Eusebius Pamphili, Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, the "Father of Church History"; b.尤西比乌斯pamphili ，主教cæsarea在巴勒斯坦之父"的教会的历史" ;乙 about 260; d.约260名;四 before 341.前341 。
LIFE生活
It will save lengthy digression if we at once speak of a document which will often have to be referred to on account of its biographical importance, viz., the letter written by Eusebius to his diocese in order to explain his subscription to the Creed propounded by the Council of Nicæa.它可节省冗长的题外话，如果我们在一次发言的一份文件，其中往往要被转介到相应的其传记的重要性，即，该信写的尤西比乌斯向他的教区，以解释他订阅了教义所提出的安理会的nicæa 。 After some preliminary remarks, the writer proceeds: "We first transmit to you the writing concerning the faith which was put forward by us, and then the second, which they have published after putting in additions to our expressions. Now the writing presented by us, which when read in the presence of our most religious emperor was declared to have a right and approved character was as follows: [The Faith put forward by us]. As we have received from the bishops before us both in our first catechetical instruction and when we were baptized, and as we have learned from the Divine Scriptures, and as we have believed and taught in the presbyterate and in the office of bishop itself so now likewise believing we offer to you our faith and it is thus."经过一些初步意见后，笔者得益： "我们首先向你转递写作有关的信仰是我们提出的，那么第二个，其中，他们先后发表后，在增补为我们的表情，现在的写作由美，当他看过，在香港大多数宗教皇帝被宣布为有权利，并批准了字的内容如下： [信仰我们提出的] ，因为我们已经收到了来自主教面前无论是在我们的第一catechetical指示和当我们受洗，并作为我们了解到，从神诵经，因为我们相信并教导，在presbyterate中和办公室的主教本身，所以现在同样相信我们提供给你我们的信仰和因此，它是" 。 Then follows a formal creed [Theodoret, Hist., I, 11; Socrates, Hist., I, 8; St. Athanasius, de Dec. Syn.然后遵循正式信条[ theodoret ，历史，我， 11人;苏格拉底，历史，我8名;圣athanasius ，德12月顺。 Nic. NIC的。 (appendix) and elsewhere. （附录）及其他地方。 Translated by Newman with notes in the Oxford Library of the Fathers (Select Treatises of St. Athanasius, p. 59) and St. Athanasius, vol.翻译由纽曼与债券市场在牛津大学图书馆的父亲（选择论文的圣athanasius ，第59页）和圣athanasius ，第一卷。 I. The translation given here is Dr. Hort's.一，翻译由于这里是博士hort的。 The words in brackets are probably genuine though not given by Socrates and St. Athanasius].括号内的文字很可能是真正的，虽然没有给由苏格拉底和圣athanasius ] 。
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The passage just quoted shows that the date of Eusebius's birth is more than a merely curious question.通过刚才引述表明，该日期的尤西比乌斯的诞生是一个多只是好奇的问题。 According to Lightfoot, it cannot have been "much later than AD 260" (p. 309); according to Harnack, "it can hardly be placed later than 260-265" (Chronologie, I, p. 106).据lightfoot ，它不能被"得多不迟于公元260 " （页309 ） ;根据的Harnack ， "实在难以放在不迟于260-265 " （ chronologie ，我，第106页） 。 The data from which they argue are the persons and events which Eusebius describes as belonging to "our own times".数据来自他们辩称，是人与事件，其中尤西比乌斯形容为属于"我们自己的时代" 。 Thus, at the end of his account of the epistles of Dionysius of Alexandria, he says he is now going to relate the events of "our own times" (kath- ‘emâs. - HE, VII, 26).因此，在去年底，他到教会中的狄奥尼修斯的亚历山德里亚，他说，他现在正与有关的事件， "我们自己的时代" （ kath - ' emâs -他，第七章， 2 6条） 。 He then recounts how, at Rome, Pope Dionysius (259-268) succeeded Xystus, and about the same time Paul of Samosata became Bishop of Antioch.然后，他重新计如何，在罗马教皇狄奥尼修斯（ 259-268 ） ，成功xystus ，大约同一时候，保罗的samosata成为主教安提。
Elsewhere (HE, V, 28) he speaks of the same Paul as reviving "in our own time" (kath- ‘emâs) the heresy of Artemon.在其他地方（他，五， 28 ）他说话的同时保罗振兴" ，在我们自己的时间" （ kath - ' emâs ）异端的阿泰蒙。 He also speaks of the Alexandrian Dionysius (d. 265) in the same way (HE, III, 28).他还谈到了亚历山大狄奥尼修斯（四265 ）在以同样的方式（他，三， 28 ） 。 He calls Manes, whom he places (HE, VII, 31) during the episcopate of Felix (270-274), "the maniac of yesterday and our own timess" (Theophania, IV, 30).他呼吁Manes认为，其中他的地方（他，七， 31 ） ，在主教团的菲利克斯（ 270-274 ） ， "疯狂的昨天和我们自己的timess " （ theophania ，四， 30 ） 。 An historian might of course refer to events recent, but before his own birth, as belonging to "our own times"; eg a man of thirty might speak thus of the Franco-German war in 1870.一个历史学家可能的，当然是指事件最近，但在此之前他自己的出生时，由于属于"我们自己的时代" ，例如，一名男子的第三十一可能说话，因此对法德战争于1870年。 But the reference to Manes as "the maniac of yesterday" certainly suggests a writer who is alluding to what happened within his own personal recollection.而且提及毛为"狂昨天的" ，当然意味着一个作家的人，是暗指什么事，他自己个人的回忆。 Concerning Eusebius's parentage we know absolutely nothing; but the fact that he escaped with a short term of imprisonment during the terrible Diocletian persecution, when his master Pamphilus and others of his companions suffered martyrdom, suggests that he belonged to a family of some influence and importance.关于尤西比乌斯的父母，我们知道，绝对没有什么，但事实上，他逃到一个短期的监禁期间，可怕diocletian迫害时，他的主人pamphilus等他的同伴遭受殉道，表明他是属于一个家庭的一些影响力和重要性。 His relations, later on, with the Emperor Constantine point to the same conclusion.他的关系，后来，随着皇帝君士坦丁点，以相同的结论。 At some time during the last twenty years of the third century he visited Antioch, where he made the acquaintance of the priest Dorotheus, and heard him expound the Scriptures (HE, VII, 32).在某些时候，在过去二十年的第三个世纪，他走访了安提约，在那里他取得了结识神父dorotheus ，并听到他阐述经文（他，第七章， 32条） 。 By a slip of the pen or the memory, Lightfoot (p. 309) makes Dorotheus a priest of the Church of Cæsarea.由滑的钢笔或记忆， lightfoot （第309名） ，使dorotheus一名神父的教堂cæsarea 。 In 296 he saw for the first time the future Emperor Constantine, as he passed through Palestine in the company of Diocletian (Vit. Const., I, 19).在296他首次看到了未来的皇帝君士坦丁，因为他通过巴勒斯坦在该公司的diocletian （ vit.常量。来说，我19 ） 。
At a date which cannot be fixed Eusebius made the acquaintance of Pamphilus, the founder of the magnificent library which remained for several centuries the great glory of the Church of Cæsarea.在一个日期不能固定尤西比乌斯取得了结识pamphilus ，创始人的宏伟图书馆仍然几百年的伟大荣耀的教会cæsarea 。 Pamphilus came from Phœnicia, but at the time we are considering resided at Cæsarea, where he presided over a college or school for students. pamphilus来自phœnicia ，但在当时，我们正考虑居住在cæsarea ，他在那里主持了大专以上学校的学生。 A man of noble birth, and wealthy, he sold his patrimony and gave the proceeds to the poor.一个人的高尚出生时，和有钱的，他把他的遗产，并交给收益给穷人。 He was a great friend to indigent students, supplying them to the best of his ability with the necessaries of life, and bestowing on them copies of the Holy Scriptures.他是一位伟大的朋友给贫困学生，提供他们最好的，他有能力与必要性的生活，并赐予他们的副本圣经。 Too humble to write anything himself, he spent his time in preparing accurate copies of the Scriptures and other books, especially those of Origen.太谦虚要写他自己，他花时间在准备准确的副本圣经及其他书籍，特别是那些渊源。 Eloquent testimonies to the care bestowed by Pamphilus and Eusebius on the sacred text are found in Biblical MSS.雄辩的证词，以照顾恩赐pamphilus和尤西比乌斯对神圣文字被发现在圣经和支助。 which have reproduced their colophons.其中有复制其colophons 。 We give three specimens.我们举出三个标本。 (1) the following is prefixed to Ezechiel in the codex Marchalianus. （ 1 ）以下是后缀ezechiel在法典marchalianus 。 A facsimile of the original will be found in Mai's "Bib. nov. Pat.", IV, p.一份传真的原件会被发现，在清迈的"背带裤一新八" ，四，体育 218, and in Migne. 218 ，并在米涅。 It is printed in ordinary type in Swete's OT in Greek (vol. III, p. viii).这是印在普通型swete的城市旅游局在希腊语（第三卷，第8页） 。 It must be remembered that Origen's own copy of the Hexapla was in the library of Pamphilus.但我们必须记得，渊源的自身拷贝的hexapla是，在图书馆的pamphilus 。 It had probably been deposited there by Origen himself.它有可能被存放在那里的渊源自己。
The following was transcribed from a copy of the Father Apollinarius the Coenobiarch, to which these words are subjoined: "It was transcribed from the editions of the Hexapla and was corrected from the Tetrapla of Origen himself which also had been corrected and furnished with scholia in his own handwriting, whence I, Eusebius, added the scholia, Pamphilus and Eusebius corrected."以下是转录从副本父亲apollinarius该coenobiarch ，而这些话都是subjoined ： "这是转录的，从版本的hexapla和矫正，从tetrapla的渊源本人，也已得到纠正，并配有scholia在他自己的笔迹，何时，我尤西比乌斯，加上scholia ， pamphilus和尤西比乌斯更正" 。
(2) At the end of the Book of Esdras, in the codex Sinaiticus, there is the following note:- （ 2 ）在完成这本书的埃斯德拉斯，在食品法典委员会sinaiticus ，有下列说明： -
It was compared with a very ancient copy that had been corrected by the hand of the blessed martyr Pamphilus to which is appended in his own hand this subscription: "It was transcribed and corrected according to the Hexapla of Origen, Antoninus compared, I, Pamphilus, corrected."它是相对于一个非常古老的副本已被纠正的手庇佑烈士pamphilus这是附在他自己的手，这订阅： "这是转录和纠正，据该hexapla的渊源， antoninus相比，我， pamphilus纠正" 。 (Swete, vol. II, p. 212.) （ swete ，第二卷，第212页） 。
(3) The same codex and also the Vatican and Alexandrine quote a colophon like the above, with the difference that Antoninus has become a confessor, and Pamphilus is in prison - "Antoninus the confessor compared, Pamphilus corrected". （ 3 ）有相同的法典，也是梵蒂冈和亚历山大引述colophon跟以上，两者差距即antoninus已成为一个忏悔，并pamphilus是在监狱-" a ntoninus该忏悔相比， p amphilus更正" 。 The volume to which this colophon was subjoined began with I Kings and ended with Esther.量，即在本colophon是subjoined开始与I国王结束埃丝特。 Pamphilus was certainly not idle in prison. pamphilus绝对不是闲置在狱中。 To most of the books in the Syro- Hexaplar is subjoined a note to the effect that they were translated from the Hexapla in the library of Cæsarea and compared with a copy subscribed: "I, Eusebius, corrected [the above] as carefully as I could" (Harnack, "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 544, 545).大部分的书籍在syro - hexaplar是subjoined一份说明，其大意是，他们被翻译从hexapla在图书馆的cæsarea并与副本认购： "我，尤西比乌斯，纠正[上述]小心我可" （的Harnack ， " altchrist 。亮着" ，第544 ， 545 ） 。
May not the confessor Antoninus be the same person as the priest of that name who, later on, with two companions interrupted the governor when he was on the point of sacrificing, and was beheaded?可能不是忏悔antoninus是一样的人来当牧师的这名字的人，后来，与两位同伴打断了总督的时候，他就一点牺牲，被砍头？ (Mart. Pal., 9.) One member of Pamphilus's household, Apphianus, had done the same a few years before; and another, Ædesius, after being tortured and sent to the mines, on obtaining his release provoked martyrdom at Alexandria by going before the governor and rebuking him. （ mart. PAL制式，九）的一名成员pamphilus的住户， apphianus ，已做了同样的，几年前，以及另一名， ædesius后，被折磨，发送到地雷，就获得释放他挑起了殉难在亚历山大去前总督和谴责他。 Towards the end of 307 Pamphilus was arrested, horribly tortured, and consigned to prison.接近年底时的307 pamphilus被逮捕，可怕的折磨，并委托给日本监狱。 Besides continuing his work of editing the Septuagint, he wrote, in collaboration with Eusebius, a Defence of Origen which was sent to the confessors in the mines - a wonderful gift from a man whose sides had been curried with iron combs, to men with their right eyes burned out and the sinews of their left legs cauterized.此外，他继续以他的工作，编辑septuagint ，他写道：在协作与尤西比乌斯，辩护的渊源，其中被送往该confessors在矿山-一个美妙的礼物，从一名男子的，双方已c urried铁梳子，男性与右眼烧毁和sinews其左腿中烧。 Early in 309 Pamphilus and several of his disciples were beheaded.早在309 pamphilus和他的几个弟子被砍头。 Out of devotion to his memory Eusebius called himself Eusebius Pamphili, meaning, probably, that he wished to be regarded as the bondsman of him whose name "it is not meet that I should mention … without styling him my lord" (Mart. Pal., ed. Cureton, p. 37).出于奉献他的记忆尤西比乌斯自称尤西比乌斯pamphili ，也就是说，很可能，他希望被视为bondsman的他的名字： "这是不符合要求，我要提…如果没有他的风格我主" （ mart.帕尔。编，带来了，第37页） 。 Mr. Gifford, in the introduction to his translation of the "Præp. Evang.", has suggested another explanation on the authority of an ancient scholion emanating from Cæsarea which calls Eusebius the "son of Pamphilus". gifford先生，在介绍其翻译" præp 。埃旺" ，建议另一种解释上的权威，是一个古老的scholion来自cæsarea这就要求尤西比乌斯"的儿子pamphilus " 。 He argues further that Pamphilus, in order to make Eusebius his heir, took the necessary step of adopting him.他辩称，进一步pamphilus ，为了让尤西比乌斯他的继承人，采取了必要的步骤，通过他。 During the persecution Eusebius visited Tyre and Egypt and witnessed numbers of martyrdoms (HE, VIII, vii and ix).在迫害尤西比乌斯访问轮胎和埃及，并目睹了多少martyrdoms （他，第八，第七和第九） 。 He certainly did not shun danger, and was at one time a prisoner.他当然不信危险，而且是在同一时间，一名囚犯。 When, where, or how he escaped death or any kind of mutilation, we do not know.何时，何地，或他如何逃脱死亡或任何形式的残害，我们不知道。 An indignant bishop, who had been one of his fellow-prisoners and "lost an eye for the Truth", demanded at the Council of Tyre how "he came off scathless".愤怒的主教，曾经他的一个老乡囚犯和"失去了一个眼睛，为真理" ，要求在安理会的轮胎如何" ，他来过scathless " 。 To this taunt - it was hardly a question - made under circumstances of great provocation, Eusebius deigned no reply (Epiphan., Hær., lxviii, 8; cf. St. Athanas., "Apol. c. Arian.", viii, 1).这奚落-它几乎没有一个问题-所作的情况下，具有挑衅，尤西比乌斯de igned任何答复（e p iphan.，h æ r，l x viii，8 ;比照圣a t hanas，" a p ol。丙阿里安"，第八章， 1 ） 。 He had many enemies, yet the charge of cowardice was never seriously made - the best proof that it could not have been sustained.他有许多敌人，但其收取的胆怯心理是从来没有认真地-就是最好的证明，它不能一直持续下去。 We may assume that, as soon as the persecution began to relax, Eusebius succeeded Pamphilus in the charge of the college and library.我们可以假定，一旦迫害开始放松，尤西比乌斯成功pamphilus在负责本学院和图书馆。 Perhaps he was ordained priest about this time.也许他被祝圣司铎大约在这个时候。 By 315 he was already a bishop, for he was present in that capacity at the dedication of a new basilica at Tyre, on which occasion he delivered a discourse given in full in the last book of the Church history.由315名，他已经是一个主教，因为他目前在这方面的能力，在奉献的一个新的Basilica在轮胎上，这次，他发表了话语给予全力在最后一本书中的教会历史。
Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, excommunicated Arius about the year 320.亚历山大主教亚历山德里亚，驱逐arius大约一年320 。 The Arians soon found that for all practical purposes Eusebius was on their side.该arians很快就发现，对所有实际目的尤西比乌斯是站在他们的一方。 He wrote to Alexander charging him with misrepresenting the teaching of the Arians and so giving them cause "to attack and misrepresent whatever they please" (see below).他写信给亚历山大指控他曲解教学的arians等，让他们的事业" ，以攻击和歪曲，无论他们请" （见下文） 。 A portion of this letter has been preserved in the Acts of the second Council of Nicæa, where it was cited to prove that Eusebius was a heretic.部分这封信已被保存在行为的第二届理事会nicæa ，它被引用，以证明尤西比乌斯是一个邪教组织。 He also took part in a synod of Syrian bishops who decided that Arius should be restored to his former position, but on his side he was to obey his bishop and continually entreat peace and communion with him (Soz., HE, I, 15).他还参加了在主教会议的叙利亚主教决定arius应恢复到前的职务，但对他身边，他是听从他的主教，并不断哀求和平与共融与他（ soz.他，我， 15岁） 。 According to Duchesne (Hist. de l'Eglise, II, 132), Arius, like Origen before him, found an asylum at Cæsarea.据duchesne （ hist.德l' eglise ，二， 132 ） ， arius一样，渊源在他之前，找到了一种庇护cæsarea 。 At the opening of the Council of Nicæa Eusebius occupied the first seat on the right of the emperor, and delivered the inaugural address which was "couched in a strain of thanksgiving to Almighty God on his, the emperor's behalf" (Vit. Const., III, 11; Soz., HE, I, 19).在开幕式上的理事会nicæa尤西比乌斯占据第一的席位，有权的皇帝，并发表了就职演说，是"措辞株感恩万能的上帝对他的，皇帝的代表" （ vit.常量，三， 11人; soz ，他，我， 19 ） 。 He evidently enjoyed great prestige and may not unreasonably have expected to be able to steer the council through the via media between the Scylla and Charybdis of "Yes" and "No".他显然享有巨大威望，并不得有不合理的预期能够指导安理会通过威盛媒体之间的青蟹和卡律布狄斯的"是"与"否" 。 But if he entertained such hopes they were soon disappointed.但如果他受理这种希望，他们很快失望了。 We have already spoken of the profession of faith which he brought forward to vindicate his own orthodoxy, or perhaps in the hope that the council might adopt it.我们已经谈过的职业信仰他提出，以维护自己的正统，或者在希望安理会可能采取它。 It was, in view of the actual state of the controversy, a colourless, or what at the present day would be called a comprehensive, formula.这是，鉴于实际状况的争议，一种无色，或用什么，在现今社会，将所谓全面，公式。 After some delay Eusebius subscribed to the uncompromising creed drawn up by the council, making no secret, in the letter which he wrote to his own Church, of the non-natural sense in which he accepted it.经过一些拖延尤西比乌斯认购，以不妥协的信条制定了由议会，使没有任何秘密，在信中，他写信给他自己的教会，不自然感，其中他接受了。 Between 325 and 330 a heated controversy took place between Eusebius and Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch.与325和330一场激烈的争论之间发生了尤西比乌斯和欧斯塔修斯主教安提。
Eustathius accused Eusebius of tampering with the faith of Nicæa; the latter retorted with the charge of Sabellianism.欧斯塔修斯被告尤西比乌斯的干扰与信仰的nicæa ;后者则反驳说，与负责sabellianism 。 In 331 Eusebius was among the bishops who, at a synod held in Antioch, deposed Eustathius.在331尤西比乌斯是其中的主教，在主教会议召开安提，废黜欧斯塔修斯。 He was offered and refused the vacant see.他被拒绝空置看到的。 In 334 and 335 he took part in the campaign against St. Athanasius at the synods held in Cæsarea and Tyre respectively.在334和335 ，他参加了这项运动，对圣athanasius在主教会议召开cæsarea和轮胎。 From Tyre the assembly of bishops were summoned to Jerusalem by Constantine, to assist at the dedication of the basilica he had erected on the site of Calvary.从轮胎大会的主教们被召集到耶路撒冷，由君士坦丁，以协助在奉献的Basilica他已竖立于遗址calvary 。 After the dedication they restored Arius and his followers to communion.之后，他们的献身精神恢复arius和他的追随者和共融。 From Jerusalem they were summoned to Constantinople (336), where Marcellus was condemned.来自耶路撒冷，他们被召集到君士坦丁堡（ 336 ） ，在那里marcellus被谴责。 The foilowing year Constantine died.该foilowing今年君士坦丁死亡。 Eusebius survived him long enough to write his Life and two treatises against Marcellus, but by the summer of 341 he was already dead, since it was his successor, Acacius, who assisted as Bishop of Cæsarea at a synod held at Antioch in the summer of that year.尤西比乌斯他存活足够长的写他的生活和两个论文对marcellus ，而是由夏天的341 ，他已经死了，因为这是他的继任者， acacius ，谁作为辅助主教cæsarea在主教举行的安提夏天这一年。
WRITINGS著作
We shall take Eusebius's writings in the order given in Harnack's "Altchrist. Lit.", pp.我们应采取尤西比乌斯的著作在该命令给出的Harnack的" altchrist 。亮着" ，页。 554 sqq. 554 sqq 。
A. Historical答：历史
(1) The lost Life of Pamphilus, often referred to by Eusebius, of which only a single fragment, describing Pamphilus' liberality to poor students, quoted by St. Jerome (c. Ruffin., I, ix), survives. （ 1 ）失去了生命的pamphilus ，通常被称为由尤西比乌斯人，其中只有一个单一的片段，并形容pamphilus '自由精神，以贫困学生的话说，圣杰罗姆（丙鲁芬，我九） ，继续生存。
(2) A collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, used by the compiler of Wright's Syriac Martyrology, also lost. （ 2 ）收集了古代martyrdoms ，用于编译的赖特的叙利亚文martyrology也丢失了。
(3) On the Martyrs of Palestine. （三）对烈士的巴勒斯坦人。 There are two distinct forms of this work, both drawn up by Eusebius.有两种截然不同的形式对这项工作，都制定了由尤西比乌斯。 The longer is only extant in a Syriac version which was first edited and translated by Cureton in 1861.时间越长，是唯一现存在叙利亚文版本，这是第一次编辑和翻译所带来了在1861年。 The shorter form is found in most MSS.较短的形式，是发现在大多数重建置业。 (not, however, in the best) of the Church History, sometimes at the end of the last book, generally between books VIII and IX, also in the middle of book VIII. （不是，不过，在最好）的教会历史上，有时候在去年底的最后一本书中，一般书籍第八和第九，又在中东的书八。 The existence of the same work in two different forms raises a number of curious literary problems.存在着同样的工作，在两种不同形式引起了一些好奇的文学问题。 There is, of course, the question of priority.是的，当然，这个问题的优先考虑。
Here, with two notable exceptions, scholars seem to be agreed in favour of the longer form.在这里，有两个显着的例外，学者们似乎并同意赞成的，长远的形式。 Then comes the question, why Eusebius abridged it and, finally, how the abridgment found its way into the Church History.那么，随之而来的一个问题，为什么尤西比乌斯缩写它，并最终如何abridgment发现地渗透到教会的历史。 The shorter form lacks some introductory remarks, referred to in c.较短的形式，缺乏一些开场白中，提到的在长 xiii, which defined the scope of the book.十三，其中界定的范围，这本书。 It also breaks off when the writer is about to "record the palinode" of the persecutors.它也中断当作家，即将"记录palinode "的迫害者。 It seems probable that part of the missing conclusion is extant in the form of an appendix to the eighth book of the Church History found in several MSS.看来，可能这部分的失踪，结论是，在现存的形式附录第八书教会历史上发现的几个重建置业。 This appendix contrasts the miserable fate of the persecutors with the good fortune of Constantine and his father.本附录反差的悲惨命运的迫害者与善缘的君士坦丁和他的父亲。 From these data Lightfoot concludes that what we now possess formed "part of a larger work in which the sufferings of the Martyrs were set off against the deaths of the persecutors".从这些数据lightfoot得出结论认为，我们现在具备形成"的一个组成部分，较大的工作，其中的痛苦烈士引发对死亡的迫害者" 。 It must, however, be remembered that the missing parts would not add much to the book.但是，它必须记住，这名失踪的部分不会增加很多，以这本书。 So far as the martyrs are concerned, it is evidently complete, and the fate of the persecutors would not take long in the telling.至于所谓烈士而言，它显然是完整的，与命运的迫害者，将不会考虑在不久的告诉。 Still, the missing conclusion may explain why Eusebius curtailed his account of the Martyrs.还有，失踪的结论也许可以解释为什么尤西比乌斯削减其户口的烈士。 The book, in both forms, was intended for popular reading.这本书，无论在形式，是为大众阅读。 It was therefore desirable to keep down the price of copies.因此，它可取，尽量减少价格的副本。 If this was to be done, and new matter (ie the fate of the persecutors) added, the old matter had to be somewhat curtailed.如果这是必须做的，而新的物质（即命运的迫害者）的补充，旧事不得不有所削减。 In 1894, in the Theologische Literaturzeitung (p. 464) Preuschen threw out the idea that the shorter form was merely a rough draft not intended for publication. 1894年，在theologische literaturzeitung （第464页）普罗伊申抛出想法，即较短的形式仅是一个粗略的草案并不打算出版。 Bruno Violet, in his "Die Palästinischen Martyrer" (Texte u. Untersuch., XIV, 4, 1896) followed up this idea and pointed out that, whereas the longer form was constantly used by the compilers of Martyrologies, Menologies, and the like, the shorter form was never used.布鲁诺紫，在他的"死palästinischen马蒂雷尔" （美国文本untersuch ，十四， 4 ， 1896 ）跟进这一想法，并指出，而更长的形式不断地被用于由编译器的martyrologies ， menologies ，及类似，在较短的形式是从来没有使用过。 In a review of Violet (Theolog. Litz, 1897, p. 300), Preuschen returns to his original idea, and further suggests that the shorter form must have been joined to the Church History by some copyist who had access to Eusebius's MSS.在审查紫（ theolog. litz ， 1897年，第300页） ，普罗伊申回到他原来的构想，并进一步建议，该短表格必须在已加入到教会的历史中的一些复制人获得尤西比乌斯的支助。 Harnack (Chronologie, 11, 115) holds to the priority of the longer form, but he thinks that the shorter form was composed almost at the same time for readers of the Church History.的Harnack （ chronologie ， 11 ， 115 ）坚持以优先权的，长远的形式，但他认为，较短的形式组成，几乎在同一时间，为读者的教会历史。
(4) The Chronicle (see separate article, EUSEBIUS, CHRONICLE OF). （ 4 ）纪事（见单独的文章，尤西比乌斯，年谱） 。
(5) The Church History. （ 5 ）在教会的历史。 It would be difficult to overestimate the obligation which posterity is under to Eusebius for this monumental work.这将是难以估量的义务，这是后人根据，以尤西比乌斯本巨著。 Living during the period of transition, when the old order was changing and all connected with it was passing into oblivion, he came forward at the critical moment with his immense stores of learning and preserved priceless treasures of Christian antiquity.生活在这段过渡时期，当旧秩序是变化都与它是通过人们遗忘，他挺身而出，在关键时刻与他的巨大店的学习和保存无价的珍宝基督教古物。 This is the great merit of the Church History.这是很大的优点，教会的历史。 It is not a literary work which can be read with any pleasure for the sake of its style.它不是一个文学作品，其中可以看到任何乐趣，为它的风格。 Eusebius's "diction", as Photius said, "is never pleasant nor clear".尤西比乌斯的"文辞" ，因为photius说， "从来都不愉快，也没有明确的" 。 Neither is it the work of a great thinker.也不是工作的一个伟大的思想家。 But it is a storehouse of information collected by an indefatigable student.但它是一个库已收集的资料，由一个不知疲倦的学生。 Still, great as was Eusebius's learning, it had its limitations.但是，作为伟大的是尤西比乌斯的学习手段，它有其局限。 He is provokingly ill-informed about the West.他是provokingly虐待了解西方。 That he knows very little about Tertullian or St. Cyprian is due, no doubt, to his scant knowledge of Latin; but in the case of a Greek writer, like Hippolytus, we can only suppose that his works somehow failed to make their way to the libaries of the East.他知道得很少戴尔都良或圣塞浦路斯，是因为，毫无疑问，他很少知识的拉丁语，但在案件希腊作家，像hippolytus ，我们只能假设他的作品在某种程度上未能做出自己的方法该libaries的东部地区。 Eusebius's good faith and sincerity has been amply vindicated by Lightfoot.尤西比乌斯的善意和诚意，已充分证明lightfoot 。 Gibbon's celebrated sneer, about a writer "who indirectly confesses that he has related whatever might redound to the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could tend to the disgrace, of religion", can be sufficiently met by referring to the passages (HE, VIII, ii; Mart. Pal. c. 12) on which it is based.长臂猿的庆祝冷笑，对一个作家" ，他们间接地承认，他曾与什么可能，有助于荣耀，并表示，他已压制一切可能倾向于向耻辱，对宗教" ，可以得到充分的满足是指通道（他，第八条第一，二;沃尔玛。帕尔。丙12 ） ，它是基于。 Eusebius does not "indirectly confess", but openly avows, that he passes over certain scandals, and he enumerates them and denounces them.尤西比乌斯并不"间接招供" ，而且还公开avows ，他通过对一些丑闻，而且他还列举了他们，并谴责他们。 "Nor again", to quote Lightfoot, "can the special charges against his honour as a narrator be sustained. There is no ground whatever for the charge that Eusebius forged or interpolated the passage from Josephus relating to our Lord quoted in HE, I, 11, though Heinchen is disposed to entertain the charge. Inasmuch as this passage is contained in all our MSS., and there is sufficient evidence that other interpolations (though not this) were introduced into the text of Josephus long before his time (see Orig., c. Cels., I, 47, Delarue's note) no suspicion can justly attach to Eusebius himself. Another interpolation in the Jewish historian, which he quotes elsewhere (11, 23), was certainly known to Origen (lc). Doubtless also the omission of the owl in the account of Herod Agrippa's death (HE, 11, 10) was already in some texts of Josephus (Ant., XIX, 8, 2). The manner in which Eusebius deals with his numerous quotations elsewhere, where we can test his honesty, is a sufficient vindication against this unjust charge" (L., p. 325). " ，也不会再" ，以竞标lightfoot " ，可以特别费，对他的荣誉，作为叙述者持续下去，所以并没有什么理由，为费尤西比乌斯伪造或插通过由约瑟夫有关我们的主引述他，我， 11 ，虽然heinchen变卖法院有权受理费。因为这段话是包含在我们所有的重建置业，而且有足够证据证明其他插值（虽然不是这点）被引入到文本约瑟夫前不久他的时候（见orig ，长cels 。来说，我47 ， delarue的注） ，没有猜疑，可以理直气壮地重视尤西比乌斯自己。另一个插在犹太历史学家，而他寻获别处（ 11 ， 23 ） ，当然是众所周知的渊源（立法会） 。无疑还遗漏猫头鹰在该帐户的希律agrippa的死亡（他， 11 ， 10 ） ，已在一些文本约瑟夫（ ant. ， 19 ， 8 ， 2 ） 。哪种方式尤西比乌斯处理其众多的报价在其他地方，我们可以检验自己诚实，是一个足够的平反，反对这种不公正的收费" （属， 325页） 。
The notices in the Church History bearing on the New Testament Canon are so important that a word must be said about the rule followed by Eusebius in what he recorded and what he left unrecorded.该告示在教会历史事关新约圣经佳能是如此重要，总之应该说，关于法治其次尤西比乌斯在他的记录和他留给无纪录。 Speaking generally, his principle seems to have been to quote testimonies for and against those books only whose claims to a place in the Canon had been disputed.一般讲，他的原则似乎已被引用的证词，并针对这些书籍只是其债权一个地方，在佳能一直有争议。 In the case of undisputed books he gave any interesting information concerning their composition which he had come across in his reading.在案件争议的书籍，他给任何感兴趣的资料，它们的组成，其中他曾遇过在他读。 The subject was most carefully investigated by Lightfoot in an article in "The Contemporary" (January, 1875, reprinted in "Essays on Supernatural Religion"), entitled "The Silence of Eusebius".主题是最认真调查lightfoot在一篇文章中的"当代" （ 1月， 1875年，转载于"杂文超自然的宗教" ） ，题为"沉默的尤西比乌斯" 。 In regard to the Gospel of St. John, Lightfoot concludes: "The silence of Eusebius respecting early witnesses to the Fourth Gospel is an evidence in its favour."对于福音的圣约翰， lightfoot最后说： "沉默的尤西比乌斯尊重早期证人到第四个福音，是一个证据对其有利的" 。 For the episcopal lists in the Church History, see article on the Chronicle.为主教名单，在教会历史上，看到一篇关于纪事。 The tenth book of the Church History records the defeat of Licinius in 323, and must have been completed before the death and disgrace of Crispus in 326, for it refers to him as Constantine's "most pious son".第十本书的教会历史纪录，打败李锡尼在323 ，而且必须已经完成前死亡和耻辱的crispus 326 ，它是指他为君士坦丁的"最虔诚的儿子" 。 The ninth book was completed between the defeat of Maxentius in 312, and Constantine's first rupture with Licinius in 314.第九本书完成之间打败maxentius在312 ，和君士坦丁的第一破裂与李锡尼在314 。
(6) The Life of Constantine, in four books. （ 6 ）生命的君士坦丁，在四本书。 This work has been most unjustly blamed, from the time of Socrates downwards, because it is a panegyric rather than a history.这项工作得到了最不公正的指责，从时间的苏格拉底向下，因为它是一个panegyric而非历史。 If ever there was a man under an obligation to respect the maxim, De mortuis nil nisi bonum, this man was Eusebius, writing the Life of Constantine within three years after his death (337).如果认为有必要把一名男子下有义务尊重一句格言：德mortuis零的NiSi bonum ，这名男子被尤西比乌斯，书写生命的君士坦丁后3年内，他的逝世（ 337 ） 。 This Life is especially valuable because of the account it gives of the Council of Nicæa and the earlier phases of the Arian controversy.这种生活，尤其是有价值的，因为该帐户的，它赋予了安理会的nicæa和较早阶段的阿里安争议。 It is well to remember that one of our chief sources of information for the history of that council is a book written to magnify Constantine.它是要记住，我们的一个总的信息来源，为历史上的这会是一本书，写夸张君士坦丁。
B. Apologetic乙表歉意
(7) Against Hierocles. （ 7 ）对hierocles 。 Hierocles, who, as governor in Bithynia and in Egypt, was a cruel enemy of the Christians during the persecution, before the persecution had attacked them with the pen. hierocles ，他作为总督bithynia ，并在埃及，是一个残忍的敌人，基督徒在迫害之前，迫害袭击了他们与羊圈。 There was nothing original about his work except the use he made of Philostratus's Life of Apollonius of Tyana to institute a comparison between the Lord and Apollonius in favour of the latter.有没有原来对他的工作，除利用他的家斐洛斯特拉图斯的生活apollonius的蒂亚纳建立一个比较耶和华和apollonius赞成后者。 In his reply Eusebius confined himself to this one point.在他的答复尤西比乌斯限于自己这一点。
(8) "Against Porphyry", a work in twenty-five books of which not a fragment survives. （ 8 ） "对斑岩" ，这是一个工作，在2005年的书籍，其中不是一个片段生存。
(9) The "Præparatio Evangelica", in fifteen books. （ 9 ） " præparatio evangelica " ，在十五年的书籍。
(10) The "Demonstratio Evangelica", in twenty books, of which the last ten, with the exception of a fragment of the fifteenth, are lost. （ 10 ） " demonstratio evangelica " ，在二十一书籍，其中近十年，除一个片段第十五，都将丢失。 The object of these two treatises, which should be regarded as two parts of one comprehensive work, was to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosophy of the Greeks in favour of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life.该物体在这两个条约中，这应被视为两部分组成的一个综合性工作，是要证明基督教拒绝宗教和哲学的希腊人，反对者认为，对希伯来人，然后再辩解他没有观察犹太地的生活。 The "Præparatio" is devoted to the first of these objects. " præparatio " ，是专门讨论这些问题首先对象。 The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford's introduction to his translation of the "Præparatio": "The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology, Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of dæmons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Plato and Free Will. Books VII- IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosophy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the last three books the comparison of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosophers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized."以下简要的，其内容是从先生gifford的导言，以他的翻译" præparatio " ： "首三本书讨论了三倍，系统的异教神学，神话，寓言，和政治因素。下一三，四，六，交代行政签，崇拜dæmons ，和各种意见的希腊哲学家对教义的柏拉图和自由意志。书籍第七至第九说明理由倾向于宗教的希伯来人创立，主要是对证词各作者向阁下自己的经文和真相的历史时期。书本第十至十二尤西比乌斯认为，希腊人曾借来的，从旧式神学与哲学的希伯来人，住所，特别是对假定的依赖性柏拉图后，摩西在去年三本书比较摩西与柏拉图是继续下去，并且互相矛盾的其他希腊哲学家，尤其是peripatetics和stoics ，是揭露和批判" 。
The "Præparatio" is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius's other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. " præparatio " ，是一个庞大的壮举的博学，并根据的Harnack （ chronologie第一，第二，第120页） ，与许多人一样的尤西比乌斯的其他工程，实际上是在强调对迫害。 It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors whose works have perished.它队伍相结合，与纪事，仅次于教会历史中的重要性，因为它的提取物，再用从古代作家，其作品已灭亡了。 The first book of the Demonstratio chiefly deals with the temporary character of the Mosaic Law.第一本书的demonstratio主要涉及的临时性质，镶嵌法。 In the second the prophecies concerning the vocation of the Gentiles and the rejection of the Jews are discussed.在第二个预言有关的天职外邦人和排斥犹太人的讨论。 In the remaining eight the testimonies of the prophets concerning Christ are treated of.在其余八名的证词先知们关于基督对待的。
We now pass to three books, of which nothing is known save that they were read by Photius, viz.现在，我们通过对三本书，其中没有什么是已知保存说，他们阅读photius ，即。 (11), The "Præparatio Ecclesiastica", (12), the "Demonstratio Ecclesiastica", and (13) Two Books of Objection and Defence, of which, from Photius's account, there seem to have been two separate editions. （ 11 ） ， " præparatio ecclesiastica " ， （ 12 ） ， " demonstratio ecclesiastica " ，及（ 13 ）两本书的反对意见和辩护，其中，从photius的帐户，似乎已是两个单独的版本。 (14) The "Theophania" or "Divine Manifestation". （ 14 ） " theophania "或"神的表现" 。 Except for a few fragments of the original, this work is only extant in a Syriac version dsicovered by Tattam, edited by Lee in 1842, and translated by the same in 1843.除了少数片段的原著，这项工作不仅是现存在叙利亚文版本dsicovered由塔塔姆，编辑：李在1842年，并翻译由同在1843年。 It treats of the cosmic function of the Word, the nature of man, the need of revelation, etc. The fourth and fifth books are particularly remarkable as a kind of anticipation of modern books on Christian evidences.它把对宇宙的功能字，但性质的人，是有必要的启示等，第四次和第五次图书尤为显着，作为一种预期的现代书籍，基督教的证据。 A curious literary problem arises out of the relations between the "Theophania" and the work "De Laudibus Constantini".好奇的文学问题，产生于关系" theophania "和工作"时点laudibus康斯坦丁尼" 。 There are entire passages which are almost verbatim the same in both works.有整个段落几乎是逐字相同，均为工程。 Lightfoot decides in favour of the priority of the first-named work. lightfoot决定赞成优先的首次命名工作。 Gressel, who has edited the "Theophania" for the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers, takes the opposite view. gressel ，曾主编" theophania "为柏林版的希腊教父，需持相反意见。 He compares the parallel passages and argues that they are improved in the "De Laudibus Constantini".他比较了平行通道，并辩称，他们是在改进"德laudibus康斯坦丁尼" 。
(15) "On the Numerous Progeny of the Ancients". （ 15 ） " ，对众多的子代的古人" 。 This work is referred to by Eusebius twice, in the "Præp. Ev.", VII, 8, and in the "Dem. Ev.", VII, 8; and also (Lightfoot and Harnack think) by St. Basil ("De Spir. Sanct.", xxix), where he says, "I draw attention to his [Eusebius's] words in discussing the difficulties started in connexion with ancient polygamy."这项工作是指由尤西比乌斯两次，在" præp 。电动汽车" ，第七，八，并在"数字高程模型。电动汽车" ，第七，第八和也（ lightfoot和的Harnack觉得） ，由圣罗勒（ "德spir 。给桑特" ，第29届） ，在那里他说： "我提请大家注意他的[尤西比乌斯的]换言之，在讨论的困难，开始就此古代一夫多妻制" 。 Arguing from St. Basil's words, Lightfoot thinks that in this treatise Eusebius dealt with the difficulty presented by the Patriarchs possessing more than one wife.争论从圣罗勒的话， lightfoot认为，在这种伤寒尤西比乌斯处理难度由patriarchs拥有一个以上的妻子。 But he overlooked the reference in the "Dem. Ev.", from which it would appear that the difficulty dealt with was, perhaps, a more general one, viz., the contrast presented by the desire of the Patriarchs for a numerous offspring and the honour in which continence was held by Christians.但是他忽略了参考，在"数字高程模型。电动汽车" ，从这样看来，很难处理，甚至成为一种较为普遍的一个，即，相比之下，由欲望的patriarchs了无数后代有幸在可控举行基督徒。
C. Exegetical长训诂
(16) Eusebius narrates, in his Life of Constantine (IV, 36, 37), how he was commissioned by the emperor to prepare fifty sumptuous copies of the Bible for use in the Churches of Constantinople. （ 16 ）尤西比乌斯叙述，在他的生活中的君士坦丁（四， 36 ， 37 ） ，他是如何被委托皇帝准备第五十二丰盛的副本圣经用于在教堂的君士坦丁堡。 Some scholars have supposed that the Codex Sinaiticus was one of these copies.有学者以为法典sinaiticus是其中的副本。 Lightfoot rejects this view chiefly on the ground that "the Text of the codex in many respects differs too widely from the readings found in Eusebius". lightfoot驳斥这种看法，主要是基于下述理由， "文本的食品法典委员会，在许多方面不同于过于广泛，从读数中发现尤西比乌斯" 。
(17) Sections and Canons. （ 17 ）章节和大炮。 Eusebius drew up ten canons, the first containing a list of passages common to all four Evangelists; the second, those common to the first three and so on.尤西比乌斯制定了10门炮，第一份文件载清单通道共同所有四个福音;第二，这些常见的头三个等。 He also divided the Gospels into sections numbered continuously.他还划分了福音成数不断。 A number, against a section, referred the reader to the particular canon where he could find the parallel sections or passages.一个数字，对一节，提到了读者的特殊佳能那里他可以找到平行路段或通道。
(18) The labours of Pamphilus and Eusebius in editing the Septuagint have already been spoken of. （ 18 ）劳动的pamphilus和尤西比乌斯在编辑septuagint已经发言的。 They "believed (as did St. Jerome nearly a century afterwards) that Origen had succeeded in restoring the old Greek version to its primitive purity".他们"相信（像圣杰罗姆近一个世纪之后）表示，渊源已成功地恢复了古希腊的版本中，其原始的纯洁性" 。 The result was a "mischievous mixture of the Alexandrian version with the versions of Aquila and Theodotion" (Swete, "Introd. to OT in Greek", pp. 77, 78).结果是一个"调皮捣蛋混合物的亚历山大版本与版本雕和theodotion " （ swete ， " introd 。向城市旅游局在希腊" ，第77条， 78条） 。 For the labours of the two friends on the text of the NT the reader may be referred to Rousset, "Textcritische Studien zum NT", c.为劳动力的两个朋友就文本新台币读者可转介rousset ， " textcritische研究会zum新台币" ，长 ii.二。 Whether as in the case of the Old Testament, they worked on any definite critical principles is not known.无论是作为在案件旧约中，他们的工作就没有明确的原则，关键是不知道。
(19) (a) Interpretation of the ethnological terms in the Hebrew Scriptures; (b) Chronography of Ancient Judaea with the Inheritances of the Ten Tribes; (c) A plan of Jerusalem and the Temple; (d) on the Names of Places in the Holy Scriptures. （ 19 ） （ a ）条的解释，民族而言，在希伯来语圣经; （二） chronography古代犹太与继承的十个部落（三）计划，耶路撒冷和圣殿; （四）关于地名的地方在圣经中。 These four works were written at the request of Eusebius's friend Paulinus.这四项工程分别写在要求的尤西比乌斯的朋友paulinus 。 Only the fourth is extant.只有第四，是现存。 It is known as the "Topics," or the "Onomasticon".这是被称为"话题" ，或者" onomasticon " 。
(20) On the nomenclature of the Book of the Prophets. （ 20 ）关于命名这本书的先知。 This work gives a short biography of each Prophet and an account of his prophecies.这项工作，给出了短传的每一个先知，并叙述了他的预言。
(21) Commentary on the Psalms. （ 21 ）评诗篇。 There are many gaps in the MSS.有很多差距，在重建置业。 of this work, and they end in the 118th Psalm.这项工作，他们在结束118诗篇。 The missing portions are in part supplied by extracts from the Catenae.失踪部分，有一部分是由提取物从catenae 。 An allusion to the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre fixes the date at about 330.暗指发现圣墓补丁的日期约330 。 Lightfoot speaks very highly of this commentary. lightfoot有极高评价的这篇评论。
(22) Commentary on Isaiah, written after the persecution. （ 22 ）评以赛亚书，以书面的迫害之后。
(23 to 28) Commentaries on other books of Holy Scripture, of some of which what may be extracts are preserved. （ 23日至28日）评等图书神圣的经文，其中有些可能是提取物中得到保存。
(29) Commentary on St. Luke, of which what seem to be extracts are preserved. （ 29 ）述评：圣卢克，其中有什么似乎被提取物得以保存。
(30) Commentary on I Cor., the existence of which seems to be implied by St. Jerome (Ep. xlix). （ 30 ）的评注，我肺心病，存在的，其中似乎隐含有由圣杰罗姆（ ep. XLIX ）号决定。
(31) Commentary on Hebrews. （ 31 ）评希伯来人。 A passage that seems to belong to such a commentary was discovered and published by Mai.一个通道，这似乎是属于这样的一个评论被发现和公布的清迈。
(32) On the Discrepancies of the Gospels, in two parts. （ 32 ）对不一致的福音书，分两个部分。 An epitome, very probably from the hand of Eusebius, of this work was discovered and published by Mai in 1825.的一个缩影，而且很有可能从手尤西比乌斯，这项工作被发现和公布的迈在1825年。 Extracts from the original are preserved.摘录自原被保存。 Of the two parts, the first, dedicated to a certain Stephen, discusses questions respecting the genealogies of Christ; the second, dedicated to one Marinus, questions concerning the Resurrection.该两部分，第一部分，专门到某一个斯蒂芬，讨论问题，尊重族谱基督;第二，专门用来编辑一marinus ，提出关于复活。 The Discrepancies were largely borrowed from by St. Jerome and St. Ambrose, and have thus indirectly exercised a considerable influence on Biblical studies.差异在很大程度上是借用由圣杰罗姆和圣刘汉铨，并从而间接地行使了相当的影响力圣经研究。
(33) General Elementary Introduction, consisting of ten books, of which VI-IX are extant under the title of "Prophetical Extracts". （ 33 ）普通小学的介绍，其中10个书籍，其中第六至第九，是现存的标题下的" prophetical提取物" 。 These were written during the persecution.这是写在迫害。 There are also a few fragments of the remaining books.也有少数的片段，其余书籍。 "This work seems to have been a general introduction to theology, and its contents were very miscellaneous as the extant remains show" (L., p. 339). "这项工作，似乎已被概论神学，其内容很杂，因为现存仍显示" （属，第339页） 。
D. Dogmatic四教条化
(34) The Apology for Origen. （ 34 ）道歉渊源。 This work has already been mentioned in connexion with Pamphilus.这项工作已经提到就此pamphilus 。 It consisted of six books, the last of which was added by Eusebius.它由六书，其中最后一次补充，由尤西比乌斯。 Only the first book is extant, in a translation by Rufinus.只有第一本书是现存的，在一个翻译rufinus 。
(35) "Against Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra", and (36) "On the Theology of the Church", a refutation of Marcellus. （ 35 ） "对marcellus ，主教安该拉" ， （ 36 ） ， "关于神学教会" ，这是一个驳marcellus 。 In two articles in the "Zeitschrift für die Neutest. Wissenschaft" (vol. IV, pp. 330 sqq. and vol. VI, pp. 250 sqq.), written in English, Prof. Conybeare has maintained that our Eusebius could not have been the author of the two treatises against Marcellus.在两篇文章" ： Zeitschrift f黵die neutest 。 wissenschaft " （第四卷，第330 sqq 。卷第六，第250 sqq ） ，以英文书写，教授科尼比尔一直认为我们的尤西比乌斯不可能被作者的两个论文对marcellus 。 His arguments are rejected by Prof. Klostermann, in his introduction to these two works published in 1905 for the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers.他的论点是拒绝klostermann教授，在他的介绍中，以这两个作品发表在1905年为柏林版的希腊教父。 The "Contra Marcellum" was written after 336 to justify the action of the sylnod held at Constantinople when Marcellus was deposed; the "Theology" a year or two later.成了" Contra marcellum "字样后， 336名辩护行动的sylnod举行君士坦丁堡时marcellus被废黜; "神学"的一年或两年后。
(37) "On the Paschal Festival" (a mystical interpretation). （ 37 ） " ，对逾越节" （一种神秘的解释） 。 This work was addressed to Constantine (Vit. Const., IV, 35, 3l6).这项工作是针对君士坦丁（ vit.常量，四， 35 ， 3l6 ） 。 A long fragment of it was discovered by Mai.长期以来片段，结果发现所买的。
(38) A treatise against the Manichæans is perhaps implied by Epiphanius (Hær., lxvi, 21). （ 38 ）伤寒对manichæans也许是隐含的epiphanius （ hær. ， lxvi ， 21 ） 。
E. Orations and Sermons体育演说辞和布道
(39) At the Dedication of the Church in Tyre (see above). （ 39 ）在奉献教会轮胎（见上文） 。
(40) At the Vicennalia of Constantine. （ 40 ）在vicennalia的君士坦丁。 This seems to have been the opening address delivered at the Council of Nicæa.这似乎已经开幕致词中发表了在安理会的nicæa 。 It is not extant.这不是现存。
(41) On the Sepulchre of the Saviour, AD 325 (Vit. Const., IV, 33) not extant. （ 41 ）对坟墓的救世主，广告325条（ vit.常量，四， 33 ）不尚存。
(42) At the Tricennalia of Constantine. （ 42 ）在tricennalia的君士坦丁。 This work is generally known as the "De Laudibus Constantini".这项工作通常被称为"德laudibus康斯坦丁尼" 。 The second part (11-18) seems to have been a separate oration joined on to the Tricennalia.第二部分（ 11-18 ）似乎已被一个单独的咨讯加入到tricennalia 。
(43) "In Praise of the Martyrs". （ 43 ） "颂歌献给烈士" 。 This oration is preserved in the same MS.这一寄语，是保存在同一女士。 as the "Theophania" and "Martyrs of Palestine".作为" theophania " ， "烈士的巴勒斯坦" 。 It was published and translated in the "Journal of Sacred Literature" by Mr. HB Cowper (New Series, V, pp. 403 sqq., and ibid. VI, pp. 129 sqq.).这是出版和译着，在"杂志的神圣文学" ，由先生血红蛋白cowper （新系列，五，页403 sqq ，并同上第六页129 sqq ） 。
(44) On the Failure of Rain, not extant. （ 44 ）对失败的雨水，而不是现行的。
F. Letters楼信
The history of the preservation of the three letters, (45) to Alexander of Alexandria, (46) to Euphrasion, or Euphration, (47) to the Empress Constantia, is sufficiently curious.历史上保存了三封信， （ 45 ） ，以亚历山大的亚历山大， （ 46 ） ，以euphrasion ，或euphration ， （ 47 ） ，以慈禧constantia ，是够奇怪的。 Constantia asked Eusebius to send her a certain likeness of Christ of which she had heard; his refusal was couched in terms which centuries afterwards were appealed to by the Iconoclasts. constantia问尤西比乌斯给她寄来一定相似性的基督，其中她曾听到他的拒绝是措辞来看，其中几百年后，被呼吁由iconoclasts 。 A portion of this letter was read at the Second Council of Nicæa, and against it were set portions from the letters to Alexander and Euphrasion to prove that Eusebius "was delivered up to a reprobate sense, and of one mind and opinion with those who followed the Arian superstition" (Labbe, "Conc.", VIII, 1143-1147; Mansi, "Conc.", XIII, 313-317).部分这封信是在读了第二届理事会nicæa ，并反对设立部分，从字母到亚历山大和euphrasion证明尤西比乌斯"发表了一项reprobate常识，万众一心，舆论与那些遵循该阿里安迷信" （拉比， "浓度" ，第八章， 1143年至1147年;曼西， "浓度" ， 13 ， 313-317 ） 。 Besides the passage quoted in the council, other parts of the letter to Constantia are extant.除了通过引用在议会外，其他部分的一封信constantia是现存。
(48) To the Church of Cæsarea after the Council of Nicæa. （ 48 ） ，以教会的cæsarea后会nicæa 。 This letter has already been described.这封信已被人形容。
FJ BACCHUS
FJ的巴克斯
Transcribed by
WGKofron Dedicated to Rev. David J. Collins, SJ The Catholic Encyclopedia,
Volume V Copyright © 1909 by Robert Appleton Company Nihil Obstat, May 1,
1909.转录由wgkofron致力于牧师大卫j.柯林斯，律政司司长天主教百科全书第五卷版权所有1909年由Robert
Appleton还公司nihil obstat ， 1909年5月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor
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