New England Theology新英格蘭神學

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New England Theology is the name given to a theological tradition arising from the work of Jonathan Edwards (1703 - 1758) and continuing well into the nineteenth century.新英格蘭神學的名稱是給一個神學傳統的工作所產生的喬納森愛德華茲(1703年至1758年)和持續良好到19世紀。 The tradition was not unified by a common set of beliefs, for in fact Edwards's nineteenth century heirs reversed his convictions on many important particulars.這個傳統是不統一設置的一個共同的信念,因為實際上愛德華茲的19世紀的繼承人改變了他的信念在許多重要資料。 It was rather united in its fascination for common issues, including the freedom of human will, the morality of divine justice, and the problem of causation behind the appearance of sin.這是相當團結在其魅力的共同問題,包括人類的自由意志,道德的神聖的正義,以及問題背後的因果關係的外觀罪。

Jonathan Edwards喬納森愛德華茲

Edwards's theological labors grew out of his efforts to explain and defend the colonial Great Awakening as a real work of God.愛德華茲的神學勞動力增長了他的工作,解釋和維護殖民大覺醒作為一個真正的上帝的工作。 In the process he provided an interpretation of Calvinism that influenced American religious life for over a century.在這個過程中,他提供了一個解釋加爾文宗教生活的影響,美國在過去一個多世紀。

Edwards's treatment in the Freedom of the Will (1754) presented Augustinian and Calvinistic ideas on the nature of humanity and of salvation in a powerful new shape.愛德華茲的待遇的自由意志(1754年)頒發奧古斯丁和加爾文思想的性質和拯救人類的大,中,新的形狀。 His basic argument was that the "will" is not an entity, but an expression of the strongest motive in a person's character.他的基本論點是,“將”不是一個實體,而是表達了最強烈的動機在一個人的性格。 He supported the thrust of this work with Original Sin (1758), in which he argued that all humankind was present in Adam when he sinned.他支持這項工作的主旨與原罪(1758年),其中他認為所有的人類也在場,他在亞當犯了罪。 Consequently, all people share the sinful character and the guilt which Adam brought upon himself.因此,所有的人分享有罪的性質和內疚的亞當帶來了自己身上。

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Earlier, in 1746, Edwards had explored the practical side of theology in Religious Affections (or emotions).此前,在1746年,愛德華茲曾探討在實際方面的神學宗教情緣(或情緒)。 Here he argued that genuine Christianity is not revealed by the quantity or intensity of religious emotions.在這裡,他認為,真正的基督教是沒有透露的數量或強度的宗教感情。 Rather, true faith is manifest where a heart has been changed to love God and seek his pleasure.相反,真正的信仰是體現在心臟已被更改為愛上帝,並尋求他的樂趣。 After his death Edwards's friends published The Nature of True Virtue (1765), which defined the good life as "love to Being in general."他去世後,愛德華茲的朋友發表的性質真德(1765年),確定了美好的生活為“愛存在一般。” By this he meant that true goodness characterized those actions which honored God as purest Being and other people as derivative beings made in the image of God.這句話的意思,真正的善良特徵那些行動兌現上帝作為最純淨的存在與其他人的生命在衍生工具的形象的神。

Jonathan Edwards was overwhelmed by the majesty and the splendor of the divine.喬納森愛德華茲不知所措的威嚴和輝煌的神聖。 The major themes of his theology were the greatness and glory of God, the utter dependence of sinful humanity upon God for salvation, and the supernal beauty of the life of holiness.主要的主題是他的神學的偉大和榮耀的神,完全依賴人類的罪惡後,上帝的救恩,以及超凡的美麗生命的聖潔。 Edwards was not only a fervent Christian person; he was also a theological genius unmatched in American history.愛德華茲不僅是一個狂熱的基督教的人,他也是一個神學在美國歷史上無與倫比的天才。 Thus, it is little wonder that those who followed him were not successful in maintaining the fullness of his theology.因此,難怪那些誰跟著他沒有成功地維持其豐滿的神學。 What they did maintain was his revivalistic fervor, his concern for awakening, and his high moral seriousness.他們所做的是他revivalistic保持熱情,他關心的覺醒,他的崇高道德的嚴重性。

The New Divinity新神

The next phase of the New England theology was known as the "new divinity."下一階段的新英格蘭神學被稱為“新的神性。” Its leading proponents were Joseph Bellamy (1719 - 90) and Samuel Hopkins (1721 - 1803), New England ministers who had studied with Edwards and had been his closest friends.它的主要支持者是約瑟夫貝拉米(1719 - 90)和塞繆爾霍普金斯(1721年至1803年),新英格蘭部長愛德華茲誰研究過,並已與他最親密的朋友。 Much as Edwards had, Bellamy argued for the sovereignty of God in redemption and against the idea that humankind could save itself.高達愛德華茲,貝拉米說上帝的主權,反對在贖回的想法,人類能夠救自己。 He also developed Edwards's convictions that churches should allow none into membership who could not testify to a personal experience of God's grace.他還開發了愛德華茲的信念,教會應該讓誰都不成會員不能以個人的經驗證明上帝的恩典。 Hopkins extended Edwards's discussion of virtue into a complete ethical system.霍普金斯延長愛德華茲的討論德成一個完整的道德體系。 He used the phrase "disinterested benevolence" to construct guidelines for practical ethics.他用一句“無私的愛心”,以實際道德建設的指導方針。 Out of this thinking Hopkins developed a vigorous opposition to slavery as an institution which treated people in a way that was not fitting for their character as ones bearing the image of God.出於這種想法霍普金斯制定了強有力的反對奴隸制作為一種制度在一個人的處理方式是不恰當的性格的關係作為神的形象。 Hopkins also maintained a heightened sense of God's sovereignty by insisting that people should be willing even "to be damned for the glory of God."霍普金斯也保持了高度的感覺上帝的主權,堅持認為人應該願意甚至“被詛咒的神的榮耀。”

With Bellamy and Hopkins occurred also the first modifications of Edwards's ideas.隨著貝拉米和霍普金斯也發生了第一次修改愛德華茲的想法。 Bellamy propounded a "governmental" view of the atonement, the idea that God's sense of right and wrong demanded the sacrifice of Christ.貝拉米propounded一個“政府”觀點的贖罪的想法,上帝的是非感要求犧牲的基督。 Edwards, by contrast, had maintained the traditional view that the death of Christ was necessary to take away God's anger at sin.愛德華茲,相反,一直保持傳統的觀點,死亡的基督是要拿走神的憤怒罪。 Hopkins, again in contrast to Edwards, was more concerned about eternal principles of duty, goodness, and justice than about personal confrontation with the divine.霍普金斯,愛德華茲再次對比,更關心的永恆原則,責任,善良和正義比關於個人與神對抗。 He felt that a Calvinistic theologian should, and could, demonstrate how sin resulted in an overall advantage to the universe.他認為,一個加爾文神學家應該而且可以,演示了如何在一罪導致整體優勢到宇宙中。 He held that the human sinful nature arose as a product of the sinful acts which all people commit, rather than as a direct result of Adam's guilt.他認為,人的罪性產品的出現是有罪的人犯下的所有行為,而不是作為一個直接結果亞當的罪行。 And Hopkins spoke of Christian duties more as legal necessities for the believer than as the natural outflow of a changed heart.談到基督教和霍普金斯的法律責任更加必需品的信徒不是作為自然流出的心變了。

The Nineteenth Century 19世紀

Modificaions made in the New England theology by Hopkins and Bellamy were subtle ones. Modificaions在新英格蘭神學由霍普金斯和貝拉米是微妙的。 Their successors moved more obviously beyond the teaching of Edwards.他們的繼任者提出更明顯超出了教學的愛德華茲。 Timothy Dwight (1752 - 1817), Edwards's grandson and president of Yale College, took a broader view of human abilities in salvation and emphasized more the reasonable nature of the Christian faith.蒂莫西德懷特(1752年至1817年),愛德華茲的孫子和總裁,耶魯大學,他們認為人類更廣泛的能力,並強調在拯救更多的合理性的基督教信仰。 Jonathan Edwards, Jr.喬納森愛德華茲,小 (1745 - 1801), who had studied with Joseph Bellamy, extended Bellamy's idea of a governmental atonement and also placed a stronger emphasis on the law of God for the Christian life. (1745年至1801年),誰學過約瑟夫貝拉米,擴展貝拉米的思想,一個政府,也放置了一個贖罪更加強調對法律的上帝的基督徒的生活。 Both he and Dwight continued the general trend to view sin as an accumulation of actions rather than primarily a state of being issuing in evil deeds.他和德懷特繼續一般性趨勢的看法罪作為積累的行動,而不是主要國家正在發行的壞事。

By the time Timothy Dwight's best student, Nathaniel W Taylor (1786 - 1858), assumed his position as professor of theology at Yale Divinity School in 1822, the movement from Edwards's specific convictions was very pronounced.到時候蒂莫西德懷特的最好的學生,納撒尼爾W泰勒(1786 - 1858),假設他的地位,教授神學,在耶魯大學神學院在1822年,該運動從愛德華茲的具體信念是非常明顯。 Taylor's New Haven theology reversed the elder Edwards on freedom of the will by contending for a natural power of free choice.泰勒的紐黑文神學扭轉了老愛德華茲對自由意志的爭奪自然功率自由選擇。 And he brought to a culmination the teaching that sin lies in the exercise of sinful actions rather than in an underlying condition.他帶到一個高潮的教學,罪在於行使罪惡行動,而不是在一個基礎條件。

The influence of the New England theology continued to be great throughout the nineteenth century.影響的新英格蘭神學仍然很大整個19世紀。 It set the tone for theological debate in New England and much of the rest of the country.它定調為新英格蘭神學辯論和許多其他國家。 Its questions dominated theological reflection at Yale until midcentury and at Andover Seminary even longer.其問題為主的神學反省,直到本世紀中葉,並在耶魯大學神學院在安多弗甚至更長的時間。 Andover, founded in 1808 by Trinitarian Congregationalists, had brought together "moderate Calvinists" and the more rigid followers of Samuel Hopkins.安多佛,成立於1808年由三位一體的公理,已匯集了“溫和的加爾文教派”的信徒和更嚴格的塞繆爾霍普金斯。 Its last great theologian who self - consciously regarded himself as an heir to Edwards was Edwards Amasa Park (1808 - 1900).最後的偉大神學家誰自我-自覺地把自己作為繼承人愛德華茲是愛德華茲亞瑪撒公園(1808年至00年)。 Park represented a moderate reaction to the theology of Taylor when he spoke up more strongly for God's sovereignty in salvation.公園代表了溫和的反應,泰勒神學發言時更強烈了上帝的主權得救。

Yet Park also held to a wide variety of nineteenth century assumptions about the capacities of human nature that distanced his thinking from Edwards.然而,公園還舉行了各種各樣的假設,對19世紀的能力的人的本性是疏遠他的思想從愛德華茲。 Park proved too liberal for the nineteenth century champions of Calvinism at Presbyterian Princeton Seminary, who attacked his ideas as a sell - out of Calvinism to the optimistic spirit of the age.公園實在是太寬鬆了19世紀冠軍的加爾文在普林斯頓神學院長老,誰攻擊他的想法是出售-從加爾文主義的樂觀精神的時代。 For their part, the Princeton Calvinists, who also attacked Taylor and his like - minded colleagues for their deviations from Calvinism, could respect Edwards but were not able to fathom his sense of God's overmastering beauty.對於他們而言,普林斯頓加爾文教派,誰也攻擊泰勒和他一樣-志同道合的同事,他們偏離加爾文,能夠尊重愛德華茲,但他無法捉摸的感覺上帝的overmastering美。

The New England theology was at its best in careful, rigorous theological exposition.新英格蘭神學是在其最好的審慎,嚴謹的神學論述。 This strength sometimes turned into a weakness when it led to a dry, almost scholastic style of preaching.這種力量有時變成了一個弱點,當它導致了幹,幾乎學術風格的說教。 But with Edwards, Dwight, or Taylor, who did differ markedly among themselves on important questions, there remained a common ability to communicate a need for revival and ardent Christian living.但是愛德華茲,德懷特,或泰勒,誰沒有明顯差異之間的重要問題,仍然存在一個共同的溝通能力需要復甦和殷切基督徒生活。

The changes in the content of the New England theology, and indeed its passing, had much to do with the character of the United States in the nineteenth century.在內容的變化,新英格蘭神學,事實上它的消逝,有許多工作要做以字符的美國在19世紀。 A country convinced of the nearly limitless capabilities of individuals in the New World had increasingly less interest in a theology which had its origin in the all - encompassing power of God.相信一個國家的近無限的個人能力在新的世界已經越來越少發生於神學,其中有其原產地在所有-包括上帝的力量。 It is significant that when twentieth century theologians like H Richard Niebuhr and Joseph Haroutunian rediscovered the New England theology, they returned to its fount, Edwards, as the source of its most valuable and enduring insights.值得注意的是,當20世紀的神學家,如H理查德尼布爾和約瑟夫Haroutunian重新發現了新英格蘭神學,他們返回其泉源,愛德華茲,作為其最寶貴的來源和持久的見解。

Mark A Noll標誌著諾爾

(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (埃爾韋爾福音字典)

Bibliography 書目
JA Conforti, Samuel Hopkins and the New Divinity Movement; FH Foster, A Genetic History of the New England Theology; J Haroutunian, Piety Versus Moralism: The Passing of the New England Theology; HR Niebuhr, The Kingdom of God in America; BB Warfield, "Edwards and the New England Theology," in The Works of Benjamin B Warfield, Vol.司法機構政務長康福蒂,塞繆爾霍普金斯和新神運動,跳頻福斯特的遺傳史的新英格蘭神學; J Haroutunian,虔誠對戰德性:考試合格的新英格蘭神學;人力資源尼布爾,上帝的王國在美國; BB心跳沃菲爾德,“愛德華茲和新英格蘭神學,”在作品本傑明乙沃菲爾德,卷。 IX: Studies in Theology; AC Cecil, The Theological Development of Edwards Amasa Park.九:在神學研究,交流塞西爾,神學發展的愛德華茲亞瑪撒公園。



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