited to women, and for a deaconess of the Early Church to teach a man or to nurse him in sickness would have been an impossibility. The duties of the deaconess are set forth in many ancient writings, I cite here what is commonly known as the XII Canon of the Fourth Council of Carthage, which met in the year 398:當時,聖禮的洗禮總是由管理浸泡(除了那些在極端的疾病),因此有很多這樣的命令婦女可能是有用的,只有另外他們有時給了女性慕道初步指示,但他們的工作完全是有限的婦女,並為在早期教會的執事,以教人或哺乳他在疾病將是一個不可能的。女執事的職責載在許多古代著作,我舉這裡什麼是俗稱作為第十二屆佳能的第四屆理事會的迦太基,充分展示了在今年398:

"Widows and dedicated women(sanctimoniales) who are chosen to assist at the baptism of women, should be so well instructed in their office as to be able to teach aptly and properly unskilled and rustic women how to answer at the time of their baptism to the questions put to them, and also how to live godly after they have been baptized." This whole matter is treated clearly by St. Epiphanius who, while indeed speaking of deaconesses as an order( “寡婦和專用婦女(sanctimoniales)誰是選擇在協助婦女的洗禮,應該這麼好的指示,在他們的辦公室,以能教得好,妥善不熟練和鄉村婦女怎樣回答了當時的洗禮向他們提出的問題,以及如何生活後,被神的洗禮。“這整個事情是清楚的聖埃皮法尼烏斯處理誰,而實際上講的執事的命令( tagma tagma ), asserts that "they were only women-elders, not priestesses in any sense, that their ),聲稱“他們只是婦女的長者,而不是女祭司在任何意義上,他們的

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mission was not to interfere in any way with Sacerdotal functions, but simply to perform certain offices in the care of women"(Hoer. lxxix, cap. iii). From all this it is evident that they are entirely in error who suppose that "the laying on of hands" which the deaconesses received corresponded to that by which persons were ordained to the diaconate, presbyterate, and episcopate at that period of the church's history. It was merely a solemn dedication and blessing and was not looked upon as "an outward sign of an inward grace given." For further proof of this I must refer to Morinus, who has treated the matter most admirably.(De Ordinationibus, Exercitatio X.)任務是不以任何方式干涉與Sacerdotal功能,但僅僅是為了執行某些辦事處在照顧婦女“(Hoer.第七十九號法令,帽。三)。從所有這一切很明顯,他們是完全錯誤的假設,誰”鋪設的手“,這是執事獲得相當於該由哪些人被祝聖的diaconate,鐸和主教在該段期間,教會的歷史。這只是一個莊嚴的獻身精神和祝福,並沒有看成”一對外簽署的外來恩典。“對於進一步證明了這個,我必須提到Morinus,誰對待此事最令人敬佩。(德Ordinationibus,Exercitatio十)

The deaconesses existed but a short while.但存在的執事一陣子。 The council of Laodicea as early as AD 343-381, forbade the appointment of any who were called該理事會老底嘉早在公元343-381,禁止任何誰的任命被稱為 presbutides presbutides (Vide Canon xi); and the first council of Orange, AD 441, in its twenty-sixth canon forbids the appointment of deaconesses altogether, and the Second council of tile same city in canons xvii and xviii, decrees that deaconesses who married were to be excommunicated unless they renounced the men they were living with, and that, on account of the weakness of the sex, none for the future were to be ordained. (參見佳能十一),以及第一屆理事會的奧蘭治,公元441,在其第二十六屆佳能禁止任命執事完全和第二屆理事會在同一城市的瓷磚大砲第十七和第十八,法令,執事誰結婚要被驅逐的人,除非他們放棄了他們生活在一起,而且,對帳戶的薄弱性,沒有為將來要被祝聖。

Thomassinus, to whom I refer tim reader for a very full treatment of the whole subject, is of opinion that the order was extinct in the West by the tenth or twelfth century, but that it lingered on a little later at Constantinople but only in conventual institutions.(Thomassin, Ancienne et Nouvelle Discipline de l' Eglise, I Partie, Livre III.) Thomassinus,我所指的那位讀者添了很充分地處理整個問題,是認為該命令是在西方滅絕的第十次或12世紀,但它徘徊在稍晚於君士坦丁堡,但只有在修道院機構。(湯瑪森,安西安娜等中篇小說學科德升'埃格斯,我Partie,利夫雷三。)

CANON XX佳能某某

FORASMUCH as there are certain persons who kneel on the Lord's Day and in the days of Pentecost, therefore, to the intent that all things may be uniformly observed everywhere (in every parish), it seems good to the holy Synod that prayer be made to God standing. forasmuch因為有某些人跪在上帝的日間和日內的聖靈降臨節,因此,作為意圖all事情可能統一觀察到處(在every教區),it似乎好到聖主教的祈禱作出神的地位。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XX.古縮影佳能二十。

On Lord's days and at Pentecost all must pray standing and not kneeling.對主的天,在五旬節都必須站立不跪祈禱。

HAMMOND.哈蒙德。

Although kneeling was the common posture for prayer in the primitive Church, yet the custom had prevailed, even from the earliest times, of standing at prayer on the Lord's day, and during the fifty days between Easter and Pentecost.雖然是常見的姿勢跪著禱告的原始教會,但習俗盛行,甚至從最早的時候,站立在祈禱上主的日子,而在五十天的復活節和聖靈降臨節之間。 Tertullian, in a passage in his treatise De Corona Militis, which is often quoted, mentions it amongst other ohservances which, though not expressly commanded in Scripture, yet were universally practised upon the authority of tradition.良,在他的論文中通過電暈Militis德,這是經常被引用,提到它除其他ohservances,雖然沒有明確指揮聖經,但被普遍實行後,權威的傳統。 "We consider it unlawful," he says, "to fast, or to pray kneeling, upon the Lord's day; we enjoy the same liberty from Easter-day to that of Pentecost." “我們認為這是非法的,”他說,“快速,或跪祈禱,經主日,我們享有同樣的自由從復活節,聖靈降臨節這一天。” De Cor.德肺心病。 Mil.米爾。 s. 3, 4. 3,4。 Many other of the Fathers notice the same practice, the reason of which, as given by Augustine; and others, was to commemorate the resurrection of our Lord, and to signify the rest and joy of our own resurrection, which that of our Lord assured.許多其他的父親通知了同樣的做法,其中的原因,如來自奧古斯丁;等,是為了紀念我們的主復活,並在休息和歡樂的象徵我們自己的復活,這是保證我們的主。 This canon, as Beveridge observes, is a proof of the importance formerly attached to an uniformity of sacred rites throughout the Church, which made the Nicene Fathers thus sanction and enforce by their authority a practice which in itself is indifferent, and not commanded directly or indirectly in Scripture, and assign this as their reason for doing so: "In order that all things may be observed in like manner in every parish" or diocese.這佳能,作為貝弗里奇觀察,證明是一個以前的重要性附加到統一的神聖儀式,整個教會,這使父親的尼西亞因此制裁和強制執行他們的權力的做法,這本身是漠不關心,而不是直接指揮或間接經文,並指定此作為他們這樣做的理由:“為了使所有的事情中可以看到同樣的方式在每一個教區”或教區。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

All the churches did not, however, adopt this practice; for we see in the Acts of the Apostles(xx. 36 and xxi. 5) that St. Paul prayed kneeling during the time between Pentecost and Easter.所有的教會沒有,但是,採取這種做法,因為我們看到在使徒行傳(xx. 36和21。五)聖保羅祈禱跪在五旬節和復活節之間的時間。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici.這是經典中找到法典卡諾尼奇。 Decretum, Pars III, De Cone. Decretum,帕爾斯第三代錐。 Dist.區。 III.三。 cx國泰航空

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EXCURSUS ON THE NUMBER OF THE NICENE CANONS.附錄論數目的尼西亞大砲。

There has come down to us a Latin letter purporting to have been written by St. Athanasius to Pope Marcus.目前已回落到我們一個拉丁信看來已書面向教宗聖亞他那修馬庫斯。 This letter is found in the Benedictine edition of St. Athanasius's works(ed. Patav. ii. 599) but rejected as spurious by Montfaucon the learned editor.此信被發現在該版篤聖亞他那修的作品(編Patav。2。599),但拒絕為虛假的蒙福孔博學的編輯。 In this letter is contained the marvellous assertion that the Council of Nice at first adopted forty canons, which were in Greek, that it subsequently added twenty Latin canons, and that afterwards the council reassembled and set forth seventy altogether.在這封信中的奇妙的說法是,安理會在尼斯首次通過40門炮,其中在希臘,它隨後將20拉丁大砲,並且重新組裝後的安理會,並提出70完全。 A tradition that something of the kind had taken place was prevalent in parts of the East, and some collections did contain seventy canons.一個傳統的東西的那種已被普遍發生在東部地區,部分藏品確實包含70門炮。

In the Vatican Library is a MS.在梵蒂岡圖書館是一個 MS。 which was bought for it by the famous Asseman, from the Coptic Patriarch, John, and which contains not only seventy, but eighty canons attributed to the council of Nice.這是買它由著名阿瑟曼,從科普特主教,約翰,其中不僅包含70,但80炮由於安理會尼斯。 The MS.在MS。 is in Arabic, and was discovered by JB Romanus, SJ, who first made its contents known, and translated into Latin a copy he had made of it.阿拉伯語,並發現了巴頓羅曼努斯,律政司司長,誰知道它的內容首次提出,並翻譯成拉丁文的副本,他利用了它。 Another Jesuit, Pisanus, was writing a history of the Nicene Council at the time and he received the eighty newly found canons into his book; but, out of respect to the pseudo-Athanasian letter, he at first cut down the number to seventy; but in later editions he followed the MS.另一位耶穌會,Pisanus,在寫歷史的尼西亞會議的時間和他收到了80新發現的大砲把他的書,但是,為了尊重偽亞他那修信中,他首先削減的號碼70;但在以後的版本中,他遵循的碩士學位。 All this was in the latter half of the sixteenth century; and in 1578 Turrianus, who had had Father Romanus's translation revised before it was first published, now issued an entirely new translation with a Proemium(1) containing a vast amount of information upon the whole subject, and setting up an attempted proof that the number of the Nicene Canons exceeded twenty.這一切是在下半年的16世紀,並在1578年Turrianus,誰不得不父親羅曼努斯的翻譯修改,然後才第一次出版,現在發出一個全新的翻譯與Proemium(1),載有大量的資料後,整個主題,並設立一個試圖證明,在尼西亞大砲數量超過20個。 His argument for the time being carried the day.他的論點對當時正在進行的一天。

Hefele says, "it is certain that the Orientals(2) believed the Council of Nice to have promulgated more than twenty canons: the learned Anglican, Beveridge,(3) has proved this, reproducing an ancient Arabic paraphrase of the canons of the first four Ecumenical Councils. According to this Arabic paraphrase, found in a MS. in the Bodleian Library, the Council of Nice must have put forth three books of canons. . . . The Arabic paraphrase of which we are speaking gives a paraphrase of all these canons, but Beveridge took only the part referring to the second book--that is to say, the paraphrase of the twenty genuine canons; for, according to his view, which was perfectly correct, it was only these twenty canons which were really the work of the Council of Nice, and all the others were falsely attributed to it."(4)黑弗勒說,“可以肯定的是東方人(2)相信會很高興已頒布了20多個大砲:英國聖公會的教訓,貝弗里奇,(3)已證明了這一點,再現古代阿拉伯語意譯的大砲第一4合一議會。根據這一阿拉伯語意譯,發現在一個MS。在Bodleian圖書館,安理會尼斯必須有三本書提出的大砲。。。。阿拉伯語套用我們說話給出了所有這些意譯大砲,但只花了貝弗里奇的部分指的是第二本書-這就是說,在套用真正的20門炮,因為,根據他的看法,這是完全正確的,這只是其中20門炮的是真正的安理會的工作尼斯,和所有其他人錯誤地歸因於它。“(4)

Hefele goes on to prove that the canons he rejects must be of much later origin, some being laws of the times of Theodosius and Justinian according to the opinion of Renaudot.(5)黑弗勒接著證明了大砲,他拒絕後必須多出身,有些是法律的規定倍狄奧多西和查士丁尼根據意見的勒諾多。(5)

Before leaving this point I should notice the profound research on these Arabic canons of the Maronite, Abraham Echellensis.在離開這一點,我應該注意深入研究這些阿拉伯大砲的馬龍派,亞伯拉罕Echellensis。 He gives eighty-four canons in his Latin translation of 1645, and was of opinion that they had been collected from different Oriental sources, and sects; but that originally they had all been translated from the Greek, and were collected by James, the celebrated bishop of Nisibis, who was present at Nice.他給了84門炮在他的拉丁文翻譯1645年,並認為他們是被東方收集來自不同來源和教派,但原來他們都是從希臘語翻譯,收集和詹姆斯,在慶祝尼西比斯主教,誰出席了尼斯。 But this last supposition is utterly untenable.但是,這最後的假設是完全站不住腳的。

Among the learned there have not been wanting some who have held that the Council of Nice passed more canons than the twenty we possess, and have arrived at the conclusion independently of the Arabic discovery, such are Baronius and Card.據悉其中有一些不希望被人認為,安理會通過的尼斯比20多門炮,我們擁有,並已得出的結論獨立地發現了阿拉伯語,這就是巴若尼和卡。 d'Aguirre, but their arguments have been sufficiently answered, and they cannot present anything able to weaken the conclusion that flows from the consideration of the following facts.德阿吉雷,但他們的論點得到充分的回答,也可以不存在任何能夠削弱的結論是,流量的考慮以下事實。

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(Hefele: History of the Councils, Vol. I. pp. 355 et seqq.[2ded.]) Let us see first what is the testimony of those Greek and Latin authors who lived about the time of the Council, concerning the number. (黑弗勒:歷史上的政局,卷。第一頁。355等seqq。[2ded。])首先讓我們看看什麼是證詞的希臘和拉丁作家誰住了時間的理事會,有關的數目。

a.答: The first to be consulted among the Greek authors is the learned Theodoret, who lived about a century after the Council of Nicaea.第一個被徵詢的希臘作家中是學習Theodoret,誰生活在大約一個世紀後的安理會尼西亞。 He says, in his History of the Church: "After the condemnation of the Arians, the bishops assembled once more, and decreed twenty canons on ecclesiastical discipline."他說,在他的教會的歷史:“經過譴責的白羊座,主教們再次集結,並下令20門炮的教會紀律。”

b. Twenty years later, Gelasius, Bishop of Cyzicus, after much research into the most ancient documents, wrote a history of the Nicene Council. 20年後,格拉西,主教基齊庫斯,經過大量的研究成為最古老的文件,寫了歷史上的尼西亞會議。 Gelasius also says expressly that the Council decreed twenty canons; and, what is more important, he gives the original text of these canons exactly in the same order, and according to the tenor which we find elsewhere.格拉西也明確表示,該委員會頒布20門炮,以及,更重要的是,他把原來的案文這些大砲正是在同一順序,並根據我們的男高音的其他地方找到。

c. Rufinus is more ancient than these two historians. Rufinus比這更古老的兩位歷史學家。 He was born near the period when the Council of Nicaea was held, and about half a century after he wrote his celebrated history of the Church, in which he inserted a Latin translation of the Nicene canons.他出生不久時,會期間舉行的尼西亞,大約半個世紀後,他寫下了著名的歷史的教會,他在其中插入一個拉丁譯本的尼西亞大砲。 Rufinus also knew only of these twenty canons; but as he has divided the sixth and the eighth into two parts, he has given twenty-two canons, which are exactly the same as the twenty furnished by the other historians. Rufinus也知道其中只有20門炮,但他已分化了第六和第八分為兩部分,他給了22門炮,這是完全一樣的20所提供的其他歷史學家。

d. The famous discussion between the African bishops and the Bishop of Rome, on the subject of appeals to Rome, gives us a very important testimony on the true number of the Nicene canons.著名討論了非洲的主教和主教羅馬,關於這個問題的呼籲羅馬,給了我們一個非常重要的證詞真實數目的尼西亞大砲。 The presbyter Apiarius of Sicca in Africa, having been deposed for many crimes, appealed to Rome.該長老Apiarius在非洲的乾燥症,已被廢黜的許多罪行,呼籲羅馬。 Pope Zosimus(417-418) took the appeal into consideration, sent legates to Africa; and to prove that he had the right to act thus, he quoted a canon of the Council of Nicaea, containing these words: "When a bishop thinks he has been unjustly deposed by his colleagues he may appeal to Rome, and the Roman bishop shall have the business decided by judices in partibus."教皇卓西姆(417-418)宣讀上訴考慮,派使節到非洲,並以證明他有權採取行動,因此,他引用了經典的安理會尼西亞,含有這些詞:“當一個主教認為他已被不公正地廢黜他的同事,他可以上訴到羅馬,和羅馬主教應具有的商業決定judices在partibus。“ The canon quoted by the Pope does not belong to the Council of Nicaea, as he affirmed; it was the fifth canon of the Council of Sardica(the seventh in the Latin version).佳能引述教宗不屬於安理會尼西亞,因為他肯定,這是第五次佳能的理事會薩爾迪卡(在拉丁美洲的第七版)。 What explains the error of Zosimus is that in the ancient copies the canons of Nicaea and Sardica are written consecutively, with the same figures, and under the common title of canons of the Council of Nicaea; and Zosimus might optima fide fall into an error-- which he shared with Greek authors, his contemporaries, who also mixed the canons of Nicaea with those of Sardica.如何解釋錯誤的卓西姆的是,在複製古代大砲尼西亞和薩爾迪卡寫入連續的,具有相同的數字,並在共同所有權的大砲理事會的尼西亞和卓西姆可能最優真正落入一個錯誤-他與希臘共同作者,他的同時代人,誰也混了大砲尼西亞與那些薩爾迪卡。 The African bishops, not finding the canon quoted by the Pope either in their Greek or in their Latin copies, in vain consulted also the copy which Bishop Cecilian, who had himself been present at the Council of Nicaea, had brought to Carthage.非洲主教,沒有找到佳能引述教宗不論在希臘或在他們的拉丁份,也是徒勞的諮詢文件副本,主教切奇利安,誰得到了自己目前在安理會尼西亞,已提請迦太基。 The legates of the Pope then declared that they did not rely upon these copies, and they agreed to send to Alexandria and to Constantinople to ask the patriarchs of these two cities for authentic copies of the canons of the Council of Nicaea.教皇的使節在隨後宣布,他們不依賴這些副本,並向他們同意派遣亞歷山大和君士坦丁堡宗主教要求這兩個城市的真實份的大砲理事會的尼西亞。 The African bishops desired in their turn that Pope Boniface should take the same step(Pope Zosimus had died meanwhile in 418)--that he should ask for copies from the Archbishops of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch.非洲希望在他們的主教,教宗博義又應該採取同樣的步驟(教皇卓西姆與此同時,在已經死亡418) -他應要求將文件從大主教君士坦丁堡,亞歷山大,和安提。 Cyril of Alexandria and Atticus of Constantinople, indeed, sent exact and faithful copies of the Creed and canons of Nicaea; and two learned men of Constantinople, Theilo and Thearistus, even translated these canons into Latin.西里爾亞歷山大和阿提卡斯君士坦丁堡,事實上,準確和忠實的副本送交該尼西亞信條和大砲和兩個男人學到的君士坦丁堡,Theilo和Thearistus,甚至翻譯成拉丁文這些大砲。 Their translation has been preserved to us in the acts of the sixth Council of Carthage, and it contains only the twenty ordinary canons.他們的翻譯一直保存在我們的行為第六屆理事會的迦太基,它包含了20只普通大砲。 It might be thought at first sight that it contained twenty-one canons; but on closer consideration we see, as Hardouin has proved, that this twenty-first article is nothing but an historical notice appended to the Nicene canons by the Fathers of Carthage.人們可能會以為一見鍾情,它包含21門炮,但在仔細考慮我們看到的,因為Hardouin證明,這21條不過是一個歷史的通知追加到尼西亞大砲由父親的迦太基。 It is conceived in these terms: "After the bishops had decreed these rules at Nicaea, and after the holy Council had decided what was the ancient rule for the celebration of Easter, peace and unity of faith were re-established between the East and the West. This is what we(the African bishops) have thought it right to add according to the history of the Church."這是在這些方面設想:“經過這些規則主教曾下令在尼西亞,經過聖理事會決定什麼是古治為慶祝復活節,和平與團結的信心被重新建立和東方之間西。這是我們(非洲主教)都認為有權利根據加入了教會的歷史。“

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The bishops of Africa despatched to Pope Boniface the copies which had been sent to them from Alexandria and Constantinople, in the month of November 419; and subsequently in their letters to Celestine I.派往非洲的主教,教皇博尼法斯的副本已被發送到他們從亞歷山大和君士坦丁堡,在本月11 419,並隨後在其信塞萊斯蒂納一 (423-432), successor to Boniface, they appealed to the text of these documents. (423-432),繼承博尼法斯,他們呼籲對這些文件的文本。

e.大腸桿菌 All the ancient collections of canons, either in Latin or Greek, composed in the fourth, or quite certainly at least in the fifth century, agree in giving only these twenty canons to Nicaea.所有收藏的古代大砲,無論是在拉丁美洲或希臘,組成第四,或相當肯定,至少在五世紀,只同意給予這20門炮,以尼西亞。 The most ancient of these collections were made in the Greek Church, and in the course of time a very great number of copies of them were written.最古老的這些藏品是在希臘教會,並在這一過程中一個很大量的副本,其中被寫入。 Many of these copies have descended to us; many libraries possess copies; thus Montfaucon enumerates several in his Bibliotheca Coisliniana. Fabricius makes a similar catalogue of the copies in his Bibliotheca Groeca to those found in the libraries of Turin, Florence, Venice, Oxford, Moscow, etc.; and he adds that these copies also contain the so-called apostolic canons, and those of the most ancient councils.許多這些副本已經下降到我們,許多圖書館擁有的副本,因此蒙福孔列舉了幾個在他的藏書Coisliniana。法氏囊進行了類似的目錄的副本,其藏書Groeca那些在圖書館找到的都靈,佛羅倫薩,威尼斯,牛津,莫斯科等;他補充說,這些副本還包含了所謂的使徒門炮,和那些最古老的議會。 The French bishop John Tilius presented to Paris, in 1540, a MS.法國主教約翰Tilius提交給巴黎,1540年,一個MS。 of one of these Greek collections as it existed in the ninth century.這些希臘的藏品之一,因為它存在於九世紀。 It contains exactly our twenty canons of Nicaea, besides the so-called apostolic canons, those of Ancyra, etc. Elias Ehmger published a new edition at Wittemberg in 1614, using a second MS.它包含正是我們的20門炮的尼西亞,除了所謂的使徒大砲,那些安該拉等埃利亞斯Ehmger出版了新版本在Wittemberg在1614年,使用第二個碩士學位。 which was found at Augsburg; but the Roman collection of the Councils had before given in 1608, the Greek text of the twenty canons of Nicaea.該產品被發現在奧格斯堡,但羅馬的議會收集了1608年之前給予,而希臘文的20門炮的尼西亞。 This text of the Roman editors, with the exception of some insignificant variations, was exactly the same as that of the edition of Tilius.這是羅馬文字編輯,與一些微不足道的異常變化,是完全一樣的,該版Tilius。 Neither the learned Jesuit Sirmond nor his coadjutors have mentioned what manuscripts were consulted in preparing this edition; probably they were manuscripts drawn from several libraries, and particularly from that of the Vatican.無論是耶穌會西爾蒙也不知道他什麼也提到coadjutors手稿進行了磋商在編寫這個版本,大概他們手稿來自數個圖書館,特別是從梵蒂岡的。 The text of this Roman edition passed into all the following collections, even into those of Hardouin and Mansi; while Justell in his Bibliotheca juris Canonici and Beveridge in his Synodicon(both of the eighteenth century), give a somewhat different text, also collated from MSS., and very similar to the text given by Tilius.該文本的這個羅馬版傳遞到以下所有收藏品,甚至把那些Hardouin和曼西,而在他的藏書Justell法學卡諾尼奇和貝弗里奇在Synodicon(同為18世紀),給一個有點不同的文字,也散見於MSS的。,非常類似於文本給予Tilius。 Bruns, in his recent Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica, compares the two texts.布倫斯,在他最近的藏書Ecclesiastica,比較兩個文本。 Now all these Greek MSS, consulted at such different times, and by all these editors, acknowledge only twenty canons of Nicaea, and always the same twenty which we possess.現在,所有這些希臘MSS的,在徵詢這些不同的時間,和所有這些編輯,承認只有20門炮的尼西亞,始終是我們擁有相同的20。

The Latin collections of the canons of the Councils also give the same result--for example, the most ancient and the most remarkable of all, the Prisca, and that of Dionysius the Less, which was collected about the year 500.拉丁收藏的大砲的議會也給予同樣的結果-例如,最古老和最顯著的是,在普里斯卡馬,而欠的狄奧尼修斯,這是收集了500年。 The testimony of this latter collection is the more important for the number twenty, as Dionysius refers to the Groeca auctoritas.後者的證言集是更重要的數字20,作為狄奧尼指Groeca auctoritas。

f. Among the later Eastern witnesses we may further mention Photius, Zonaras and Balsamon.在後來的東方證人,我們可能會進一步提Photius,Zonaras和Balsamon。 Photius, in his Collection of the Canons, and in his Nomocanon, as well as the two other writers in their commentaries upon the canons of the ancient Councils, quote only and know only twenty canons of Nicaea, and always those which we possess. Photius,在他收集的大砲,並在他的Nomocanon,以及另外兩個作家在他們的評論後,大砲古議會,報價只知道只有20門炮的尼西亞,總是那些我們所擁有的。

g. The Latin canonists of the Middle Ages also acknowledge only these twenty canons of Nicaea.拉丁的canonists中世紀也承認只有這20門炮的尼西亞。 We have proof of this in the celebrated Spanish collection, which is generally but erroneously attributed to St. Isidore(it was composed at the commencement of the seventh century), and in that of Adrian(so called because it was offered to Charles the Great by Pope Adrian I).我們已經證明這個著名的西班牙集合,它是一般,但錯誤地歸因於聖伊西多爾(它是由在生效的第七世紀),在這阿德里安(所謂的,因為它是提供給查爾斯大教皇阿德里安一)。 The celebrated Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, the first canonist of the ninth century, in his turn attributes only twenty canons to the Council of Nicaea, and even the pseudo-Isidore assigns it no more.著名安克馬爾,蘭斯大主教,第一的canonist的第九世紀,在他的屬性,又只有20炮向安理會尼西亞,甚至偽伊西多爾它沒有更多的分配。

I add for the convenience of the reader the captions of the Eighty Canons as given by Turrianus, translating them from the reprint in Labbe and Cossart, Concilia, Tom.我想補充的方便了讀者的標題的80大砲作為給予Turrianus,他們從翻譯轉載在拉貝和科薩爾特,Concilia,湯姆。 II.二。 col.山口。 291. 291。 The Eighty-four Canons as given by Echellensis together with numerous Constitutions and Decrees attributed to the Nicene Council are likewise to be found in Labbe(ut supra, col. 318).這84個大砲作為給予Echellensis連同無數的憲法和法令歸因於尼西亞會議也同樣被發現在拉貝(UT斯達康前山口。318)。

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THE CAPTIONS OF THE ARABIC CANONS ATTRIBUTED TO THE COUNCIL OF NICE.字幕的阿拉伯語大砲歸功於會很好。

CANON I. (1)佳能一(1)

Insane persons and energumens should not be ordained精神失常者和energumens不應受戒

CANON II.佳能二。

Bond servants are not to be ordained.債券公務員不被祝聖。

CANON III.佳能三。

Neophytes in the faith are not to be ordained to Holy Orders before they have a knowledge of Holy Scripture.新手在信仰是不被祝聖的聖令他們之前有一個認識聖經。 And such, if convicted after their ordination of grave sin, are to be deposed with those who ordained them.而這樣,如果罪名成立,他們的協調後的嚴重犯罪,將被廢黜他們與那些誰受戒。

CANON IV.佳能四。

The cohabitation of women with bishops, presbyters, and deacons prohibited on account of their celibacy.在同居的婦女的主教,長老,和執事禁止基於帳戶的獨身。

We decree that bishops shall not live with women; nor shall a presbyter who is a widower; neither shall they escort them; nor be familiar with them, nor gaze upon them persistently.我們的法令,主教不得住在一起的婦女,也不得一長老誰是鰥夫,他們也不再護送他們也不熟悉他們,也沒有對他們堅持不懈的目光。 And the same decree is made with regard to every celibate priest, and the same concerning such deacons as have no wives.和相同的法令提出的關於每一個獨身牧師,和相同的關於這種沒有妻子的執事。 And this is to be the case whether the woman be beautiful or ugly, whether a young girl or beyond the age of puberty, whether great in birth, or an orphan taken out of charity under pretext of bringing her up.這是這樣的話是否是美麗或醜陋的女人,無論是年輕女孩或超出年齡的青春期,無論是偉大的誕生,或帶出一個孤兒慈善藉口下把她。 For the devil with such arms slays religious, bishops, presbyters, and deacons, and incites them to the fires of desire.對於這種武器過關斬魔宗教,主教,長老,和執事,並煽動他們的慾望之火。 But if she be an old woman, and of advanced age, or a sister, or mother, or aunt, or grandmother, it is permitted to live with these because such persons are free from all suspicion of scandal.(2)但是,如果她是一個老太婆,以及先進的年齡,或姐妹或母親,或姑姑或祖母,這是允許的生活與這些都是免費的,因為這些人從所有涉嫌醜聞。(2)

CANON V.佳能五

Of the election of a bishop and of the confirmation of the election.在選舉的主教和確認選舉。

CANON VI.佳能六。

That those excommunicated by one bishop are not to be received by another; and that those whose excommunication has been shown to have been unjust should be absolved by the archbishop or patriarch.那些由一主教逐出教會是不能接收的另一;而那些罰已被證明是不公正的,應免除大主教或主教。

CANON VII.佳能七。

That provincial Councils should be held twice a year, for the consideration of all things affecting the churches of the bishops of the province.這省級議會應每年舉行兩次,為考慮所有的東西影響教堂的主教全省。

CANON VIII.佳能八。

Of the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, and of their jurisdiction.亞歷山大的始祖和安提阿,他們的管轄範圍。

CANON IX.佳能九。

Of one who solicits the episcopate when the people do not wish him; or if they do desire him, but without the consent of the archbishop.一個誰唆使主教當人們不希望他,或者如果他們真的想要他,但未經同意的大主教。

CANON X.佳能十

How the bishop of Jerusalem is to be honoured, the honour, however, of the metropolitan church of Caesarea being preserved intact, to which he is subject.如何主教的耶路撒冷是兌現,榮譽,但是,教會都會被保存完好的愷撒,他是受哪些。

CANON XI.佳能十一。

Of those who force themselves into the order of presbyters without election or examination.這些誰強迫自己進入無秩序的長老選舉或考試。

CANON XII.佳能十二。

Of the bishop who ordains one whom he understands has denied the faith; also of one ordained who after that he had denied it, crept into orders.誰的主教祝聖一人,他明白否認的信念;也是一個注定誰之後,他已經否認它,悄悄進入訂單。

CANON XIII.佳能十三。

Of one who of his own will goes to another church, having been chosen by it, and does not wish afterwards to stay there.一個誰,他自己的意志去另一所教堂,它已被選定的,不希望以後呆在那裡。

Of taking pains that he be transferred from his own church to another.他以苦為從自己轉移到另一個教會。

CANON XIV.佳能十四。

No one shall become a monk without the bishop's license, and why a license is required.任何人不得成為和尚沒有主教的許可,以及為什麼需要許可。

CANON XV.佳能十五。

That clerics or religious who lend on usury should be cast from their grade.這神職人員或宗教上誰借高利貸應該從他們的投級。

CANON XVI.佳能十六。

Of the honour to be paid to the bishop and to a presbyter by the deacons.在榮幸地成為支付給主教和一個長老的執事。

CANON XVII.佳能十七。

Of the system and of the manner of receiving those who are converted from the heresy of Paul of Samosata.該系統和接收方式的轉換誰從異端的保薩莫薩塔。

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CANON XVIII.佳能十八。

Of the system and manner of receiving those who are converted from the heresy the Novatians.的制度和方式接受那些誰被轉換從異端的Novatians。

CANON XIX.佳能十九。

Of the system and manner of receiving those who return after a lapse from the faith, and of receiving the relapsed, and of those brought into peril of death by sickness before their penance is finished, and concerning such as are convalescent.該系統的接收和方式回報那些誰失效後,從信仰,並接受了復發,以及這些帶入危險疾病的死亡是懺悔前完成,如有關的康復。

CANON XX.佳能二十。

Of avoiding the conversation of evil workers and wizards, also of the penance of them that have not avoided such.避免交談邪惡工人和嚮導,也是懺悔,他們有沒有避免這樣的。

CANON XXI.佳能二十一。

Of incestuous marriages contrary to the law of Spiritual relationship, and of the penance of such as are in such marriages.亂倫婚姻違反法律精神的關係,和懺悔,如在這樣的婚姻。

[The time of penance fixed is twenty years, only godfather and godmother are mentioned, and nothing is said of separation.] [懺悔固定的時間是20年來,只有教父和教母被提到,並沒有什麼說的分離。]

CANON XXII.佳能二十二。

Of sponsors in baptism.對保薦人的洗禮。

Men shall not hold females at the font, neither women males; but women females, and men males.男子不得舉行女性在字體,無論男性女性,但女性女性和男性的男性。

CANON XXIII.佳能二十三。

Of the prohibited marriages of spiritual brothers and sisters from receiving them in baptism.禁止結婚的兄弟姐妹們的精神從他們接受洗禮。

CANON XXIV.佳能24條。

Of him who has married two wives at the same time, or who through lust has added another woman to his wife; and of his punishment.誰娶了他的兩個妻子在同一時間,或誰通過慾望增加了另一名女子,他的妻子和他的懲罰。

Part of the canon.佳能部分。 If he be a priest he is forbidden to sacrifice and is cut off from the communion of the faithful until he turn out of the house the second woman, and he ought to retain the first.如果他是一個牧師,他被禁止犧牲,是切斷共融的忠實,直到他變成房子的第二個女人,他應該保留第一。

CANON XXV.佳能二十五。

That no one should be forbidden Holy Communion unless such as are doing penance.沒有人應該被禁止,除非聖餐如正在做懺悔。

CANON XXVI.佳能十六。

Clerics are forbidden from suretyship or witness-giving in criminal causes.從保證的神職人員是禁止或證人,在刑事訴訟中的原因。

CANON XXVII.佳能二十七。

Of avoiding the excommunicate, and of not receiving the oblation from them; and of the避免了破門,而不是從他們收到祭品,以及在

excommunication of him who does not avoid the excommunicated.他罰誰不避免驅逐。

CANON XXVIII.佳能二十八。

How anger, indignation, and hatred should be avoided by the priest, especially because he has the power of excommunicating others.如何憤怒,憤怒和仇恨,應避免由牧師,特別是因為他有權力excommunicating他人。

CANON XXIX.佳能第29屆。

Of not kneeling in prayer.不跪在祈禱。

CANON XXX.佳能三十。

Of giving[only] names of Christians in baptism, and of heretics who retain the faith in the Trinity and the perfect form of baptism; and of others not retaining it, worthy of a worse name, and of how such are to be received when they come to the faith.給予[只]名基督徒的洗禮,和異教徒誰留在三位一體的信仰和完美的形式的洗禮,和別人不保留它,值得一差的名稱,這些是如何將收到的時候他們來的信念。

CANON XXXI.佳能三十一。

Of the system and manner of receiving converts to the Orthodox faith from the heresy of Arius and of other like.該系統的轉換及方式接受了東正教信仰的異端邪說阿里烏斯和其他等。

CANON XXXII.佳能三十二。

Of the system of receiving those who have kept the dogmas of the faith and the Church's laws, and yet have separated from us and afterwards come back.該系統的接收那些誰也保持了教條的信仰和教會的法律,但我們已經分開,後來回來。

CANON XXXIII.佳能三十三。

Of the place of residence of the Patriarch, and of the honour which should be given to the bishop of Jerusalem and to the bishop of Seleucia.居住的地方的主教,以及為維護名譽而應給予耶路撒冷的主教和主教的塞琉西亞。

CANON XXXIV.佳能三十四。

Of the honour to be given to the Archbishop of Seleucia in the Synod of Greece.在有幸成為給予的塞琉西亞大主教在希臘主教會議。

CANON XXXV.佳能三十五。

Of not holding a provincial synod in the province of Persia without the authority of the patriarch of Antioch, and how the bishops of Persia are subject to the metropolitans of Antioch.不持有省級主教在全省波斯沒有權威的元老安提,以及如何主教波斯都受到大都市的安提阿。

CANON XXXVI.佳能三十六。

Of the creation of a patriarch for Ethiopia, and of his power, and of the honour to be paid him in the Synod of Greece.在創造一個元老為埃塞俄比亞,他的權力,以及支付他榮幸地在希臘主教會議。

CANON XXXVII.佳能三十七。

Of the election of the Archbishop of Cyprus, who is subject to the patriarch of Antioch.在選舉的塞浦路斯大主教,誰是受元老安提。

CANON XXXVIII.佳能三十八。

That the ordination of ministers of the Church by bishops in the dioceses of strangers is forbidden.這是統籌部長的教會由主教在教區的陌生人是禁止的。

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CANON XXXIX.佳能第39。

Of the care and power which a Patriarch has over the bishops and archbishops of his patriarchate; and of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome over all.的關懷和權力,擁有一宗主教的主教和東正教大主教,他和中至高無上的羅馬的主教在所有。

Let the patriarch consider what things are done by the archbishops and bishops in their provinces; and if he shall find anything done by them otherwise than it should be, let him change it, and order it, as seemeth him fit: for he is the father of all, and they are his sons.讓老人家考慮什麼事情做的大主教和主教在他們的省份,如果他會發現他們,否則任何事情比它應該是,讓他改變它,為了它,他作為seemeth適合:因為他是父親所有,他們是他的兒子。 And although the archbishop be among the bishops as an elder brother, who hath the care of his brethren, and to whom they owe obedience because he is over them; yet the patriarch is to all those who are under his power, just as he who holds the seat of Rome, is the head and prince of all patriarchs; in-asmuch as he is first, as was Peter, to whom power is given over all Christian princes, and over all their peoples, as he who is the Vicar of Christ our Lord over all peoples and over the whole Christian Church, and whoever shall contradict this, is excommunicated by the Synod.(1)雖然大主教的主教是其中一個哥哥,誰作的照顧他的兄弟,向他們服從,因為他是欠了他們,但老人家是誰所有這些都在他的權力,正如他誰擁有席位的羅馬,是頭部和王子的所有元老,在-及引擎,因為他是第一,正如彼得,權力是誰給了所有基督教王子,並在所有的人民,誰是他的牧師基督我們的上帝對所有人民和在整個基督教教會,誰應違背這一點,是由主教逐出教會。(1)

[I add Canon XXXVII. [我想補充佳能三十七。 of Echellensis's Nova Versio LXXXIV.對 Echellensis的新星Versio LXXXIV。 Arabic. Canonum Conc.阿拉伯語。Canonum濃。 Nicoeni, that the reader may compare it with the foregoing.] Nicoeni,讀者可以比較它與前述。]

Let there be only four patriarchs in the whole world as there are four writers of the Gospel, and four rivers, etc. And let there be a prince and chief over them, the lord of the see of the Divine Peter at Rome, according as the Apostles commanded.只有讓有四個元老在整個世界有四位作家的福音,和四水,等等,要有一個王子和首席超過他們,在看到主的神聖彼得在羅馬,照使徒指揮。 And after him the lord of the great Alexandria, which is the see of Mark.之後他的偉大的亞歷山大勳爵,這是看到馬克。 And the third is the lord of Ephesus, which is the see of John the Divine who speaks divine things.第三個是主的以弗所,這是看到約翰的神聖誰講神聖的東西。 And the fourth and last is my lord of Antioch, which is another see of Peter.而第四個和最後一個是我主的安提阿,這是另一個看到彼得。 And let all the bishops be divided under the hands of these four patriarchs; and the bishops of the little towns which are under the dominion of the great cities let them be under the authority of these metropolitans.讓所有的主教分在手的這四個元老,以及主教們的小城鎮是統治下的最偉大的城市,讓他們根據這些大都市的權威。 But let every metropolitan of these great cities appoint the bishops of his province, but let none of the bishops appoint him, for he is greater than they.但是,讓每一個大城市的這些偉大的城市,他任命的主教省,但沒有讓他的主教任命,因為他比他們更大。 Therefore let every man know his own rank, and let him not usurp the rank of another.因此,讓每個人知道自己的排名,讓他不要篡奪基層另一個。 And whosoever shall contradict this law which we have established the Fathers of the Synod subject him to anathema.(2)人若違背這一規律,我們已經建立了神父的主教受到他的詛咒。(2)

CANON XL.佳能XL。

Of the provincial synod which should be held twice every year, and of its utility; together with the excommunication of such as oppose the decree.省級主教應每年舉行兩次,而其效用;一起罰,如反對該法令。

CANON XLI.佳能四十一。

Of the synod of Archbishops, which meets once a year with the Patriarch, and of its utility; also of the collection to be made for the support of the patriarch throughout the provinces and places subject to the patriarch.區會的大主教,每年舉行一次會議的主教,以及其效用,還收集到的支持作出了元老在各省和地區受到的元老。

CANON XLII.佳能四十二。

Of a cleric or monk who when fallen into sin, and summoned once, twice, and thrice, does not present himself for trial.一個教士或僧侶時落入誰的罪,並傳喚一次,兩次,三次,並沒有自己的審判。

CANON XLIII.佳能四十三。

What the patriarch should do in the case of a defendant set at liberty unpunished by the decision of the bishop, presbyter, or even of a deacon, as the case may be.什麼是應該做的元老在案件的被告人定為自由不受懲罰的決定,主教,長老,甚至是一個執事,視情況而定。

CANON XLIV.佳能第四十四。

How an archbishop ought to give trial to one of his suffragan bishops.如何讓一個大主教應該審判他的一個輔佐主教。

CANON XLV.佳能第四十五。

Of the receiving of complaints and condemnation of an archbishop against his patriarch.在接受投訴和譴責對他老人家的大主教。

CANON XLVI.佳能四十六。

How a patriarch should admit a complaint; or judgment of an Archbishop against an Archbishop.如何元老應該承認投訴;或判決的大主教對一個大主教。

CANON XLVII.佳能四十七。

Of those excommunicated by a certain one, when they can be and when they cannot be absolved by another.這些被開除的某一個,當他們可以而且當他們不能免除另一。

CANON XLVIII.佳能48。

No bishop shall choose his own successor.沒有主教應選擇自己的接班人。

CANON XLIX.佳能第四十九屆。

No simoniacal ordinations shall be made.沒有 simoniacal祝應當。

CANON L.佳能屬

There shall be but one bishop of one city, and one parochus of one town; also the incumbent, whether bishop or parish priest, shall not be removed in favour of a successor desired by some of the people unless he has been convicted of manifest crime.但應當有一個主教的一個城市,一個parochus一個鎮;也是現任教區主教或神父是否,不得拆除贊成繼承期望的一些人,除非他已被定罪的罪行清單。

CANON LI.佳能議員。

Bishops shall not allow the separation of a wife from her husband on account of discord--[in American, "incompatibility of temper"].主教不得允許分離的妻子從她丈夫的戶口不和諧- [在美國,“不兼容的脾氣”]。

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CANON LII.佳能呂氏。

Usury and the base seeking of worldly gain is forbidden to the clergy, also conversation and fellowship with Jews.高利貸和基地尋求世俗增益禁止神職人員,也有猶太人和同伴交談。

CANON LIII.佳能53號。

Marriages with infidels to be avoided.婚姻與異教徒避免。

CANON LIV.佳能麗芙。

Of the election of a chorepiscopus, and of his duties in towns, and villages, and monasteries.在選舉的一chorepiscopus,他的職責,城鎮,村莊,寺廟。

CANON LV.佳能低壓。

How a chorepiscopus should visit the churches and monasteries which are under his jurisdiction.如何chorepiscopus應該訪問的教堂和修道院是在他的管轄範圍。

CANON LVI.佳能LVI。

Of how the presbyters of the towns and villages should go twice a year with their chorepiscopus to salute the bishop, and how religious should do so once a year from their monasteries, and how the new abbot of a monastery should go thrice.如何長老的城鎮和村莊應每年兩次向他們致敬chorepiscopus主教,以及如何宗教應該這樣做每年一次從他們的寺廟,以及如何在新住持的修道院應該三思。

CANON LVII.佳能第五十七。

Of the rank in sitting during the celebration of service in church by the bishop, the archdeacon and the chorepiscopus; and of the office of archdeacon, and of the honour due the archpresbyter.在坐的排名在教堂慶祝的服務由主教,副主教和chorepiscopus,以及辦公室的副主教,以及適當的archpresbyter榮譽。

CANON LVIII.佳能第五十八號。

Of the honour flue the archdeacon and the chorepiscopus when they sit in church during the absence of the bishop, and when they go about with the bishop.烤煙的榮譽副主教和chorepiscopus當他們坐在教堂在缺席的主教,而當他們去約的主教。

CANON LIX.佳能LIX。

How all the grades of the clergy and their duties should be publicly described and set forth.如何所有等級的神職人員和職責應公開說明和規定。

CANON LX.佳能開關管。

Of how men are to be chosen from the diocese for holy orders, and of how they should be examined.男人是如何從被選擇為教區聖令,以及應如何進行審查。

CANON LXI.佳能LXI的。

Of the honour due to the deacons, and how the clerics must not put themselves in their way.由於該榮譽的執事,以及如何不把自己的神職人員必須在他們的方式。

CANON LXII.佳能第六十二號。

The number of presbyters and deacons is to be adapted to the work of the church and to its means.有多少長老和執事是要適應工作的教會和它的手段。

CANON LXIII.佳能63號。

Of the Ecclesiastical Economist and of the others who with him care for the church's possessions.在教會的經濟學家和其他人與他誰照顧教會的財產。

CANON LXIV.佳能LXIV。

Of the offices said in the church, the night and day offices, and of the collect for all those who rule that church.該辦事處說,在教堂,晝夜辦事處,以及收集所有這些規則,誰教會。

CANON LXV.佳能第六十五。

Of the order to be observed at the funeral of a bishop, of a chorepiscopus and of an archdeacon, and of the office of exequies.該命令將在葬禮上看到一個主教,一個chorepiscopus和1副主教,以及辦公室exequies。

CANON LXVI.佳能第六十六號。

Of taking a second wife, after the former one has been disowned for any cause, or even not put away, and of him who falsely accuses his wife of adultery.在採取的第二任妻子,前一後,已經否定了任何事業,甚至沒有放好,和他誰虛假指責他的妻子通姦。

If any priest or deacon shall put away his wife on account of her fornication, or for other cause, as aforesaid, or cast her out of doors for external good, or that he may change her for another more beautiful, or better, or richer, or does so out of his lust which is displeasing to God; and after she has been put away for any of these causes he shall contract matrimony with another, or without having put her away shall take another, whether free or bond; and shall have both equally, they living separately and he sleeping every night with one or other of them, or else keeping both in the same house and bed, let him be deposed.如果任何牧師或執事會收起他的妻子對她的私通帳戶,或其他原因,如上述,或投她走出門對外好,或者,他可能會改變她的另一個更漂亮,或更好,更豐富或者這樣做了他的慾望是不高興的神,之後她一直除掉任何這些原因,他將與另一合同婚姻,或者沒有把她帶走後應採取另一個,不論是免費或債券,並應都同樣,他們分居,他每天晚上睡同一個或其他的他們,否則都保持在同一房子和床,讓他被廢黜。 If he were a layman let him be deprived of communion.如果他是個門外漢,讓他被剝奪的共融。 But if anyone falsely defames his wife charging her with adultery, so that he turns her out of doors, the matter must be diligently examined; and if the accusation was false, he shall be deposed if a cleric, but if a layman shall be prohibited from entering the church and from the communion of the faithful; and shall be compelled to live with her whom he has defamed, even though she be deformed, and poor, and insane; and whoever shall not obey is excommunicated by the Synod.但是,如果有人錯誤地詆毀他的妻子與她通姦的收費,使他原來她走出門,這個問題必須認真審查;,如果指控是虛假的,他應被廢黜,如果一個教士,但如果一個門外漢,均應予以禁止進入教堂,從共融的忠實,並被迫與她同住的人詆毀他,即使她是變形,貧,精神失常,以及誰不服從,是由主教逐出教會。

[Note.--The reader will notice that by this canon a husband is deposed or excommunicated, as the case may be, if he marry another woman, after putting away his wife on account of her adultery. [注.--讀者會發現,這個經典丈夫是廢黜或驅逐,視情況而定,如果他娶別的女人,他的妻子離開後,把她通姦的帳戶。 It is curious that in the parallel canon in the collection of Echellensis, which is numbered LXXI., the reading is quite different, although it is very awkward and inconsequent as given.奇怪的是,在平行佳能在收集Echellensis,這是編號LXXI。,讀的是完全不同的,雖然這是非常尷尬和不一致的是既定的。 Moreover, it should be remembered that in some codices and editions this canon is lacking altogether, one on the right of the Pope to receive appeals taking its place.此外,應該記住,在一些古抄本和版本這完全是缺乏經典,一個是關於教皇的權利得到上訴到自己的位置。 As this canon is of considerable length, I only quote the interesting parts.]由於這是佳能相當長,我只引述有趣的部分。]

Whatever presbyter or deacon shall put away his wife without the offence of fornica-無論長老或執事會收起他的妻子沒有罪掘,

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tion, or for any other cause of which we have spoken above, and shall east her out of doors .和灰,或任何其他原因,是我們上述所說,並把她的東大門。 . . such a person shall be east out of the clergy, if he were a clergyman; if a layman he shall be forbidden the communion of the faithful..這樣的人應東出神職人員,如果他是一個牧師,如果一個門外漢,他應被禁止的共融的忠實.. . . But if that woman[untruly charged by her husband with adultery], that is to say his wife, spurns his society on account of the injury he has done her and the charge he has brought against her, of which she is innocent, let her freely be put away and let a bill of repudiation be written for her, noting the false accusation which had been brought against her.但是,如果那個女人[untruly收取的丈夫通姦],即他的妻子,他的社會擯棄對帳戶的傷害,他做了她和他提起指控她,她是無辜的,讓她自由被收起,讓法案休妻寫她,注意到虛假的指控已被提起她。 And then if she should wish to marry some other faithful man, it is right for he; to do so, nor does the Church forbid it; and the same permission extends as well to men as to women, since there is equal reason for it for each.然後,如果她想嫁給其他一些忠實的人,他是正確的,這樣做,也沒有禁止它的教會,以及相同的權限擴大到男性,以及婦女,因為它是平等的理由每個。 But if he shall return to better fruit which is of the same kind, and shall conciliate to himself the love and benevolence of his consort, and shall be willing to return to his pristine friendship, his fault shall be condoned to him after he has done suitable and sufficient penance.但如果他將回到更好的水果是相同,並應調解,以自己的愛心和仁慈,他的配偶,並願意回到他原始的友誼,應寬恕他的過錯給他後,他的所作所為適當和足夠的懺悔。 And whoever shall speak against this decree the fathers of the synod excommunicate him.無論誰應發言反對這項法令的父親他逐出教會的主教。

CANON LXVII.佳能LXVII。

Of having two wives at the same time, and of a woman who is one of the faithful marrying an infidel; and of the form of receiving her to penance.[Her reception back is conditioned upon her leaving the infidel man.]有兩個妻子在同一時間,一個女人誰是其中一個忠實嫁給異教徒和接受的形式向她懺悔。[她接待返回的條件是她離開異教徒的人。]

CANON LXVIII.佳能LXVIII。

Of giving in marriage to an infidel a daughter or sister without her knowledge and contrary to her wish.在婚姻中給予一個異教徒的女兒或姐妹沒有她的知識和違背她的意願。

CANON LXIX.佳能LXIX。

Of one of the faithful who departs from the faith through lust and love of an infidel; and of the form of receiving him back, or admitting him to penance.在一個忠實誰背離了信仰和愛的慾望,通過一個異教徒,以及他接受的形式回來,或者承認他懺悔。

CANON LXX.佳能LXX的。

Of the hospital to be established in every city, and of the choice of a superintendent and concerning his duties.該醫院必須建立在每個城市,並選擇一名警司及有關他的職責。 [It is interesting to note that one of the duties of the superintendent is--"That if the goods of the hospital are not sufficient for its expenses, he ought to collect all the time and from all Christians provision according to the ability of each."] [這是值得注意的一個院長的職責是- “那如果貨物的醫院無法滿足其開支,他應該收集所有的時間和from所有基督徒條款規定,對每個學生的能力。“]

CANON LXXI.佳能LXXI。

Of the placing a bishop or archbishop in his chair after ordination, which is enthronization.在放置一個主教或大主教在椅子後的協調,這是enthronization。

CANON LXXII.佳能報告 LXXII。

No one is allowed to transfer himself to another church [ie, diocese] than that in which he was ordained; and what is to be done in the case of one cast out forcibly without any blame attaching to him.任何人不得轉讓自己另一所教堂[即教區]比他被祝聖;,什麼是必須做的箱子一強行趕出沒有附加任何責怪他。

CANON LXXIII.佳能LXXIII。

The laity shall not choose for themselves priests in the towns and villages without the authority of the chorepiscopus; nor an abbot for a monastery; and that no one should give commands as to who should be elected his successor after his death, and when this is lawful for a superior.俗人不得自行選擇祭司在城鎮和村莊沒有權威的chorepiscopus;也不是住持的修道院,並認為任何人都不應給誰的命令,以選出他的繼任者應該是在他死後,當這合法的上級。

CANON LXXIV.佳能LXXIV號。

How sisters, widows, and deaconesses should be made to keep their residence in their monasteries; and of the system of instructing them; and of the election of deaconesses, and of their duties and utility.如何姐妹,寡婦,和執事應保持其居住在他們的寺院,以及指導他們的系統,以及選舉的執事,他們的職責和效用。

CANON LXXV.佳能LXXV。

How one seeking election should not be chosen, even if of conspicuous virtue; and how the election of a layman to the aforesaid grades is not prohibited, and that those chosen should not afterward be deprived before their deaths, except on account of crime.選舉應如何尋求一個不能選擇,即使突出的美德,以及如何選一個門外漢到上述成績是不被禁止,而那些選擇不應該被剝奪以後在他們的死亡,佔犯罪除外。

CANON LXXVI.佳能LXXVI。

Of the distinctive garb and distinctive names and conversation of monks and nuns.的獨特裝束和獨特的名稱和交談的僧侶和尼姑。

CANON LXXVII.佳能第七十七號。

That a bishop convicted of adultery or of other similar crime should be deposed without hope of restoration to the same grade; but shall not be excommunicated.這一位主教被定罪的通姦或其他類似的犯罪應被廢黜沒有希望恢復到相同的等級,但不得驅逐。

CANON LXXVIII.佳能LXXVIII。

Of presbyters and deacons who have fallen only once into adultery, if they have never been married; and of the same when fallen as widowers, and those who have fallen, all the while having their own wives.長老和執事的誰也下跌只有一次進入通姦,如果他們從來沒有結過婚,和同為鰥夫下降時,那些誰也下降,而同時擁有自己的妻子。 Also of those who return to the same sin as well widowers as those having living wives; and which of these ought not to be received to penance, and which once only, and which twice.這些誰也返回相同的罪,以及那些有鰥夫生活的妻子,以及其中哪些不應該收到的懺悔,並一度只,其中兩次。

CANON LXXIX.佳能第七十九號法令。

Each one of the faithful while his sin is yet not public should be mended by private exhortation and admonition; if he will not profit by this, he must be excommunicated.每個人的忠誠,而他的罪惡而不是公眾應該修補私人告誡和警告,如果他不會利潤這一點,他必須被開除教籍。

CANON LXXX.佳能八十號。

Of the election of a procurator of the poor, and of his duties.在選舉的一名檢察官的窮人,他的職責。

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PROPOSED ACTION ON CLERICAL CELIBACY.擬議行動文員獨身。

[The Acts are not extant.] [現存的行為是不。]

NOTES.注。

Often the mind of a deliberative assembly is as clearly shown by the propositions it rejects as by those it adopts, and it would seem that this doctrine is of application in the case of the asserted attempt at this Council to pass a decree forbidding the priesthood to live in the use of marriage.通常記為一個審議大會通過的主張清楚地表明它反對由那些它採用的,這似乎是應用這一學說在本案所稱企圖在本會通過了一項法令,禁止神職人員向生活在婚姻的使用。 This attempt is said to have failed.這種企圖是說有失敗。 The particulars are as follows:的詳情如下:

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

(Hist. Councils, Vol. I., pp. 435 et seqq.) Socrates, Sozomen, and Gelasius affirm that the Synod of Nicaea, as well as that of Elvira(can. 33), desired to pass a law respecting celibacy. (Hist.議會,卷。第一頁。435等seqq。)蘇格拉底,Sozomen和格拉西申明主教尼西亞,以及認為埃爾維拉(can. 33),期望通過一項法律,尊重獨身。 This law was to forbid all bishops, priests and deacons(Sozomen adds subdeacons), who were married at the time of their ordination, to continue to live with their wives.這項法律是為了阻止所有的主教,神父和執事(Sozomen增加修士),誰在結婚時的協調,繼續他們的妻子生活在一起。 But, say these historians, the law was opposed openly and decidedly by Paphnutius, bishop of a city of the Upper Thebais in Egypt, a man of a high reputation, who had lost an eye during the persecution under Maximian.但是,這些史學家說,法律是公開和堅決反對由Paphnutius,主教城市上游Thebais在埃及,一個男人對一個很高的聲譽,誰失去了一隻眼睛,在迫害下馬克西米安。 He was also, celebrated for his miracles, and was held in so great respect by the Emperor, that the latter often kissed the empty socket of the lost eye.他還慶祝了他的奇蹟,並舉行了如此巨大尊重天皇,後者常常親吻空插座流失眼睛。 Paphnutius declared with a loud voice, "that too heavy a yoke ought not to be laid upon the clergy; that marriage and married intercourse are of themselves honourable and undefiled; that the Church ought not to be injured by an extreme severity, for all could not live in absolute continency: in this way(by not prohibiting married intercourse) the virtue of the wife would be much more certainly preserved(viz the wife of a clergyman, because she might find injury elsewhere, if her husband withdrew from her married intercourse). The intercourse of a man with his lawful wife may also be a chaste intercourse. It would therefore be sufficient, according to the ancient tradition of the Church, if those who had taken holy orders without being married were prohibited from marrying afterwards; but those clergymen who had been married only once as laymen, were not to be separated from their wives(Gelasius adds, or being only a reader or cantor)." Paphnutius宣布,大聲說:“這太沉重的枷鎖不應該攤開在神職人員,婚姻,結婚是自己的光榮性交1:27;,教會不應該由一個極端嚴重受傷,對所有可能不生活在絕對continency:以這種方式(未禁止結婚性交)德的妻子一定會更保存(即一個牧師的妻子,因為她可能會發現其他損傷,如果她的丈夫從她結婚退出性交)。性交的男子與他的合法妻子也可能是一個純潔的交往。因此,有足夠的,按照古老的傳統的教會,如果誰採取了神聖的命令沒有被禁止結婚後結婚,但這些神職人員誰已經結婚只有一次作為普通人,他們不脫離自己的妻子(格拉西增加,或僅為一個讀者或領唱)。“ This discourse of Paphnutius made so much the more impression, because he had never lived in matrimony himself, and had had no conjugal intercourse.這話語Paphnutius了這麼多的更多的印象,因為他從來沒有住在自己的婚姻,並沒有夫妻性交。 Paphnutius, indeed, had been brought up in a monastery, and his great purity of manners had rendered him especially celebrated. Paphnutius,事實上,已經提出了在一個修道院,和他的偉大純潔的方式已使他特別慶祝。 Therefore the Council took the serious words of the Egyptian bishop into consideration, stopped all discussion upon the law, and left to each cleric the responsibility of deciding the point as he would.因此,理事會採取了嚴肅的話,埃及主教考慮,停止了所有的討論後,法律,留給每個教士的責任,決定這一點,因為他會的。

If this account be true, we must conclude that a law was proposed to the Council of Nicaea the same as one which had been carried twenty years previously at Elvira, in Spain; this coincidence would lead us to believe that it was the Spaniard Hosius who proposed the law respecting celibacy at Nicaea.如果此帳戶是真的,我們必須斷定一項法律,向安理會提出的尼西亞,二者有相同的作為一個幾年前已經進行twenty在埃爾維拉,在西班牙,這將導致我們以巧合認為,這是誰的西班牙人侯休斯提出了尊重法律獨身在尼西亞。 The discourse ascribed to Paphnutius, and the consequent decision of the Synod, agree very well with the text of the Apostolic Constitutions, and with the whole practice of the Greek Church in respect to celibacy.歸因於Paphnutius的話語,以及由此產生的主教會議的決定,同意與文本很好的使徒憲法,並與整個實踐的希臘教會就獨身。 The Greek Church as well as the Latin accepted the principle, that whoever had taken holy orders before marriage, ought not to be married afterwards.希臘教會以及拉丁接受的原則,即凡已出家前結婚,不應當結婚之後。 In the Latin Church, bishops, priests, deacons.在拉丁美洲教會,主教,神父,執事。 and even subdeacons, were considered to be subject to this law, because the latter were at a very early period reckoned among the higher servants of the Church, which was not the case in the Greek Church.甚至修士,被認為是受這項法律,因為後者是在一個非常早期估計的高出公務員之間的教會,這是不是這樣,在希臘教會。 The Greek Church went so far as to allow deacons to marry after their ordination, if previously to it they had expressly obtained from their bishop permission to do so. The Council of Ancyra affirms this(c. 10).希臘教會竟然允許執事結婚後的協調,如果此前他們已明確向它自己的主教得到允許這樣做。安理會對安該拉確認了這一點(約10)。 We see that the Greek Church wishes to leave the bishop free to decide the matter; but in reference to priests, it also prohibited them from marrying after their ordination.我們看到,要離開希臘教會主教自由決定的事情,但在提到祭司,也禁止他們從結婚後的協調。 Therefore, whilst the Latin Church exacted of those presenting themselves for ordination, even as subdeacons, that they should not continue to live with their wives if they were married, the Greek Church gave no such prohibition; but if the wife of an ordained clergyman died, the Greek Church allowed no second marriage.因此,雖然拉丁美洲教會付出的那些表現自我的協調,甚至修士,他們不應該繼續他們的妻子生活在一起,如果他們結婚後,希臘教會了沒有這樣的禁令,但如果妻子死了一個受戒牧師,希臘教會不允許有任何的第二次婚姻。 The Apostolic Constitutions decided this point in the same way.使徒憲法決定這一點的方式相同。 To leave their wives from a pretext of piety was also forbidden to Greek priests; and the Synod of Gangra(c. 4) took離開自己的妻子從一個藉口的虔誠也禁止希臘祭司和主教的岡格拉(公元前四)主持

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up the defence of married priests against the Eustathians.建立堅固的已婚牧師對 Eustathians。 Eustathius, however, was not alone among the Greeks in opposing the marriage of all clerics, and in desiring to introduce into the Greek Church the Latin discipline on this point.歐斯塔修斯,不過,不是僅在各希臘人反對的婚姻,所有神職人員,並在渴望引入希臘教會拉丁紀律這一點。 St. Epiphanius also inclined towards this side. The Greek Church did not, however, adopt this rigour in reference to priests, deacons, and subdeacons, but by degrees it came to be required of bishops and of the higher order of clergy in general, that they should live in celibacy.聖埃皮法尼烏斯也傾向這一邊。希臘教會沒有,但是,採取這種嚴格參照司鐸,執事,修士,而是由它來度要求的主教和神職人員的高階一般,他們應該住在單身。 Yet this was not until after the compilation of the Apostolic Canons(c. 5) and of the Constitutions; for in those documents mention is made of bishops living in wedlock, and Church history shows that there were married bishops.然而,這並不之後才編制使徒大砲(長5)和憲法;在這些文件提到了主教居住在非婚生子女,和教會的歷史表明,結婚主教。 for instance Synesius, in the fifth century.例如西內西烏斯,在第五世紀。 But it is fair to remark, even as to Synesius, that he made it an express condition of his acceptation, on his election to the episcopate, that he might continue to live the married life.但它是公平的話,甚至以西內西烏斯,他作出了一個明確的條件是他的驗收,對他當選主教,他可能繼續過著婚姻生活。 Thomassin believes that Synesius did not seriously require this condition, and only spoke thus for the sake of escaping the episcopal office; which would seem to imply that in his time Greek bishops had already begun to live in celibacy.湯瑪森認為西內西烏斯沒有認真要求這個條件,因此,只有在談到為了逃避主教職務;這似乎暗示,在他那個時代的希臘主教已經開始在獨身生活。 At the Trullan Synod(c. 13.) the Greek Church finally settled the question of the marriage of priests.在Trullan主教(約13。)希臘教會終於解決了這個問題婚姻的祭司。 Baro-nius, Valesius, and other historians, have considered the account of the part taken by Paphnutius to be apocryphal.巴洛- nius,Valesius和其他歷史學家,曾考慮帳戶的部分採取Paphnutius是杜撰的。 Baronius says, that as the Council of Nicaea in its third canon gave a law upon celibacy it is quite impossible to admit that it would alter such a law on account of Paphnutius.巴若尼說,由於安理會在其第三次尼西亞教會了一項法律,在獨身是完全不可能承認它會改變這樣的法律上考慮Paphnutius。 But Baronius is mistaken in seeing a law upon celibacy in that third canon; he thought it to be so, because, when mentioning the women who might live in the clergyman's house- -his mother, sister, etc.--the canon does not say a word about the wife. It had no occasion to mention her, it was referring to the但巴若尼是錯誤的法律時,看到一獨身在佳能的三分之一,他認為如此,因為,當提及婦女誰可能住在牧師的家,,他的母親,姐姐等-佳能不說一個字有關的妻子。它沒有提到她的機會,它指的是 suneisaktoi suneisaktoi whilst these而這些 suneisaktoi suneisaktoi and married women have nothing in common.和已婚婦女沒有任何共同之處。 Natalis Alexander gives this anecdote about Paphnutius in full: he desired to refute Ballarmin, who considered it to be untrue and an invention of Socrates to please the Novatians. Natalis亞歷山大給這個故事對Paphnutius全部:他想要反駁Ballarmin,誰認為這是不真實的和發明的蘇格拉底討好Novatians。 Natalis Alexander often maintains erroneous opinions, and on the present question he deserves no confidence. Natalis亞歷山大經常保持錯誤的意見,並就當前的問題,他不值得信任。 If, as St. Epiphanius relates, the Novatians maintained that the clergy might be married exactly like the laity, it cannot be said that Socrates shared that opinion, since he says, or rather makes Paphnutius say, that, according to ancient tradition, those not married at the time of ordination should not be so subsequently.如果像聖埃皮法尼烏斯關乎的Novatians認為,可能是神職人員結婚完全一樣的俗人,也不能說,蘇格拉底贊同這個意見,因為他說,或者更確切地說,使Paphnutius說,根據古老的傳統,這些不結婚的時間不應該這麼協調其後。 Moreover, if it may be said that Socrates had a partial sympathy with the Novatians, he certainly cannot be considered as belonging to them, still less can he be accused of falsifying history in their favour.此外,如果可以說,蘇格拉底有部分同情與Novatians,他當然不能被認為是屬於他們,更不能他被指控偽造歷史對他們有利。 He may sometimes have propounded erroneous opinions, but there is a great difference between that and the invention of a whole story.他有時可能propounded錯誤的意見,但有很大的差異,以及當局發明了整個故事。 Valesius especially makes use of the argument ex silentio against Socrates.(a) Rufinus, he says, gives many particulars about Paphnutius in his History of the Church; he mentions his martyrdom, his miracles, and the Emperor's reverence for him, but not a single word of the business about celibacy.(b) The name of Paphnutius is wanting in the list of Egyptian bishops present at the Synod. Valesius特別是使使用的論據前silentio對蘇格拉底。(1)Rufinus,他說,讓許多細節對Paphnutius在歷史的教會,他提到他的犧牲,他的奇蹟,天皇的崇敬他,但沒有一一個字的業務約獨身。(二)名稱Paphnutius是想在列表埃及主教出席主教會議。 These two arguments of Valesius are weak; the second has the authority of Rufinus himself against it, who expressly says that Bishop Paphnutius was present at the Council of Nicaea.這兩個變量的Valesius薄弱,第二有權力對自己的Rufinus,誰明確表示,主教Paphnutius出席了安理會尼西亞。 If Valesius means by lists only the signatures at the end of the acts of the Council, this proves nothing; for these lists are very imperfect, and it is well known that many bishops whose names are not among these signatures were present at Nicaea.如果Valesius指只列出的簽名在結束對安理會的行為,這證明什麼,這些名單是非常不完善,這是眾所周知,許多主教他們的名字是不是在這些簽名出席了尼西亞。 This argument ex silentio is evidently insufficient to prove that the anecdote about Paphnutius must be rejected as false, seeing that it is in perfect harmony with the practice of the ancient Church, and especially of the Greek Church, on the subject of clerical marriages.這個論點顯然是前silentio不足以證明軼事about Paphnutius必須被拒絕虛假,看到它是完美的和諧與實踐的古老教堂,特別是在希臘教會,關於這個問題的文書婚姻。 On the other hand, Thomassin pretends that there was no such practice, and endeavours to prove by quotations from St. Epiphanius, St. Jerome, Eusebius, and St.另一方面,湯瑪森假裝有沒有這樣的做法,並力圖證明的報價從聖埃皮法尼烏斯,圣杰羅姆,尤西比烏斯和聖 John Chrysostom, that even in the East priests who were married at the time of their ordination were prohibited from continuing to live with their wives.約翰金口,即使在東方祭司誰結婚,當時他們的配合被禁止繼續他們的妻子生活在一起。 The texts quoted by Thomassin prove only that the Greeks gave especial honour to priests living in perfect continency, but they do not prove that this continence was a duty incumbent upon all priests; and so much the less, as the fifth and twenty-fifth Apostolic canons, the fourth canon of Gangra, and the thirteenth of the Trullan Synod, demonstrate clearly enough what was the universal custom of the Greek Church on this point.該文引述了湯瑪森證明只是希臘人給特殊榮幸地生活在完美的continency祭司,但他們不能證明這是一個可控的司鐸們義不容辭的責任,和這麼多的越少,作為第五和第二十五屆使徒大砲,第四佳能岡格拉和第十三次Trullan主教,顯示不夠清楚什麼是普遍的風俗,希臘教會在這一點上。 Lupus and Phillips explained the words of Paphnutius in another sense.狼瘡性和菲利普斯解釋的話在另一種意義上的Paphnutius。 According to them, the Egyptian bishop was not speaking in a general way; he simply desired that the contemplated law should not include the subdeacons.據他們說,埃及主教不是在一般意義上說,他只是希望,該法應考慮不包括修士。 But this explanation does not agree with the extracts quoted from Socrates, Sozomen, and Gelasius, who believe Paphnutius intended deacons and priests as well.但是,這個解釋不同意引用蘇格拉底的提取物,Sozomen和格拉西,誰相信Paphnutius打算執事和牧師以及。

[53] [53]

THE SYNODAL LETTER.主教會議的信。

(Found in Gelasius, Historia Concilii Nicaeni, lib. II, cap. xxxiii. ; Socr., HE, lib. I., cap. 6; Theodor., HE, lib. I., cap. 9.) (存在於格拉西,史記Concilii Nicaeni,lib中。二,帽。三十三。; Socr。,他,lib中。一,帽。6;西奧多。,他,lib中。一,帽。9。)

To the Church of Alexandria, by the grace of GOD, holy and great; and to our well-beloved brethren, the orthodox clergy and laity throughout Egypt, and Pentapolis, and Lybia, and every nation under heaven, the holy and great synod, the bishops assembled at Nicea, wish health in the LORD.為了教會的亞歷山德里亞,由恩典,神聖和偉大,以及我們良好的親愛的弟兄們,東正教神職人員和信徒遍及埃及,五城,和利比亞,並根據每個國家的天堂,神聖和偉大的主教,主教們聚集在尼西亞,希望健康的耶和華。

FORASMUCH as the great and holy Synod, which was assembled at Niece through the grace of Christ and our most religious Sovereign Constantine, who brought us together from our several provinces and cities, has considered matters which concern the faith of the Church, it seemed to us to be necessary that certain things should be communicated from us to you in writing, so that you might have the means of knowing what has been mooted and investigated, and also what has been decreed and confirmed. forasmuch作為偉大和神聖的主教,這是聚集在尼斯通過基督的恩典和我們最君主君士坦丁宗教,誰把我們一起從我們幾個省市,已考慮所關注的事項,信仰的教會,它似乎我們需要某些事情應該由我們傳達給你寫,讓你有可能知道什麼手段已經醞釀和調查,並頒布了什麼,並確認。

First of all, then, in the presence of our most religious Sovereign Constantine, investigation was made of matters concerning the impiety and transgression of Arias and his adherents; and it was unanimously decreed that he and his impious opinion should be anathematized, together with the blasphemous words and speculations in which he indulged, blaspheming the Son of God, and saying that he is from things that are not, and that before he was begotten he was not, and that there was a time when he was not, and that the Son of God is by his free will capable of vice and virtue; saying also that he is a creature.首先,然後,在我們最宗教存在君主君士坦丁,調查了有關的事項和海侵的不虔誠阿里亞斯和他的追隨者,並頒布了一致,他和他的大不敬認為應詛咒,連同褻瀆文字和猜測中,他沉迷,褻瀆上帝的兒子,並說他是從事情是不是,他是造物主之前,他沒有,有一段時間他沒有,而且上帝的兒子是他的自由意志和能力的副美德也說,他是一個生物。 All these things the holy Synod has anathematized, not even enduring to hear his impious doctrine and madness and blasphemous words.所有這些東西的聖主教的詛咒,甚至沒有聽到他的大不敬持久的學說和瘋狂和褻瀆的話。 And of the charges against him and of the results they had, ye have either already heard or will hear the particulars, lest we should seem to be oppressing a man who has in fact received a fitting recompense for his own sin.和對他的指控和結果他們,你們不是已經聽到或將聽到的資料,否則我們應該壓迫似乎是一個男人,其實誰收到一個合適的報酬為自己的罪過。 So far indeed has his impiety prevailed, that he has even destroyed Theonas of Marmorica and Secundes of Ptolemais; for they also have received the same sentence as the rest.到目前為止,的確有他的不虔誠佔了上風,他甚至摧毀Theonas的Marmorica和Secundes的托勒梅斯,因為他們也收到了同樣的一句話作為休息。

But when the grace of God had delivered Egypt from that heresy and blasphemy, and from the persons who have dared to make disturbance and division among a people heretofore at peace, there remained the matter of the insolence of Meletius and those who have been ordained by him; and concerning this part of our work we now, beloved brethren, proceed to inform you of the decrees of the Synod.但是,當上帝的恩典交付埃及從異端和褻瀆,從人誰也不敢干擾和分裂,使人民之間迄今為止在和平,仍然是有問題的傲慢無禮的Meletius和那些誰已頒布了他,以及關於這部分我們的工作,我們現在,親愛的弟兄們,請告知你的世界主教會議的法令。 The Synod, then, being disposed to deal gently with Meletius(for in strict justice he deserved no leniency), decreed that he should remain in his own city, but have no authority either to ordain, or to administer affairs, or to make appointments; and that he should not appear in the country or in any other city for this purpose, but should enjoy the bare title of his rank; but that those who have been placed by him, after they have been confirmed by a more sacred laying on of hands, shall on these conditions be admitted to communion: that they shall both have their rank and the right to officiate, but that they shall be altogether the inferiors of all those who are enrolled in any church or parish, and have been appointed by our most honourable colleague Alexander.主教會議,然後,輕輕地來處理處置與Meletius(在嚴格的正義,他不應該得到寬大處理),下令他應該留在自己的城市,但沒有權力要么阿拉維,或管理的事務,或預約,並認為他應該不會出現在該國或在任何other城市this purpose,但應享受裸title他的職級,但誰也說those by been放在他後,他們已經證實一名更神聖的鋪設手,應當就這些條件被接納共融:他們雙方都有自己的地位,有權主持,但他們應一併下級所有那些誰是參加任何教會或教區,並已委任我們最可敬的同事亞歷山大。 So that these men are to have no authority to make appointments of persons who may be pleasing to them, nor to suggest names, nor to do anything whatever, without the consent of the bishops of the Catholic and Apostolic Church, who are serving under our most holy colleague Alexander; while those who, by the grace of God and through your prayers, have been found in no schism, but on the contrary are without spot in the Catholic and Apostolic Church, are to have authority to make appointments and nominations of worthy persons among the clergy, and in short to do all things according to the law and ordinance of the Church.因此,這些人是沒有權力作出委任的人誰可以取悅他們,也不是建議的名字,也沒有做任何事情任何未經同意的主教的天主教和使徒教會,誰是我們的服務下亞歷山大最神聖的同事,而那些誰,由神的恩典,並通過你們的祈禱,都沒有被發現分裂,反而是沒有現貨在天主教和使徒教會,是有權力作出的任命和提名值得人之間的神職人員,並在短期內做一切按照法律和條例的教會。 But, if it happen that any of the clergy who are now in the Church should die, then those who have been lately received are to succeed to the office of the deceased; always provided that they shall appear to be worthy, and that the people elect them, and that the bishop of Alexandria shall concur in the election and ratify it.但是,如果它發生的任何神職人員誰現在在教會裡死了,那麼那些誰最近已收到的繼承死者的辦公室,始終應提供他們看來是值得的,而人選舉他們,而亞歷山大主教應同意在選舉和批准。 This concession has been made to all the rest; but, on account of his disorderly conduct from the first, and the rashness and precipitation of his character, the same decree was not這項寬減措施已取得了所有休息,但對他的帳戶從第一行為不檢,而草率和降水他的性格,同樣的法令是不

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made concerning Meletius himself, but that, inasmuch as he is a man capable of committing again the same disorders, no authority nor privilege should be conceded to him.提出的關於Meletius自己,但,因為他是一個男人能夠再次犯同樣的病,沒有權力也沒有特權,應承認他。

These are the particulars, which are of special interest to Egypt and to the most holy Church of Alexandria; but if in the presence of our most honoured lord, our colleague and brother Alexander, anything else has been enacted by canon or other decree, he will himself convey it to you in greater detail, he having been both a guide and fellow-worker in what has been done.這些都是細節,這是特別關心埃及和最聖潔的教會的亞歷山德里亞,但如果存在我們最榮幸的主,我們的同事和弟弟亞歷山大,任何其他人都頒布了佳能或其他法令,他他將轉達給你更詳細,他已被既是一個指導和同胞工作者已做了什麼。

We further proclaim to you the good news of the agreement concerning the holy Easter, that this particular also has through your prayers been rightly settled; so that all our brethren in the East who formerly followed the custom of the Jews are henceforth to celebrate the said most sacred feast of Easter at the same time with the Romans and yourselves and all those who have observed Easter from the beginning.我們還傳給你們的好消息協議有關聖復活節,這也經歷了這個特殊的祈禱被正確地解決,所以我們所有的兄弟在東誰以前跟著習俗的猶太人說,從今以後,以慶祝最神聖的節日復活節的同時與羅馬人與自己和所有那些誰也觀察到從一開始的復活節。

Wherefore, rejoicing in these wholesome results, and in our common peace and harmony, and in the cutting off of every heresy, receive ye with the greater honour and with increased love, our colleague your Bishop Alexander, who has gladdened us by his presence, and who at so great an age has undergone so great fatigue that peace might be established among you and all of us.人哪,在這歡樂健康的結果,在我們共同的和平與和諧,並在切斷一切邪教,得到你們的更大的榮譽和愛情的增加,我們的同事亞歷山大的主教,誰歡喜我們已經通過他的存在;在如此之大,誰的年齡發生了如此巨大的疲勞感,可能是建立和平之間的你和我們大家。 Pray ye also for us all, that the things which have been deemed advisable may stand fast; for they have been done, as we believe, to the well-pleasing of Almighty God and of his only Begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Ghost, to whom be glory for ever.願你們也為我們所有的,這事已被認為是可取的,可能堅守,因為他們已經這樣做,因為我們相信,到滿意的全能的上帝和他唯一的兒子,我們的主耶穌基督,的聖靈,誰是永遠的榮耀。 Amen.阿門。

ON THE KEEPING OF EASTER.論保持復活節。

From the Letter of the Emperor to all those not present at the Council. (Found in Eusebius, Vita Const., Lib. iii., 18-20.)從皇帝的信給所有那些不出席會議。(存在於尤西比烏斯,維他常量。,利布。三。,18-20。)

When the question relative to the sacred festival of Easter arose, it was universally thought that it would be convenient that all should keep the feast on one day; for what could be more beautiful and more desirable, than to see this festival, through which we receive the hope of immortality, celebrated by all with one accord, and in the same manner?當問題相對於神聖節日復活節的出現,人們普遍認為,這將是方便,都應該保持飽覽一天,什麼可以更美麗,更可取的,而不是看到這個節日,我們透過獲得永生的希望,慶祝所有一協議,並以同樣的方式? It was declared to be particularly unworthy for this, the holiest of all festivals, to follow the custom[the calculation] of the Jews, who had soiled their hands with the most fearful of crimes, and whose minds were blinded.它被宣布為特別不值得為這一點,最神聖的所有節日,遵循習慣[計算]的猶太人,誰弄髒了他們的雙手是最可怕的罪行,而且其思想被蒙蔽。 In rejecting their custom,(1) we may transmit to our descendants the legitimate mode of celebrating Easter, which we have observed from the time of the Saviour's Passion to the present day[according to the day of the week].在駁回他們的習慣,(1)我們可以向我們的子孫的合法方式慶祝復活節,這是我們觀察到其時的救世主的受難到今天[按星期幾]。 We ought not, therefore, to have anything in common with the Jews, for the Saviour has shown us another way; our worship follows a more legitimate and more convenient course(the order of the days of the week); and consequently, in unanimously adopting this mode, we desire, dearest brethren, to separate ourselves from the detestable company of the Jews, for it is truly shameful for us to hear them boast that without their direction we could not keep this feast.我們不應該因此,是否有共同的猶太人,為救主告訴我們另一種方式,我們的崇拜如下一個更合理,更方便(當然順序是星期幾),而因此,在一致採用這種模式下,我們的願望,最親愛的弟兄們,我們分開從可恨公司的猶太人,因為它是真正的恥辱,我們聽到他們吹噓,如果沒有他們的方向,我們不能讓這個節日。 How can they be in the right, they who, after the death of the Saviour, have no longer been led by reason but by wild violence, as their delusion may urge them?如何才能在正確的,他們誰後,死亡的救世主,也不再是領導的原因,但由野生暴力,因為他們的妄想可能會促使他們呢? They do not possess the truth in this Easter question; for, in their blindness and repugnance to all improvements, they frequently celebrate two passovers in the same year.他們不具有真理在這個復活節的問題,因為,在他們的盲目性和厭惡所有的改進,他們經常慶祝二passovers在同一年。 We could not imitate those who are openly in error.我們無法模仿的誰是公開的錯誤。 How, then, could we follow these Jews, who are most certainly blinded by error?那麼,我們可以按照這些猶太人,誰是最肯定囿於錯誤? for to celebrate the passover twice in one year is totally inadmissible.為慶祝逾越節在一年內兩次是完全不可接受的。 But even if this were not so, it would still be your duty not to tarnish your soul by communications with such wicked people[the Jews].但即使不是這樣,它始終是你的責任不玷污你的靈魂是通訊與這些邪惡的人[猶太人]。 Besides, consider well, that in such an important matter, and on a subject of such great solemnity, there ought not to be any division.此外,考慮好,在這樣一個重要的問題,並就這些議題非常嚴肅,不應該有任何分裂。 Our Saviour has left us only one festal day of our redemption, that is to say, of his holy passion, and he desired[to establish] only one Catholic Church.我們的救世主給我們留下了一個節日只有一天的贖回,這就是說,他的神聖的激情,他想要的[確定]只有一個天主教教堂。 Think, then, how unseemly it is, that on the same day some should be fasting whilst others are seated at a banquet; and that after Easter, some should be rejoicing at feasts, whilst others are still observing a strict fast.想想,那麼,它是如何得體,即在同一天,一些應禁食,其餘則坐在一個宴會,並認為復活節後,有的要在節日歡樂,而其他人仍在觀察嚴格快速。 For this reason, a Divine Providence wills that this custom should be rectified and regulated in a uniform way; and everyone, I hope, will agree upon this point.基於這個原因,一個神聖的普羅維登斯遺囑,這習慣應該糾正和規範在一個統一的方式和大家,我希望會同意這點。 As, on the one hand, it is our duty not to have anything in common with the murderers of our Lord; and as, on the other, the custom now followed by the Churches of the West, of the South, and of為,一方面,它是我們的責任不以是否有共同的殺人犯,我們的主,並作為,另一方面,通過自定義其次,現在的教會西方,南方和

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the North, and by some of those of the East, is the most acceptable, it has appeared good to all; and I have been guarantee for your consent, that you would accept it with joy, as it is followed at Rome, in Africa, in all Italy, Egypt, Spain, Gaul, Britain, Libya, in all Achaia, and in the dioceses of Asia, of Pontus, and Cilicia.北方,和一些東方的那些,是最可以接受的,它已經出現好一切,而我已保證您的同意,你會接受它與喜悅,因為它是在羅馬之後,在非洲在所有意大利,埃及,西班牙,高盧,英國,利比亞,在所有亞該亞,和教區亞洲,本都和基利家。 You should consider not only that the number of churches in these provinces make a majority, but also that it is right to demand what our reason approves, and that we should have nothing in common with the Jews.你應該考慮不只是教堂的人數在這些省份使多數,而且是正確的需求是什麼原因,我們的批准,而且我們應該有什麼共同的猶太人。 To sum up in few words: By the unanimous judgment of all, it has been decided that the most holy festival of Easter should be everywhere celebrated on one and the same day, and it is not seemly that in so holy a thing there should be any division.總之,在幾句話:通過一致的判決是,它已被認為最神聖的節日復活節慶祝活動應在一個地方,同一天,它不是得體,在如此神聖的事,應任何分裂。 As this is the state of the case, accept joyfully the divine favour, and this truly divine command; for all which takes place in assemblies of the bishops ought to be regarded as proceeding from the will of God.由於這是國家的情況下,愉快地接受了神聖的贊成票,這真正神聖的命令,為所有發生在集會的主教應該被視為要從上帝的意志。 Make known to your brethren what has been decreed, keep this most holy day according to the prescribed mode; we can thus celebrate this holy Easter day at the same time, if it is granted me, as I desire, to unite myself with you; we can rejoice together, seeing that the divine power has made use of our instrumentality for destroying the evil designs of the devil, and thus causing faith, peace, and unity to flourish amongst us.讓人們了解你的弟兄們頒布了什麼,讓這個最神聖的一天按照規定的模式,我們可以慶祝這個神聖的復活節在同一時間,如果它被授予我,我的願望,我與你團結;我們可以一起歡樂,看到神聖的權力,使利用我們的工具性,消滅邪惡的魔鬼的設計,從而導致信仰,和平,繁榮和團結,我們中間。 May God graciously protect you, my beloved brethren.願上帝慷慨地保護你,我親愛的弟兄們。

EXCURSUS ON THE SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF THE EASTER QUESTION.附錄作者在復活節之後的歷史問題。

(Hefele: Hist. of the Councils, Vol. I., pp. 328 et seqq.) The differences in the way of fixing the period of Easter did not indeed disappear after the Council of Nicea. (黑弗勒:組織胺。兩局,第。第一頁。328等seqq。)差異的方式固定在復活節期間的確沒有消失後,會尼西亞。 Alexandria and Rome could not agree, either because one of the two Churches neglected to make the calculation for Easter, or because the other considered it inaccurate.亞歷山大和羅馬不能同意,要么是因為一兩個教會忽視,使計算復活節,或者因為其他被認為是不準確的。 It is a fact, proved by the ancient Easter table of the Roman Church, that the cycle of eighty-four years continued to be used at Rome as before. Now this cycle differed in many ways from the Alexandrian, and did not always agree with it about the period for Easter--in fact(a), the Romans used quite another method from the Alexandrians; they calculated from the epact, and began from the feria prima of January.(b.) The Romans were mistaken in placing the full moon a little too soon; whilst the Alexandrians placed it a little too late.(c.) At Rome the equinox was supposed to fall on March 18th; whilst the Alexandrians placed it on March 21st.(d.) Finally, the Romans differed in this from the Greeks also; they did not celebrate Easter the next day when the full moon fell on the Saturday.這是一個事實,證明了古老的復活節表羅馬教會,即週期八十四年繼續使用以前一樣在羅馬。現在這個週期的不同在許多方面從亞歷山大,並沒有總是同意約過了復活節期間-事實上(1),羅馬人用另一種方法,從相當亞力山大,他們計算出的能源政策法案,並開始從表面展銷會1。(二)錯誤的羅馬人在放置滿月有點太快;雖然亞力山大放在它有點為時已晚。(角)在羅馬的春分是應該落在3月18日,雖然亞力山大放在它在3月21日。(四)最後,羅馬人在這不同的希臘人也,他們沒有慶祝復活節的第二天,滿月落在星期六。

Even the year following the Council of Nicea--that is, in 326--as well as in the years 330, 333, 340, 341, 343, the Latins celebrated Easter on a different day from the Alexandrians.即使是一年後的安理會的nicea -也就是說,在326 -以及在未來的330,333,340,341,343,慶祝復活節的拉丁人在不同的一天,從亞力山大。 In order to put an end to this misunderstanding, the Synod of Sardica in 343, as we learn from the newly discovered festival letters of S. Athanasius, took up again the question of Easter, and brought the two parties(Alexandrians and Romans) to regulate, by means of mutual concessions, a common day for Easter for the next fifty years.為了制止這種誤解,主教會議的薩爾迪卡在343,因為我們學習的新發現的節日字母S的亞他那修,再次拿起復活節的問題,並帶來了兩個政黨(亞力山大和羅馬),以調節,可通過相互讓步,一個平凡的日子復活節的下一個50年。 This compromise, after a few years, was not observed.這一妥協,幾年後,並沒有觀察到。 The troubles excited by the Arian heresy, and the division which it caused between the East and the West, prevented the decree of Sardica from being put into execution; therefore the Emperor Theodosius the Great, after the re-establishment of peace in the Church, found himself obliged to take fresh steps for obtaining a complete uniformity in the manner of celebrating Easter.興奮的麻煩由阿里安異端,和它造成的分裂與東方和西方,防止政令薩爾迪卡被投入執行,因此,皇帝狄奧多西大帝,後重新建立和平的教會,發現自己不得不採取新的步驟,獲得一個完整統一的方式慶祝復活節。 In 387, the Romans having kept Easter on March 21st, the Alexandrians did not do so for five weeks later--that is to say, till April 25th--because with the Alexandrians the equinox was not till March 21st.在387,羅馬人有不斷復活節在3月21日,亞力山大並沒有這樣做五個星期之後-這就是說,直到4月25日-因為與亞力山大的春分不是等到3月21日。 The Emperor Theodosius the Great then asked Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria for an explanation of the difference.皇帝狄奧多西大又問西奧菲勒斯,主教亞歷山德里亞的一個解釋其中的差別。 The bishop responded to the Emperor's desire, and drew up a chronological table of the Easter festivals, based upon the principles acknowledged by the Church of Alexandria.主教回應對皇帝的願望,並制定了一個順序表復活節節日,依據公認的原則,由教會的亞歷山德里亞。 Unfortunately, we now possess only the prologue of his work.不幸的是,我們現在只擁有他的工作的序幕。

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Upon an invitation from Rome, S. Ambrose also mentioned the period of this same Easter in 387, in his letter to the bishops of AEmilia, and he sides with the Alexandrian computation.來自羅馬的邀請後,第劉漢銓還提到了同樣的復活節期間,在387,他在信中主教的阿伊米力阿會堂,他與亞歷山大雙方計算。 Cyril of Alexandria abridged the paschal table of his uncle Theophilus, and fixed the time for the ninety-five following Easters--that is, from 436 to 531 after Christ.西里爾亞歷山大合力將他的叔叔逾越表西奧菲勒斯,和固定的時間為95以下伊斯特斯-也就是說,從436到531後,基督。 Besides this Cyril showed, in a letter to the Pope, what was defective in the Latin calculation; and this demonstration was taken up again, some time after, by order of the Emperor, by Paschasinus, Bishop of Lilybaeum and Proterius of Alexandria, in a letter written by them to Pope Leo I. In consequence of these communications, Pope Leo often gave the preference to the Alexandrian computation, instead of that of the Church of Rome.除此之外西里爾表明,在教宗的信,究竟是什麼缺陷在拉丁美洲計算;和這次示威被再度上升,一段時間後,由皇帝下令,由Paschasinus,主教利利巴厄姆和Proterius的亞歷山德里亞,在他們寫的信,教皇利奧一,因此這些信函中,教皇利奧往往傾向於給亞歷山大計算,而不是該教會的羅馬。 At the same time also was generally established, the opinion so little entertained by the ancient authorities of the Church--one might even say, so strongly in contradiction to their teaching--that Christ partook of the passover on the 14th Nisan, that he died on the 15th(not on the 14th, as the ancients considered), that he lay in the grave on the 16th, and rose again on the 17th.同時也被普遍建立,意見受理這麼少的古當局對教會-甚至可以說,如此強烈的矛盾,他們的教學-這是逾越節基督友人於14日尼散月,他死在15日(未在14日,作為古人認為),他躺在墳墓在16和17日繼續上漲。 In the letter we have just mentioned, Proterius of Alexandria openly admitted all these different points.在信中我們剛才提到,Proterius亞歷山大公開承認所有這些不同點。

Some years afterwards, in 457, Victor of Aquitane, by order of the Roman Archdeacon Hilary, endeavoured to make the Roman and the Alexandrian calculations agree together.幾年之後,在457,維克多的Aquitane,借命令羅馬副主教希拉里,努力使羅馬和亞歷山大一起計算同意。 It has been conjectured that subsequently Hilary, when Pope, brought Victor's calculation into use, in 456--that is, at the time when the cycle of eighty-four years came to an end.據推測,希拉里後來,當教皇,帶來了維克多的計算投入使用,在456 -也就是說,在當時的循環八十四年宣告結束。 In the latter cycle the new moons were marked more accurately, and the chief differences existing between the Latin and Greek calculations disappeared; so that the Easter of the Latins generally coincided with that of Alexandria, or was only a very little removed from it.在後一種新的衛星週期為更準確地標記和行政之間存在分歧的拉丁文和希臘文的計算消失,從而使復活節的拉丁人普遍認為,正值亞歷山大,或者只是一個很小的去除它。 In cases when the在情況下,當 id編號 fell on a Saturday, Victor did not wish to decide whether Easter should be celebrated the next day, as the Alexandrians did, or should be postponed for a week.落在星期六,維克多不想來決定是否應該慶祝復活節的第二天,當時的亞力山大,或應推遲了一個星期。 He indicates both dates in his table, and leaves the Pope to decide what was to be done in each separate case.他表示在他的這兩個日期表,離開教宗決定什麼是必須做的每個單獨的案件。 Even after Victor's calculations, there still remained great differences in the manner of fixing the celebration of Easter; and it was Dionysius the Less who first completely overcame them, by giving to the Latins a paschal table having as its basis the cycle of nineteen years.即使在維克多的計算,仍然存在著很大差異的方式固定在慶祝復活節,以及它是狄奧尼欠誰第一個完全克服了它們,通過給該拉丁1逾越節表,其依據的週期19年。 This cycle perfectly corresponded to that of Alexandria, and thus established that harmony which had been so long sought in vain.這個週期完全對應於該亞歷山大,從而確定了和諧的要求,只要是徒勞的。 He showed the advantages of his calculation so strongly, that it was admitted by Rome and by the whole of Italy; whilst almost the whole of Gaul remained faithful to Victor's canon, and Great Britain still held the 'cycle of eighty-four years, a little improved by Sulpicius Severus. When the Heptarchy was evangelized by the Roman missionaries, the new converts accepted the calculation of Dionysius, whilst the ancient Churches of Wales held fast their old tradition.他展示的優點,他的計算如此強烈,這是承認了羅馬和整個意大利,而幾乎整個高盧仍然忠實於維克多的佳能和英國還舉行了'循環八十四年,一小改善sulpicius塞維魯。當七國時代是在羅馬傳教的傳教士,接受了新的轉換計算狄奧尼修斯,而古老的教堂威爾斯堅守自己的傳統。 From this arose the well-known British dissensions about the celebration of Easter, which were transplanted by Columban into Gaul.從這個出現了著名的英國糾紛有關慶祝復活節,其中由隆龐移植到高盧。 In 729, the majority of the ancient British Churches accepted the cycle of nineteen years. 729,大多數古代英國教會接受了19年的週期。 It had before been introduced into Spain, immediately after the conversion of Reccared.它被引入到西班牙之前,立即轉換後的Reccared。 Finally, under Charles the Great, the cycle of nineteen years triumphed over all opposition; and thus the whole of Christendom was united, for the Quartodecimans had gradually disappeared.(1)最後,根據查爾斯大,週期的19年戰勝了所有反對的聲音,因此,整個基督教的團結,為Quartodecimans已逐漸消失。(1)

SOURCE: Henry R. Percival, ed., _The Seven Ecumenical Councils of the Undivided Church_, Vol XIV.消息來源:亨利河波斯富街,編輯。,兩隊的7合一議會的不可分割的Church_,第十四卷。


Second Council of Nicaea (787)第二屆理事會的尼西亞(787)

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(787) (787)

The Second Council of Nicaea was the seventh ecumenical council provided the climax (though not yet the end) of the iconoclastic controversy by decisively authorizing the veneration of images of various sorts but especially those of Christ, Mary, the holy angels, and the saints.在第二屆理事會的尼西亞大公會議是第七屆提供的高潮(雖然尚未結束)的反傳統的爭議由果斷授權崇拜的圖像,但各類特別是基督,聖母瑪利亞,聖天使和聖人。 The controversy had begun when the emperors Leo III (beginning in 725) and his son after him, Constantine V, tried to abruptly end the practice of worshiping images, which had been growing in the church for over three centuries.這場爭論開始時,皇帝利奧三世(開始,725)後,他和他的兒子,君士坦丁五,試圖突然結束的做法崇拜的圖像,已被越來越多的教會超過三個世紀。 This seems to have been partly in response to the threat of Islam, which attributed its success to an unidolatrous monotheism.這似乎已部分針對伊斯蘭的威脅,這歸功於其成功的unidolatrous一神教。 Constantine V convened a council in 754 that rendered an iconoclastic definitio based on the second commandment, the earliest fathers, and the concern that images were attempts to circumscribe the divine nature.康斯坦丁V召開理事會提供一反傳統的754的基礎上,第二definitio戒律,最早的父親,並擔心圖像試圖限定的神性。

These actions were opposed by certain influential figures in the East, including Germanus of Constantinople and John of Damascus, and also by the Roman popes Gregory II, Gregory III, and Hadrian I. After the death of Constantine V his wife, Irene, reversed his policies while acting as regent for their son, Leo IV (whom she later murdered).這些行動是反對某些有影響力的人物在東部地區,包括Germanus君士坦丁堡和約翰大馬士革,也由羅馬教皇格雷戈里二,格雷戈里三和一,哈德良去世後,康斯坦丁V部提出的妻子艾琳,改變了他政策,同時擔任攝政為他們的兒子利奧四(她後來被殺害的人)。 She convened the council which met at Nicaea in 787, attended by over three hundred bishops.她召集的委員會,其中在787尼西亞會見了出席超過300主教。 At this council the iconoclasts were anathematized and the worship of images upheld.在本局的反傳統主義者的詛咒和崇拜的形象維護。 But a distinction was drawn between worship defined as proskynesis, which was to be given to images or rather more properly through the images to their prototypes, and worship defined as latria, which was to be given to God alone.但是,區別對待的定義為proskynesis崇拜,這是給予,而更恰當的圖片或圖像,通過他們的原型,定義為latria和崇拜,這是上帝給予單。 The authority for image worship was considered to be the worship of the angel of the Lord in the OT and the incarnate Christ in the NT, the teaching and practice of the latter fathers, and the practice of venerating Mary and the saints that had become so established that not even the iconoclasts opposed it (they only opposed the worship of their images).權力崇拜的圖像被認為是崇拜上帝的使者,在城市旅遊局和體現基督在新台幣,教學和實踐後者的父親,和實踐的崇拜瑪利亞和聖人變得如此確定,甚至不反對它的反傳統主義者(他們只是反對崇拜他們的圖像)。 Despite a brief outbreak of iconoclasm, the position of this council became standard orthodoxy in Greek and Roman churches.儘管短暫爆發的反傳統,對本會的立場,成為標準的正統在希臘和羅馬教會。

The distinction between proskynesis and latria, or, as later put in the West, between dulia and latria, is so fine as to be imperceptible in common practice.之間的區別proskynesis和latria,或者在稍後將在西方,與杜利亞和latria,是如此的罰款,是潛移默化的普遍做法。 As Calvin argued, the biblical usage of the words certainly does not recognize the distinction that Nicaea attempted to establish.正如卡爾文說,聖經的用法的話當然不承認尼西亞的區別,試圖建立。 Thus the Reformation rejected the decision of this council as encouraging idolatry.因此,改革的拒絕決定本會鼓勵偶像崇拜。

CA Blaising加州Blaising
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (埃爾韋爾福音字典)

Bibliography 書目
H. Bettenson, Documents of the Christian Church; J. Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion 1.11-12; J. Gonzalez, A History of Christian Thought, II; EJ Martin, A History of the Iconoclastic Controversy; P. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, IV.閣下Bettenson,文件的基督教教會的J.卡爾文學院的基督教宗教1.11-12的J.岡薩雷斯,歷史的基督教思想,二; Ej為馬丁,歷史打破傳統習俗爭議;體育沙夫,歷史基督教教會,四。


Second Council of Nicaea - 787 AD第二屆理事會的尼西亞 - 公元787

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