Monophysitism基督一

Eutychianism Eutychianism

General Information 一般信息

Monophysitism is the doctrine that Jesus Christ had only one nature, rather than two - divine and human. This belief is sometimes known as Eutychianism, after Eutyches, a mid - 5th - century archimandrite of a Constantinople monastery. 基督一性的理論,是耶穌基督只有一個本質,而不是2 -神和人。這種信念有時也被稱為Eutychianism,歐迪奇後,一中- 5 -世紀修士的修道院君士坦丁堡。 Eutyches taught that in Jesus Christ the humanity was absorbed by the divinity, "dissolved like a drop of honey in the sea."歐迪奇告訴我們,在耶穌基督的人性是神所吸收,“解散像一滴蜂蜜在海中。” Eutyches fought against the Nestorian doctrine that the two natures of Christ represented two distinct persons.歐迪奇鬥景教教義,這兩個性質不同的兩個基督的代表人士。 His doctrine was condemned as heretical, however, at the Council of Chalcedon in 451.他的學說被譴責為異端邪說,然而,在安理會的chalcedon在451。

Strict Monophysitism, or Eutychianism, explains the one nature in Christ in one of four ways:嚴格的基督一性,或Eutychianism,解釋了一個自然的基督在1以下四種方式:

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A more moderate Monophysitism was put forward by Severus (c. 465 - 538), patriarch of Antioch.較溫和的基督一性,提出了由塞維魯(公元前465 - 538),元老安提。 It was less rigid and in many ways differed only nominally from the doctrines of the Council of Chalcedon.它是那麼嚴格,在許多方面只是名義上從不同的學說,安理會的chalcedon。 Nonetheless, all Monophysites rejected the dogmatic formulas of Chalcedon, and efforts to reach an acceptable compromise failed.然而,所有的教條公式基督一拒絕的chalcedon,並努力達成一項可接受的妥協失敗。 By the 6th century Monophysitism had a strong institutional basis in three churches: the Armenian Church, the Coptic Church, and the Jacobite Church, all of which remain nominally Monophysite today.到6世紀基督一有堅實的體制基礎,三個教會: 亞美尼亞教會,科普特教會,詹姆士派教會,所有這些今天仍然是名義上基督一性。

Agnes Cunningham艾格尼絲坎寧安

Bibliography 書目
RC Chesnut, Three Monophysite Christologies (1976); WHC Freud, The Rise of the Monophysitic Movement (1972).鋼筋混凝土切斯納特,三基督一Christologies(1976年);西隧弗洛伊德,上升了Monophysitic運動(1972年)。


Monophysitism基督一

Eutychianism Eutychianism

Advanced Information 先進的信息

Derived from monos, "single," and physis, "nature," monophysitism is the doctrine which holds that the incarnate Christ had only a single, divine nature, clad in human flesh.來自莫諾,“單”和physis之,“自然”,一元神是學說認為,肉身的基督只有一個單一的,神性,穿著人肉。 It is sometimes called Eutychianism, after Eutyches (d.454), one of its leading defenders. Since the Council of Chalcedon, which confirmed as orthodox the doctrine of two natures, divine and human, monophysitism has been considered heretical. Its roots probably go back to Apollinaris (c. 370), who laid tremendous stress on the fusion of the divine and human.它有時被稱為Eutychianism後歐迪奇(d.454),它的一個主要捍衛者。 由於安理會的chalcedon,確認為正統的學說的兩個性質,神和人,基督一性一直被視為異端。其根源可能去回到亞坡理納(約370),誰奠定了巨大的壓力就融合了神和人。 Alexandria (as opposed to Antioch) became the citadel of this doctrine, and Cyril, although deemed orthodox, furnished fuel for the fire kindled by his successor, Dioscorus, and Eutyches, who denied that Christ's body was the same in essence as the bodies of men.亞歷山大(相對於安提阿)成為城堡的這一學說,和西里爾,雖然被視為正統,提供燃料的火點燃了他的繼任者,Dioscorus和歐迪奇,誰否認基督的身體是一樣的,實質上為機構的男子。 Their chief opponent was Leo I of Rome, whose formulation of the doctrine of two natures in one person triumphed at Chalcedon.他們的主要對手是獅子座我的羅馬,其制定的兩個性質的學說在一個人在卡爾西勝利。

Monophysites tended to divide into two main groups: Julianists, who held to the immortality and incorruptibility of Christ's incarnate body, and the more orthodox Severians, who rejected the Eutychian view that the human and divine were completely mingled in the incarnation.基督一性往往分為兩大類:Julianists,誰舉行的不朽和廉潔基督的化身的身體,更正統Severians,誰拒絕Eutychian認為,人類和神完全混在一起的化身。 In the remnant of Syrian Jacobites and in the Coptic and Ethiopian churches (and to a limited extent in the Armenian) it survives to the present day.在剩下的在敘利亞jacobites和科普特教會和埃塞俄比亞(和一個有限的範圍內,亞美尼亞)有存活至今。

DA Hubbard多巴胺哈伯德
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (埃爾韋爾福音字典)

Bibliography 書目
AA Luce, Monophysitism Past and Present; RV Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies and The Council of Chalcedon; ER Hardy, Christian Egypt: Church and People; WHC Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement; WA Wigram, The Separation of the Monophysites.機管局盧斯,基督一性的歷史與現狀;房車賣家,兩部古代Christologies和安理會的chalcedon;雌哈代,埃及基督教:教會和人民;西隧弗洛伊德,上升的基督一運動,西澳威格拉姆,該分離該monophysites。


Monophysites and Monophysitism基督一性與基督一

Catholic Information 天主教信息

The history of this sect and of its ramifications has been summarized under EUTYCHIANISM (the nickname somewhat unfairly given by Catholic controversialists).本節的歷史及其後果已被歸納為EUTYCHIANISM(暱稱有點不公平地令天主教controversialists)。 The theology of Monophysitism has also been described under the same heading.神學的基督一性也被描述在同一標題下。 Two points are discussed in the following article: first, the literary activity of the Monophysites both in Greek and Syriac; secondly, the question whether they can be exculpated from material heresy in their Christology.有兩點討論下面的文章:第一,文學活動的該monophysites無論是在希臘和敘利亞;第二,他們是否可以開脫他們從物質異端基督。

LITERARY HISTORY文學史

From many points of view the Monophysites are the most important of early heresies, and no heresy or related group of heresies until the sixteenth century has produced so vast and important a literature.從很多角度該monophysites點是最重要的早期邪說,沒有異端邪說或相關組,直到16世紀產生了如此巨大和重要的文獻。 A large portion of this is lost; some remains in manuscript, and of late years important publications have brought much of this material to the light of day.其中大部分是失去了,有些仍然在手稿和重要出版物的晚年帶來了許多材料,光這一天。 Nearly all the Greek literature has perished in its original form, but much of it survives in early Syriac translations, and the Syriac literature itself is extant in yet greater amount.幾乎所有的希臘文學已變壞在其原來的形式,但大部分是在早期生存敘利亞譯本,敘利亞文文學本身卻是在更大的現存數量。 The scientific, philosophical, and grammatical writings of Monophysites must for the most part be passed over here.科學,哲學,和語法著作對基督一性,必須在很大程度上通過在這裡。 Ecclesiastical history and biography, as well as dogmatic and polemical writings will be described for the fifth and sixth centuries, together with a few of the chief works of the centuries immediately following.教會歷史和傳記,以及教條主義和論辯著作將被描述為第五和第六世紀,連同為數不多的幾個主要工程世紀後立即。

Dioscurus has left us but a few fragments. Dioscurus離開了我們,但一些碎片。 The most important is in the "Hist. Misc.", III, i, from a letter written in exile at Gangra, in which the banished patriarch declares the reality and completeness of our Lord's Human Body, intending evidently to deny that he had approved the refusal of Eutyches to admit Christ's consubstantiality with us.最重要的是在“歷史。雜項。”第三,我從一個字母寫在流亡岡格拉,其中放逐元老宣布的現實和完整性,我們的主的人體,企圖顯然否認,他已批准拒絕承認的歐迪奇基督的同體與我們聯繫。

Timothy Ælurus (d. 477) who had been ordained priest by St. Cyril himself, and preserved a profound attachment to that saint, published an edition of some of his works.蒂莫西Ælurus(草477)誰曾聖西里爾神父祝聖自己,並保留了深刻的依戀的聖人,一版發表他的一些作品。 He accompanied Dioscurus to the robber Council of Ephesus in 449, as he says himself "together with my brother the blessed priest Anatolius" (the secretary of Dioscurus, promoted by him to the See of Constantinople).他向陪同Dioscurus強盜理事會以弗所在449,他說自己“我和我的兄弟的祝福神父Anatolius”(即書記Dioscurus,促進了他的見君士坦丁堡)。 It is not necessary to infer that Timothy and Anatolius were brothers.這是沒有必要的推斷提摩太和Anatolius是兄弟。 When the death in exile of Dioscurus (September 454) was known, Timothy assumed the leadership of those who did not acknowledge the orthodox Patriarch Proterius, and demanded a new bishop.當死在流亡的Dioscurus(九月454)被稱為,霍震霆擔任領導者誰不承認東正教大主教Proterius,並要求新的主教。 He had with him four or five deprived bishops.他與他的4或5剝奪主教。 The riots which followed were renewed at the death of the Emperor Marcian, and Proterius was murdered.遵循的暴動,在新的死亡皇帝馬爾奇安,並Proterius被殺害。 Even before this, Timothy had been consecrated patriarch by two bishops.即使在此之前,霍震霆已主教祝聖兩位元老。 Eusebius of Pelsium and the famous Peter the Iberian, Bishop of Maïuma, the latter not even an Egyptian.尤西比烏斯的Pelsium和著名的彼得伊比利亞,主教Maïuma,後者甚至沒有一名埃及人。 At Constantinople Anatolius was scarcely his enemy; the minister Aspar was probably his friend; but the Emperor Leo certainly desired to acquiesce in the demands for Timothy's deposition addressed to him by the orthodox bishops of Egypt and by Pope St. Leo, and he punished the murderers of Proterius at once.在君士坦丁堡Anatolius幾乎是他的敵人;部長阿斯帕爾很可能是他的朋友,但皇帝利奧當然渴望默許的要求為霍震霆的沉積給他東正教主教由埃及和教皇聖里奧,他懲罰殺人犯的Proterius一次。 Meanwhile Ælurus was expelling from their sees all bishops who accepted the Council of Chalcedon.與此同時Ælurus被驅逐出自己的所有主教認為誰接受安理會的卡爾西。 It was not, however, till Anatolius was dead (3 July, 458) and had been succeeded by St. Gennadius, that the Emperor put into effect the opinion he had elicited from all the bishops of the East in the "Encyclia", by exiling Ælurus first to Gangrus in Paphlagonia, and then in 460 to the Cheronesus.這是沒有,不過,直到Anatolius死(7月3日,458),並已成功地由聖煙粉蝨,是皇帝的實施意見已經引起了他所有的主教東在“Encyclia”,由流放Ælurus首先Gangrus在帕夫拉戈尼亞,然後在460到Cheronesus。 During the reign of Basilicus he was restored, at the end of 475, and Zeno spared his old age from molestation.在他統治的Basilicus恢復,在年底的475,和芝諾不惜從自己的晚年生活騷擾。

Under EUTYCHIANISM something has been said of his theology, and more will be found below.根據EUTYCHIANISM東西已經說了他的神學,更會被發現如下。 Of his works a fragment on the Two Natures, is in Migne (PG, LXXXVI, 273).他的作品片段的兩個性質,是在米涅公司(PG,捌拾,273)。 The unpublished Syriac collection of his works (in British Mus., manuscript Addit. 12156, sixth cent.) contains未發表的敘利亞收集他的作品(在英國畝。,添加劑的手稿。12156,百分之六。)包含

a treatise against the "Dyophysites" (Catholics) which consists mainly of a collection of extracts from the Fathers against the Two Natures, the last of the citations being from letters of Dioscurus. 1論文對“Dyophysites”(天主教徒)主要包括收集提取物從父親對兩個性質的,最後的引文是從字母Dioscurus。 This is, however, but a summary of a larger work, which has recently been published entire in an Armenian translation under the title of "Refutation of the Council of Chalcedon".這是,但是,但是一個更大的總結工作,並於近期出版的一整個亞美尼亞翻譯的標題下的“駁斥了安理會的chalcedon”。 We learn from Justinian that the original was written in exile.我們從查士丁尼原寫於流放。

Extracts from a letter written to the city of Constantinople against the Eutychianizers Isaias of Hermopolis and Theophilus, followed by another florigeium from "the Fathers" (almost entirely from Apollinarian forgeries). This letter is preserved entire by Zacharias (in Hist. Misc., IV, xii, where it is followed by the second letter) and also in the "Chronicle" of Michael the Syrian.提取物的信寫信給城市君士坦丁堡對Eutychianizers伊薩亞斯的荷莫波里斯和西奧菲勒斯,其次是另一florigeium從“父親”(幾乎全部來自Apollinarian偽造的)。這封信是保存完整的撒迦利亞(在組織胺。雜項。,四,十二,其次是在它的第二個字母),並在“紀事”邁克爾敘利亞。

A second letter against the same.第二個字母對同一。

Extracts from two letters to all Egypt, the Thebaid, and Pentapolis on the treatment of Catholic bishops, priests, and monks who should join the Monophysites.由兩個字母提取物對所有埃及,Thebaid,對治療和五城天主教主教,司鐸,和僧侶誰應該參加該monophysites。

A refutation of the Synod of Chalcedon and of the Tome of Leo, written between 454 and 460, in two parts, according to the title, and concluding with extracts from the "Acts" of the Robber Synod and four documents connected with it.反駁的主教會議的chalcedon和聖多美和普林西比的獅子座,454和460之間的書面,分為兩部分,根據標題,締結中提取的“行為”的強盜主教會議和與它連接的四個文件。

A short prayer which Blessed Timothy used to make over those who returned from the communion of the Dyophysites.一個簡短的祈禱祝福提摩太用於製造對這些誰返回從共融的Dyophysites。

Exposition of the faith of Timothy, sent to the Emperor Leo by Count Rusticus, and an abridged narration of what subsequently happened to him.博覽會的信仰的提摩太,送到皇帝利奧伯爵天牛,以及簡略敘述了他隨後所發生的事情。 A similar supplication of Ælurus to Leo, sent by the silentiary Diomede, is mentioned by Anastasius Sin.類似懇求的Ælurus到獅子座,派出由silentiary迪米德,提到了阿納斯塔修斯仙。 The contents of this manuscript are largely cited by Lebon.這個手稿的內容大多引用萊。

A translation into Latin of patristic testimonies collected by Ælurus was made by Gennadius Massil, and is to be identified with the Armenian collection.一個翻譯成拉丁文的教父證詞收集Ælurus是由煙粉蝨Massil,是要確定與亞美尼亞的集合。 A Coptic list of Timothy's works mentions one on the Canticle of Canticles.阿科普特列表蒂莫西的作品中提到一個關於頌歌canticle的。 The "Plerophoria" (33, 36) speak of his book of "Narrations", from which Crum (p. 71) deduces an ecclesiastical history by Timothy in twelve books.該“Plerophoria”(33,36)說他的書對“敘事”,從中克拉姆(第71頁)推導出一個教會的歷史,霍震霆在12書籍。 Lebon does not accept the attribution to Timothy of the Coptic fragments by which Crum established the existence of such a work, but he finds (p. 110) another reference to a historical work by the patriarch in manuscript Addit.萊不接受歸於提摩太的科普特片段,其中克拉姆建立了存在這樣的工作,但他認為(第110頁)另外提到一個歷史工作的元老添加劑的手稿。 14602 (Chabot, "Documenta", 225 sqq.). 14602(夏波,“文獻展”,225時12 sqq。)。

Peter Mongus of Alexandria was not a writer.彼得蒙古斯亞歷山大不是一個作家。 His letters in Coptic are not genuine; though a complete Armenian text of them has been published, which is said to be more probably authentic.他的信中並沒有真正的科普特人,雖然一個完整的文本,其中亞美尼亞已經出版,據說這是更可能是真實的。 Peter Fullo of Alexandria similarly left no writings.彼得Fullo亞歷山大同樣沒有留下任何著作。 Letter addressed to him exist, but are certainly spurious. Timothy IV, Patriarch of Alexandria (517-535), composed "Antirrhetica" in many books.他信的存在,但肯定是虛假的。蒂莫西四,主教亞歷山大(517-535),由“Antirrhetica”在很多書籍。 This polemical work of his was lost; but a homily of his remains and a few fragments.這種爭論是失去他的工作,但他仍然一個講道和一些碎片。 Theodosius, Patriarch of Alexandria (10-11 February, 535, and again July, 535- 537 or 538) has left us a few fragments and two letters.狄奧多西,主教亞歷山德里亞(2月10日至11日,535,並再次7月,535 - 537或538)給我們留下了幾個片段和兩個字母。 The Severians of Alexandria were called Theodosians after him, to distinguish them from the Gaianites who followed his Incorruptibilist rival Gaianus.亞歷山大的Severians後他被稱為Theodosians,以區分他們從Gaianites誰追隨他Incorruptibilist對手Gaianus。 The latter left no writings.後者沒有留下任何著作。

Severus: The most famous and the most fertile of all the Monophysite writers was Severus, who was Patriarch of Antioch (512-518), and died in 538.塞維魯:最有名和最肥沃的所有作家的基督一塞維魯,誰是主教安提(512-518),並分別於538。 We have his early life written by his friend Zacharias Scholasticus; a complete biography was composed soon after his death by John, the superior of the monastery where Severus had first embraced the monastic life.我們有他早期的生活寫的他的朋友撒迦利亞Scholasticus,一個完整的傳記是由他去世後不久,約翰,上級的修道院塞維魯已率先加入了寺院生活。 he was born at Sozopolis in Pisidia, his father being a senator of the city, and descended from the Bishop of Sozopolis who had attended the Council of Ephesus in 431.他出生於Sozopolis在皮西迪亞,他的父親是一名參議員的城市,和後代的主教Sozopolis誰參加了安理會的以弗所431。 After his father's death he was sent to study rhetoric at Alexandria, being yet a catechumen, as it was the custom in Pisidia to delay baptism until a beard should appear.在他父親去世,他被送往亞歷山大修辭學研究,但作為一個初學者,因為它是自定義的皮西迪亞推遲洗禮,直到鬍子應該會出現。

Zacharias, who was his fellow-student, testifies to his brilliant talents and the great progress he made in the study of rhetoric.撒迦利亞,誰是他的同事和學生,證明了他出色的人才和取得的巨大進步,他在研究中的言論。 He was enthusiastic over the ancient orators, and also over Libanius.他是在古老的演說家的熱情,也超過巴尼烏斯。 Zacharias induced him to read the correspondence of Libanius with St. Basil, and the works of the latter and of St.撒迦利亞促使他閱讀信件的巴尼烏斯與聖巴索,以及工程,後者和聖 Gregory of Nazianzus, and he was conquered by the power of Christian oratory.格雷戈里的nazianzus,他的力量征服了基督教禮拜堂。 Severus went to study law at Berytus about the autumn of 486, and he was followed thither by Zacharias a year later.塞維魯去學習法律在貝來圖斯關於秋天的486,他隨後到那裡,一年後由撒迦利亞。 Severus was alter accused of having been in youth a worshiper of idols and a dealer in magical arts (so the libellus of the Palestinian monks at the council of 536), and Zacharias is at pains to refute this calumny indirectly, though at great length, by relating interesting stories of the discovery of a hoard of idols in Menuthis in Egypt and of the routing of necromancers and enchanters at Berytus; in both these exploits the friends of Severus took a leading part, and Zacharias asks triumphantly whether they would have consorted with Severus had he not agreed with them in the hatred of paganism and sorcery.塞維魯是改變被控在青年的偶像的崇拜者和經銷商在神奇的藝術(所以libellus的巴勒斯坦僧侶在安理會536),和撒迦利亞是不厭其煩地駁斥這種誹謗間接,但在很長,由有關的有趣的故事發現一個囤積在Menuthis偶像在埃及和路由的巫師和法術在貝來圖斯,在這兩個漏洞的朋友塞維魯採取了主導作用,和撒迦利亞問他們是否會勝利與團成員塞維魯如果他不同意他們的仇恨和對異教巫術。 Zacharias continued to influence him, by his own account, and induced him to devote the free time which the students had at their disposal on Saturday afternoons and Sundays to the study of the Fathers.撒迦利亞繼續影響他,由他自己的帳戶,並促使他投入自由時間,學生們在他們的處置星期六下午和星期天到學習的父親。 Other students joined the pious company of which an ascetic student named Evagrius became leader, and every evening they prayed together in the Church of the Resurrection.其他學生加入了虔誠的公司,其中一名叫Evagrius苦行學生成為領導者,每天晚上,他們一起祈禱,在教會的復活。 Severus was persuaded to be baptized.塞維魯被說服接受洗禮。 Zacharias refused to be his godfather, for he declared that he did not communicate with the bishops of Phoenicia, so Evagrius stood sponsor, and Severus was baptized in the church of the martyr, Leontius, at Tripolis. After his baptism Severus renounced the use of baths and betook himself to fasting and vigils.撒迦利亞拒絕被他的教父,因為他宣稱,他不溝通,主教的腓尼基,所以Evagrius站在贊助商,塞維魯在教堂受洗的烈士,Leontius,在特里波利斯。洗禮後,他放棄了使用塞維魯浴室和betook自己空腹和守夜。 Two of his companions departed to become monks under Peter the Iberian.他的兩個同伴離開成為僧侶根據彼得的伊比利亞。 When the news of the death of that famous monk (488) arrived, Zacharias and several others entered his monastery of Beith-Aphthonia, at the native place of Zacharias, the port of Gaza (known also as Maïuma), where Peter had been bishop.當記者死亡的那個著名的和尚(488)抵達,撒迦利亞和其他幾個人進入他的寺院的貝斯- Aphthonia,在故鄉的撒迦利亞,港口加沙(也被稱為Maïuma),其中已主教彼得。 Zacharias did not persevere, but returned to the practice of the law.撒迦利亞沒有堅持,而是返回到實踐中的法律。 Severus intended to practise in his own country, but he first visited the shrine of St. Leontius of Tripolis, the head of St. John Baptist at Emea, and then the holy places of Jerusalem, with the result that he joined Evagrius who was already a monk at Maïuma, the great austerities there did not suffice for Severus, and he preferred the life of a solitary in the desert of Eleutheropolis.塞維魯為了實踐自己的國家,但他首先參觀了聖地聖Leontius的特里波利斯,頭部的聖約翰浸禮會在EMEA地區,然後在耶路撒冷的聖地,其結果是,他已經加入Evagrius誰一個和尚在Maïuma,偉大的苦行有沒有足夠的塞維魯,他寧願生活在沙漠中一個孤立的Eleutheropolis。 Having reduced himself to great weakness he was obliged to pass some time in the monastery founded by Romanus, after which he returned to the laura of the port of Gaza, in which was the convent of Peter the Iberian.經減少自己巨大的弱點,他必須經過一段時間的修道院創立羅曼努斯,之後他回到了勞拉的港口加沙,這是彼得修道院伊比利亞。 Here he spent what his charities had left of his patrimony in building a monastery for the ascetics who wished to live under his direction.他在這裡度過了他的慈善是什麼,他離開寺院建築遺產的苦行者誰希望生活在他的指導。 His quiet was rudely disturbed by Nephalius, a former leader of the Acephali, who was said to have once had 30,000 monks ready to march on Alexandria when, at the end of 482, Peter Mongus accepted the Henoticon and became patriarch.他的安靜被粗暴不安Nephalius,前領導人的Acephali,誰據說曾經有3.0萬僧侶遊行亞歷山大準備時,在最後的482,彼得蒙古斯接受Henoticon,成為元老。 Later on Nephalius joined the more moderate Monophysites, and finally the Catholics, accepting the council of Chalcedon.後來Nephalius加入了較溫和的基督一性,最後是天主教徒,接受安理會的卡爾西。 About 507-8 he came to Maïuma, preached against Severus, and obtained the expulsion of the monks from their convents.關於507-8他來到Maïuma,鼓吹反對塞維魯,並獲得了驅逐他們的修道院的僧侶。 Severus betook himself to Constantinople with 200 monks, and remained there three years, influencing the Emperor Anastasius as far as he could in the support of the Henoticon, against the Catholics on the one hand and the irreconcilable Acephali on the other.塞維魯betook自己君士坦丁堡200和尚,在那裡停留三年,影響皇帝阿納斯塔修斯,據他可以在支持Henoticon,對天主教徒一方面和不可調和的Acephali為另一方。 He was spoken of as successor to the Patriarch Macedonius who died in August 511.他說,作為繼任者的主教Macedonius誰死在八月511。 The new patriarch, Timotheus, entered into the views of Severus, who returned to his cloister.新的元老,提摩太,進入塞維魯的意見,誰回到他的修道院。 In the following year he was consecrated Patriarch of Antioch, 6 November 512, in succession to Flavian, who was banished by the emperor to Arabia for the half-heartedness of his concessions to Monophysitism. Elias of Jerusalem refused to recognized Severus as Patriarch, and many other bishops were equally hostile.次年,他被祝聖主教的安提阿,11月6日512,在繼承弗拉維安,誰被流放到沙特的皇帝為半他的誠心優惠基督一性。埃利亞斯拒絕承認耶路撒冷為牧塞維魯和其他許多主教同樣敵意。 However, at Constantinople and Alexandria he was supported, and Elias was deposed.然而,在君士坦丁堡和亞歷山大,他的支持,埃利亞斯被廢黜。 Severus exercised a most active episcopacy, living still like a monk, having destroyed the baths in his palace, and having dismissed the cooks.塞維魯行使最活躍的主教,生活仍然像一個僧侶,摧毀了澡後在他的宮殿,並具有駁回了廚師。 He was deposed in September, 518, on the accession of Justin, as a preparation for reunion with the West.被廢黜,他在9月,518,就加入了賈斯汀,作為一個準備與西方團聚。 He fled to Alexandria.他逃到亞歷山大。

In the reign of Justinian the patronage accorded to the Monophysites by Theodora raised their hopes.在查士丁尼的統治的乘客給予該monophysites由西奧多拉提高他們的希望。 Severus went to Constantinople where he fraternized with the ascetical Patriarch Anthimus, who had already exchanged friendly letters with him and with Theodosius of Alexandria.塞維魯去哪裡,他友好地與君士坦丁堡的宗主教Anthimus的ascetical,誰已經交換了友好的信件,他和狄奧多西亞歷山大。 The latter was deposed for heresy by Pope Agapetus on his arrival in Constantinople in 536.後者是由教皇廢黜異端阿加佩圖斯他抵達君士坦丁堡在536。 His successor Mennas held a great council of sixty-nine bishops in the same year after the pope;s departure in the presence of the papal legates, solemnly heard the case of Anthimus and reiterated his deposition.他的繼任者Mennas舉行了大議會的69主教在同一年後,教宗;中存在的離開了羅馬教皇的使節,鄭重地聽取了案件Anthimus並重申他的沉積。 Mennas knew Justinian's mind as was determined to be orthodox: "We, as you know", said he to the council, "follow and obey the Apostolic See, and those with whom it communicates we have in our communion, and those whom it condemns, we condemn." Mennas知道查士丁尼安心,被確定為正統的:“我們,你知道”,說他向安理會提出,“遵循和服從聖座,和那些與他們溝通,我們有我們的共融,和那些誰譴責我們譴責。“ The Easterns were consequently emboldened to present petitions against Severus and Peter of Apamea.因此在東方的人大膽提出請願反對塞維魯和彼得的阿帕米亞。 It is from these documents that we have our main knowledge of Severus from the point of view of his orthodox opponents.正是從這些文件,我們有我們的主要知識點的塞維魯從正統的觀點,他的對手。 One petition is from seven bishops of Syria Secunda, two others are from ninety-seven monasteries of Palestine and Syria Secunda to the emperor and to the council.請願書是由一個七主教敘利亞塞康達,另外兩個是從97寺院巴勒斯坦和敘利亞塞康達的皇帝和安理會。 Former petitions of 518 were recited.前請願背誦 518人。 The charges are somewhat vague (or the facts are supposed known) of murders, imprisonments, and chains, as well as of heresy.這些指控是有點模糊(或理應知道的事實)的謀殺,監禁,和連鎖店,以及異端。 Mennas pronounced the condemnation of these heretics for contemning the succession from the Apostles in the Apostolic See, for setting at nought the patriarchal see of the royal city and its council, the Apostolic succession from our Lord in the holy places (Jerusalem), and the sentence of the whole Diocese of Oriens. Mennas宣判譴責這些異教徒的contemning繼承從使徒在使徒見,定為徒勞的宗法看到皇城及其理事會,由使徒繼承我們的主在神聖的地方(耶路撒冷)和一句整個教區 Oriens。 Severus retired to Egypt once more and to his eremitical life.塞維魯退休埃及再次和他eremitical生活。 He died, 8 February, 538, refusing to take a bath even to save his life, though he was persuaded to allow himself to be bathed with his clothes on.他死了,2月8日,538,拒絕洗澡,甚至挽救他的生命,雖然他被說服,讓自己被沐浴在他的衣服。 Wonders are said to have followed his death, and miracles to have been worked by his relics.奇蹟據說已跟隨他的死亡,以及能夠創造奇蹟,已制訂了他的遺物。 He has always been venerated by the Jacobite Church as one of its principal doctors.他一直崇敬的詹姆士派教會作為它的一個主要醫生。

His literary output was enormous.他的文學輸出是巨大的。 A long catalogue of works is given by Assemani.一個長目錄作品給予Assemani。 Only a few fragments survive in the original Greek, but a great quantity exists in Syriac translations, some of which has been printed.只有少數片段生存在原來的希臘,但大量存在於敘利亞文翻譯,其中一些已被打印出來。 The early works against Nephalius are lost.早期的作品對Nephalius都將丟失。 A dialogue, "Philalethes", against the supporters of the Council of Chalcedon was composed during the first stay of Severus at Constantinople, 509-11.相聲“Philalethes”,對安理會的支持者組成的chalcedon是停留在第一塞維魯在君士坦丁堡,509-11。 It was a reply to an orthodox collection of 250 extracts from the works of St. Cyril.這是一個正統的答复提取物收集250工程聖西里爾。 An answer seems to have been written by John the Grammarian of Caesarea, and Severus retorted with an "Apology for Philalethes" (remains of the attack and retort in Cod. Vat. Syr. 140 and Cod. Venet. Marc. 165).答案似乎已經被寫入了約翰的語法學家的愷撒,並與塞維魯反駁說:“道歉Philalethes”(仍然是進攻和反擊的鱈魚。增值稅。錫爾河。140和鱈魚。展品包括。馬克。165)。 A work "Contra Joannem Grammaticum" which had a great success, and seems to have long been regarded by the Monophysites as a triumph, was probably written in exile after 519.一個工作“魂斗羅Joannem Grammaticum”,這有一個偉大的成功,似乎早已被視為由該monophysites作為一個勝利,很可能是寫在流亡後519。 Severus was not an original theologian. He had studied the Cappadocians and he depended much on the Apollinarian forgeries; but in the main he follows St. Cyril in every point without conscious variation.塞維魯不是原來的神學家。他曾研究迦帕多家三教父,他非常依賴於Apollinarian偽造的,但在他的主要如下聖西里爾在每一點上,沒有意識的變化。

A controversy with Sergius the Grammarian, who went too far in his zeal for the "One Nature", and whom Severus consequently styles a Eutychian, is preserved in manuscript Addit.阿爭議與謝爾蓋的語法學家,誰走得太遠在他的熱情為“一性”,與誰塞維魯因此風格一Eutychian,是保存在手稿添加劑的。 17154. 17154。 This polemic enabled Severus to define more precisely the Monophysite position, and to guard himself against the exaggerations which were liable to result from the habit of restricting theology to attacks on Chalcedon.這爭論使塞維魯更準確的定義的基督一位置,以防止自己對其中的誇張而可能產生的習慣限制神學襲擊卡爾西。 In his Egyptian exile Severus was occupied with his controversy with Julian of Halicarnassus.在埃及的流亡塞維魯被佔領了他的爭議與朱利安哈利卡那蘇斯。 We also hear of works on the two natures "against Felicissimus", and "Against the Codicils of Alexander".我們還聽到工程對兩個性質“對Felicissimus”和“反對執行人亞歷山大”。 Like all Monophysites his theology is limited to the controversial questions.像所有的基督一性說他的神學僅限於有爭議的問題。 Beyond these he has no outlook.除了這些,他已經沒有前景。 Of the numerous sermons of Severus, those which he preached at Antioch are quoted as "Homilae cathedrales".在眾多的塞維魯說教,那些鼓吹在安提阿被引用為“Homilae cathedrales”。 They have come down to us in two Syriac translations; one was probably made by Paul, Bishop of Callinicus, at the beginning of the sixth century, the other by Jacob Barandai, was completed in 701.他們來,我們在兩個敘利亞文譯本,一個很可能是由保羅主教加利尼,在開始的六世紀,另由雅各Barandai,完成於701。 Those which have been printed are of astonishing eloquence.至於那些已印有驚人的口才。 A diatribe against he Hippodrome may be especially noted, for it is very modern in its denunciation of the cruelty to the horses which was involved in the chariot races.阿謾罵對他賽馬場可能會特別指出,因為它是非常現代的退出了殘酷的馬匹參與了戰車比賽。 A fine exhortation to frequent communion is in the same sermon.阿細經常告誡共融在同一講道。 The letters of Severus were collected in twenty-three books, and numbered no less than 3759.這些信件收集的塞維魯在2003年的書,編號不低於3759。 The sixth book is extant.第六本書是現存的。 It contains theological letters besides many proofs of the varied activities of the patriarch in his episcopal functions.它包含了許多神學,除了證明信的各種活動的元老在他的主教職務。 He also composed hymns for the people of Antioch, since he perceived that they were fond of singing.他還組成讚美詩為人民的安提阿,因為他認為,他們喜歡唱歌。 His correspondence with Anthimus of Constantinople is found in "Hist. Misc.", IX, xxi-xxii.他的信件與Anthimus君士坦丁堡被發現在“歷史。雜項。”第九,21 - 22。

Julian, Bishop of Halicarnassus, joined with Severus in the intrigue by which Macedonius was deposed from the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 511.朱利安,主教哈利卡那蘇斯,聯同塞維魯的陰謀,其中Macedonius被廢黜的東正教君士坦丁堡在511。 He was exiled on the accession of Justin in 518, and retired to the monastery of Enaton, nine miles from Alexandria.他被流放的加入對賈斯汀在518,和退休的寺院的Enaton,從亞歷山大9英里。 He was already of advanced age.他已經年事已高。 Here he wrote a work "Against the Diphysites" in which he spoke incorrectly according to Severus, who nevertheless did not reply.在這裡,他寫了一份工作“反對Diphysites”中,他根據塞維魯發言不當,但誰沒有回答。 But Julian himself commenced a correspondence with him (it is preserved in the Syriac translation made in 528 by Paul of Callinicus, and also partially in the "Hist. Misc.", IX, x-xiv) in which he begged his opinion on the question of the incorruptibility of the Body of Christ.但朱利安自己開始了書信與他(它是保存在敘利亞文譯本在528保羅的加利尼,也有部分的“歷史。雜項。”,九,十至十四),他在乞求他的意見對廉潔問題的基督的身體。 Severus replied, enclosing an opinion which is lost, and in answer to a second letter from Julian wrote a long epistle which Julian considered to be wanting in respect, especially as he had been obliged to wait for it for a year and a month.塞維魯回答說,內附的意見是丟失,並回答了第二個朱利安寫了一封信,長期書信的朱利安認為是希望在尊重,尤其是他不得不等待這一年和一個月。 Parties were formed.締約方組成。 The Julianists upheld the incorruptibility of the Body of Christ, meaning that Christ was not naturally subject to the ordinary wants of hunger, thirst, weariness, etc., nor to pain, but that He assumed them of His free will for our sakes.該Julianists堅持廉潔基督的身體,即基督不是自然受一般要飢餓,乾渴,疲勞等,也不是疼痛,但他以為他的自由意志,他們為我們的緣故。 They admitted that He is "consubstantial with us", against Eutyches, yet they were accused by the Severians of Eutychianism, Manichaeism, and Docetism, and were nicknamed Phantasiasts, Aphthartodocetae, or Incorrupticolae.他們承認,他是“同質同我們”,反對歐迪奇,但他們被指控的Severians的Eutychianism,摩尼教和幻影說,和被稱為Phantasiasts,Aphthartodocetae,或Incorrupticolae。 They retorted by calling the Severians Phthartolotrae (Corrupticolae), or Ktistolatrae, for Severus taught that our Lord's Body was "corruptible" by its own nature; that was scarcely consistent, as it can only be of itself "corruptible" when considered apart from the union, and the Monophysites refused to consider the Human Nature of Christ apart from the union.他們反駁致電Severians Phthartolotrae(Corrupticolae),或Ktistolatrae,為塞維魯告訴我們,我們的主的身體是“壞的”其本身的性質,這是幾乎一致的,因為它只能是自己“腐朽”時認為除了聯盟和該monophysites拒絕考慮人性的基督除了工會。 Justinian, who in his old age turned more than ever to the desire of conciliating the Monophysites (in spite of his failure to please them by condemning the "three chapters"), was probably led to favour Julian because he was the opponent of Severus, who was universally regarded as the great foe of orthodoxy.查士丁尼,誰在他的晚年轉向比以往任何時候都渴望的調解該monophysites(儘管他沒有請他們,譴責“三章”),可能是導致朱贊成,因為他是對手的塞維魯,誰被普遍認為是正統的偉大敵人。 The emperor issued in edict in 565 making the "incorruptibility" an obligatory doctrine, in spite of the fact that Julian had been anathematized by a council of Constantinople in 536, at which date he had probably been dead for some years.皇帝頒布詔書的565把“廉潔”的強制性原則,儘管這一事實朱利安詛咒了一個由安理會的君士坦丁堡在536,他在該日期可能已經死了好幾年。

A commentary by Julian on the Book of Job, in a Latin version, was printed in an old Paris edition of Origen (ed. Genebrardus, 1574).阿評論朱利安的約伯記,在拉丁美洲版本,是印刷版的老巴黎的奧利(編輯Genebrardus,1574)。 A manuscript of the original Greek is mentioned by Mai.手稿原希臘提到了麥。 It is largely quoted in the catena on Job of Nicetas of Heraclea.這主要是引述了連鎖任務對Nicetas的赫拉克利亞。 The great work of Julian against Severus seems to be lost. Ten anathematisms remain.偉大的工作朱利安對塞維魯似乎丟失。10 anathematisms依然存在。 Of his commentaries, one on Matthew is cited by Moses Barkepha (PG, CXI, 551).他的評論,一個關於馬修是引用摩西Barkepha公司(PG,CXI號,第551頁)。 It is to be hoped that some of Julian's works will be recovered in Syriac or Coptic translations.這是希望一些朱利安的作品將在敘利亞收回或科普特翻譯。 An anti-Julianist catena in the British Museum (manuscript Addit. 12155) makes mention of Julian's writings.反Julianist系列在大英博物館(添加劑的手稿。12155),談到朱利安的著作。 We hear of a treatise by him, "Against the Eutychianists and Manichaens", which shows that Julian, like his great opponent Severus, had to be on his guard against extravagant Monophysites.我們聽到了他的論文,“反對Eutychianists和Manichaens”,這表明朱利安,像他的偉大的對手塞維魯,不得不對他的警惕奢侈的基督一性。 Part of the treatise which Peter of Callinicus, Patriarch of Antioch (578-591), wrote against the Damianists is extant in Syriac manuscripts (See Assemani's and Wright's catalogues). The writers of the Tritheist sect next demand our attention.這部分的論文彼得的加利尼,牧安提(578-591),說是對現存的Damianists在敘利亞文手稿(見Assemani的和賴特的目錄)。Tritheist的作家節的未來需要我們注意。 The chief among them John Philoponus, of Caesarea, was Patriarch of the Tritheists at Alexandria at the beginning of the sixth century, and was the principal writer of his party.其中的主要約翰約翰菲洛波努斯,該撒利亞,是主教的Tritheists亞歷山大在開始的六世紀,是主要的作家和他的黨。 He was a grammarian, a philosopher, and an astronomer as well as a theologian.他是一個語法學家,哲學家,一個天文學家以及神學家。 His principal theological work, Diaitetes e peri henoseos, in ten books, is lost.他的主要神學工作,Diaitetes é圍henoseos,在10書籍,都將丟失。 It dealt with the Christological and Trinitarian controversies of his age, and fragments of it are found in Leontius (De sectis, Oct. 5) in St. John Damascene (De haer., I, 101-107, ed. Le Quien) and in Niceph.它涉及的基督和他的年齡三位一體的爭議,並發現它的碎片在Leontius(德sectis,10月5日)在聖約翰大馬士革(德哈爾。,我,101-107,編輯。樂Quien)和在Niceph。 Call., XCIII (see Mansi, XI, 301).呼叫。,XCIII(見曼西,十一,301)。 A complete Syriac translation is in Brit.一個完整的敘利亞文翻譯是在英國人。 Mus.畝。 and Vat. manuscripts.和增值稅。手稿。 Another lost theological work, peri anastaseos, described the writer's theory of a creation of new bodies at the general resurrection; it is mentioned by Photius (cod. 21-23), by Timotheus Presbyter and Nicephorus.另一個失去的神學工作,近郊anastaseos,描述了作者的理論創造的一個新機構,在一般的復活,它是提到由photius(cod. 21-23日),由提摩太長老和Nicephorus。 As a philosopher Philoponus was an Aristotelian, and a disciple of the Aristotelian commentator Ammonius, son of Hermeas.作為一個哲學家亞里士多德約翰菲洛波努斯是一個,一個弟子亞里士多德的評論員Ammonius,兒子Hermeas。 His own commentaries on Aristotle were printed by Aldus at Venice (on "De generatione et interitu", 1527; "Analytica posteriora", 1534; "Analytica priora", 1536; "De nat. auscult.", I-IV, and "De anima", 1535; "Meteorologica", I, 1551; "Metaphysica", 1583).他自己的評論亞里士多德的印刷奧爾德斯在威尼斯(關於“德generatione等interitu”,1527年,“生化分析posteriora”,1534年,“生化分析priora”,1536年,“德的NAT。auscult。”第一至第四,而“德靈氣“,1535,”Meteorologica“,我,1551年,”周易“,1583)。 He also wrote much against the Epicheiremata of Proclus, the last great Neoplatonist: eighteen books on the eternity of the world (Venice, 1535), composed in 529, and peri kosmopoitas (printed by Corderius, Vienna, 1630, and in Gallandi, XII; new ed. by Reichert, 1897), on the Hexaemeron, in which he follows St. Basil and other Fathers, and shows a vast knowledge of all the literature and science accessible in his day.他還寫了許多反對Epicheiremata普洛克洛,最後一個偉大的柏拉圖:18書籍永恆的世界(威尼斯,1535),由在529,和周圍kosmopoitas(印刷Corderius,維也納,1630年,在Gallandi,第十二章,新的海關。按賴克特,1897年),在Hexaemeron,他在如下聖巴索和其他的父親,並顯示了廣闊的知識的所有文獻和科學知識在他的一天。 The latter work is dedicated to a certain Sergius, who may perhaps be identified with Sergius the Grammarian, the Eutychianizing correspondent of Severus.後者的工作是致力於在一定謝爾蓋,誰可能是確定了謝爾蓋的語法學家,塞維魯的Eutychianizing通訊員。 The work was possibly written as early as 517 (for 617 in the editions is evidently a clerical error).這項工作很可能是寫早在517(為617的版本顯然是一項文書錯誤)。 A "Computatio de Pascha", printed after this work, argues that the Last Supper was on the 13th of Nizan, and was not a real passover.一個“計算中的德復活節”,打印後這項工作,認為最後的晚餐是在13日的尼贊,而不是一個真正的逾越節。 A lost theological work (entitled tmemata is summarized by Michael the Syrian (Chronicle, II, 69). A book against the Council of Chalcedon is mentioned by Photius (cod. 55). A work "Contra Andream" is preserved in a Syriac manuscript. Another work "Against the Acephali" exists in manuscript, and may be the work Philoponus is known to have written in controversy with Severus. In grammar his master was Romanus, and his extant writings on the subject are based upon the katholike of Herodian (tonika paraggelmata, ed. Dindorf, 1825; peri ton diaphoros tonoumenon, ed. Egenolff, 1880).失去的神學工作(題為tmemata總結邁克爾敘利亞(紀事,二,69)。反對的書會提到由photius卡爾西(cod. 55)。一項工作“魂斗羅Andream”是保存在一個敘利亞文手稿。另一項工作“反對Acephali”存在於手稿,可能是工作約翰菲洛波努斯是已知有書面的爭議與塞維魯。在他的主人是羅曼努斯語法,他的現存著作的主題是建立在katholike的赫迪安(托尼卡paraggelmata,教育署。丁多夫,1825;近郊噸diaphoros tonoumenon,編輯。Egenolff,1880年)。

This sixth century Monophysite is to be distinguished from an earlier grammarian, also called Philoponus, who flourished under Augustus and Tiberius. Of his life little is known.這六世紀基督一性,是有別於早期語法學家,也稱為約翰菲洛波努斯,誰奧古斯都和提比略下蓬勃發展。他的生活所知甚少。 On account of his Tritheistic opinions he was summoned to Constantinople by Justinian, but he excused himself on account of his age and infirmity.作者敘述的Tritheistic意見,他被傳喚到君士坦丁堡的查士丁尼,但他辯解自己的帳戶中他的年齡和體弱。 He addressed to the emperor a treatise "De divisione, differentia, et numero", which seems to be the same as a treatise spoken of as "De differentia quae manere creditur in Christo post unionem"; but it is lost. He addressed an essay on Tritheism to Athanasius Monachus, and was condemned on this account at Alexandria.他給皇帝的論文“德divisione,差異化,等numero”,這似乎是相同的論文說,作為“德中差異化quae manere creditur克里斯托後unionem”,但它會丟失。他談到一篇文章關於Tritheism到亞他那修禿鷲,並譴責了這個帳戶在亞歷山德里亞。 At a disputation held by the emperor's order before the Patriarch of Constantinople John Scholasticus, Conon, and Eugenius represented the Tritheists; John condemned Philoponus, and the emperor issued an edict against the sect (Photius, cod. 24).在舉行的一個爭論皇帝的命令之前,君士坦丁堡牧首約翰Scholasticus,科農,和葉夫根尼代表Tritheists;約翰譴責約翰菲洛波努斯,皇帝頒布一項法令,禁止該教派(Photius,鱈魚。24)。 In 568 Philoponus was still alive, for he published a pamphlet against John, which Photius describes with great severity (cod. 75).在568約翰菲洛波努斯還活著,為他出版了一本小冊子對約翰,這Photius描述了極嚴重的一種(cod. 75)。 The style of Philoponus, he says, is always clear, but without dignity, and his argumentation is puerile.約翰菲洛波努斯的風格,他說,永遠是明確的,但沒有尊嚴,他的論證是極為愚蠢的。 (For the theological views of the sect, see TRITHEISTS). (關於該教派神學觀點,見TRITHEISTS)。

Conon, Bishop of Tarsus, though a Tritheist and, with Eugenius, a supporter of John Philoponus before the emperor, disagreed with that writer about the equality of the three Persons of the Holy Trinity (see TRITHEISTS), and together with Eugenius and Themistius wrote a book, kata Ioannou, against his views on the Resurrection.科農,主教塔爾蘇斯,雖然是Tritheist,並與葉夫根尼,約翰約翰菲洛波努斯的支持者在天皇,不同意與該作家關於平等三人的聖三一(見TRITHEISTS),連同葉夫根尼和Themistius說一書,卡塔約安努,對他的看法的復活。 Eugenius is called a Cilician bishop by John of Ephesus, but Bar Habraeus makes him Bishop of Selucia in Isauria (see TRITHEISTS). Themistius, surnamed Calonymus, was a deacon of Alexandria, who separated from his patriarch, Timothy IV (517-535), and founded the sect of Agnoetae.葉夫根尼被稱為奇裡乞亞主教約翰的以弗所,但酒吧Habraeus使他在Isauria主教Selucia(見TRITHEISTS)。Themistius姓Calonymus,是一個執事的亞歷山德里亞,誰脫離他的元老,蒂莫西四(517-535) ,並成立了節期Agnoetae。 He wrote against Severus a book called "Apology for the late Theophobius", to which a Severian monk named Theodore replied; the answer of Themistus was again refuted by Theodore in three books (Photius, cod. 108).他寫了一本書對塞維魯所謂“道歉為已故Theophobius”,而一名叫西奧多塞韋里安和尚回答說,答案的Themistus再次駁斥了西奧多的三本書(Photius,鱈魚。108)。 Other works of Themistius are referred to by St. Maximus Confessor, and some fragments are cited in Mansi, X, 981 and 1117.其他工程Themistius被稱為聖鮃懺悔,並列舉了一些碎片在曼西,第十,第981和1117。 Stephen Gobarus the Tritheist is known only by the elaborate analysis of his book given by Photius (cod. 232); it was a "Sic et Non" like that of Abelard, giving authorities for a proposition and then for the contrary opinion.斯蒂芬Gobarus的Tritheist只知道是由他的書中詳細分析給出由photius(cod. 232),它是一個“骰等非”這樣的阿貝拉爾,給予當局一個命題,然後在相反的意見。 At the end was were some remarks on curious views of a number of Fathers.截至年底,有一些話和好奇意見的父親一個數字。 It was evidently, as Photius remarks, a performance of more labour than usefulness.這是很明顯,作為Photius言論,性能更比有用勞動。

HISTORY歷史

We now turn to the historians.我們現在的歷史學家。 Zacharias of Gaza, brother of Procopius of Gaza, the rhetorician, Zacharias Scholasticus, Zacharias the Rhetorician, Zacharias of Mitylene, are all apparently the same person (so Kugener's latest view, Kruger, and Brooks).撒迦利亞加沙,兄弟普羅科匹厄斯的加沙,修辭學家,撒迦利亞Scholasticus,撒迦利亞的修辭學家,撒迦利亞的米蒂倫娜,都顯然是同一人(所以Kugener的最新觀點,克魯格和布魯克斯)。 Of his early life we have a vivid picture in his memoirs of Severus, with whom he studied at Alexandria and at Berytus.他早期的生活中,我們有一個生動的畫面在他的回憶錄中的塞維魯,與他曾在亞歷山德里亞,在貝來圖斯。 His home was at the port of Iberian.他的家是在港口的伊比利亞。 To the latter he was greatly devoted, and believed that Peter had prophesied his unfitness for the monastic life.對於後者,他是非常投入,並認為彼得預言他不適宜的寺院生活。 He in fact did not become a monk, when his friends Evagrius, Severus, and others did so, but practised law at Constantinople, and reached eminence in his profession.他其實並沒有成為和尚,當他的朋友Evagrius,塞維魯等這樣做,但從事法律在君士坦丁堡,並達成了隆起在他的職業。 Of his writings, a dialogue "that the world did not exist from eternity" was probably composed in youth while he lived at Berytus.他的著作,一對話“,世界沒有永恆的存在,”可能是在青年組成的,而他住在貝來圖斯。 His "Ecclesiastical History" is extant only in a Syriac epitome which forms four books (III-VI) of the "Historia Miscellanea". It begins with a short account from a Monophysite point of view of he Council of Chalcedon, and continues the history, mainly of Palestine and Alexandria, until the death of Zeno (491).他的“教會史”,是現存唯一的一個縮影敘利亞構成四書(三至六)的“史記雜記”。它從一個很短的賬戶的基督一性的角度來看,他會的chalcedon,並繼續歷史,主要是巴勒斯坦和亞歷山大,直到死亡的芝諾(491)。 From the same history is derived a curious statistical description of Rome in "Hist. Misc.", X, xvi.從相同的歷史得出的統計描述好奇的羅馬“歷史。雜項。”十,十六。 The very interesting life of Severus carries the author's recollections up to the accession of his hero to the See of Antioch in 512.非常有趣的生活塞維魯帶有作者的回憶到他的英雄加入到見安提在512。 It was written subsequently to the history, as the cubicularius Eupraxius, to whom that work was dedicated, was already dead.後來有人寫的歷史,作為cubicularius Eupraxius,誰沒有工作敬業,已經死亡。 His recollections of Peter the Iberian and of Theodore, Bishop of Antinoe, are lost, but his biography of Isaias, an Egyptian ascetic, is preserved in Syriac.他回憶彼得的伊比利亞和西奧多,主教Antinoe,丟失,但他的傳記伊薩亞斯,埃及苦行,是保存在敘利亞。 A disputation against the Manichæans, published by Cardinal Pitra in Greek, was probably written after the edict of Justinian against the Manichæans in 527.一個爭論對摩尼教徒,由樞機主教皮特拉發表在希臘,可能是書面的法令後,查士丁尼對摩尼教徒在527。 He seems to have been still a layman.他似乎已經仍然是一個門外漢。 Up to the time he wrote the life of Severus he was a follower of the Henoticon; this was the easy course under Zeno and Anastasius.最多的時候,他說他的生命是一個追隨者塞維魯的Henoticon,這是一件容易的過程中,按照芝諾和阿納斯塔修斯。 It would seem that he found it paid to revert to orthodoxy under Justin and Justinian, for he was present as Bishop of Mitylene at the Council of Mennas at Constantinople in 536, where he was one of the three metropolitans who were sent to summon Anthimus to appear.看來,他發現它支付回复到正統賈斯汀和查士丁尼下,因為他作為主教米蒂倫娜目前在安理會的Mennas在君士坦丁堡在536,他在那裡一三大都市誰被送往傳喚到Anthimus出現。 His name does not appear in the incomplete printed list of subscriptions to that patriarch's deposition, but Labbe testifies that it is found in some manuscripts (Mansi, VIII, 975); it is absent from the condemnation of Severus in a later session.他的名字沒有出現在不完整的打印清單訂閱該元老的沉積,但拉貝證明,它是發現在一些手稿(曼西,八,975),它是不存在的譴責塞維魯在以後的會議。 Zacharias was dead before the ecumenical council of 553.撒迦利亞死了大公會議前的553。

An important historical work in anecdotal form in the "Plerophoria" of John of Maïuma, composed about 515; it contains stories of Monophysite worthies up to date, especially of Peter the Iberian, whose life was also written by Zacharias, but is now lost.工作中一個重要的歷史軼事的形式在“Plerophoria”約翰的Maïuma,組成約515,它包含的故事基督一賢人最新的,特別是伊比利亞彼得,他的生活也寫的撒迦利亞,但現在已經丟失。 A later life of Peter has been printed, which contains curious information about the Iberian princes from whom the Monophysite bishop descended.阿晚年彼得已印製,其中包含的信息伊比利亞好奇王子從誰的後裔基督一主教。 The life of the ascetic Isaias by Zacharias accompanies it.生命的苦行伊薩亞斯由扎卡賴亞斯伴隨著它。

The interesting "Historia Miscellanea", often referred to as Pseudo-Zacharias, was composed in Syriac in twelve books by an unknown author who seems to have lived at Amida.有趣的“史記雜記”,通常被稱為偽撒迦利亞,組成12個書籍在敘利亞由一位不知名的作者誰似乎已經住在阿彌陀。 Though the work was completed in 569, he seems to have used part of the history of John of Ephesus, which was finished only in 571.雖然在569工作完成,他似乎已使用部分的歷史約翰以弗所,這是完成了571只。 Certain parts were written earlier (or are borrowed from older writers), VII, xv before 523; X, xii in 545; XII, vii in 555; XII, iv in 561.剛才寫的某些部分(或借用老作家),第七章,第十五前523,十,十二中545,十二,七中555,十二,四中561。 The first book contains a quantity of legendary matter form Greek sources which are still extant; a few words are added on the Syriac doctors Isaac and Dodo.第一本書包含了數量問題希臘式的傳奇來源,仍然是現存的,幾句話是說對敘利亞醫生伊薩克和渡渡鳥。 Book II has the story of the Seven Sleepers.第二冊有故事七軌枕。 History begins in II, ii, with an account of Eutyches, and the letter of Proclus to the Armenians follows.歷史開始在二,二,擁有帳戶的歐迪奇,和信普羅克洛向亞美尼亞如下。 The next four books are an epitome of the lost work of Zacharias Rhetor.接下來的四個書籍的一個縮影失去工作撒迦利亞修辭。 The seventh book continues the story from the accession of Anastasius (491), and together with general ecclesiastical history it combines some interesting details of wars with the Persians in Mesopotamia.第七書中的故事繼續從加入的阿納斯塔修斯(491),再加上一般教會的歷史,它結合了一些有趣的細節與波斯人的戰爭在美索不達米亞。

A curious chapter gives the Prologue of Moro, or Mara, Bishop of Amida (a Syriac writer whose works appear to have been lost), to his edition of the four Gospels in Greek, to which the writers appends as a curiosity the pericope of the woman taken in adultery (John 8) which Moro had inserted in the 89th canon; "it is not founded in other manuscripts" Book VIII, iii, gives the letter of Simeon of Beit-Arsham on the martyrs of Yemen, perhaps an apocryphal document.一位好奇的章節給出了序幕的莫羅,或馬拉,主教阿彌陀(1敘利亞作家的作品似乎已經失去了),他的版本的四福音在希臘,對此作家作為一個附加的好奇心的pericope女子採取通姦(約翰八)莫羅曾在第89屆佳能插入,“這不是建立在其他手稿”書第八,三,給出了信西緬的Beit - Arsham對也門的烈士,或許是杜撰的文件。 Book XI is lost, with most of X and XII.預訂席丟失,大多數的X和第十二。 Some of X has been restored by Brooks from the "Chronicle" of Michael the Syrian (died 1199).有些對X已經恢復了布魯克斯的“紀事”邁克爾敘利亞(死於1199)。 It is necessary to mention the "Chronicle of Edessa", from 495 to 506, which is embedded in the "chronicle" attributed to Joshua the Stylite (who seems to have been a Catholic); this latter is included in the second book of the "Chronicle" attributed to the Patriarch of Antioch, Dionysius of Tell-Mahre, a compilation which has a fourth book (from the end of the sixth century to 775) which is an original work by the compiler, who was in reality a monk of Zonkenin (north of Amida), possibly Joshua the Stylite himself.要提“紀事的edessa”,從495到506,這是嵌入在“紀事”歸因於約書亞Stylite(誰似乎一直是天主教),後者包括在第二本書的“通鑑”歸因於主教安提,狄奧尼修斯的告訴-馬赫爾,其中有一個彙編第四本書(從結束的第六屆世紀至775),這是一個原始的工作由編譯器,誰是在現實的和尚Zonkenin(北阿彌陀),可能約書亞Stylite自己。

Some small chronicles of the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries have been published as "Chronica minora" in the "Corpus Script. Or."有些小編年史的第六,第七,第八,第九世紀和已出版的“Chronica陰唇”中的“語料庫腳本。或。” Of later histories, those of Bar Hebraeus (died 1286) must be noted.後來的歷史,那些酒吧Hebraeus(死於1286年)必須引起注意。 His "Chronicon Syriacum" is an abridgment of Michael with a continuation; the "Chronicon ecclesiasticum" contains the ecclesiastical history first of Western Syria and then of Eastern Syria, with lives of the patriarchs of Antioch, of the Jacobite missionary bishops (called maphrians) and of the Nestorian patriarchs.他的“Chronicon Syriacum”是刪節邁克爾與延續的“Chronicon ecclesiasticum”包含了西方教會的歷史上還是第敘利亞和當時的東部敘利亞,與生活的始祖的安提阿,詹姆士傳教士的主教(稱為maphrians)和景教元老。 The "Chronicle" of Elias of Nisibis to 1008 is important because it mentions its sources, but it is very defective in the early period through the loss of some pages of the manuscript.在“紀事”的埃利亞斯的尼西比斯至1008年是重要的,因為它提到其來源,但它是非常有缺陷的早期階段,通過損失部分頁的手稿。 Masil the Cilician and John of Ægea are counted as Monophysite writers by Ehrhard (in Krumbacher, p. 53), but Photius clearly makes them out Nestorians (cod. 41, 55, 107), and it is by a slip that he conjectures Basil to be the author of a work against Nestorius. Masil的奇裡乞亞和約翰Ægea算作是由Ehrhard基督一作家(在克倫巴赫爾,第53頁),但顯然讓他們出去Photius景教(cod. 41,55,107),它是由一滑,他猜想巴西爾是筆者對聶斯脫裡的一個工作。

Syriac Writers敘利亞作家

Of the Syriac Monophysite writers none is more important than Philoxenus, otherwise Xenaias, who was Bishop of Mabug (Hierapolis) from 485.在敘利亞作家沒有一個是基督一比Philoxenus更重要,否則Xenaias,誰是主教Mabug(希拉波利斯)由485。 For his life and the version of Scripture which was made by his order, see PHILOXENUS.對於他的生活和版本的聖經是由他的命令,見PHILOXENUS。 His dogmatic writings alone concern us here.教條式的著作,他獨自在這裡我們關注。 His letter to the Emperor Zeno, published by Vaschalde (1902) is of 485, the date of his episcopal consecration and of his acceptance of the Henoticon.他寫信給皇帝芝諾,出版Vaschalde(1902年)是485,會議日期和他的主教祝聖他接受了Henoticon。 His treatises on the Incarnation date perhaps before 500; to the same period belong two short works, "A Confession of Faith" and "Against Every Nestorian".他的論文就可能化身日期前500;在同一時期屬於兩個短的作品,“一個信仰告白”和“反對一切景教”。 He wrote also on the Trinity.他說還三位一體。 A letter to Marco, lector of Anazarbus, is attributed to 515-518.阿信馬可,講師的Anazarbus,歸因於515-518。 After he had been exiled by Justin to Philippolis in Thrace in 518, he attacked the orthodox patriarch, Paul of Antioch, in a letter to the monks of Teleda, and wrote another letter of which fragments are found in manuscript Addit.之後他被流放到菲利普波利斯由Justin在色雷斯在518,他攻擊的東正教大主教保羅的安提阿,在一封信中向僧侶的Teleda,並寫了一封信,其中片段被發現添加劑的手稿。 14533, in which he argues that it is sometimes wise to admit baptisms and ordinations by heretics for the sake of peace; the question of sacramental validity does not seem to have occurred to him. 14533,其中他認為,它有時是明智的承認洗禮和祝聖為異端為了和平,問題的聖事的效力似乎並沒有發生他。 Fragments of his commentaries on the Gospel are found in manuscripts Thirteen homilies on religious life have been published by Budge.碎片對他的評論福音手稿被發現在13頌歌宗教生活已出版讓步。 They scarcely touch upon dogma.他們幾乎沒有觸及的教條。 Of his three liturgies two are given by Renaudot.他的三個禮儀兩個給予勒諾多。 Out of the great mass of his works in manuscript at Rome, Paris, Oxford, Cambridge, London, only a fraction has been published.出了偉大的群眾在他的作品手稿在羅馬,巴黎,牛津,劍橋,倫敦,只有一小部分已經出版。 He was an eager controversialist, a scholar, and an accomplished writer.他是一個渴望controversialist,一個學者,一個成功的作家。 His Syriac style is much admired.敘利亞是他的風格非常讚賞。 His sect had no more energetic leader until Jacob Baradaeus himself.他的教派領袖也沒有更多的精力充沛,直到雅各布baradaeus自己。 He was president of the synod which elevated Severus to the See of Antioch, and he had been the chief agent in the extrusion of Flavian.他是總統的主教其中高架塞維魯的見安提阿,他一直是主要的代理人在擠出弗拉維安。 He was an energetic foe of Catholicism, and his works stand next in importance to those of Severus as witnesses to the tenets of their party.他是一個精力充沛的對手的天主教,他的作品中的重要性,站在旁邊那些塞維魯作證,他們的黨的宗旨的。 He was exiled by Justin in 519 to Philippolis and then to Gangra, where he died of suffocation by smoke in the room in which he was confined.他被流放由Justin在519至菲利普波利斯,然後岡格拉,在那裡他死於窒息的煙霧在房間裡,他被關。

James of Sarugh(451-521) became periodeutes, or visitor, of Haura in that district about 505, and bishop of its capital, Batnan, in 519.詹姆斯Sarugh(451-521)成為periodeutes,或遊客,在該地區的豪拉約505,其資本和主教,Batnan,在519。 Nearly all his numerous writings are metrical.幾乎所有他的許多著作都是韻律。 We are told that seventy amanuenses were employed to copy his 760 metrical homilies, which are in Wright's opinion more readable than those of Ephraem or Isaac of Antioch.我們被告知,70 amanuenses模仿他被聘用到760格律頌歌,這是賴特的意見更具可讀性比那些Ephraem或以撒的安提阿。 A good many have been published at various times.一個好許多已發表在不同的時間。 In the Vatican are 233 in manuscripts, in London 140, in Paris, 100.在梵蒂岡的手稿是233,140在倫敦,巴黎,100。 They are much cited in the Syriac Liturgy, and a liturgy and baptismal rite are ascribed to him.他們是敘利亞文中提到的許多禮儀,以及禮儀和洗禮儀式是歸因於他。 Numerous letters of his are extant in Brit. Mus., manuscripts Addit.無數的信件,他是現存的英國人。畝。,添加劑的手稿。 14587 and 17163. 14587和17163。 Though his feast is kept by Maronites and even by some Nestorians, there is no doubt that he accepted the Henoticon, and was afterwards in relation with the leading Monophysites, rejecting the Council of Chalcedon to the end of his life.雖然他的盛宴,是由馬龍派教徒保持,甚至一些景教,毫無疑問,他接受了Henoticon,並在事後與領先的基督一性的關係,拒絕了安理會的chalcedon的結束自己的生命。 Stephen bar Soudaili was an Edessene Monophysite who fell into Pantheism and Origenism.斯蒂芬酒吧Soudaili是誰掉進基督一Edessene泛神論和Origenism。 He was attacked by Philoxenus and James of Sarugh, and retired to Jerusalem.他曾遭到了Philoxenus和James Sarugh,和退休耶路撒冷。 The confession of faith of John of Tella (483-538; bishop, 519-521) is extant, and so is his commentary on the Trisagion, and his canons for the clergy and replies to the questions of the priest Sergius - all in manuscripts in the British Museum.信仰的自白約翰的特拉(483-538;主教,519-521)是現存的,所以他的評論是對Trisagion,他的大砲的神職人員和答复的問題牧師的謝爾蓋-所有手稿在大英博物館。 The great James Baradaeus, the eponymous hero of the Jacobites, who supplied bishops and clergy for the Monophysites when they were definitively divided from the Eastern Catholics in 543, wrote but little; a liturgy, a few letters, a sermon, and a confession of faith are extant.偉大的詹姆斯Baradaeus,同名的詹姆斯黨英雄,誰提供的主教和神職人員的該monophysites當他們最終分開了東歐天主教徒在543,但很少說,一個禮儀,幾個字母,講道,和懺悔的信仰是現存。 Of Syriac translators it is not necessary to speak, nor is there need to treat of the Monophysite scientist Sergius of Reschaina, the writer on philosophy, Ahoudemmeh, and many others.敘利亞語翻譯的,沒有必要說話,也沒有需要治療的科學家謝爾蓋的Reschaina基督一性,筆者對哲學,Ahoudemmeh,等等。

John of Ephesus, called also John of Asia, was a Syrian of Amida, where he became a deacon in 529.約翰的以弗所,也稱為約翰亞洲,是敘利亞的阿彌陀,在那裡他成為執事的529。 On account of the persecution of his sect he departed, and was made administrator of the temporal affairs of the Monophysites in Constantinople by Justinian, who sent him in the following year as a missionary bishop to the pagans of Asia Minor.對帳戶的迫害,他離開他的教派,並寫了管理員的世俗事務的該monophysites由查士丁尼在君士坦丁堡,誰派他在下一年度作為一個傳教士主教小亞細亞的異教徒。 He relates of himself that he converted 60,000, and had 96 churches built.他敘述了自己,他皈依60,000,並已建成96個教堂。 He returned to the capital in 546, to destroy idol worship there also.他在返回首都546,摧毀偶像崇拜也有。 But on the death of Justinian he suffered a continual persecution, which he described in his "History", as an excuse for its confusion and repetitions.但在他死亡的查士丁尼不斷遭受迫害,他在他的“歷史”,為藉口為其混亂和重複。 What remains of that work is of great value as a contemporary record.剩下的,工作是很有價值作為當代紀錄。 The style is florid and full of Greek expressions.是華麗的風格,充分表達了希臘。 The lives of blessed Easterns were put together by John about 565-566, and have been published by Land.人的生命的祝福東方的人放在一起由約翰約565-566,並已公佈的土地。 They include great men like Severus, Baradæus Theodosius, etc. (For an account of these works and for bibliography see JOHN OF EPHESUS.)它們包括偉人像塞維魯,Baradæus狄奧多西等(如需到這些作品和參考書目見永的以弗所。)

George, bishop of the Arabians (b. about 640; d. 724) was one of the chief writers of the Assyrian Jacobites.喬治,主教阿拉伯人(生於約640,四724)是一對行政作家亞述人詹姆斯黨。 He was a personal follower of James of Edessa, whose poem on the Hexameron he completed after the death of James in 708.他是一個個人的追隨者詹姆斯的edessa,其詩的Hexameron他完成後,死亡的708詹姆斯。 In this work he teaches the Apocatastasis, or restoration of all things, including the destruction of hell, which so many Greek Fathers learned from Origen.在這項工作中,他教Apocatastasis,或恢復所有的東西,包括摧毀地獄,如此眾多的希臘教父教訓奧利。 George was born in the Tehouma in the Diocese of Antioch, and was ordained bishop of the wandering Arabs in November, 686; his see was at Akoula. He was a man of considerable learning.喬治是出生在Tehouma在教區的安提阿,和被祝聖主教的阿拉伯人徘徊在11月,686,他看到的是在Akoula。他是一個相當大的學習。 His translation, with introduction and commentary, of part of the "Organon" of Aristotle ("Catagories", "De Interpretatione", and "Prior Analytics") is extant (Brit. Mus., manuscript Addit. 14659), as is the collection he made of scholia on St. Gregory of Nazianzus, and an explanation of the three Sacraments (Baptism, Holy Communion, and consecration of chrism, following Pseudo-Dionysius).他的翻譯,介紹和評論,第一部分的“歐加農”的亞里士多德(“類別”,“德解釋篇”和“前分析”)是現存的(Brit.畝。,添加劑的手稿。14659),這也是他收集的scholia聖托馬格雷戈里的nazianzus,並解釋三個聖禮(洗禮,聖餐,和奉獻的痛苦中,下列偽狄奧尼修斯)。 His letters of 714 till 718 are extant in the same manuscript as this last work (Brit. Mus., manuscript Addit. 12154).他信的714至七百一十八頃現存的手稿,因為這同去年的工作(Brit.畝。,添加劑的手稿。12154)。 They deal with many things; astronomical, exegetical, liturgical questions, explanations of Greek proverbs and fables, dogma and polemics, and contain historical matter about Aphraates and Gregory the Illuminator.他們處理很多事情,天文,訓詁,禮儀的問題,解釋希臘諺語和寓言,教條和論戰,並包含歷史問題有關Aphraates和格雷戈里的照明燈。 His poems included one in dodecasyllables on the unpromising subject of the calculations of movable feasts and the correction of the solar and lunar cycles, another on the monastic life, and two on the consecration of the holy chrism.他的詩在dodecasyllables包括一對前景不樂觀的課題計算動產節日及糾正的太陽和月亮的週期,另一寺院的生活,兩份關於奉獻的神聖chrism。 His works are important for our knowledge of Syriac Church and literature.他的作品是重要的敘利亞教會我們的知識和文學。 His reading was vast, including the chief Greek Fathers, with whom he classes Severus and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite; he knows the Pseudo-Clementines and Josephus, and of Syriac writers he knows Bardesanes, Aphraates, and St. Ephraem.他的理解是巨大的,包括行政希臘的父親,同他的類塞維魯和偽狄奧尼修斯的Areopagite,他知道偽橘和約瑟夫,與敘利亞的作家,他知道Bardesanes,Aphraates和聖Ephraem。 His correspondence is addressed to literary monks of his sect.他的信件是寫給他的僧侶文學節。 The canons attributed to George in the "Nomocanon" of Bar Hebraeus are apparently extracts from his writings reduced to the form of canons.該炮由於喬治在“Nomocanon”的酒吧Hebraeus顯然從他的著作中摘錄的形式減少到大砲。

James of Edessa (about 633-708) was the chief Syriac writer of his time, and the last that need be mentioned here.詹姆斯的edessa(約633-708)是主要敘利亞作家他的時間,最後,需要在此提及。 His works are sufficiently described in a separate article.他的作品充分說明在一個單獨的文章。 The Syriac literature of the Monophysites, however, continued throughout the middle ages.敘利亞文文學該monophysites,但是,一直持續到中世紀。 Their Coptic, Arabic, and Armenian literature is large, but cannot be treated in an article like the present one.他們的科普特文,阿拉伯文,亞美尼亞和文學是大,但不能像對待目前的一篇文章之一。

ORTHODOXY正統派

Were the Monophysites really heretics or were they only schismatics?被該 monophysites異端,還是他們真的只是schismatics與羅馬? This question was answered in the affirmative by Assemani, more recently by the Oriental scholar Nau, and last of all by Lebon, who has devoted an important work, full of evidence from unpublished sources, to the establishment of this thesis.這個問題是回答是肯定的了Assemani,最近由東方學者瑙,最後所有的萊,誰花了一個重要的工作,充分的證據來自未發表的來源,建立這一論斷。 It is urged that the Monophysites taught that there is but one Nature of Christ, mia physis, because they identify the words physis and hypostasis.這是敦促該monophysites教導,即只有一個自然的基督,米婭physis之,因為他們認同的話自然與hypostasis。 But in just the same way the Nestorians have lately been justified.但是,在用同樣的方法的nestorians,最近是合理的。 A simple scheme will make the matter plain:一個簡單的計劃,使問題簡單:

Nestorians: One person, two hypostases, two natures.景教:一人兩 hypostases,兩個性質。

Catholics: One person, one hypostasis, two natures.天主教徒:一個人,一個本質,特性,兩種性質。

Monophysites: One person, one hypostasis, one nature.基督一性說:一個人,一個本質,特性,一個性質。

It is urged by Bethune-Baker that Nestorius and his friends took the word hypostasis in the sense of nature, and by Lebon that the Monophysites took nature in the sense of hypostasis, so that both parties really intended the Catholic doctrine.這是敦促由白求恩-貝克說聶斯脫裡和他的朋友把這個詞hypostasis在這個意義上的性質,以及萊認為該monophysites了自然意義上的本質,特性,使雙方真正意圖天主教教義。 There is a prima facie argument against both these pleas. Granted that for centuries controversialists full of odium theologicum might misunderstand one another and fight about words while agreeing as to the underlying doctrines, yet it remains that the words person, hypostasis, nature (prosopon, hypostasis, physis) had received in the second half of the fourth century a perfectly definite meaning, as to which the whole Church was at one. All agreed that in the Holy Trinity there is one Nature (physia or physis) having three Hypostases of Persons.有一個初步的論據反對這兩項請求。就算數百年controversialists充滿憎恨theologicum可能彼此誤解和爭吵的話雖然同意以基礎理論,但它仍然是人的話,本質,特性,性質(prosopon,本質,特性,physis之)曾在下半場獲得的第四個世紀,一個完全確定的意義,關於這一點,整個教會是一致的。大家一致認為,在聖三一有一個自然(或physia physis之)有3 Hypostases人事。 If in Christology the Nestorians used hypostasis and the Monophysites physis in a new sense, not only does it follow that their use of words was singularly inconsistent and inexcusable, but (what is far more important) that they can have had no difficulty in seeing what was the true meaning of Catholic councils, popes, and theologians, who consistently used the words in one and the same sense with regard both to the Trinity and the Incarnation.如果基督的nestorians使用hypostasis和該monophysites physis之在新的意義,它不僅遵循其使用的文字是奇不一致和不可原諒的,但(這是什麼更為重要),他們可以毫無困難地在看什麼是真正意義天主教理事會,教皇,和神學家,誰堅持用的字眼是在同一個感覺就既三位一體和化身。 There would be every excuse for Catholics if they misunderstood such a strange "derangement of epitaphs" on the part of the schismatics, but the schismatics must have easily grasped the Catholic position.將每一個藉口有天主教徒,如果他們這樣一個奇怪的誤解“紊亂的墓誌銘”關於部分schismatics與羅馬,但必須容易掌握schismatics與羅馬天主教會的立場。 As a fact the Antiochene party had no difficulty in coming to terms with St. Leo; they understood him well enough, and declared that they had always meant what he meant.作為一個事實的安提阿學派黨也沒有困難的條件來與聖里奧,他們了解他不夠好,並宣布他們一向意味著他的意思。 How far this was a fact must be discussed under NESTORIANISM.多遠,這是一個事實必須景教下討論。 But the Monophysites always withstood the Catholic doctrine, declaring it to be Nestorian, or half Nestorian, and that it divided Christ into two.但該monophysites始終經受住了天主教教義,宣稱它是景教,或半景教,並把它分為兩個基督。

Lebon urges that Severus himself more than once explains that there is a difference in the use of words in "theology" (doctrine of the Trinity) and in "the economy" (Incarnation): "admittedly hypostasis and ousia or physis are not the same in theology; however, in the economy they are the same" (PG, LXXXVI, 1921), and he alleges the example of Gregory of Nazianzus to show that in a new mystery the terms must take new significations.萊促請塞維魯他不止一次解釋,是有區別的使用中的單詞“神學”(學說的三位一體)和“經濟”(化身):“誠然hypostasis physis之和ousia或不相同在神學,但是,在經濟它們是相同的“公司(PG,捌拾陸,1921年),他聲稱的例子,格雷戈里的nazianzus顯示,在一個新的神秘的條款必須採取新的意蘊。 But surely these very passages make it evident that Severus distinguished between physis and hypostasis. Putting aside the Trinity and the Incarnation, every physis is a hypostasis, and every hypostasis is a physis -- in this statement all Catholics and Monophysites agree.但我肯定這些通道非常明顯,使塞維魯區分自然與hypostasis。撇開三位一體的化身,每一個自然的生成是一個本質,特性,是每hypostasis physis之-在此聲明所有天主教徒和基督一同意。 But this means that the denotation of the words is the same, not that there is no difference of connotation.但是,這意味著外延的話是一樣的,不是沒有差異的內涵。 Physis is an abstraction, and cannot exist except as a concrete, that is to say, as a hypostasis.自然的生成是一個抽象的,不能存在,除非是作為具體的,這就是說,作為一個hypostasis。 But "admittedly" in the Trinity the denotation as well as the connotation of the words is diverse, it is still true that each of the three Hypostases is identified with the Divine Nature (that is, each Person is God); but if each Hypostasis is therefore still a physis (the one physis) yet the physis is not one by three Hypostases.但是,“固然”的三位一體的外延和內涵是不同的字,它仍然是真實的,每三個Hypostases是確定與神性(即,每個人是神),但如果每個Hypostasis因此,仍然是一個physis之(一physis之)但不是一個自然的生成是由三個Hypostases。 The words retain their old sense (connotation) yet have received a new sense in a new relation.保留舊的話語意義(內涵)尚未收到新的感覺在一個新的關係。 It is obvious that this is the phenomenon to which Severus referred.很明顯,這是塞維魯提到的現象。 Catholics would add that in the Incarnation conversely two natures are one hypostasis.天主教會增加,在兩個性質相反的化身是一個hypostasis。 Thus the meanings of physis (abstract=ousia) and hypostasis (subsistent physis, physis hyphestosa or enhypostatos) in the Holy Trinity were a common possession; and all agreed further that in the created universe there cannot exist a nature which does not subsist, there is no such thing as a physis anhypostatos.因此,意義physis之(摘要= ousia)和hypostasis(溫飽physis之,physis之hyphestosa或enhypostatos)在聖三一人一個共同擁有,而所有同意進一步,在創造宇宙就不可能存在的性質不存在,但是有沒有這樣的東西作為physis之anhypostatos。

But Catholics hold the Human Nature of Christ considered in itself to be anhypostatos, but that the second Person of the Holy Trinity is its hypostasis.但是天主教徒認為人的本質在基督認為自己是anhypostatos,但第二個人的聖三位一體是其hypostasis。 As the infinity of the Divine Nature is capable of a threefold subsistence, so the infinity of the Hypostasis of the Word is able to be the Hypostasis of the Human Nature assumed as well as of the Divine.由於無限的神性,是能夠生存了三倍,所以無限的Hypostasis的Word能夠成為Hypostasis的人性假設,以及神聖的。 The union in Christ is not a union of two natures directly with one another, but a union of the two in one hypostasis; thus they are distinct yet inseparable, and each acts in communion with the other.工會在基督不是工會的兩個性質直接與另一個,但兩個聯盟在一hypostasis,因此他們是不同而不可分割的,每個行為與其他的共融。

The Nestorians argued thus: There are, according to the Fathers, two natures in Christ; but since every nature is a hypostasis, the Human Nature in Christ is a hypostasis.這樣的nestorians說:有,根據父親,兩個性質在基督裡,但因為各種性質是本質,特性,在基督的人性是hypostasis。 In order to make one Christ, they tried (in vain) to explain how two hypostases could be united in one person (prosopon).為了使一個基督,他們試圖(白)解釋如何2 hypostases可以團結在一個人(prosopon)。 They did not mean to divide Christ, but their prosopic union leaked at every seam; it was difficult to express it or argue about it without falling into heresy.他們並不意味著分裂基督,但他們的prosopic工會在每縫洩漏,它是難以表達,或說,如果沒有落入異端。 The Antiochenes were glad to drop such inadequate formulae, for it was certain that "person" in the Holy Trinity was only another name for "hypostasis".該Antiochenes高興地下降等不足的公式,因為它確信,“人”的三位一體,只是換個名稱“hypostasis”。 The Cyrillians were shocked, and could not be induced to believe (though St. Cyril himself did) that the Nestorianizers did not really mean two Christs, two Sons.該Cyrillians感到震驚,並不能誘導相信(儘管他自己沒有聖西里爾)表示,Nestorianizers並不真正意味著兩個基督,兩個兒子。

Conversely, starting from the same proposition that every physis is a hypostasis, the Monophysites argued that a Christ is one Person, one Hypostasis, so He is one Nature, and they preferred "is one nature" to the equivalent "has one nature".相反,開始從相同的命題,每個自然的生成是一個本質,特性,該monophysites爭辯說,基督是一個人,一個本質,特性,所以他是一個自然,和他們喜歡的“,是一個自然”到相當於“有一個性質”。 They alleged high authority for their formula, not only St. Cyril, but behind him St. Athanasius, Pope St. Julius, and St. Gregory the Wonderworker.他們聲稱他們的高權威公式,不僅聖濟利祿,但他身後的聖亞他那修,教皇朱利葉聖和聖格雷戈里的神奇露。 These authorities, however, were but Apollinarian forgeries; the favourite formula of St. Cyril, the mia physis sesarkomene, had been borrowed unwitting from an Apollinarian source, and had been meant by its original inventor in a heretical sense.這些當局,但是,他們卻Apollinarian偽造的;最喜歡的公式聖濟利祿,physis之sesarkomene的米婭,已經從1 Apollinarian借用不知情的來源,並已叫其原始發明者在邪教意識。 Nay, the "one nature" went back to the Arians, and had been used by Eudoxius himself to express the incompleteness of the Human Nature of Christ.不僅如此,“一性”回到了白羊座,並已使用Eudoxius自己表達不完整的人性基督。

Yet the Monophysites were far from being Apollinarians, still less were they Arians; they were careful from the beginning that Christ is perfect Man, and that He assumed a complete Human Nature like ours.然而,該monophysites遠未Apollinarians,更是他們白羊座,他們非常謹慎,從一開始,基督是完美的男人,並認為他承擔了完整的人性像我們這樣。 Dioscurus is emphatic on this point in his letter to Secundinus (Hist. Misc., III, i) and with need, since he had acquitted Eutyches who had denied our Lord's "consubstantiality with us". Ælurus is just as clear in the letters by which he refuted and excommunicated Isaias of Hermopolis and Theophilus as "Eutychians" (hist. Misc., IV, xii), and Severus had an acute controversy with Sergius the Grammarian on this very point. They al declared with one voice that Christ is mia physis, but ek duo physeon, that His Divine Nature is combined with a complete Human Nature in one hypostasis, and hence the two have become together the One Nature of that one hypostasis, howbeit without mixture or confusion or diminution. Dioscurus有力,這一點是在他信Secundinus(Hist.雜項。,三,我)和需要,因為他被宣告無罪歐迪奇誰否認我們的主的“同體與我們”。Ælurus是一樣的信中明確由他駁斥和驅逐伊薩亞斯的荷莫波里斯和西奧菲勒斯為“Eutychians”(hist.雜項。,四,十二),並有一個尖銳的爭論塞維魯與謝爾蓋的語法學家就這點。鋁宣布,他們用一個聲音說,基督是米婭physis之,但兩人physeon克朗,他的神性,是一個完整的結合在一個人性本質,特性,因而成為了兩個共同的一個自然的,一個本質,特性,沒有福分,混合物或混淆或減少。 Ælurus insists that after union the properties of each nature remain unchanged; but they spoke of "the divine and human things", divina et humana, not natures; each nature remains in its natural state with its own characteristics (en idioteti te kata physin) yet not as a unity but as a part, a quality (poiotes physike), nor as a physis. Ælurus堅持工會的性質後,各性質不變,但他們說,“神和人的東西”,迪維納等Humana公司,而不是性質,每個性質仍處於自然狀態與它自己的特性(ZH idioteti德卡塔physin)但不是作為一個整體,而是一個部分,一個質量(poiotes physike),也不是physis之。 All the qualities of the two natures are combined into one hypostasis synthetos and form the one nature of that one hypostasis.所有的素質的兩個性質是合併成一個hypostasis synthetos,形成一個自然的,一個hypostasis。 So far there is no heresy in intention, but only a wrong definition: that one hypostasis can have only one nature.到目前為止,沒有異端的意圖,但只有一個錯誤的定義:即一hypostasis只能有一個性質。

But however harmless the formula "one nature" might look at first sight, it led in fact immediately to serious and disastrous consequences.但是,無論無害公式“一性”看起來可能會一見鍾情,它在事實上立即嚴重的災難性後果。 The Divine Nature of the Word is not merely specifically but numerically one with the Divine Nature of the Son and the Holy Ghost.在神性的Word不僅僅是一個具體數值,但與神性,子,聖靈。 This is the meaning of the word homoousios applied to the Three Persons, and if Harnack were right in supposing that at the Council of Constantinople in 384 the word was taken to imply only three Persons of one species, then that Council accepted three Gods, and not three distinct but inseparable Persons in one God.這是這個詞的含義homoousios應用到三個人,如果哈納克是正確的假設,在安理會的君士坦丁堡在384字被送往意味著只有3個人的一個物種,那會接受三神,但不是三個不同的人在一個不可分割的上帝。 Now if the Divine and Human Natures are united in the Word into one Nature, it is impossible to avoid one of two conclusions, either that the whole Divine Nature became man and suffered and died, or else that each of the three Persons had a Divine Nature of His own.現在,如果在神和人性論統一於字為一個自然,it是無法避免1 of 2結論,要么the whole神聖和遭受自然成為man和死亡,或者其他的每個3 Persons有一個神聖的他自己的性質。 In fact the Monophysites split upon this question.事實上該monophysites分裂後,這一問題。 Ælurus and Severus seem to have avoided the difficulty, but it was not long before those who refused the latter alternative were taunted with the necessity of embracing the former, and were nicknamed Theopaschites, as making God to suffer. Ælurus和塞維魯似乎已經避免了困難,但沒過多久,這些誰拒絕了後者的選擇是嘲弄與前擁抱的必要性,並綽號Theopaschites,為使神受害。 Vehemently Severus and his school declared that they made the Divinity to suffer not as God, but only as man; but this was insufficient as a reply.強烈塞維魯和他的學校宣布,他們遭受的神不是上帝,但只是作為男人,但這是不夠的答复。 Their formula was not "The Word made flesh", "the Son of God made man", but "one Nature of the Word made flesh";-the Nature became flesh, that is the whole Divine Nature.他們的公式是不是“字了肉”,“上帝的兒子造人”,而是“一個字的性質作出肉”,自然成了肉身,這是整個神性。 They did not reply: "we mean hypostasis when we say nature, we do not mean the Divine Nature (which the Word has in common with the Father and the Holy Ghost) but His Divine Person, which in the present case we call His physis", for the physis tou Theou Logou, before the word sesarkomene has been added, is in the sphere of "theology" not of "the economy", and its signification could not be doubted.他們並沒有回答:“我們的意思hypostasis當我們說的性質,我們不意味著神性(這字在共同與父親和聖靈),但他的神人,這在目前情況下,我們呼籲他的physis之“,為physis之頭Theou洛古,字sesarkomene前增加了,是該領域中的”神學“不是”經濟“,其意義可能是毋庸置疑的。

Just as there were many "Eutychians" among the Monophysites who denied that Christ is consubstantial with us, so there were found many to embrace boldly the paradox that the Divine Nature has become incarnate.正如有許多“Eutychians”在該monophysites誰否認基督是同質與我們聯繫,以便發現有許多大膽的擁抱神性的矛盾,已成為體現。 Peter Fullo added to the praise of the Trinity the words "who was crucified for us", and refused to allow the natural inference to be explained away.彼得Fullo添加到三位一體的讚揚的話:“誰被釘在十字架上為我們”,並拒絕讓自然的推論來解釋了。 Stephen Niobes and the Niobites expressly denied all distinction between the Human and the Divine Natures after the union.斯蒂芬Niobes和Niobites明確否認所有區分人與神的性質後,聯盟。 The Actistetae declared that the Human Nature became "uncreated" by the union.該Actistetae宣布人性變成了“非受造”的聯盟。 If the greatest theologians of the sect, Severus and Philoxenus, avoided these excesses, it was by a refusal to be logically Monophysite. It was not only the orthodox who were scandalized by these extreme views.如果該教派最大的神學家,塞維魯和Philoxenus,避免了這些暴行,它是由一個在邏輯上拒絕基督一性。它不僅是正統誰是反感,這些極端的觀點。 An influential and very learned section of the schism rebelled, and chose the second of the two alternatives - that of making the Divine Nature threefold, in order to ensure that the Human Nature in Christ was made one with the Nature of the Son alone and not with the whole Divine Nature.一位有影響力的和非常了解的一段的分裂反叛,並選擇了第二的兩個備選方案-這使神性三倍,以確保人性在基督了一個與自然的兒子,而不是單單與整個神性。 John Philoponus, the Aristotelian commentator, therefore taught that there are in the Trinity three partial substances (merikai ousiai) and one common substance (mia koine), thus falling into Polytheism, with three, or rather four gods.約翰約翰菲洛波努斯,亞里士多德的評論員,因此教導說,有在三一三部分物質(merikai ousiai)和一個共同的物質(米婭koine),從而落入多神教,有3個或4個,而神。 This Tritheistic party was treated with leniency.這是黨Tritheistic從寬處理。 It split into sections.它分成部分。 Though they were excommunicated at Alexandria, the Patriarch Damian held a view not far different.雖然他們被逐出教會在亞歷山大,牧首達米安舉行了不遠處的看法不同。 He so distinguished between the Divine ousia and the three Hypostases which partake (metechousin) in it, that he conceded the ousia to be existent of Itself (enyparktos), and his followers were nicknamed Tetradatites.他這樣區分的神聖ousia和三個Hypostases的分享(metechousin)也說,他承認了ousia是存在的本身(enyparktos),和他的追隨者被稱為Tetradatites。 Thus Peter Fullo, the Actistetae, and the Niobites on the one hand, and the Tritheists and Damianists on the other, developed the Monophysite formulae in the only two possible directions.因此彼得Fullo的Actistetae和Niobites一方面,和Tritheists和Damianists另一方面,開發了計算公式中的基督一只有兩個可能的方向。 It is obvious that formulae which involved such alternatives were heretical in fact as well as in origin.很明顯,公式等替代品,涉及邪教的事實,以及在原籍。 Severus tried to be orthodox, but at the expense of consistency.塞維魯努力做到正統,但是在犧牲的一致性。 His "corruptibilist" view is true enough, if the Human Nature is considered in the abstract apart from the union (see EUTYCHIANISM), but to consider it thus as an entity was certainly an admission of the Two Natures.他的“corruptibilist”觀點雖沒錯,如果人類自然被認為是抽象的,除了工會(見EUTYCHIANISM),但把它看作從而作為一個整體當然是承認的兩個性質。 All change and suffering in Christ must be (as the Julianists and Justinian rightly saw) strictly voluntary, in so far as the union gives to the Sacred Humanity a right and claim to beatification and (in a sense) to deification.所有的改變和痛苦,必須在基督(視Julianists和查士丁尼正確鋸)完全自願的,這樣就賦予工會的神聖人性的權利,並聲稱在封聖和(在一定意義上),以神化。 But Severus was willing to divide the Natures not merely "before" the union (that is, logically previous to it) but even after the union "theoretically", and he went so far in his controversy with the orthodox John the Grammarian as to concede duo physeis en theoria.但塞維魯願意性質劃分不只是“在”工會(即,以前它在邏輯上),但即使在工會“理論上”,他竟然在他的爭議與正統的語法學家約翰作為讓步兩人 physeis恩theoria。 This was indeed an immense concession, but considering how much more orthodox were the intentions of Severus than his words, it is scarcely astonishing, for St. Cyril had conceded much more.這的確是一個巨大的讓步,但考慮到如何更正統的是比他的意圖塞維魯的話,它幾乎是驚人的,因為聖西里爾已經承認等等。

But though Severus went so far as this, it is shown elsewhere (see EUTYCHIANISM, MAXIMUS CONFESSOR, and especially MONOTHELITISM) that he did not avoid the error of giving one activity to our Lord, one will, and one knowledge.但是,儘管塞維魯竟然這一點,就顯示在其他地方(見EUTYCHIANISM,大菱鮃懺悔,特別是MONOTHELITISM)他沒有避免錯誤的一項活動,以使我們的主,一會,一個知識。 It is true enough that he had no intention of admitting any incompleteness in the Humanity of Christ, and that he and all the Monophysites started merely from the proposition that all activity, all will, and intelligence proceed from the person, as ultimate principle, and on this ground alone they asserted the unity of each in Christ.這是沒錯,他沒有承認任何意圖不完備的人性在基督的,他和所有的基督一開始只是從命題,所有活動,所有的意志和智慧從人出發,最終的目標原則,基於這個理由,他們主張單獨的統一的每一個基督。 But it was on this ground that Monothelitism was condemned. It was not supposed by the best Catholic theologians who attacked the doctrine that the Monophysites denied Christ to have exercised human activities, human acts of the will, human acts of cognition; the error was clearly recognized as lying in the failure to distinguish between the human or the mixed (theandric) activity of Christ as Man, and the purely Divine activity, will, knowledge, which the Son has in common with the Father and the Holy Spirit, and which are in fact the Divine Nature.但正是在這個理由,Monothelitism被譴責。事情本不應該由最好的天主教神學家的理論,誰襲擊該monophysites否認基督已行使人類活動,人類行為的意志,人的行為的認知;顯然是錯誤的承認說謊,未能區分人類或混合(theandric)活性的基督為男子,而純粹是神聖的活動,將知識,在共同的兒子與父親和聖靈的,哪些是其實神性。 In speaking of one activity, one will, one knowledge in Christ, Severus was reducing Monophysitism to pure heresy just as much as did the Niobites or the Tritheists whom he certainly held in horror; for he refused to distinguish between the human faculties of Christ-activity, will, intellect-and the Divine Nature itself.在談到一個活動,一會,一個在基督裡的知識,塞維魯是減少基督一純邪教一樣多一樣的Niobites或Tritheists人,他一定在恐懼中舉行,因為他拒絕區分人類能力的基督活動,意志,智慧和神性本身。 This is no Apollinarianism, but is so like it that the distinction is theoretical rather than real.這不是亞波里拿留派,但如此喜歡,這種區別是理論上的,而不是真實的。 It is the direct consequence of the use of Apollinarian formulae.它的直接後果是在使用Apollinarian公式。 St. Cyril did not go so far, and in this Monothelite error we may see the essence of the heresy of the Monophysites; for all fell into this snare, except the Tritheists, since it was the logical result of their mistaken point of view.聖西里爾沒有走那麼遠,在這Monothelite錯誤的本質,我們可能會看到的異端的基督一性,這對所有陷入圈套,除Tritheists,因為它是合乎邏輯的結果他們的錯誤觀點。

Publication information Written by John Chapman.出版信息寫由約翰查普曼。 Transcribed by Michael T. Barrett.轉錄由邁克爾巴雷特。 Dedicated to Fr. Michael Sprauer on his 25th anniversary of ordination The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume X. Published 1911.專用神父。邁克爾施普勞爾他25週年的協調天主教百科全書,卷十,1911 1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特Appleton還公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年10月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人頭馬 lafort,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York認可。+約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography書目

For general literature see EUTYCHIANISM.對於一般的文學見 EUTYCHIANISM。 In PG there are more fragments than complete writings.在PG有更多的碎片比完整的著作。 Important collections are ASSEMANI, Bibliotheca Orientalis (Rome, 1719-28); CHABOT and others, Corp. Script.重要館藏ASSEMANI,藏書東方(羅馬,1719年至1728年);塞波特和其他公司的腳本。 Christ.基督。 Orient., Script.東方。,腳本。 Syri; GRAFFIN and NAU, Patrologia Orient. Syri;格拉芬和南京農業大學,Patrologia東方。 (1905-, in progress); also DE LAGARDE, Analecta Syriaca (Leipzig, 1858); LAND, Anecdota Syriaca (Leyden, 1870). (1905 - ,進行中);亦可取消拉嘉德,Analecta Syriaca(萊比錫,1858),土地,軼事般Syriaca(萊頓,1870年)。 For the very numerous Monophysite writings contained in Syriac MSS.對於非常多的著作載於敘利亞基督一MSS的。 see especially the following catalogues: ASSEMANI, Bibl.特別是看到以下目錄:ASSEMANI,Bibl。 Medicaeae Laurentianae et Palatinae MS. Orient. Medicaeae Laurentianae等Palatinae碩士學位。東方。 catal.卡塔。 (Florence, 1742); IDEM, Bibl. (佛羅倫薩,1742年),同上,Bibl。 Apost. Apost。 Vatic.瓦蒂奇。 catal., part I, vol. II-III (Rome, 1758-9); WRIGHT, Catal.卡塔。第一部分,第二卷。Ⅱ〜Ⅲ(羅馬,1758-9);賴特,卡塔。 of the Syriac MS.在敘利亞碩士學位。 in the Brit.在英國人。 Mus. acquired since 1838 (London, 1870-2); WRIGHT AND COOK, Catal.畝。收購自1838年(倫敦,1870-2),賴特和庫克,卡塔。 of Syriac MSS.對敘利亞為期六年。 of the Univ.該大學。 of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1901); SACHAU, Handschrift- Verzeichnisse der K.劍橋(劍橋,1901年);扎豪,Handschrift - Verzeichnisse德法光 Bibl. Bibl。 zu Berlin, XXIII, Syrische MSS.祖柏林,第23號,Syrische MSS的。 (Berlin, 1899), etc. On the literature in general see ASSEMANI, op. (柏林,1899年)等在文獻中一般見ASSEMANI,同前。 cit., II, Dissertatio de Monophysitis: GIESELER, Commentatio qua Monophysitarum veterum errores ex corum scriptis recends editis illustrantur (Gottingen, 1835-8); WRIGHT, Syriac literature (Encyclop. Brit., 9th ed., 1887; published separately as A Short History of Syriac Lit., London, 1894); DUBAL, La litterature Syriaque (3rd ed., Paris, 1907); many excellent articles by KRUEGER in Realencyclopadie.同前。,二,Dissertatio德Monophysitis:吉澤勒,Commentatio條件Monophysitarum veterum errores前喬魯姆scriptis recends editis illustrantur(哥廷根,1835-8);賴特,敘利亞文文學(Encyclop.英國人。,第九版。,1887年,作為一個單獨出版簡短的歷史敘利亞里拉。,倫敦,1894年);迪拜鋁業公司,拉litterature Syriaque(第3版。,巴黎,1907年),許多優秀的文章,克魯格在Realencyclopadie。

On TIMOTHY ÆLURUS see CRUM, Eusebius and Coptic Church Hist.評提摩太ÆLURUS見克拉姆,尤西比烏斯和科普特教會歷史。 in Proc.在進程內。 of Soc. SoC的。 of Bibl.對Bibl。 Arch.拱橋。 (London, 1902); TER-MEKERTTSCHIAN and TER-MINASSIANTZ, Tim. (倫敦,1902年);的TER - MEKERTTSCHIAN和之三,MINASSIANTZ,蒂姆。 AElurus' des Patriarchen von Alexandrien, Widerlegung der auf der Synode zu Chalcedon festgesetzten Lehre, Armenian text (Leipzig, 1908); LEBON, La Christologie de Tim. AElurus'德Patriarchen馮Alexandrien,Widerlegung明鏡奧夫明鏡Synode祖卡爾西festgesetzten萊勒,亞美尼亞文本(萊比錫,1908年);萊,喇Christologie德添。 Ælure in Revue d'hist. Ælure在現代史和歷史。 ecc. ECC的。 (Oct. 1908); IDEM, Le Monophysisme severien (Louvain, 1909), 93-111. (08年10月),同上,樂Monophysisme塞韋(魯汶,1909),93-111。

For French tr.對於法國的文。 of the letters of PETER FULLO se REVILLOUT in Revue des Questions Hist., XXII (1877), 83, and (in Coptic and French) AMELINEAU, Mon pour servir a l'hist.彼得的字母本身勒維尤在FULLO問題雜誌組織胺。,22(1877年),83,和(在科普特和法文)阿姆利諾,週一倒服務報1 l'歷史。 de l'Egypte chret.德l' Egypte chret。 (Paris, 18888); the Armenian text in ISMEREANZ, The book of Letters, Armenian only (Tiflis, 1901); the letters to Peter Mongus are in Mansi, VII, 1109 sqq.; in favour of their genuineness see PAGI's notes to BARONIUS, ad ann. (巴黎,18888);亞美尼亞文本ISMEREANZ,該書的信函,亞美尼亞只(第比利斯,1901年);信件彼得蒙古斯在曼西,七,1109年時12 sqq。;贊成其真實性看到晨報的筆記巴若尼,廣告安。 485, No. 15; against, VALESIUS, Observ. 485,第15條;反對,VALESIUS,變化的觀察。 eccles., 4 (in his edition of EVAGRIUS, Paris, 1673; PG, LXXXVI), and TILLEMONT, XVI.埃克爾斯。,4(在他的版EVAGRIUS,巴黎,1673年,前列腺素,捌拾)和蒂耶蒙,十六。 Greek fragments from the homilies of TIMOTHY IV in Cosmas Indicopleustes (PG, LXXXVII), an entire homily in MAI, Script.希臘頌歌的碎片從霍震霆四中科斯馬斯indicopleustes公司(PG,第八十七號),在整個講道麥,腳本。 vet.獸醫。 nova coll., V (1831), and PG LXXXVI.新星科爾。,五(1831年),和PG捌拾。 Fragments of THEODOSIUS in Cosmas (ibid.), and of letters to Severus in PG, LXXXVI; se also Mansi, X, 1117 and 1121.在科斯馬斯片段狄奧多西(同上),和信塞維魯在編號,捌拾;本身也曼西,十,1117和1121。 A letter from Theodosius to Severus and one to Anthimus in Hist.阿信狄奧多西以塞維魯和一個Anthimus的歷史。 Misc., IX, 24, 26.雜項。,第九,24,26。

On SEVERUS see ASSEMANI; KRUGER in Realencycl.關於塞維魯見 ASSEMANI;克魯格在Realencycl。 sv; VENABLES in Dict.希沃特;維納布爾斯在快譯通。 Christ. Biog.; SPANUTH, Zacharias Rhetor, Das Leben des Severus (Syr. text, Gottingen, 1893); lives by ZACHARIAS and JOHN OF BEITH-APHTHONIA, followed by a collection of documents concerning Severus, edited by KUGENER in Patrol.基督。Biog。;施帕努特,撒迦利亞修辭,達斯Leben德塞維魯(Syr.文本,哥廷根,1893年);生命的撒迦利亞和John比斯- APHTHONIA,隨後收集有關文件塞維魯,編輯的KUGENER在巡邏。 Orient., II; The Conflict of Severus, by ATHANASIUS, Ethiopic text with English transl., ed.東方。,二;塞維魯的衝突中,亞他那修,衣索比亞文本與英文譯。編。 by GOODSPEED, together with Coptic fragments of the same work, edited by CRUM, in Patrol.由古德斯皮德,連同科普特片段同樣的工作,編輯的克拉姆在巡邏。 Orient., III; DUVAL, Homelies cathedrales de Severe, 52-7, Syriac and French, in Patr.東方。,三;杜瓦爾,Homelies cathedrales德強,52-7,敘利亞和法國,在Patr。 Orient., II; BROOKS, Sixth book of select letters of Severus in the Syriac version of Athanasius of Nisibis (Text and Transl. Soc., London, 1904); EUSTRATIOS, Seuneos ho Monophysites (Leipzig, 1894); PEISKER, Severus von Antiochien, ein Kritischer Quellenbetrag zur Geschichte des Monophysismus (Halle, 1903); and especially LEBON, Le Monophysisme severien, largely founded on the study of unpublished Syriac MSS.東方。,二;布魯克斯第六書選擇字母塞維魯在敘利亞文版本的亞他那修的nisibis(文本和譯。片上系統。,倫敦,1904年); EUSTRATIOS,Seuneos浩基督一性(萊比錫,1894年);派斯克,塞維魯馮Antiochien,艾因Kritischer Quellenbetrag祖爾歷史館萬Monophysismus(哈雷,1903年);,尤其是萊,樂Monophysisme塞韋,主要是建立在研究未發表的敘利亞MSS的。 in the Brit.在英國人。 Mus.畝。 (Louvain, 1909). (盧萬,1909年)。

On JULIAN see FABRICIUS, CAVE, GIESELER, DORNER, HARNACK; also DAVIDS in Dict. Christ.作者:朱見法氏囊,洞穴,吉澤勒,多納,哈納克;還戴維斯在快譯通。基督。 Biog. Biog。 (1882); KRUGER in Realencycl. (1882年);克魯格在Realencycl。 (1901); LIETZMANN, Catenen (Freiburg, 1897); IDEM, Aus Julian von Hal. (1901年);利茨曼,Catenen(弗賴堡,1897年);同上,澳元朱利安馮哈爾。 in Rheinisch.在萊茵。 Mus., LV (1900), 321. ON JOHN PHILOPONUS see CAVE, FABRICIUS, ASSEMANI, DORNER, etc.; SCHARFENBERG, Dissert.畝。,低壓(1900),321。約翰約翰菲洛波努斯見洞,法氏囊,ASSEMANI,多納等;沙芬貝格,金玉子。 de Joanne Philop.德喬安妮 Philop。 (Leipzig, 1768); DAVIDS in Dict. (萊比錫,1768),戴維斯在快譯通。 Christ.基督。 Biog.; NAUCK in Allgemeine Encycl.; STOCKL in Kirchenlex., sv Joannes Philoponus; GASS and MEYER in Realencyckl.; RITTER, Gesch. Biog。;瑙克在匯報Encycl。;克爾在Kirchenlex。,希沃特喬安妮斯約翰菲洛波努斯;加斯和邁耶在Realencyckl。;的73格希。 der Philos., VI; KRUMBACHER, Gesch.德菲洛斯。,六;克倫巴赫爾,格希。 der byz.德byz。 Litt.利特。 (2nd ed., 1897), 53 and 581, etc.; LUDWICH, De Joanne Philopono grammatico (Konigsberg, 1888-9). (第二版。,1897年),53和581等; LUDWICH,德喬安妮Philopono格拉馬蒂科(科尼斯伯格,1888-9)。 On ZACHARIAS see KUGENER, La compilation historique de Ps.-Zach.關於撒迦利亞看見KUGENER,喇彙編historique去詩篇,扎克。 le rheteur in Revue de l'Orient Chret., V (1900), 201; IDEM, Observations sur la vie de l'ascete Isaie et sur les vies de Pierre l'Iv. et de Theodore d'Antinoe par Zach.樂rheteur在音響雜誌裡特Chret。,五(1900年),201;同上,觀察河畔拉爭奪德l' ascete伊薩耶等爭奪河畔萊代皮埃爾l'四。西奧多德Antinoe等代桿扎克。 le Schol.黎朔爾。 in Byzant.在Byzant。 Zeitschr., IX (1900), 464; in these articles KUGENER distinguishes the Rhetor from the Scholastic, whom he identifies with the bishop; but he has changed his mind acc. Zeitschr。,第九章(1900年),464,在這些文章KUGENER區分修辭從學術,他所認同的主教,但他已經改變了主意行政協調會。 to KRUGER, Zach.對克魯格,扎克。 Schol., in Realencycl.朔爾。在Realencycl。 (1908). (1908年)。 See also below under Historia Miscellanea. The Plerophoria of JOHN OF MAIUMA are preserved in an abridgement in the Chronicle of MICHAEL SYR.又見下文史記雜記。該Plerophoria的約翰MAIUMA被保存在一個刪減的紀事邁克爾錫爾河。 A French translation by NAU, Les Plerophories de Jean, eveque de Maiouma in Revue de l'Orient chret.阿法文譯本由南京農業大學,萊斯Plerophories德讓,泰韋克德Maiouma在音響雜誌裡特chret。 (1898-9, and separately, Paris, 1899). (1898-9,並分別,巴黎,1899年)。 The life of PETER THE IBERIAN, RAABE, Petrus der Iberer (Leipzig, 1895); BROOKS, Vitae virorum apud Monophysitas celeberrimorum in Corp. Script.彼得的生活伊比利亞,拉貝,佩特魯斯明鏡Iberer(萊比錫,1895年);布魯克斯,簡歷virorum apud Monophysitas celeberrimorum在公司的腳本。 Orient., Script.東方。,腳本。 Syri, 3rd series, 25, including the life of Isaias, which is also in LAND, III (Paris, 1907); a Georgian version of the biography publ. Syri,第三系列,25,包括生活伊薩亞斯,也是在土地,三(巴黎,1907年),一個格魯吉亞版本的傳記publ。 by MARR (St. Petersburg, 1896); KUGENER in Byzant.按基準收益率(聖彼得堡,1896年); KUGENER在Byzant。 Zeitschr., IX (Leipzig, 1900), 464; CHABOT, Pierre l'Iberien d'apres une recente publication in Revue de l'Orient latin, III (1895), 3. Zeitschr。,第九章(萊比錫,1900),464;塞波特,皮埃爾l' Iberien德新英格蘭recente午後出版音響雜誌裡特拉丁,三(1895年),3。

The Historia Miscellanea of PSEUDO-ZACHARIAS was published by LAND, loc.史記雜記的偽撒迦利亞出版了土地,同上。 cit., III, in Syriac; German tr.同前。,三,在敘利亞文,德文文。 by AHRENS and KUGLER, Die sogennante Kirchengeschichte von Zach.由阿倫斯和庫格勒,模具sogennante Kirchengeschichte馮扎克。 Rh.銠。 (Leipzig, 1899); HAMILTON and BROOKS, The Syriac chronicle known as that of Zach. (萊比錫,1899年);漢密爾頓和布魯克斯,敘利亞紀事稱為認為扎克。 of Mitylene (London, 1899, English only); See KUGENER, op.對米蒂倫娜(倫敦,1899年,僅英文),見KUGENER,同前。 cit.同前。 For MICHAEL THE SYRIAN, CHABOT, Chronique de Michel le Syrien (Paris, 1901-2, in progress).為邁克爾敘利亞,夏波,德紀事報Syrien米歇爾(巴黎,1901-2,進行中)。 THere is an abridged Latin translation of the Chronicle of JOSHUA in ASSEMANI, loc.有一節拉丁文譯本紀事約書亞在ASSEMANI,同上。 cit., I, 262-283; Syriac and French by MARTIN, Chronique de Josue le St. in Abhandlungen fur die kunde des Morgenlandes, VI (Leipzig, 1876), 1; in Syriac and English by WRIGHT, The Chronicle of J. the St. (Cambridge, 1882); Syriac and Latin (Chronicle of Edessa only) in Corpus Script.同前。,我,262-283;敘利亞和法國的馬丁,紀事報德聖若蘇埃在Abhandlungen毛皮死於庫德德Morgenlandes,第六章(萊比錫,1876年),1,在敘利亞文和英語的賴特j的紀事聖(劍橋,1882年);敘利亞和拉丁美洲(紀事的edessa只)在語料庫腳本。 Orient., Chronica minora (Paris, 1902); HALLIER, Untersuchungen uber die Edessenische Chreonik in Texte und Unters., IX (Leipzig, 1892), 1; NAU in Bulletin critique, 25 Jan., 1897; IDEM, Analyse des parties inedites de la chronique attribuee a Denys de Tell-mahre in Suppl.東方。,Chronica陰唇(巴黎,1902年); HALLIER,Untersuchungen尤伯杯死Edessenische Chreonik在Texte北達科Unters。,第九章(萊比錫,1892),1;南京農業大學在通報批評,1897年1月25日,同上,分析德各方inedites德拉紀事 attribuee一去告訴丹尼斯,馬赫爾的補編。 to Revue de l'Orient chret.到音響雜誌裡特chret。 (1897); TULLBERG, Dionysii Tellmahrensis chronici lib. (1897年); TULLBERG,Dionysii Tellmahrensis chronici lib中。 I (Upsala, 1851); CHABOT, Chronique de Denys de T., quatreme partie (Paris, 1895); BEDJAN, Barhebraei Chronicon syriacum (with Latin tr., Paris, 1890); ABBELOOS and LAMY, Barhebraei Chron.我(烏普薩拉,1851年);塞波特,德紀事丹尼斯德噸,quatreme partie(巴黎,1895年); BEDJAN,Barhebraei Chronicon syriacum(與拉美文。,巴黎,1890年); ABBELOOS和拉米Barhebraei慢性。 eccles.埃克爾斯。 (With Latin tr., Louvain, 1872-7); LAMY, Elie de Misibe, sa chronologie (earlier portion, with French tr., Brussels, 1888). (與拉丁美洲文。,魯汶,1872-7);拉米埃利德Misibe山chronologie(前半部,與法國文。,布魯塞爾,1888年)。

On PHILOXENUS see ASSEMANI, WRIGHT, DUVAL; KRUGER's good article in Realencycl.; BUDGE, The Discourses of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabbogh, Syriac and English, with introduction containing many short dogmatic writings, and a list of the works of Philoxenus, in vol.關於PHILOXENUS見ASSEMANI,賴特,杜瓦爾,克魯格的好文章在Realencycl。;讓步,在話語的Philoxenus,主教Mabbogh,敘利亞和英語,導言包含許多短教條式的著作,和一個列表的作品Philoxenus,在第一卷。 2 (London, 1894); VASCHALDE, Three letters of Philoxenus Bishop of M., Syr. 2(倫敦,1894年); VASCHALDE,三個字母的Philoxenus主教米,錫爾河。 and Eng.和英文。 (Rome, 1902); IDEM, Philoxeni Mabbugensis tractatus de Trinitate et Incarnatione in Corpus Script. (羅馬,1902年),同上,Philoxeni Mabbugensis維特根斯坦德Trinitate等Incarnatione語料庫腳本。 Or., Scriptores Syri, XXVII (Paris and Rome, 1907); DUVAL, Hist.或。,Scriptores Syri,二十七(巴黎和羅馬,1907年);杜瓦爾,組織胺。 politique, religieuse et litteraire d'Edesse (Paris, 1892); GUIDI, La lettera de Filosseno ai Monaci di Tell Adda in Mem.現代政治,德Edesse的宗教和litteraire(巴黎,1892年);圭迪,拉萊泰拉德Filosseno愛莫納奇迪告訴阿達的紀念。 dell' Acad.戴爾 ACAD的。 dei Lincei (1886); see especially LEBON, op.代學院(1886年),見特別是萊,同前。 cit., 111-118, and passim.同前。,111-118,並各處。 On JAMES OF SARUG see ABBELOOS, De vita et scriptis S. Jacobi (with three ancient Syriac biographies, Louvain, 1867); ASSEMANI, WRIGHT, DUVAL, loc. cit.; Acta SS., 29 Oct.; BARDENHEWER in Kirchenlex.; NESTLE in Realencycl.; MARTIN, Un eveque poete au xxx et xxxx siecles in Revue des Sciences eccl. (Oct., Nov., 1876); IDEM, Correspondance de Jacques de Saroug avec les moines de Mar Bassus in Zeitschr.作者:詹姆斯SARUG見ABBELOOS,德簡歷等scriptis南雅可比(三古敘利亞文傳記,魯汶,1867); ASSEMANI,賴特,杜瓦爾,同上。同上。;學報的SS。,10月29日,巴登黑韋爾在Kirchenlex。;雀巢在Realencycl。;鮑,元泰韋克poete坳極限特工等XXXX的siecles在科學雜誌傳道書。(10月,11月,1876年);同上,雅克的對應得萊得梅因去Saroug avec de Mar的Bassus在Zeitschr。 der deutschen Morganlandl.德deutschen Morganlandl。 Gesellsch., XXX (1876), 217; Liturgy in Latin in RENAUDOT, Liturg. Gesellsch。,三十(1876年),217;禮儀在拉美勒諾多,Liturg。 Or.或。 coll., II, 356; ZINGERLR, Sechs homilien des h.科爾。,二,356; ZINGERLR,Sechs homilien德小時 Jacob von S. (Bonn, 1867); BEDJAN, 70 Homiliae selectae Mar Jacobi S. (Paris and Leipzig, 1905-6); single homilies are found in various publications; several in CURETON, Ancient Syriac Documents (1864). FROTHINGHAM, Stephen Bar Sudaili, the Syrian mystic, and the book of Hierotheos (Leyden, 1886).雅各布馮南(波恩,1867); BEDJAN,3月70 Homiliae selectae雅可比南(巴黎和萊比錫,1905-6);單頌歌被發現在各種出版物;多次庫裡頓,古敘利亞文文件(1864年)。弗羅厄姆,斯蒂芬酒吧Sudaili,敘利亞神秘,和書Hierotheos(萊頓,1886年)。 On JOHN OF TELLA, KLEYN, Het leven van Johannes van Tella (Leyden, 1882); another life in BROOKS, Vitae virorum, loc.作者:約翰特拉,KLEYN,烏特勒利文麵包車麵包車特拉約翰內斯(萊頓,1882年),另一個生活在小溪,簡歷virorum,同上。 cit.; his confession of faith is cited by LEBON, loc.同前。,他供認的信仰是引用萊,同上。 cit.同前。 On GEORGE THE ARABIAN see ASSEMANI, WRIGHT, DUVAL, a good article by RYSSEL in Realencycl.作者:喬治阿拉伯見ASSEMANI,賴特,杜瓦爾,一篇好文章的RYSSEL在Realencycl。 (1899); IDEM, Ein Brief Georgs, Bischop der Ar. (1899年);同上,艾因摘要格奧爾格斯,Bischop德氬。 an den Presb.一巢穴Presb。 Josua aus dem Syrischen ubersetzt and erlautert, mit einer Einleitung uber sein Leben und seine Schriften (Gotha, 1888); IDEM, Georges des Araberbischofs Gedichte und Briefe (Leipzig, 1891), this work gives a German translation of all George's authentic works, apart from the commentaries; Syriac of the letter to Josua in LAGARDE, Analecta; part of poem on chrism in CARDAHI, Liber thesauri de arte poetica Syrorum (1875); the whole, with that on the monastic life, ed.約祖亞澳大利亞DEM的Syrischen ubersetzt和erlautert,麻省理工學院einer導論尤伯杯盛Leben北達科塞納Schriften(哥達,1888年),同上,喬治德Araberbischofs Gedichte北達科書信(萊比錫,1891年),這項工作提供了一個德語翻譯所有喬治的真實作品,除了從評;敘利亞的信約祖亞在拉嘉德,Analecta;部分就從痛苦中卡爾達希詩,或函敘詞表的詩性藝術博物館Syrorum(1875年),整體而言,與該寺院的生活,教育署。 by RYSSEL in Atti della R. Acad.由RYSSEL在阿季德拉河ACAD的。 dei Lincei, IX (Rome, 1892), 1, who edited the astronomical letters also, ibi d., VIII, 1.代學院,第九章(羅馬,1892年),1,誰信還編輯了天文,揖斐四,第八條,1。

On the question of orthodoxy, see ASSEMANI, II; NAU, Dans quelle mesure les Jacobites sont-ils Monophysites?關於這個問題的正統,見ASSEMANI,二;南京農業大學,丹斯奎爾自動化公司萊斯詹姆斯黨SONT的,離子液體基督一性? in Revue de L'Orient chretien, 1905, no.在東方歌劇團酒店協會克雷蒂安,1905年,沒有。 2, p. 113; LEBON, op. 2,第113頁;萊,同前。 cit., passim.同前。,各處。


Eutychianism Eutychianism

Catholic Information 天主教信息

Eutychianism and Monophysitism are usually identified as a single heresy. Eutychianism和基督一性,通常認定為一個單一的異端邪說。 But as some Monophysites condemned Eutyches, the name Eutychians is given by some writers only to those in Armenia.但是,正如一些基督一性譴責歐迪奇,名稱Eutychians是由一些作家只給那些在亞美尼亞。 It seems best to use the words indifferently, as no party of the sect looked to Eutychius as a founder or a leader and Eutychian is but a nickname for all those who, like Eutyches, rejected the orthodox expression "two natures" of Christ.看來最好使用漠然的話,因為沒有黨的教派期望Eutychius作為創始人或領導者和Eutychian只是一個暱稱為所有那些誰,像歐迪奇,拒絕正統的表達“兩個性質”的基督。 The tenet "one nature" was common to all Monophysites and Eutychians, and they affected to call Catholics Diphysites or Dyophysites.特尼特“一性”是共同的基督一性和Eutychians,他們受影響的呼籲天主教徒Diphysites或Dyophysites。 The error took its rise in a reaction against Nestorianism, which taught that in Christ there is a human hypostasis or person as well as a Divine.錯誤發生在一個反應崛起對景教,它告訴我們,在基督裡有一個人hypostasis或個人,以及一個神聖的。 This was interpreted to imply a want of reality in the union of the Word with the assumed Humanity, and even to result in two Christs, two Sons, though this was far from the intention of Nestorius himself in giving his incorrect explanation of the union.這被解釋為意味著要對現實中工會的Word與人性的假設,甚至導致兩個基督,兩個兒子,雖然這是遠離自己的意圖的聶斯脫裡在給他的解釋不正確的癒合。 He was ready to admit one prósopon, but not one hypostasis, a "prosopic" union, though not a "hypostatic" union, which is the Catholic expression.他願意承認一個prósopon,但沒有一個本質,特性,一個“prosopic”聯盟,雖然不是“本質的”聯盟,這是天主教的表達。 He so far exaggerated the distinction of the Humanity from the Divine Person Who assumed it, that he denied that the Blessed Virgin could be called Mother of God, Theotókos.到目前為止,他誇張的區別的人類從神的人出任,那他否認聖母可以稱為聖母瑪利亞,聖母。 His views were for a time interpreted in a benign sense by Theodoret, and also by John, Bishop of Antioch, but they all eventually concurred in his condemnation, when he showed his heretical spirit by refusing all submission and explanation.他的觀點解釋了一段時間在一個良性的感覺Theodoret,也由約翰,主教安提,但他們最後都同意他的譴責,當他發現他的精神,拒絕邪教的所有提交和解釋。 His great antagonist, St. Cyril of Alexandria, was at first vehemently attacked by Theodoret, John, and their party, as denying the completeness of the Sacred Humanity after the manner of the heretic Apollinarius.他的偉大的拮抗劑,聖西里爾亞歷山大,是在第一次猛烈攻擊Theodoret,約翰,他們的黨,作為否認完整的神聖人性的方式後的邪教Apollinarius。

The fiery Cyril curbed his natural impetuosity; mutual explanations followed; and in 434, three years after the Council of Ephesus which had condemned Nestorius, peace was made between Alexandria and Antioch.火熱的西里爾遏制他的自然衝動,相互的解釋之後,以及在434 3年後的安理會的以弗所譴責了聶斯脫裡,和平之間作出了亞歷山大和安提阿。 Cyril proclaimed it in a letter to John beginning Lætentur cœli, in which he clearly condemned beforehand the Monothelite, if not the Monophysite, views, which were to be unfortunately based on certain ambiguities in his earlier expressions.西里爾的一封信中宣布它開始Lætentur cœli約翰,他在其中明確譴責事先Monothelite,如果不是基督一,意見,該項目將基於某些模糊之處不幸在他早期的表達。 If he did not arrive quite at the exactness of the language in which St. Leo was soon to formulate the doctrine of the Church, yet the following words, drawn up by the Antiochian party and fully accepted by Cyril in his letter, are clear enough:如果他沒有達到相當精確的在何種語言聖利奧很快制訂了教會的教義,但下面的話,制定了由黨和完全接受安蒂奧克由Cyril在信中,已經相當清楚了:

Before the worlds begotten of the Father according to the Godhead, but in the last days and for our salvation of the Virgin Mary according to the Manhood; consubstantial with the Father in the Godhead, consubstantial with us in the Manhood; for a union of two natures took place, wherefore we confess one Christ, one Son, one Lord.前世界造物主的父親按照神的源頭,但在最後的日子和我們的拯救聖母瑪利亞根據長大成人同質同父親的神性,同質同我們在長大成人的兩個聯盟性質發生了,人哪,我們得承認一個基督,一個兒子,一個主。 According to the understanding of this unconfused union, we confess the Blessed Virgin to be Theotokos, because the Word of God was incarnate and made man, and through her conception united to Himself the temple He received from her.據了解,這unconfused聯盟,我們承認聖母是聖母,因為神的話語是體現和造人,並通過她的團結,以自己的構想,他收到了她的廟宇。 And we are aware that the words of the Gospels, and of the Apostles, concerning the Lord are, by theologians, looked upon some as applying in common [to the two natures] as belonging to the one Person; others as attributed to one of the two natures; and that they tell us by tradition that some are of divine import, to suit the Divinity of Christ, others of humble nature belonging to His humanity.而我們都知道,文字的福音,和使徒,是關於主,由神學家,看後有些為適用於普通[向兩個性質]屬於一個人,其他的歸於一兩個性質,並認為他們告訴我們,傳統,有些是神聖的進口,以配合神的基督,別人對他的謙遜的性質屬於人類。

In this "creed of the union" between John and Cyril, it is at least implied that the two natures remain after the union (against Monophysitism), and it is quite clearly enunciated that some expressions belong to the Person, others to each of the Natures, as, eg it was later defined that activities (-enérgeiai) and will are of the Natures (against Monothelites), while Sonship (against the Adoptionists), is of the Person.在這個“信條的聯盟”之間的約翰和西里爾,它至少是暗示兩個性質後繼續聯盟(反基督一),它是相當明確的闡述,有些表情屬於人,其他的每個性質,因為,例如它後來被定義的活動(- enérgeiai)和意志的性質(對Monothelites),而兒子名分(對Adoptionists),是人。 There is no doubt that Cyril would have understood rightly and have accepted (even apart from papal authority) the famous words of St. Leo's tome: "Agit enim ultraque forma cum alterius communione quod proprium est" (Ep. xxviii, 4).毫無疑問,錢會正確地理解和接受(即使除了教皇的權威)的名言聖利奧的巨著:“地理信息技術應用enim ultraque預計暨alterius communione狴proprium預測”(插曲二十八,4)。 The famous formula of St. Cyril mía ph&úsis toû Theoû Lógou sesarkoméne, "one nature incarnate of God the Word" (or "of the Word of God"), derived from a treatise which Cyril believed to be by St.著名的公式聖西里爾血症pH值和0.20頭Theoû洛古sesarkoméne,“一個自然的化身神的話語”(或“上帝的話”),來自一個論文的西里爾相信是由聖 Athanasius, the greatest of his predecessors, was intended by him in a right sense, and has been formally adopted by the Church.亞他那修,他的前任最大的,他的目的是通過在正確的觀念,並已正式通過了教會。 In the eighth canon of the Fifth General Council, those are anathematized who say "one Nature incarnate of God the Word", unless they "accept it as the Fathers taught, that by a hypostatic union of the Divine nature and the human, one Christ was effected". In the Lateran Council of 649, we find: "Si quis secundum sanctos Patres non confitetur proprie et secundum veritatem unam naturam Dei verbi incarnatum … anathema sit."在第八佳能第五總理事會,那些是誰詛咒說“一自然神的化身”字,除非他們“接受它作為父親教導,即由工會的神聖本質的自然和人類,一個基督開始生效“。拉特蘭理事會在649,我們發現:”四quis孔型sanctos Patres非confitetur proprie等孔型veritatem墨西哥國立自治大學naturam棣verbi榆...詛咒坐。“ Nevertheless this formula, frequently used by Cyril (in Epp. i, ii, Ad Successum; Contra Nest. ii; Ad eulogium, etc.; see Petavius "De Incarn.", IV, 6), was the starting point of the Monophysites, some of whom understood it rightly, whereas others pushed it into a denial of the reality of the human nature, while all equally used it as a proof that the formula "two natures" must be rejected as heretical, and therefore also the letter of St. Leo and the decree of Chalcedon.不過這個公式,經常使用的西里爾(在資源增值計劃。一,二,廣告Successum;孔特拉巢。二;廣告eulogium等;見Petavius“德Incarn。”,四,六),是起點該monophysites ,其中一些人的理解是正確的,而另一些它推到一個否定的現實的人性,而所有同樣用它作為一個證明,該公式“兩個性質”必須被拒絕邪教,因此也信聖里奧和法令的chalcedon。

The word ph&úsis was ambiguous.這個詞是含糊的pH值和0.20。 Just as the earlier writings of Theodoret against Cyril contained passages which naturally permitted a Nestorian interpretation–they were in this sense condemned by the Fifth General Council–so the earlier writings of Cyril against Nestorius gave colour to the charge of Apollinarianism brought against him by Theodoret, John, Ibas, and their party. The word ph&úsis produced just the same difficulties that the word 'upóstasis had aroused in the preceeding century.正如早期著作中的theodoret對西里爾通道,這自然會允許一個景教的解釋,他們是在這個意義上譴責第五總理事會,以便早期著作中的西里爾對聶斯脫了色的電荷亞波里拿留派對他提出的Theodoret約翰,律師協會,他們的黨。一詞產生pH值和0.20一樣的困難,這個詞'upóstasis已經引起了上個世紀。 For 'upóstasis, as St. Jerome rightly declared, was the equivalent of ousía in the mouths of all philosophers, yet it was eventually used theologically, from Didymus onwards, as the equivalent of the Latin persona, that is, a subsistent essence.對於'upóstasis,作為圣杰羅姆正確地宣稱,是相當於ousía在口中所有的哲學家,但它最終用神學,從迪代起,作為相當於拉丁美洲人物,就是一個溫飽的本質。 Similarly ph&úsis was an especially Alexandrian word for ousía and 'upóstasis, and was naturally used of a subsistent ousía, not of abstract ousía, both by Cyril often (as in the formula in question), and by the more moderate Monophysites.同樣的pH值和0.20是一個特別亞歷山大字ousía和'upóstasis,和自然的溫飽ousía使用,而不是抽象的ousía,往往都是由西里爾(如在公式中的問題),以及較溫和的基督一性。 The Cyrillian formula, in its genesis and in its rationale, has been explained by Newman in an essay of astounding learning and perfect clearness (Tracts Theol. and Eccl., iv, 1874).該Cyrillian公式,其成因,並在其理由,已經解釋了紐曼在一篇文章的驚人的學習和完善的清晰度(大港Theol。與傳道書。,四,1874年)。 He points out that the word 'upóstasis could be used (by St. Athanasius, for example), without change of meaning, both of the one Godhead, and of the three Persons.他指出,這個詞可以用來upóstasis(聖亞他那修,例如),沒有改變的意思,都在一個神體,以及3人。 In the former case it did not mean the Divine Essence in the abstract, but considered as subsistent, without defining whether that subsistence is threefold or single, just as we say "one God" in the concrete, without denying a triple Personality.在前者情況下,它並不意味著神聖本質的抽象的,而是視為溫飽,生活沒有確定是否有三個或單一的,就像我們說“一神”在具體的,不否認三重人格。 Just the same twofold use without change of meaning might be made of the words ousía, eîdos, and ph&úsis.只要使用相同的雙重含義沒有變化可能作出的字眼ousía,Eidos和pH值和0.20。 Again, ph&úsis was not applied, as a rule, in the fourth century, to the Humanity of Christ, because that Humanity is not "natural" in the sense of "wholly like to our nature", since it is sinless, and free from all the imperfections which arise from original sin (not pura natura but integra natura), it has no human personality of its own, and it is ineffably graced and glorified by its union with the Word.同樣,pH值和0.20不適用,作為一項規則,在第四世紀,對人類的基督,因為人類是不是“自然”的意義的“完全一樣,以我們的本性”,因為它是無罪的,且無所有的不完善所產生的原罪(不普拉的Natura但IP互通的Natura),它沒有自己的人格,是ineffably增光和美化其工會與Word。 From this point of view it is clear that Christ is not so fully "consubstantial with us" as He is "consubstantial with the Father".從這個角度很清楚,基督是不是完全“同質同我們”,因為他是“同質同父”。 Yet again, in these two phrases the word consubstantial appears in different senses; for the Father and the Son have one substance numero, whereas the Incarnate Son is of one substance with us specie (not numero, of course).再次,在這兩個詞組的字出現在同質不同的意義,為父親和兒子有一個物質numero,而降生的兒子是一個物質與我們實物(不numero,當然)。 It is therefore not to be wondered at, if the expression "consubstantial with us" was avoided in the fourth century.因此,這並不是要問,在,如果“同質同我們”是避免在第四世紀。 In like manner the word ph&úsis has its full meaning when applied to the Divine Nature of Christ, but a restricted meaning (as has been just explained) when applied to His Human Nature.在這樣的方式及pH值0.20一詞有其充分的意義應用到基督的神性,但有限制的含義(如剛才已解釋)當應用到他的人性。

In St. Cyril's use of the formula its signification is plain.在聖西里爾的使用公式其意義顯而易見。 "It means", says Newman (loc. cit., p. 316), "(a), that when the Divine word became man, He remained one and the same in essence, attributes and personality; in all respects the same as before, and therefore mía ph&úsis. It means (b), that the manhood, on the contrary, which He assumed, was not in all respects the same nature as that massa, usia, physis, etc., out of which it was taken; (1) from the very circumstance that it was only an addition or supplement to what He was already, not a being complete in itself; (2) because in the act of assuming it, He changed it in its qualities. This added nature, then, was best expressed, not by a second substantive, as if collateral in its position, but by an adjective or participle, as sesarkoméne. The three words answered to St. John's 'o lógos sárks -egéneto, ie sesarkoménos ên." “這意味著”說,紐曼(如上。,第316頁),“(1),當神聖的字眼成為人,他仍然是同一個本質,屬性和個性,在各方面均相同之前,因此米亞pH值和0.20。這意味著(二),即成年,相反,其中他假設,並沒有在所有方面都相同的性質,馬薩,美國新聞署,physis之等,其中它被(1)從一情況下,這只是一個附加或補充什麼,他已經不是一個被完整的本身;(2),因為該法中的假設它,他改變了它在素質。這項補充性質那麼,是最好的表達,而不是第二個實質性的,因為如果抵押自己的立場,而是由一個形容詞或分詞,如sesarkoméne。這三個詞來回答聖約翰澳標識斯帕克斯- egéneto,即sesarkoménos恩。“ Thus St. Cyril intended to safeguard the teaching of the Council of Antioch (against Paul of Samosata, 264-72) that the Word is unchanged by the Incarnation, "that He is 'én kaì tò a-utò tê o-usía from first to last, on earth and in heaven" (p. 317).因此,聖西里爾旨在保障教學安理會安提(對保薩莫薩塔,264-72)這個詞是不變的化身,“他是'恩偕1 -特島德鄰美國新聞署從第一去年,在地球上和在天堂“(第317頁)。 He intended by his one nature of God, "with the council of Antioch, a protest against that unalterableness and imperfection, which the anti-Catholic schools affixed to their notion of the Word. The council says 'one and the same in usia'; it is not speaking of a human usia in Christ, but of the divine. The case is the same in Cyril's Formula; he speaks of a mía theía ph&úsis in the Word. He has in like manner written a treatise entitled 'quod unus sit Christus'; and, in one of his Paschal Epistles, he enlarges on the text 'Jesus Christ, yesterday, and today, the same, and for ever.'他打算由他的一個自然的上帝,“同安理會的安提阿,抗議針對該unalterableness和缺陷,而反天主教學校附加在其概念的詞。安理會說'同一個在美國新聞署';這不是說一個人的美國新聞署在基督裡,但神。案件是一樣的錢的公式,他講的一血症忒伊亞pH值和0.20在Word。他在喜歡的方式寫的論文題為'狴聯合國大學坐在克里斯特斯';並在他的一個逾越節的書信,他加大對文字'耶穌基督,昨天,今天,同樣的,直到永遠。 His great theme in these words is not the coalescing of the two natures into one, but the error of making two sons, one before and one upon the Incarnation, one divine, one human, or again of degrading the divine usia by making it subject to the humanity" (pp. 321-2).他的偉大的主題,這些話是不是這兩個性質凝聚成一個,但錯誤的決策兩個兒子,一前一後的化身,一個神,一個人,或有辱人格的神聖再次使美國新聞署的主題對人類“(第321-2)。 It has been necessary thus to explain at length St. Cyril's meaning in order to be able to enumerate the more briefly and clearly, the various phases of the Eutychian doctrine. 1.因此,它是必要詳細解釋聖西里爾的意義,從而能夠更簡單枚舉和明確,各階段的工作Eutychian學說。1。 The Cyrillian party before Chalcedon did not put forward any doctrine of their own; they only denounced as Nestorians any who taught d&úo ph&úseis, two natures, which they made equal to two hypostases, and two Sons.黨的Cyrillian前卡爾西沒有提出任何自己的學說,他們只是譴責景教任何誰教的D&二氧化鈾pH值和úseis,兩個性質,這是他們取得相當於兩個hypostases,和兩個兒子。 They usually admitted that Christ was -ek d&úo ph&úseon "of two natures", but this meant that the Humanity before (that is, logically before) it was assumed was a complete ph&úsis; it was no longer a ph&úsis (subsistent) after its union to the Divine nature.他們通常承認基督是,綻出的D&二氧化鈾pH值和úseon“的兩個性質”,但是這意味著,人類之前(即邏輯之前)這是假設是一個完整的pH值和0.20,它已不再是pH值和0.20(溫飽)之後,它的工會以神聖的性質。 It was natural that those of them who were consistent should reject the teaching of St. Leo, that there were two natures: "Tenet enim sine defectu proprietatem suam utraque natura", "Assumpsit formam servi sine sorde peccati, humana augens, divina non minuens", and if they chose to understand "nature" to mean a subsistent nature, they were even bound to reject such language as Nestorian.這是自然的,那些誰是一致的,他們應該拒絕的教學聖里奧,有兩個性質:“特尼特enim正弦defectu proprietatem蘇阿姆utraque的Natura”,“Assumpsit formam servi正弦索爾德拉peccati,Humana公司augens,迪維納非minuens “,如果他們選擇了解”性“是指一個溫飽的性質,他們一定會拒絕,甚至語言,景教等。 Their fault in itself was not necessarily that they were Monophysites at heart, but that they would not stop to listen to the six hundred bishops of Chalcedon, to the pope, and to the entire Western Church.他們的錯本身並不一定是他們心裡基督一性,但他們不會停下來聽600主教的chalcedon,向教宗,和整個西方教會。 Those who were ready to hear explanations and to realize that words may have more than one meaning (following the admirable example set by St. Cyril himself), were able to remain in the unity of the Church.這些誰準備聽解釋,並認識到的話,可能有一個以上的含義(下面的令人欽佩的榜樣聖西里爾本人),都能夠留在統一的教會。 The rest were rebels, and whether orthodox in belief or not, well deserved to find themselves in the same ranks as the real heretics.其餘的叛亂分子,以及是否或不信仰東正教,當之無愧地發現,自己在同一個隊伍的真正異端。

(2) Eutyches himself was not a Cyrillian. (2)歐迪奇自己是不是Cyrillian。 He was not a Eutychian in the ordinary sense of that word.他不是一個Eutychian在一般意義上的這個詞。 His mind was not clear enough to be definitely Monophysite, and St. Leo was apparently right in thinking him ignorant.他的心是不夠清晰模式一定monophysite,並聖里奧顯然是正確的思想他的無知。 He was with the Cyrillians in denouncing as Nestorians all who spoke of two natures.他對Cyrillians景教在聲討所有誰談到兩個性質。 But he had never adopted the "consubstantial with us" of the "creed of union", nor St. Cyril's admissions, in accepting that creed, as to the two natures.但他從來沒有通過的“同質同我們”的“信條的聯盟”,也不聖西里爾的招生,在接受這一信條,以兩個性質。 He was willing to accept St. Cyril's letters and the decisions of Ephesus and Nicæa only in a general way, in so far as they contained no error.他願意接受聖西里爾的信件和以弗所的各項決定和尼西亞只有一般的方式,只要他們在不涉及任何錯誤。 His disciple, the monk Constantine, at the revision, in April, 449, of the condemnation of Eutyches, explained that he did not accept the Fathers as a canon of faith.他的弟子,和尚君士坦丁,在修改,在4月份,449,在譴責歐迪奇,解釋說,他不接受父親作為一個經典的信念。 In fact Eutyches simply upheld the ultra-Protestant view that nothing can be imposed as of faith which is not verbally to be found in Scripture.事實上歐迪奇只是堅持超新教認為,沒有任何東西可以作為信仰強加這不是口頭上被發現在聖經。 This, together with an exaggerated horror of Nestorianism, appears to describe his whole theological position.這一點,加上誇張恐怖的景教,似乎說明他的整個神學的立場。

3. 3。 Dioscorus and the party which followed him seem to have been pure Cyrillians, who by an excessive dislike of Nestorianism, fell into excess in minimizing the completeness of the Humanity, and exaggerating the effects upon it of the union. We have not documents enough to tell us how far their error went. Dioscorus和黨的跟隨他似乎已經純粹Cyrillians,誰不喜歡被過多的景教,陷入過剩在盡量減少對人類的完整性,並誇大它的影響後,該聯盟。我們沒有足夠的文件告訴我們多遠了他們的錯誤。 A fragment of Dioscorus is preserved in the "Antirrhetica" of Nicephorus (Spicil. Solesm., IV, 380) which asks: "If the Blood of Christ is not by nature (katà ph&úsin) God's and not a man's, how does it differ from the blood of goats and bulls and the ashes of a heifer? For this is earthly and corruptible, and the blood of man according to nature is earthly and corruptible. But God forbid that we should say the Blood of Christ is consubstantial with one of those things which are according to nature ('enos tôn katà ph&úsin 'omoousíon)."一個片段Dioscorus是保存在“Antirrhetica”的Nicephorus(Spicil. Solesm。,四,380),其中問道:“如果血液中的基督不是由自然(字pH值和全光照)神的,而不是一個人的,有何不同從血液山羊和公牛的骨灰的一小母牛?因為這是俗世和腐朽,以及人的血液是按屬地性質和受賄。但是上帝保佑,我們應該說,在基督的血是同質一項這些事情都是根據自然('埃諾斯噸卡塔pH值和全光照'omoousíon)。“ If this is really, as it purports to be, from a letter written by Dioscorus from his exile at Gangra, we shall have to class him with the extreme Monophysite "Incorrupticolæ", in that he rejects the "consubstantial with us" and makes the Blood of Christ incorruptible of its own nature.如果這是真的,因為它看來是,從信中寫的Dioscorus從他的流亡岡格拉,我們將不得不與他類的極端基督一性“Incorrupticolæ”,因為他拒絕“同質同我們”,使血液基督廉潔自身的性質。 But the passage may conceivably be a Julianist forgery.但可以想像,可能通過偽造一個Julianist。

4. 4。 Timothy Ælurus, the first Monophysite Patriarch of Alexandria, was on the contrary nearly orthodox in his views, as has been clearly shown by the extracts published by Lebon from his works, extant in Syriac in a manuscript in the British Museum (Addit. 12156).蒂莫西Ælurus,基督一牧首亞歷山大,是相反幾乎在他的正統意見,已經清楚表明了該提取物發表萊從他的作品,在現存在敘利亞文手稿在大英博物館(Addit. 12156) 。 He denies that ph&úsis, nature, can be taken in an abstract sense.他否認與pH值0.20,性質,可採取在一個抽象的感覺。 Hence he makes extracts from St. Leo, and mocks the pope as a pure Nestorian.因此,他使提取聖利奧,並嘲笑教皇作為一個純粹的景教。 He does not even accept -ek d&úo ph&úseon, and declares there can be no question of two natures, either before or after the Incarnation. "There is no nature which is not a hypostasis, nor hypostasis which is not a person."他甚至不接受,綻出的D&二氧化鈾pH值和úseon,並宣布就沒有問題的兩個性質,之前或之後的化身。“沒有任何性質的不是一個本質,特性,也不hypostasis這是不是一個人。” So far we have, not heresy, but only a term defined contrary to the Chalcedonian and Western usage.到目前為止,我們已不是異端,但只有一個名詞定義違背迦克和西方使用。 A second point is the way Ælurus understands ph&úsis to mean that which is "by nature".第二點是道路Ælurus了解pH值和0.20意味著這是“本質”。 Christ, he says, is by nature God, not man; He became man only by "oikonomía" (economy or Incarnation); consequently His Humanity is not His ph&úsis.基督,他說,是由自然神,不是人,他成為人只有“oikonomía”(經濟或化身),因而他的人性,是不是他的pH值和0.20。 Taken thus, the formula mía ph&úsis was intended by Ælurus in an orthodox sense.兩者因此,該公式血症及pH值0.20的目的是通過Ælurus在正統的感覺。 Thirdly, the actions of Christ are attributed to His Divine Person, to the one Christ.第三,基督的行動是由於他的神人,一個基督。 Here Ælurus seems to be unorthodox.這裡Ælurus似乎非正統。 For the essence of Monothelism is the refusal to apportion the actions (-enérgeiai) between the two natures, but to insist that they are all the actions of the one Personality.對於本質Monothelism是拒絕攤派的行為(- enérgeiai)之間的兩個性質,但堅持認為他們的行動都是在一個人格。 How far Ælurus was in reality a Monothelite cannot be judged until his works are before us in full.多遠Ælurus在現實中Monothelite不能判斷,直到他的作品擺在我們面前充分。 He is, at all events in the main, a schismatic, full of hatred and contempt for the Catholic Church outside Egypt, for the 600 bishops of Chalcedon, for the 1600 of the Encyclia, for Rome and the whole West.他是在所有事件中的主體,一個分裂的,充滿仇恨和蔑視天主教教會埃及以外,為600名主教的chalcedon,為1600的Encyclia,羅馬和整個西方。 But he consistently anathematized Eutyches for his denial that Christ is consubstantial with us.但他始終歐迪奇詛咒他否認基督是同質與我們聯繫。

5. 5。 In the next generation Severus, Bishop of Antioch (511-39), was the great Monophysite leader.在下一代塞維魯,主教安提(511-39),是偉大的基督一性的領導者。 In his earlier days, he rejected the Henoticon of Zeno, but when a patriarch he accepted it.在他的早期,他拒絕了Henoticon的芝諾,但是當一個元老,他接受了。 His contemporaries accused him of contradicting himself in the attempt, it seems, to be comprehensive.他同時代的指控他在自己的矛盾的企圖,它似乎是全面的。 He did not, however, conciliate the Incorrupticolæ, but maintained the corruptibility of the Body of Christ.他沒有,但是,調解的Incorrupticolæ,但保持清廉的基督的身體。 He seems to have admitted the expression -ek d&úo ph&úseon.他似乎已承認的表達,綻出的D&二氧化鈾 pH值和úseon。 Chalcedon and Pope Leo he treated as Nestorian, as Ælurus did, on the ground that two natures mean two persons.卡爾西和教皇利奧他當作景教,作為Ælurus一樣,理由是兩個性質意味著兩個人。 He did not allow the Humanity to be a distinct monad; but this is no more than the view of many modern Catholic theologians that it has no esse of its own.他沒有讓人類成為一個獨特的單子,但這是不超過認為許多現代天主教神學家說,它沒有自己的Esse品牌。 (So St. Thomas, III, Q. xvii, a. 2; see Janssens, De Deo homine, pars prior, p. 607, Freiburg, 1901.) It need not be understood that by thus making a composite hypostasis Severus renounced the Cyrillian doctrine of the unchanged nature of the Word after the unconfused union. (蘇聖托馬斯,三,問:十七,答二,見詹森斯,德迪奧homine,標準桿前,第607,弗賴堡,1901年。)它不需要被理解,通過使複合hypostasis塞維魯放棄Cyrillian學說的性質不變的Word後unconfused工會。 Where he is most certainly heretical is in his conception of one nature not Divine (so Cyril and Ælurus) but theandric, and thus a composition, though not a mixture–ph&úsis theandriké.在那裡他肯定是在他的構想是邪教的本質不是一個神聖的(所以西里爾和Ælurus),但theandric,從而組成一個,雖然不是一種混合物,pH值和0.20 theandriké。 To this one nature are attributed all the activities of Christ, and they are called "theandric" (-enérgeiai theandrikaí), instead of being separated into Divine activities and human activities as by the Catholic doctrine.為了這一個性質,都是因基督的一切活動,他們被稱為“theandric”(- enérgeiai theandrikaí),而不是被分隔成神活動和人類活動所天主教教義。 The undivided Word, he said, must have an undivided activity. Word中的分割,他說,必須有一個不可分割的活動。 Thus even if Severus could be defended from the charge of strict Monophysitism, in that he affirmed the full reality of the Human Nature of Christ, though he refused to it the name of nature, yet at least he appears as a dogmatic Monothelite.因此,即使從塞維魯可辯護的收費嚴格基督一性,因為他充分肯定了現實人性的基督,但他拒絕給它的名稱,性質,但至少他顯示為一個教條Monothelite。 This is the more clear, in that on the crucial question of one or two wills, he pronounces for one theandric will.這是更清楚,在這關鍵的問題就一個或兩個遺囑,他宣告了一個theandric會。 On the other hand utterances of Severus which make Christ's sufferings voluntarily permitted, rather than naturally necessitated by the treatment inflicted on His Body, might perhaps be defended by the consideration that from the union and consequent Beatific Vision in the Soul of Christ, would congruously ensue a beatification of the Soul and a spiritualizing of the Body, as was actually the case after the Resurrection; from this point of view it is true that the possibility of the Humanity is voluntary (that is, decreed by the Divine will) and not due to it in the state which is connatural to it after the union; although the Human Nature is of its own nature passible apart from the union (St. Thomas, III, Q. xiv, a. 1, ad 2).另一方面話語的塞維魯這使得基督的苦難自願許可,而不是自然必要的治療造成的身上,或許可以辯解的考慮,從工會和隨之而來的至福直觀的靈魂基督,將congruously接踵而來1封聖的靈魂和精神化的身體,因為實際上是這樣的復活後,從這個角度來看的確是人性的可能性是自願的(即,下令由神的意志),而不是由於它在該州是它固有的聯盟後,雖然人的本質是它自己的性質passible除了聯盟(聖托馬斯,三,問:十四,答:1,廣告2)。 It is important to recollect that the same distinction has to be made in considering whether the Body of Christ is to be called corruptible or incorruptible, and consequently whether Catholic doctrine on this point is in favour of Severus or of his adversary Julian.重要的是要記得,同樣的區別,必須在考慮是否基督的身體是被稱為壞的或廉潔,天主教的教義,因此是否在這一點上是贊成或他的對手塞維魯朱利安。 The words of St. Thomas may be borne in mind: "Corruptio et mors non competit Christo ratione suppositi, secundum quod attenditur unitas, sed ratione naturæ, secundam quam invenitur differentia mortis et vitæ" (III, Q. 1, a. 5, ad 2).聖托馬斯的話可能會銘記:“羨腐等非競賽克里斯托莫斯島的理由suppositi,孔型狴attenditur安盟,中美戰略經濟對話的理由naturæ,secundam華富invenitur僵直等差異化的簡歷”(三,問:1,答:5廣告 2)。 As the Monophysites discussed the question ratione suppositi (since they took nature to mean hypostasis, and to imply a suppositum) they were bound to consider the Body of Christ incorruptible.由於該monophysites理由suppositi討論的問題(因為他們把自然意味著本質,特性,並暗示suppositum),他們必然要考慮的身體基督廉潔。 We must therefore consider the Julianists more consistent than the Severians.因此,我們必須考慮Julianists比Severians更加一致。

6. 6。 Julian, Bishop of Halicarnassus, was the leader of those who held the incorruptibility, as Severus was of those who held the corruptibility.朱利安,主教哈利卡那蘇斯,是誰的領導人舉行的廉潔,是為那些誰塞維魯舉行的清廉。 The question arose in Alexandria, and created great excitement, when the two bishops had taken refuge in that city, soon after the accession of the orthodox Emperor Justin, in 518.在亞歷山大的問題出現了,創造了極大的熱情,當兩位主教已在這個城市避難,不久後加入了正統皇帝賈斯汀,在518。 The Julianists called the Severians phthartolátrai or Corrupticolæ, and the latter retorted by entitling the Julians -Aphthartodokêtai and Phantasiasts, as renewing the Docetic heresies of the second century.該Julianists稱為Severians phthartolátrai或Corrupticolæ,而後者則反駁有權在朱利昂- Aphthartodokêtai和Phantasiasts,作為延長Docetic歪理邪說的第二個世紀。 In 537, the two parties elected rival patriarchs of Alexandria, Theodosius and Gaianas, after whom the Corrupticolæ were known as Theodosians, and the Incorrupticolæ as Gaianites.在537,雙方對手當選元老亞歷山大,狄奧多西和Gaianas後,其中的Corrupticolæ被稱為Theodosians和Incorrupticolæ作為Gaianites。 Julian considered, with some show of reason, that the doctrine of Severus necessitated the admission of two natures, and he was unjustly accused of Docetism and Manichæanism, for he taught the reality of the Humanity of Christ, and made it incorruptible not formaliter quâ human, but as united to the Word.朱利安認為,有些節目的原因,這一學說的塞維魯入場必要的兩個性質,他是不公正的指責和善惡二元幻影說,因為他教了現實人性的基督,使廉潔的人不formaliter條件,但團結的話。 His followers, however, split upon this question.他的追隨者,然而,在這個分裂的問題。 One party admitted a potential corruptibility.一方承認一個潛在的清廉。 Another party taught an absolute incorruptibility katà pánta trópon, as flowing from the union itself.另一個黨的教導絕對廉潔卡塔潘塔trópon,作為流動的聯盟本身。 A third sect declared that by the union the Humanity obtained the prerogative of being uncreate; they were called Actistetæ, and replied by denominating their opponents "Ctistolaters", or worshippers of a creature.第三個節宣布,由該聯盟的人類獲得的特權被uncreate,他們被稱為Actistetæ,並回答了他們的對手定名“Ctistolaters”,或信徒的一個生物。 Heresies, after the analogy of low forms of physical life, tend to propagate by division.歪理邪說,後比喻形式的低物質生活,往往宣傳的部門。 So Monophysitism showed its nature, once it was separated from the Catholic body. The Emperor Justinian, in 565, adopted the incorruptibilist view, and made it a law for all bishops.因此,基督一性表明其性質,一旦它脫離天主教機構。查士丁尼皇帝,在565,通過了incorruptibilist觀點,使之成為法律的全體主教。 The troubles that arose in consequence, both in East and West, were calmed by his death in November of that year.所引起的麻煩在後果,無論是在東方和西方,被平息對他的逝世,同年11月。

7. 7。 The famous Philoxenus or Xenaias (d. soon after 518), Bishop of Mabug (Mabbogh, Mambuce, or Hierapolis in Syria Euphratensis), is best known today by his Syriac version of the New Testament, which was revised by Thomas of Harkel, and is known as the Harkleian or Philoxonian text.著名Philoxenus或Xenaias(草後不久,518),主教Mabug(Mabbogh,Mambuce,或希拉波利斯在敘利亞Euphratensis),今天是他最有名的敘利亞文版本的新約,這是修訂了托馬斯Harkel,和是被稱為 Harkleian或Philoxonian文本。 It is unfair of Hefele (Councils, tr. III, 459-60) to treat him as almost a Docetist.這是不公平的黑弗勒(市政局,文。三,459-60)來對待他,幾乎一Docetist。 From what can be learned of his doctrines they were very like those of Severus and of Ælurus.從什麼可以得知他的學說,他們很喜歡那些塞維魯和Ælurus。 He was a Monophysite in words and a Monothelite in reality, for he taught that Christ had one will, an error which it was almost impossible for any Monophysite to avoid.他是在基督一言一Monothelite在現實中,因為他告訴我們,基督一會,這是一個錯誤,幾乎不可能任何monophysite避免的。 But this mía ph&úsis s&únthetos was no doubt meant by him as equivalent to the hypostasis composita taught by St. Thomas.但是,這血症pH值和0.20 s和únthetos無疑意味著他等同於hypostasis composita教聖托馬斯。 As Philoxenus taught that Christ's sufferings were by choice, he must be placed on the side of the Julianists.由於Philoxenus告訴我們,基督的苦難被選擇,他必須放在一邊的Julianists。 He was careful to deny all confusion in the union, and all transformation of the Word.他謹慎地拒絕所有的混亂,工會,所有的話語轉型。

8. 8。 Peter Fullo, Patriarch of Antioch (471-88), is chiefly famed in the realm of dogma for his addition to the Trisagion or Tersanctus, "Agios o Theos, Agios Ischyros, Agios Athanatos", of the words "who wast crucified for us".彼得Fullo,牧安提(471-88),主要是在著名的教條的境界,他除了Trisagion或Tersanctus,“貼水Ø西奧斯,貼水Ischyros,貼水Athanatos”的字眼:“誰廢為我們釘在十字架上“。 This is plain Patripassianism, so far as words go.這是平原Patripassianism,只要字去。 It was employed by Peter as a test, and he excommunicated all who refused it.這是受僱於彼得作為一個測試,他驅逐所有誰拒絕它。 There is no possibility of explaining away this assertion of the suffering of the Divine Nature by the communicatio idiomatum, for it is not merely the Divine Nature (in the sense of hypostasis) of the Son which is said to have been crucified, but the words are attached to a three-fold invocation of the Trinity.有沒有可能去解釋這句話的苦難的神性的交際idiomatum,因為它不僅是神性(在這個意義上的hypostasis)的兒子據說已被釘在十字架上,但是這句話附加到3倍調用的三位一體。 Peter may therefore be considered as a full-blooded Monophysite, who carried the heresy to its extreme, so that it involved error as to the Trinity (Sabellianism) as well as with regard to the Incarnation.彼得因此,可以視為一個完整的熱血基督一,誰進行其極端的異端,因此它涉及的錯誤,以三位一體(形態論)以及有關的化身。 He did not admit the addition of the words "Christ our King" which his orthodox rival Calandio added to his formula.他不承認的話除了“基督我們的王”他的正統的對手Calandio添加到他的公式。 Some Scythian monks of Constantinople, led by John Maxentius, before the reconciliation with the West in 519, upheld the formula "one of the Trinity was crucified" as a test to exclude the heresy of Peter Fullo on the one hand and Nestorianism on the other. They were orthodox adherents of the Council of Chalcedon.一些西徐亞僧侶君士坦丁堡,約翰馬克森提領導,在和解與西方在519,堅持公式“三位一體之一是釘在十字架上”,作為測試,以排除異端彼得Fullo一方面,景教在其他。東正教信徒,他們是在安理會的chalcedon。 Pope Hormisdas thought very badly of the monks, and would do nothing in approval of their formula.教皇卡爾米斯達斯認為非常嚴重的僧侶,和會做什麼在批准其公式。 But it was approved by John II, in 534, and imposed under anathema by the Second Council of Constantinople in 553, which closed the so-called "Theopaschite" controversy.但它是由約翰二世批准,在534,和所施加的詛咒由第二屆理事會君士坦丁堡在553,其中關閉了所謂的“Theopaschite”之爭。

9. 9。 We have further to catalogue a number of subdivisions of Monophysitism which pullulated in the sixth century.我們必須進一步目錄一個數字的行政區劃基督一性的pullulated在第六世紀。 The Agnoetæ were Corrupticolæ, who denied completeness of knowledge to the Human Nature of Christ; they were sometimes called Themistians, from Themistus Calonymus, an Alexandrian deacon, their chief writer.該Agnoetæ是Corrupticolæ,誰否認完整性知識,人性的基督,他們有時被稱為Themistians,從Themistus Calonymus,一亞歷山大執事,他們的主要撰稿人。 They were excommunicated by the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Timotheus (d. 527) and Theodosius.他們被驅逐的始祖亞歷山大,提摩太(四527)和狄奧多西。 Their views resemble the "Kenotic" theories of our own day. The Tritheists, or Tritheites, or Condobaudites, were founded by a Constantinopolitan philosopher, John Asconagus, or Ascunaghes, at the beginning of the sixth century, but their principal teacher was John Philopomus, an Alexandrian philosopher, who died probably towards the end of that century. These heretics taught that there were three natures in the Holy Trinity, the three Persons being individuals of a species.他們的觀點類似的“虛己”理論對我們自己的一天。該Tritheists,或Tritheites,或Condobaudites,成立了由君士坦丁堡哲學家,約翰Asconagus,或Ascunaghes,在開始的六世紀,但他們的主要老師是約翰Philopomus ,一個哲學家亞歷山大,誰死可能臨近結束的這個世紀。這些異端教導有三個性質的三位一體,三人被個人的一個物種。 A zealot of the sect was a monk Athanasius, grandson of the Empress Theodora, wife of Justinian.一個狂熱者該教派是一個和尚亞他那修,孫子的皇后西奧多拉,妻子查士丁尼。 He followed the view of Theodosius, that the bodies to be given in the resurrection are new creations.他隨後組織的觀點狄奧多西,該機構給予在復活的新創作。 Stephen Gobaras was another writer of this sect.又是作家斯蒂芬Gobaras本節。 Their followers were called Athanasians or Philoponiaci.他們的追隨者被稱為Athanasians或Philoponiaci。 Athanasius was opposed by Conon, Bishop of Tarsus (c. 600), who eventually anathematized his teacher Philoponus.亞他那修是反對科農,主教塔爾蘇斯(約600),詛咒他的老師誰最終約翰菲洛波努斯。 The Cononites are said to have urged that, though the matter of the body is corruptible, its form is not.該Cononites據說曾呼籲,雖然這件事情是壞的身體,它的形式是不是。 The Tritheites were excommunicated by the Jacobite Patriarch of Alexandria, Damian (577), who found the unity of God in a '&úparksis distinct from the three Persons, which he called autótheos.該Tritheites被驅逐由詹姆斯亞歷山大牧首,達米安(577),誰發現了上帝在一個統一的'&úparksis來自三個不同的人,他叫autótheos。 His disciples were taunted with believing in four Gods, and were nicknamed Tetradites, or Tetratheites, and also Damianists and Angelites.他的弟子們奚落與信奉四神,被稱為Tetradites,或Tetratheites,也Damianists和Angelites。 Peter Callinicus, Patriarch of Antioch (578-91), opposed them, and both he and Damian attacked the Alexandrian philosopher Stephen Niobes, founder of the Niobites, who taught that there was no distinction whatever between the Divine Nature and the Human after the Incarnation, and characterized the distinctions made by those who admitted only one nature as half-hearted.彼得加利尼,牧安提(578-91),反對他們,他和達米安攻擊亞歷山大哲學家斯蒂芬Niobes,創始人Niobites,誰教,有沒有什麼區別之間的神性與人的化身後和特點所決定的區別誰承認只有一個性質,半心半意。 Many of his followers joined the Catholics, when they found themselves excommunicated by the Monophysites.他的許多追隨者參加了天主教徒,當他們發現自己被逐出教會的基督一性。

HISTORY歷史

Of the origin of Eutychianism among the Cyrillian party a few words were said above.的起源Eutychianism黨之間的Cyrillian幾句話是說以上。 The controversy between Cyril and Theodoret was revived with violence in the attacks made in 444-8, after Cyril's death, by his party on Irenæus of Tyre, Ibas of Edessa, and others (see DIOSCURUS).西里爾之間的爭議和theodoret被恢復與暴力襲擊事件在444-8,西里爾後去世,由他的黨在愛任紐的輪胎,律師協會的edessa,和其他人(見DIOSCURUS)。 The trial of Eutyches, by St. Flavian at Constantinople, brought matters to a head (see EUTYCHES).該試驗的歐迪奇,聖弗拉維安在君士坦丁堡,使事情發展到1頭(見歐迪奇)。 Theodosius II convened an œcumenical council at Ephesus, in 449, over which Dioscurus, the real founder of Monophysitism as a sect, presided (see ROBBER COUNCIL OF EPHESUS).狄奧多西二世乃眾人召開了一次理事會在以弗所,在449,超過該Dioscurus,真正的創始人,作為一個基督一節,主持(見賊會的以弗所)。 St. Leo had already condemned the teaching of one nature in his letter to Flavian called the tome, a masterpiece of exact terminology, unsurpassed for clearness of thought, which condemns Nestorius on the one hand, and Eutyches on the other (see LEO I, POPE).聖里奧已經譴責了在教學中的一個自然的信弗拉維安稱為巨著,一個確切的術語傑作,無與倫比的清晰的思想,譴責聶斯脫一方面,和對其他歐迪奇(見利奧一世,教皇)。 After the council had acquitted Eutyches, St. Leo insisted on the signing of this letter by the Eastern bishops, especially by those who had taken part in the disgraceful scenes at Ephesus.安理會已被宣告無罪後歐迪奇,聖里奧堅持認為,簽署這封信由東區主教,特別是那些誰已經採取了不光彩的部分場景在以弗所。 In 451, six hundred bishops assembled at Chalcedon, under the presidency of the papal legates (see CHALCEDON, COUNCIL OF).在451,600主教聚集在卡爾西,根據總統的教皇使節(見卡爾西,委員會)。 The pope's view was assured of success before-hand by the support of the new Emperor Marcian.教宗的看法是保證成功的前手的支持新皇帝馬爾奇安。 Dioscurus of Alexandria was deposed. Dioscurus亞歷山大被廢黜。 The tome was acclaimed by all, save by thirteen out of the seventeen Egyptian bishops present, for these declared their lives would not be safe, if they returned to Egypt after signing, unless a new patriarch had been appointed.秘聞,譽為所有,節省了13出了17埃及主教目前,這些宣稱他們的生活不會是安全的,如果他們返回埃及簽署後,除非新的元老已經任命。 The real difficulty lay in drawing up a definition of faith.真正的困難在於制定一個定義的信念。 There was now no Patriarch of Alexandria; those of Antioch and Constantinople had been nominees of Dioscurus, though they had now accepted the tome; Juvenal of Jerusalem had been one of the leaders of the Robber Council, but like the rest had submitted to St. Leo.目前有沒有主教亞歷山德里亞,那些安提阿和君士坦丁堡被提名人的Dioscurus,儘管他們現在已經接受了書本;韋納爾,耶路撒冷曾發生過一次的領導人會議的強盜,但像其他已提交給聖利奧。 It is consequently not surprising that the committee, appointed to draw up a definition of faith, produced a colourless document (no longer extant), using the words -ek d&úo ph&úseon, which Dioscurus and Eutyches might have signed without difficulty.因此這是毫不奇怪的是,委員會任命制訂一個定義的信念,產生了無色文件(不再現存),使用的話,綻出的D&二氧化鈾pH值和úseon,其中Dioscurus和歐迪奇可能已經簽署沒有困難。 It was excitedly applauded in the fifth session of the council, but the papal legates, supported by the imperial commissioners, would not agree to it, and declared they would break up the council and return to Italy, if it were pressed.這是興奮地拍掌理事會第五次會議,但教皇使節,支持帝國專員,不會同意這樣做,並宣布他們將打破了議會,重新回到意大利,如果它被按下。

The few bishops who stood by the legates were of the Antiochian party and suspected of Nestorianism by many.少數幾個主教誰站在了legates被懷疑安蒂奧克黨和景教很多。 The emperor's personal intervention was invoked.皇帝的親自干預被調用。 It was demonstrated to the bishops that to refuse to assert "two natures" (not merely "of" two) was to agree with Dioscurus and not with the pope, and they yielded with a very bad grace.它被證明是主教拒絕斷言“兩個性質”(不只是“”兩)是同意Dioscurus,而不是與教宗,與他們取得了一個非常壞的寬限期。 They had accepted the pope's letter with enthusiasm, and they had deposed Dioscurus, not indeed for heresy (as Austolius of Constantinople had the courage, or the impudence, to point out), but for violation of the canons.他們已經接受了教皇的信件與熱情,他們被廢黜Dioscurus,不確實異端(如Austolius君士坦丁堡有膽量,或厚顏無恥,指出),但違反了大砲。 To side with him meant punishment.站在他的意思懲罰。 The result was the drawing up by a new committee of the famous Chalcedonian definition of faith.其結果是制定一個新的委員會由著名的迦克定義的信仰。 It condemns Monophysitism in the following words: "Following the holy Fathers, we acknowledge one and the same Son, one Lord Jesus Christ; and in accordance with this we all teach that He is perfect in Godhead, perfect also in Manhood, truly God and truly Man, of a rational soul and body, consubstantial with His Father as regards his Godhead, and consubstantial with us as regards His Manhood, in all things like unto us save for sin; begotten of His Father before the worlds as to His Godhead, and in the last days for us and for our salvation [born] of Mary the Virgin Theotokos as to His Manhood; one and the same Christ, Son, Lord, Only-begotten, made known as in two natures [the Greek text now has "of two natures", but the history of the definition shows that the Latin "in" is correct] without confusion or change, indivisibly, inseparably [-en d&úo ph&úsesin -asugch&útos, -atréptos, -adiairétos, -achorístos gnorizómenon]; the distinction of the two natures being in no wise removed by the union, but the properties of each nature being rather preserved and concurring in one Person and one Hypostasis, not as divided or separated into two Persons, but one and the same Son and Only-begotten, God the Word, the Lord Jesus Christ; even as the Prophets taught aforetime about Him, and as the Lord Jesus Christ Himself taught us, and as the symbol of the Fathers has handed down to us."安理會譴責基督一在以下文字:“繼聖教父們,我們承認同一個兒子,一個主耶穌基督,並根據這一點,我們都教導說,他是完美的神性,也完美的青壯年,真正的上帝和真正的人,具有理性的靈魂和身體,同質同父親至於他的神性,以及同質同我們對於他的青壯年,在所有的東西像你們為我們節省罪;遺物前,他的父親對他的神性世界,在最後的日子對我們和我們的拯救[出生]童貞聖母瑪利亞,以他長大成人同一個基督,聖子,主,只有-遺物,知道在兩個性質[希臘文本現在已“的兩個性質”,但歷史上的定義表明,拉丁美洲“的”是正確的]沒有混亂或更改,不可分割,相輔相成[恩的D&二氧化鈾pH值和úsesin - asugch&UTOS跟,- atréptos,- adiairétos,- achorístos gnorizómenon];的區分這兩個性質是在沒有明智拆除工會,但每個屬性的性質,而保留並同意在一個人,一個本質,特性,而不是分裂或分離成兩個人,但同一個兒子和只有-造物主,上帝的話語,主耶穌基督,就如先知的教導對他素常,並作為主耶穌基督親自教我們,為標誌的父親已經傳給我們。“

So Monophysitism was exorcised; but the unwillingness of the larger number of the six hundred Fathers to make so definite a declaration is important.因此,基督一被除掉,但不願較大數目的600父親作出如此明確的聲明是重要的。 "The historical account of the Council is this, that a doctrine which the Creed did not declare, which the Fathers did not unanimously witness, and which some eminent Saints had almost in set terms opposed, which the whole East refused as a symbol, not once, but twice, patriarch by patriarch, metropolitan by metropolitan, first by the mouth of above a hundred, then by the mouth of above six hundred of its bishops, and refused upon the grounds of its being an addition to the Creed, was forced upon the Council, not indeed as a Creed, yet, on the other hand, not for subscription merely, but for its acceptance as a definition of faith under the sanction of an anathema, forced on the Council by the resolution of the Pope of the day, acting through his Legates and supported by the civil power" (Newman, "Development", v, §3, 1st ed., p. 307). “歷史的帳戶,安理會的情況是,一個學說的信條沒有申報,而父親並沒有一致的見證,和一些著名的聖徒幾乎在設置方面的反對,而整個東拒絕作為一個符號,而不是一次,而是兩次,元老的元老,大城市的大都市,首先由1 100口以上,然後通過600口以上的主教,以及拒絕的理由後,其作為一個除了信條,被迫呼籲安理會,而不是作為一個信條的確,然而,另一方面,不只是認購,但這種接受的定義下的制裁信仰的詛咒,被迫就安理會通過該決議的教宗的一天,通過他的行事legates和支持民間力量“(紐曼,”發展“,五,§ 3,第1版。,第307頁)。 Theodosius issued edicts against the Eutychians, in March and July, 452, forbidding them to have priests, or assemblies, to make wills or inherit property, or to do military service.狄奧多西發出法令對Eutychians,3月和7月,452,不讓他們有祭司,或集會,使遺囑或繼承財產,或服兵役。 Priests who were obstinate in error were to be banished beyond the limits of the empire.牧師誰是頑固的錯誤要被放逐超出限額的帝國。 Troubles began almost immediately the council was over.故障幾乎立即開始在安理會結束了。 A monk named Theodosius, who had been punished at Alexandria for blaming Dioscurus, now on the contrary opposed the decision of the council, and going to Palestine persuaded the many thousands of monks there that the council had taught plain Nestorianism.一個和尚名叫狄奧多西,誰被懲罰的亞歷山大責怪Dioscurus,現在反而反對,安理會的決定,並準備向巴勒斯坦說服數以千計的僧侶,安理會有教過平原景教。 They made a raid upon Jerusalem and drove out Juvenal, the bishop, who would not renounce the Chalcedonian definition, although he had been before one of the heads of the Robber Council.他們採取了突然襲擊後,耶路撒冷和趕走韋納爾,主教,誰也不會放棄迦克定義,雖然他一直在一個元首的強盜會。 Houses were set on fire, and some of the orthodox were slain.房屋被放火燒毀,一些人被殺的正統。 Theodosius made himself bishop, and throughout Palestine the bishops were expelled and new ones set up. The Bishop of Scythopolis lost his life; violence and riots were the order of the day.狄奧多西使自己的主教,主教和整個巴勒斯坦被驅逐和新的設置。主教的錫索波利斯失去了他的生命;暴力和騷亂的命令的一天。 Eudocia, widow of the Emperor Theodosius II, had retired to Palestine, and gave some support to the insurgent monks.歐多西亞,寡婦的皇帝狄奧多西二世,巴勒斯坦已退休,並提出了一些支持叛亂僧侶。 Marcian and Pulcheria took mild measures to restore peace, and sent repeated letters in which the real character of the decrees of Chalcedon was carefully explained.馬爾奇安和Pulcheria採取溫和的措施,以恢復和平,並多次發出信件,其中的真正性質的法令的chalcedon進行了仔細的解釋。 St. Euthymius and his community were almost the only monks who upheld the council, but this influence, together with a long letter from St. Leo to the excited monks, had no doubt great weight in obtaining peace.聖Euthymius和他的社會幾乎是唯一僧侶誰堅持安理會,但這種影響力,連同一封長信從聖利奧的興奮僧侶,有很大的重量無疑在獲得和平。 In 453, large numbers acknowledged their error, when Theodosius was driven out and took refuge on Mount Sinai, after a tyranny of twenty months.在453,大批承認其錯誤,當狄奧多西被趕出了避難和在西奈山,經過20個月的暴政。 Others held out on the ground that it was uncertain whether the pope had ratified the council.別人伸出的理由,它是不確定是否教皇批准了議會。 It was true that he had annulled its disciplinary canons.的確,他已取消其學科門炮。 The emperor therefore wrote to St. Leo asking for an explicit confirmation, which the pope sent at once, at the same time thanking Marcian for his acquiescence in the condemnation of the twenty-eighth canon, as to the precedence of the See of Constantinople, and for repressing the religious riots in Palestine.因此,說皇帝要求聖利奧明確確認,而教皇發送一次,同時感謝馬爾奇安默許他在譴責第二十八屆佳能,以優先級的見君士坦丁堡,和鎮壓巴勒斯坦的宗教騷亂。

In Egypt the results of the council were far more serious, for nearly the whole patriarchate eventually sided with Dioscurus, and has remained in heresy to the present day.在埃及議會的結果嚴重得多,幾乎整個東正教最終站在Dioscurus,並一直留在異端到今天。 Out of seventeen bishops who represented, at Chalcedon, the hundred Egyptian bishops, only four had the courage to sign the decree.誰出17主教代表,在卡爾西,百埃及主教,只有4個有膽量簽署法令。 These four returned to Alexandria, and peacably ordained the archdeacon, Proterius, a man of good character and venerable by his age, in the place of Dioscurus.這四個回到亞歷山大,並peacably受戒的副主教,Proterius,一個人的良好品格和令人尊敬他的年齡,在地方Dioscurus。 But the deposed patriarch was popular, and the thirteen bishops, who had been allowed to defer signing the tome of St. Leo, misrepresented the teaching of the council as contrary to that of Cyril.但是,被推翻的元老流行,而13主教,誰被允許推遲簽署聖多美和普林西比聖利奧,歪曲了該會的教學違背這一西里爾。 A riot was the result.阿暴亂結果。 The soldiers who attempted to quell it were driven into the ancient temple of Serapis, which was now a church, and it was burnt over their heads.士兵們誰試圖平息它被趕進了古老的寺廟塞拉皮斯,這是現在一個教堂,它被燒毀了他們的頭上。 Marcian retaliated by depriving the city of the usual largess of corn, of public shows, and of privileges.馬爾奇安報復,剝奪了城市通常的賞賜玉米,公共節目和特權。 Two thousand soldiers reinforced the garrison, and committed scandalous violence.兩千名士兵加強了駐軍,並承諾可恥的暴力。 The people were obliged to submit, but the patriarch was safe only under military protection.人們不得不提出,但老人家是安全的軍事保護下才。 Schism began through the retirement from his communion of the priest Timothy, called Ælurus, "the cat", and Peter, called Mongus, "the hoarse", a deacon, and these were joined by four or five bishops.分裂就通過他的共融的退休牧師提摩太,所謂Ælurus,“貓”和彼得,叫蒙古斯,“嘶啞”,一個執事,這些人加入了4或5主教。 When the death of Dioscurus (September, 454) in exile at Gangra was known, two bishops consecrated Timothy Ælurus as his successor.當死亡Dioscurus(9月,454)在被稱為流亡岡格拉,兩位主教祝聖霍震霆Ælurus作為他的繼任者。 Henceforward almost the whole of Egypt acknowledged the Monophysite patriarch.從此以後幾乎整個埃及承認基督一元老。 On the arrival of the news of the death of Marcian (February, 457), Proterius was murdered in a riot, and Catholic bishops were everywhere replaced by Monophysites.在抵達的消息死亡的馬爾奇安(2月,457),Proterius被殺害暴亂,到處都是和天主教主教所取代基督一性。 The new emperor, Leo, put down force by force, but Ælurus was protected by his minister Aspar.新皇帝利奧,放下武力,武力,但Ælurus是受他的部長阿斯帕爾。 Leo wished for a council, but gave way before the objections made by the pope his namesake, and the difficulties of assembling so many bishops.利奧祝愿一局,但讓位之前作出的反對教皇他同名,而且困難組裝這麼多的主教。 He therefore sent queries throughout the Eastern Empire to be answered by the bishops, as to the veneration due to the Council of Chalcedon and as to the ordination and the conduct of Ælurus.因此,他發出疑問整個東部帝國所要回答的主教,至於崇拜由於安理會的chalcedon以及對協調和進行Ælurus。 As only Catholic bishops were consulted, the replies were unanimous.由於只有天主教主教進行了磋商,一致的答复。 One or two of the provincial councils, in expressing their indignation against Timothy, add the proviso "if the reports are accurate", and the bishops of Pamphylia point out that the decree of Chalcedon is not a creed for the people, but a test for bishops.一個或兩個省議會,表達他們的憤怒反對霍震霆,加上但書:“如果報導是準確的”,而主教潘菲利亞指出,該法令的chalcedon不是一個信仰的人,而是一個測試主教。 The letters, still preserved (in Latin only) under the name of Encyclia, or Codex Encyclius, bear the signatures of about 260 bishops, but Nicephorus Callistus says, that there were altogether more than a thousand, while Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria in the days of St. Gregory the Great, puts the number at 1600.這些信,仍然保留(僅在拉丁美洲)的名義下的Encyclia,或食品Encyclius,承擔的簽名,共約260主教,但Nicephorus卡利斯圖斯說,有一共有超過1萬,而Eulogius,在亞歷山大牧首天聖格里高利大,使人數為1600。 He says that only one bishop, the aged Amphilochius of Side, dissented from the rest, but he soon changed his mind (quoted by Photius, Bibl., CCXXX, p. 283).他說,只有一主教,老年人Amphilochius側,從異議的休息,但他很快就改變了主意(引用由photius,Bibl。,CCXXX,第283頁)。 This tremendous body of testimonies to the Council of Chalcedon is little remembered today, but in controvresies with the Monophysites it was in those times of equal importance with the council itself, as its solemn ratification.這一巨大的身體證詞向安理會的chalcedon記住今天很少,但在controvresies與該monophysites正是在這些時候同樣重要的安理會本身,因為它的莊嚴批准。

In the following year Ælurus was exiled, but was recalled in 475 during the short reign of the Monophysite usurper Basiliscus.次年Ælurus被流放,但回憶起在短短的475年間的基督一逆賊Basiliscus。 The Emperor Zeno spared Ælurus from further punishment on account of his great age.皇帝芝諾倖免Ælurus有關帳戶的進一步懲罰他的偉大時代。 That emperor tried to reconcile the Monophysites by means of his Henoticon, a decree which dropped the Council of Chalcedon.這皇帝試圖調和該monophysites他Henoticon通過這一手段,放棄了一個法令,安理會的chalcedon。 It could, however, please neither side, and the middle party which adhered to it and formed the official Church of the East was excommunicated by the popes.它可以,不過,請雙方都沒有,中間黨,堅持它,形成了官方教會的東方被逐出教會的教皇。 At Alexandria, the Monophysites were united to the schismatic Church of Zeno by Peter Mongus who became patriarch.在亞歷山德里亞,該monophysites被統一到分裂的教會芝諾由彼得蒙古斯誰成為元老。 But the stricter Monophysites seceded from him and formed a sect known as Acephali.但嚴格的基督一人脫離了他,並形成一個教派被稱為Acephali。 At Antioch Peter Fullo also supported the Henoticon.在安提阿彼得Fullo也支持Henoticon。 A schism between East and West lasted through the reigns of Zeno and his more definitely Monophysite successor Anastasius, in spite of the efforts of the popes, especially the great St. Gelasius.阿東部和西部之間的分裂,通過持續的統治的芝諾和他的繼任者阿納斯塔修斯基督一性更明確,儘管所作的努力,教皇,特別是偉大的聖格拉西。 In 518, the orthodox Justin came to the throne, and reunion was consummated in the following year by him, with the active co-operation of his more famous nephew Justinian, to the great joy of the whole East.在518正統賈斯汀來到寶座,團聚是完善在次年由他的積極合作,他更著名的侄子查士丁尼,向偉大的喜悅整個地區。 Pope Hormisdas sent legates to reconcile the patriarchs and metropolitans, and every bishop was forced to sign, without alteration, a petition in which he accepted the faith which had always been preserved at Rome, and condemned not only the leaders of the Eutychian heresy, but also Zeno's time-serving bishops of Constantinople, Acacius and his successors.教皇卡爾米斯達斯派出使節調和元老和大都市,每個主教被迫簽訂,沒有改變,在一份請願書,他接受了信仰一直保存在羅馬,並譴責不只是領導人的Eutychian異端,但還芝諾的時間提供服務的主教,君士坦丁堡,Acacius和他的繼任者。 Few of the Eastern bishops seem to have been otherwise than orthodox and anxious for reunion, and they were not obliged to omit from the diptychs of their churches the names of their predecessors, who had unwillingly been cut off from actual communion with Rome, in the reigns of Zeno and Anastasius.少數東部主教似乎已經比正統和焦慮,否則團聚,他們沒有義務從diptychs,省略了他們的教會他們的前輩的名字,誰也不願意被切斷從實際與羅馬的共融,在普遍存在的芝諾和阿納斯塔修斯。 The famous Monophysite writer Severus was now deposed from the See of Antioch.著名作家塞維魯現在基督一廢黜從見安提阿。 Justinian, during his long reign, took the Catholic side, but his empress, Theodora, was a Monophysite, and in his old age the emperor leaned in the same direction.查士丁尼,在他的長期統治,採取了天主教的一面,但他的皇后,西奧多拉,是一個monophysite,並在他晚年的皇帝在同一方向傾斜。 We still posses the acts of a conference, between six Severian and seven orthodox bishops, held by his order in 533.我們仍然具有的一個會議的行為,6至7塞韋里安和東正教會主教舉行了他的命令在533。 The great controversy of his reign was the dispute about the "three chapters", extracts from the writings of Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, and Ibas, which Justinian wished to get condemned in order to conciliate the Severians and other moderate Monophysites.這麼大的爭議,他在位的爭端有關“三章”,提取的著作西奧多的Mopsuestia,Theodoret和律師協會,其中查士丁尼希望得到譴責,以調解的Severians和其他溫和的基督一性。 He succeeded in driving Pope Vigilius into the acceptance of the Second Council of Constantinople, which he had summoned for the purpose of giving effect to his view.他成功地將駕駛教皇Vigilius接受了第二屆理事會君士坦丁堡,這是他召集的宗旨,落實他的看法。 The West disapproved of this condemnation as derogatory to the Council of Chalcedon, and Africa and Illyricum refused for some time to receive the council.西方不贊成這項譴責作為有損安理會的chalcedon,非洲和伊利里庫姆一段時間拒絕接受安理會。

The divisions among the heretics have been mentioned above.各司之間的異端上面已經提到。 A great revival and unification was effected by the great man of the sect, the famous Jacob Baradai, Bishop of Edssa (c. 541-78).偉大的復興和統一是影響了該教派的偉人,著名的雅各巴拉達伊,主教Edssa(公元前541-78)。 (See BARADÆUS .) In his earlier years a recluse in his monastery, when a bishop he spent his life traveling in a beggar's garb, ordaining bishops and priests everywhere in Mesopotamia, Syria, Asia Minor, in order to repair the spiritual ruin caused among the Monophysites by Justinian's renewal of the original laws against their bishops and priests. (見BARADÆUS。)在他的早年一個隱士在他的寺院,當主教,他一生都在旅行中乞丐的裝束,祝聖的主教和司鐸無處不在美索不達米亞,敘利亞,小亞細亞,以修復精神廢墟引起該monophysites由查士丁尼的重建原有法律對他們的主教和神父。 John of Ephesus puts the number of clergy he ordained at 100,000, others at 80,000.約翰以弗所提出的數目在10萬神職人員,他受戒,在80,000人。 His journeys were incredibly swift.他的行程是非常迅速的。 He was believed to have the gift of miracles, and at least he performed the miracle of infusing a new life into the dry bones of his sect, though he was unable to unite them against the "Synodites" (as they called the orthodox), and he died worn out by the quarrels among the Monophysite patriarchs and theologians.他認為這件禮物的奇蹟,至少他完成的奇蹟的一個新的生命注入到他的幹骨頭節,雖然他不能團結起來反對“Synodites”(正如他們所說的正統)他死了破舊的基督一元老之間的爭吵和神學家。 He has deserved to give his name to the Monophysites of Syria, Mesopotamia, and Babylonia, with Asia Minor, Palestine, and Cyprus, who have remained since his time generally united under a Patriarch of Antioch (see Eastern Churches, A. Schismatical Churches, 5. Jacobites).他不愧為給他的名字該monophysites敘利亞,美索不達米亞,巴比倫王國,與小亞細亞,巴勒斯坦,塞浦路斯,誰一直保持團結,因為他的時間一般在1牧安提(見東方教會,甲分裂的教會, 5。詹姆斯黨)。 A number of these united in 1646 with the Catholic Church, and they are governed by the Syrian Archbishop of Aleppo.一個數字,1646年這些團結與天主教教會,他們是由敘利亞阿勒頗大主教。 The rest of the Monophysites are also frequently called Jacobites.其餘的該monophysites也經常所謂jacobites。 For the Coptic Monophysites see EGYPT, and for the Armenians see ARMENIA.對於埃及科普特基督一見,為亞美尼亞人看到亞美尼亞。 The Armenian Monophysite Patriarch resides at Constantinople.亞美尼亞居住基督一宗主教在君士坦丁堡。 The Abyssinian Church was drawn into the same heresy through its close connexion with Alexandria.阿比西尼亞教會捲入同異端的緊密聯接,通過與亞歷山大。 At least since the Mohammedan conquest of Egypt, in 641, the Abuna of the Abyssinians has always been consecrated by the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria, so that the Abyssinian Church has always been, and is still, nominally Monophysite.至少從征服埃及的穆罕默德,在641時,阿布那的阿比西尼亞一直是神聖的科普特主教亞歷山德里亞,使阿比西尼亞教會一直是,而且仍然,表面基督一性。

Publication information Written by John Chapman.出版信息寫由約翰查普曼。 Transcribed by WGKofron.轉錄由WGKofron。 With thanks to Fr.隨著神父感謝。 John Hilkert, Akron, Ohio The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume V. Published 1909.約翰Hilkert,俄亥俄州阿克倫的天主教百科全書,體積五,1909年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特Appleton還公司。 Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909. Nihil Obstat,1909年5月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.雷米lafort,檢查員。 Imprimatur.認可。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰米farley,大主教紐約

Bibliography書目

The chief materials for the general history of the Eutychians will be found in the Collections of the Councils by MANSI, HARDOUIN, or LABBE, that is to say the councils, letters of popes, and other documents.首席材料一般歷史上Eutychians會被發現在集合中出現的由安理會曼西,HARDOUIN,或拉貝,即議會,信件的教皇,和其他文件。 To these must be added the historians EVAGRIUS, THEOPHANES, etc., and the Monophysite historians JOHN OF EPHESUS, and ZACHARIAS RHETOR (both in LAND's Anecdota Syriaca, II-III, Leyden, 1879), a German translation of the latter by AHRENS and KRÜGER (Leipzig, 1899) and an English one by HAMILTON and BROOKS (London, 1889).對於這些必須加上歷史學家EVAGRIUS,塞奧法尼斯等,以及基督一歷史學家約翰以弗所,修辭和撒迦利亞(無論是在土地的軼事般Syriaca,二,三,萊頓,1879年),德國翻譯,後者阿倫斯和克魯格(萊比錫,1899年)和英國一所漢密爾頓和布魯克斯(倫敦,1889年)。 The works of FACUNDUS, the Breviarium of LIBERATUS, and information imparted by PHOTIUS are valuable.該工程FACUNDUS的Breviarium的LIBERATUS,信息傳遞由photius是寶貴的。

Of modern authorities, the larger and smaller histories are innumerable, eg BARONIUS, FLEURY, GIBBON, HEFELE, and (for the early period) TILLEMONT, XV; also the biographical articles in such large works as CAVE, Biogr.現代當局,較大和規模較小的歷史是無數,如巴若尼,弗勒裡,長臂猿,黑弗勒,以及(在初期)蒂耶蒙,第十五,也是傳記文章,這些大型工程,洞穴,Biogr。 Litt.利特。 FABRICIUS; the Kirchenlexikon; HERZOG, Realencykl.; and Dict.法氏囊;的Kirchenlexikon;赫爾佐格,Realencykl。;和快譯通。 Ch.總。 Biog.; ASSEMANI, Bibl. Orient., II; WALCH, Ketzergeschichte (Leipzig, 1762-85), VI-VIII; for detailed biographies see the articles referred to above. Biog。; ASSEMANI,Bibl。東方。,二;瓦爾希,Ketzergeschichte(萊比錫,1762年至1785年),第六至第八;詳細簡歷見上文提到的文章。

On the dogmatic side see PETAVIUS, De Incarn., VI; DORNER, Entwicklungsgeschichte von der Person Christi (Berlin, 1853), 2nd ed.; tr.: Doctrine of the Person of Christ (Edinburgh, 1861-3), 5 vols.–it should be noted that DORNER himself held a Nestorian view; Dict.在教條式的一側看到PETAVIUS,德Incarn。,六;多納,Entwicklungsgeschichte馮明鏡人克里斯蒂(柏林,1853年),第二版。;文。:學說的人的基督(愛丁堡,1861-3),5卷。 ,應該指出的是,多納自己舉行了景教的看法;快譯通。 de Théol.德Théol。 Cath.; the histories of dogma such as those of SCHWANE, HARNACK, and (up to 451) BETHUNE -BAKER; KRÜGER, Monophysitische Streitigkeiten in Zusammenhange mit der Reichspolitik (Jena, 1884); LOOFS, Leontius von Byzanz.蛋白酶。;的歷史教條,如那些SCHWANE,哈納克,和(高達451)白求恩-貝克;克魯格,Monophysitische Streitigkeiten在Zusammenhange麻省理工德Reichspolitik(耶拿,1884年);盧夫斯,Leontius馮Byzanz。 in Texte und Unters., 1st series, III, 1-2; new light has come from the Syriac, Arabic, and Coptic of late years.在Texte北達科Unters。,第一系列,三,1-2,新的光芒來自敘利亞文,阿拉伯文和科普特的晚年。 In addition to the histories mentioned above: EVETTS, History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, Arabic and English in Patrol.除了上面提到的歷史:埃維茨,歷史的始祖的科普特教會的亞歷山德里亞,阿拉伯語和英語巡邏。 Orient., I, 2 (Paris, 1905); S. BEN EL MOGAFFA, Historia patriarchum Alexandr.東方。,一,二(巴黎,1905年);南賁發光MOGAFFA,史記patriarchum亞歷山大。 in Corpus Script.在語料庫腳本。 Christ.基督。 Orient., Scriptores arabici, 3rd series, IX; CHABOU, Chronique de Michel le Syrien (Paris, 1901), II.東方。,Scriptores arabici,第三系列,九; CHABOU,德紀事報Syrien米歇爾(巴黎,1901年),二。

On the works of Timothy Ælurus, CRUM, Eusebius and Coptic Ch.在工程的蒂莫西Ælurus,克拉姆,尤西比烏斯和科普特總。 Hist., in Proc.組織胺。,2004。 of Soc. SoC的。 of Bibl.對 Bibl。 Archæol.考古。 (London, 1902), XXIV; LEBON, La Christologie de Timothée Ælure in Revue d'Hist. (倫敦,1902年),第24條;萊,喇Christologie德的Timothée Ælure在現代史和歷史。 Eccl.傳道書。 (Oct., 1908), IX, 4; on Severus of Antioch, KUGENER, Vies de Sa švère par Zaccharie le Rhéteur, et par Jean de Beith Apthonia in Patrol. (10月,1908年),第九,第4,對塞維魯的安提阿,KUGENER,阿多諾德Sašvère桿Zaccharie樂Rhéteur,等讓德俾司Apthonia桿在巡邏。 Orient.東方。 II (Paris, 1907); DUVAL, Les homélies cathédrale de Sévère, trad.二(巴黎,1907年);杜瓦爾,萊斯homélies大教堂代嚴重,文章。 syr.錫爾河。 de Jacques d'Edesse in Patrol.德雅克德Edesse在巡邏。 Orient.; BROOKS, Sixth book of the select letters of Severus in the Syrian version of Athan.東方。;布魯克斯第六書的選擇字母塞維魯在敘利亞版本森。 of Nisib.對 Nisib。 (Text and Transl. Soc., London, 1904), besides the fragments published by MAI, etc.; on Julian see LOOFS, loc. (文本和譯。片上系統。,倫敦,1904年),除了片段發表麥等;對朱利安看到盧夫斯,同上。 cit.; USENER in Rhein.同前。;烏澤納在萊茵河畔。 Mus.畝。 für Phil.獻給菲爾。 (NS, LV, 1900); the letters of Peter Mongus and Acacius publ. (生理鹽水,呂,1900);信彼得蒙古斯和Acacius publ。 by REVILLOUT (Rev. des Qu. hist., XXII, 1877, a French transl.) and by AMÉLINEAU (Monum. pour servir à l'hist. de l'Egypte chr. aux IVe et Ve siècles, Paris, 1888) are spurious; DUVAL, Litt. Syriaque (Paris, 1900), 2nd ed.由勒維尤(致德曲。歷史。,22,1877年,法國譯。)和阿姆利諾(Monum.倒入服務報à l'歷史。德l' Egypte人權委員會。輔助香港專業教育學院等味siècles,巴黎,1888年)是雜散;杜瓦爾,利特。Syriaque(巴黎,1900年),第二版。


Additional Information 附加信息

Quoting from the American College Dictionary (Webster's is similar):引述美國大學詞典(Webster的是類似):
Monophysite, one holding that there is in Christ but a single nature, or one composite nature, partly divine and partly human, as the members of the Coptic Church of Egypt. 基督一性,認為有一個在基督裡,而是一個單一的性質,或一個複合性質,部分神和人的部分,作為成員的埃及科普特教堂。

This definition, including two different interpretations, appears to be the source of a problem.這個定義,包括兩種不同的解釋,似乎是源的問題。 Eastern Orthodox Churches apparently accepts the first definition (a single Nature) while the (Oriental Orthodox and) Coptic Church accepts the second (one composite Nature, partly Divine and partly human).東正教教會顯然接受了第一個定義(一個性質),而(東方東正教)科普特教堂接受第二個(1複合材料的性質,部分神和人的部分)。 Unfortunately, both groups use the exact same word for two rather different concepts, and that may be the source of a long-standing misunderstanding and conflict.不幸的是,這兩組使用同一個詞的確切兩個相當不同的概念,並可能是源一個長期存在的誤解和衝突。

Protestant and Catholic understandings of the definition are generally quite close to the Coptic Church definition.新教和天主教的理解通常的定義是相當接近的科普特教會的定義。

It appears that Eastern Orthodox Churches (Russian, Greek), using their understanding of the word, choose to criticize the Oriental Orthodox Churches by inferring that those Churches believe that the human nature effectively disappears into the Divine Nature.看來,東正教教會(俄文,希臘文),使用這個詞的理解,選擇批評東方東正教教會的推斷,這些教會認為,人性有效地消失到神性。 This claim is vehemently rejected by the Oriental Orthodox Churches, because that is NOT a description of their beliefs.這種說法是極力拒絕東方東正教教堂,因為這不是說明他們的信仰。 Their beliefs involve a composite Nature that is composed of the two component parts.他們的信念涉及複合材料的性質,是由兩個組成部分。

This appears to be a problem of semantics, where the two Churches happen to use the same word to mean significantly different things.這似乎是一個問題的語義,在那裡發生的兩個教會使用同一個詞的意思顯著不同的事情。 Actually, the conflict between the two Churches is quite intense and ingrained within both Churches, such that the word is a trigger point of controversy.其實,兩個教會之間的衝突是相當激烈,雙方根深蒂固的教會內,這樣的話是觸發點的爭議。

Because of this intense criticism by the Eastern Orthodox Churches, the Oriental Orthodox Churches choose not to use the word Monophysitism in describing their beliefs.正因為如此強烈批評的東正教教堂,東方東正教會選擇不使用這個詞來形容他們的信仰基督一性。 They apparently do not want to admit to that word being technically appropriate (but with the very different meaning) because that would give the Eastern Orthodox Churches more fuel for their criticisms.他們顯然不想承認這個詞在技術上適當的(但非常不同的含義),因為這將使更多的東正教教堂燃料供其批評。 The Coptic Church even says that it has never officially discussed Monophysitism.科普特教會甚至說,它從未正式討論過基督一性。

Therefore, through Western eyes, the Coptic Church and the other Oriental Orthodox Churches follow the principle of Monophysitism, using the normal Western definition of involving a composite Nature.因此,通過西方的眼睛,科普特教堂和其他東方東正教教會的基督一遵循的原則,通過普通的西方定義涉及一個複合性質。 But, because of repercussions from the Eastern Orthodox Churches, they never use that word to describe that part of their beliefs.但是,由於影響的東正教教堂,他們從來不使用這個詞來形容他們的信仰的一部分。

The articles above were both written by Western authors, who have described the Coptic Church as containing Monophysitism.以上這些文章都寫的西方作家,誰形容科普特教會作為基督一含。 The usage of the two dictionary definitions of the word must be considered if these articles are read by members of any Orthodox Church.用法詞典的兩個詞的定義必須考慮,如果這些文章閱讀任何東正教會的成員。

(Editor, BELIEVE) (編輯,相信)



Also, see:此外,見:
Coptic Church 科普特教會

Armenian Church 亞美尼亞教會

Oriental Orthodox Churches 東方東正教教堂
Chalcedon 卡爾西

Nestorianism 景教

Apollinarianism 亞波里拿留派


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