The object of textual criticism is to restore as nearly as possible the original text of a work the autograph of which has been lost.对象考据学就是要恢复已接近尽可能原文一项工作，该亲笔签名，其中已经消失。 In this textual criticism differs from higher criticism, whose aim is to investigate the sources of a literary work, study its composition, determine its date and trace its influence and various transformations throughout the ages.在这考据学不同，从更高的批判，其目的就是要探讨来源文学的工作，学习，它的组成，确定其日期，并追查其影响和各种转变，在全国各地的千古罪人。
A. Necessity and processes of textual criticism答：必要性和过程的考据学
Textual criticism has no application except in regard to a work whose original does not exist; for, if extant, it could easily be reproduced in photogravure, or published, once it had been correctly deciphered.考据学并不适用除外方面的工作原本是不存在的;原因是，如果现存的，它可以很容易被复制，在照相，或刊登，一旦被正确地破译。 But no autograph of the inspired writings has been transmitted to us, any more than have the originals of profane works of the same era.但没有亲笔签名的著作启发，已转交给我们，任何以上有正本的亵渎性的作品，同一时代。 The ancients had not that superstitious veneration for original manuscripts which we have today.古人不是说迷信的敬仰，为原来的书稿，我们今天所拥有的。 In very early times the Jews were wont to destroy the sacred books no longer in use, either by burying them with the remains of holy personages or by hiding them in what was called a ghenizah.在非常早的时代犹太人won't的破坏神圣的书籍已经不再使用，无论是由埋葬他们的遗骸圣地人士或由他们藏匿在什么被称为ghenizah 。 This explains why the Hebrew Bibles are, comparatively speaking, not very ancient, although the Jews always made a practice of writing the Holy Books on skin or parchment.这就解释了为什么希伯来语圣经，是相对来说，并不十分古老的，虽然犹太人下了一个实践撰写圣书对皮肤或羊皮纸。 In the first centuries of the Christian era the Greeks and Latins generally used papyrus, a material that quickly wears out and falls to pieces.在第一世纪的基督教时代的希腊人和拉丁人普遍使用的纸莎草纸，材料迅速磨损和瀑布粉身碎骨。 It was not until the fourth century that parchment was commonly used, and it is also from that time that our oldest manuscripts of the Septuagint and the New Testament date.只是到了第四世纪，羊皮纸被广泛使用，而且它也是从这个时候，我们最古老的手稿的septuagint和新约圣经的日期。 Nothing short of a continuous miracle could have brought the text of the inspired writers down to us without alteration or corruption, and Divine Providence, who exercises, as it were, an economy of the supernatural, and never needlessly multiplies prodigies, did not will such a miracle.绝对不会缺少一个持续的奇迹，本来有可能实现的文本激发的作家下来交给我们的改建或腐败，是神圣的，谁演习，因为这都是一个经济的超自然的，也从来不会毫无必要地成倍prodigies ，没有将这类是一个奇迹。 Indeed it is a material impossibility to transcribe absolutely without error the whole of a long work; and a priori one may be sure, that no two copies of the same original will be alike in every detail.事实上，它是一种物质，无法抄写绝对没有错误，整个一个长期的工作;先验的，可以肯定的，没有任何两个副本，同时原将都在每一个细节。 A typical example of this is furnished by the Augsburg Confession, presented to the Emperor Charles V on the evening of 25 June, 1530, in both Latin and German.一个典型的例子，这是由其奥格斯堡供述，向皇帝查尔斯五世于晚间1530年6月25日，在这两个拉丁语和德语。 It was printed in September of the same year and published two months later by its author, Melanchthon; thirty-five copies of it are known to have been made in the second half of the year 1530, nine of them by signers of the Confession.这是印在同年9月出版了两个月后，其作者，梅兰希顿; 35份，这是众所周知的已在今年下半年， 15时30分，其中9人是由署名的自白。 But, as the two originals are lost, and the copies do not agree either with one another or with the first editions, we are not sure of having the authentic text in its minutest details.但是，因为这两个文件正本遗失，并拷贝不同意，要么互相或与第一版本相比，我们不敢肯定要有正本在其minutest细节。 From which example it is easy to appreciate the necessity of textual criticism in the case of works so ancient and so often transcribed as the books of the Bible.从其中的例子，这是很容易理解的必要性考据学在案件工程，使古老的，所以常常转录为书籍的圣经。
| BELIEVE 相信 Religious 宗教 Information 资讯 Source 源 web-site 网址： |
| Our List of 1,000 Religious Subjects 我们所列出的1000名宗教科目 |
| E-mail 电子邮箱 |
Corruptions introduced by copyists may be divided into two classes: involuntary errors, and those which are either wholly or partly intentional.贪污介绍copyists可分为两类：非自愿性的失误，哪些是全部或部分有意为之。 To these different causes are due the observed variations between manuscripts.这些不同的原因，是因为观察到的变化之间的手稿。
(a) Involuntary Errors （一）非自愿的错误
Involuntary Errors may be distinguished as those of sight, hearing, and memory, respectively.自愿误差可以尊敬，因为那些视线，听觉和记忆。 Sight readily confounds similar letters and words.视线容易confounds类似的信件和词句。 Thus, as can be seen in the pictured example, similar letters are easily interchanged in square Hebrew, Greek uncial and Greek cursive writing.因此，可以看出，在图为例，内容相同的信件，是很容易互换，在广场希伯来语，希腊语uncial和希腊语行草书写。
When the exemplar is written stichometrically, the eye of the copyist is apt to skip one or several lines.当典范，是书面stichometrically ，眼睛的复制是很善变跳过一个或几个线路。 To this class of errors belongs the very frequent phenomenon of homoeoteleuton, ie omission of a passage which has an ending exactly like another passage which comes next before or after it.这一类错误，是属于非常频繁的现象homoeoteleuton ，即遗漏的一个通道，其中有一个结束酷似另一条通道，这是明年之前或之后。 A similar thing happens when several phrases beginning with the same words come together.类似的事情发生时，几个句子开始用同样的话走到一起。 Secondly, errors of hearing are of common occurrence when one writes from dictation.其次，错误的听证会是司空见惯的时候，其中一个写道：从听写。 But even with the exemplar before him, a copyist gets into the habit of pronouncing in a low tone, or to himself, the phrase he is transcribing, and thus is likely to mistake one word for another which sounds like it.但即使是与样例在他面前，复制进入的习惯，宣告了在一个低的语调，还是对自己，这句话他是抄写，因此很可能错一个字又似乎喜欢它。 This explains numberless cases of "itacism" met with in Greek manuscripts, especially the continual interchange of hymeis and hemeis.这也解释了无数案件" itacism "会见希腊文手稿，特别是不断转乘的hymeis和hemeis 。 Lastly, an error of memory occurs when, instead of writing down the passage just read to him, the copyist unconsciously substitutes some other, familiar, text which he knows by heart, or when he is influenced by the remembrance of a parallel passage.最后，一个错误的记忆发生时，而不是写下来，通过刚才所宣读他说，复制，不自觉地替代其他一些熟悉的，文字，而他知道，由心，或当他是受怀念的一个平行通道。 Errors of this kind are most frequent in the transcription of the Gospels.错误的，这种是最频繁的转录福音。
(b) Errors Wholly or Partly Intentional （二）误差的全部或部分有意
Deliberate corruption of the Sacred Text has always been rather rare, Marcion's case being exceptional.故意贪污的神圣文本一向较罕见， marcion的案件例外。 Hort [IntroductiOn (1896), p. hort [介绍（ 1896 ） ，第 282] is of the opinion that even among the unquestionably spurious readings of the New Testament there are no signs of deliberate falsification of the text for dogmatic purposes." Nevertheless it is true that the scribe often selects from various readings that which favours either his own individual opinion or the doctrine that is just then more generally accepted. It also happens that, in perfectly good faith, he changes passages which seem to him corrupt because he fails to understand them, that he adds a word which he deems necessary for the elucidation of the meaning, that he substitutes a more correct grammatical form, or what he considers a more exact expression, and that he harmonizes parallel passages. Thus it is that the shorter form of the Lord's Prayer in Luke, xi, 2-4, is in almost all Greek manuscripts lengthened out in accordance with Matthew, vi, 9-13. Most errors of this kind proceed from inserting in the text marginal notes which, in the copy to be transcribed, were but variants, explanations, parallel passages, simple remarks, or perhaps the conjectures of some studious reader. All critics have observed the predilection of copyists for the most verbose texts and their tendency to complete citations that are too brief; hence it is that an interpolation stands a far better chance of being perpetuated than an omission. 282 ：是的认为，即使在毫无疑问杂散读通过本新约圣经，也没有迹象蓄意伪造的文本教条化的目的" ，但是这是事实文士往往选择从不同的读数表示赞成或是他自己的个人见解或学说，这是当时较为普遍接受的，这也刚好是，在绝对的诚意，他的变化段落，似乎对他的腐败，因为他不明白，他增加了一个字，他认为有必要澄清的意思，他可以代替一个更正确的语法形式，或者是什么，他认为一个更准确的表达，而他协调并行通道，因此它是认为较短的形式，主祷文在路加，第十一， 2-4 ，是在几乎所有希腊手稿加长了，按照马修，六， 9-13 。最错误的，这种从插在文本旁注，在拷贝给被转录，但变种，解释，平行通道，简单言论，或者猜测的一些好学的读者，所有的批评者都遵守偏好的copyists为最长篇大论的文本和他们的倾向，以完成嘉奖那些过于简单，因此它是一个插有一个更好的机会被永久比遗漏。
Other considerations其他考虑因素
From the foregoing it is easy to understand how numerous would be the readings of a text transcribed as often as the Bible, and, as only one reading of any given passage can represent the original, it follows that all the others are necessarily faulty.从前述这是很容易理解如何众多，将读数的一个文本转录的，因为经常被视为圣经，而且，由于只有一读任何特定的通过可以代表原来，这意味着所有其他国家必然是错误的。 Mill estimated the variants of the New Testament at 30,000, and since the discovery of so many manuscripts unknown to Mill this number has greatly increased.轧机估计变种的新约圣经，在30000名，并自发现如此众多的手稿不知轧机现在这一数字已大大增加。 Of course by far the greater number of these variants are in unimportant details, as, for instance, orthographic peculiarities, inverted words, and the like.当然到目前为止，更大数量的，这些变种是在不重要的细节，因为，举例来说，字形的特殊性，倒字等。 Again, many others are totally improbable, or else have such slight warrant as not to deserve even cursory notice.同样，许多其他国家，是完全难以琢磨的，否则有这种轻微的手令，不值得，即使走马观花，恕不另行通知。 Hort (Introduction, 2) estimates that a reasonable doubt does not affect more than the sixtieth part of the words: "In this second estimate the proportion of comparatively trivial variations is beyond measure larger than in the former; so that the amount of what can in any sense be called substantial variation is but a small fraction of the whole residuary variation, and can hardly form more than a thousandth part of the entire text." hort （导， 2 ）估计一个合理的怀疑，并不影响较第六十部分的话： "在这个第二次估计的比例相对琐碎的变化，是难以衡量大于前者，因此认为这个数额的，可什么在任何意义上被称为实质性的变化，只不过是一小部分，整个剩余变异，难以形成一个多千分之一的一部分，整个案文" 。 Perhaps the same thing might be said of the Vulgate; but in regard to the primitive Hebrew text and the Septuagint version there is a great deal more doubt.也许是同样的事情，可以说，该vulgate ;但对于原始希伯莱文和septuagint版本有很大的处理有更多的疑虑。
We have said that the object of textual criticism is to restore a work to what it was upon leaving the hands of its author.我们已经说过，对象考据学是恢复工作，它是在离开手中的作者。 But it is, absolutely speaking, possible that the author himself may have issued more than one edition of his work.但是，它是绝对地说，可能是作者自己可能已签发超过一版他的工作。 This hypothesis was made for Jeremias, in order to explain the differences between the Greek and Hebrew texts; for St. Luke, so as to account for the variations between the "Codex Bezæ" and other Greek manuscripts in the third Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles; and for other writers.这种假设是为jeremias ，为了解释的分歧，希腊文和希伯来文;圣路加等，以帐户为变异之间的"法典bezæ "及其他希腊手稿，在第三福音和行为使徒们和其他作家。 These hypotheses may be insufficiently founded, but, as they are neither absurd nor impossible, they are not to be rejected a priori.这些假说可能不够创立的，但因为它们既不是荒谬的，也不是不可能的，他们是不会被拒绝的先验。
B. General principles of textual criticism乙一般原则的考据学
In order to re-establish a text in all its purity, or at least to eliminate as far as possible, its successive falsifications, it is necessary to consult and weigh all the evidence.为了重新建立一个文本在其所有的纯洁性，或至少消除尽量历届弄虚作假行为，有必要进行磋商和权衡所有证据。 And this may be divided into: external, or that furnished by documents reproducing the text in whole or in part, in the original or in a translation -- diplomatic evidence -- and internal, or that resulting from the examination of the text itself independently of its extrinsic attestation -- paradiplomatic evidence.这可分为：外部，或者出具的文件复制文本的全部或部分内容，在原来的或在某翻译-外交证据-和内部，或由考试的案文本身独立它的外在核签-p aradiplomatic证据。 We shall consider them separately.我们应考虑将它们分开。
1. 1 。 External (Diplomatic) Evidence外部的（外交）的证据
The evidence for a work of which the original manuscript is lost is furnished by;搜寻证据的工作，其中原稿丢失，是出具;
(a) copies, (manuscripts), （一）本， （手稿）
(b) versions, and （二）版本，并
(c) quotations. （三）报价。
These three do not always exist simultaneously, and the order in which they are here enumerated does not indicate their relative authority.这三个并不总是同时存在，并命令他们在这里列举的并不表明它们的相对权力。
(a) Manuscripts （一）手稿
In regard to the copies of ancient works three things are to be considered, namely:对于副本的古代作品三件事是要考虑的，即：
(i) age, （一）年龄，
(ii) value, and （二）价值，并
(iii) genealogy; and we shall add a word on （三）族谱;我们应增加一个字
(iv) critical nomenclature, or notation. （四）批判的专用名称，或标注。
(i) Age （一）年龄
Age is sometimes indicated by a note in the manuscript itself; but the date, when not suspected of falsification, may simply be transcribed from the exemplar.年龄有时是显示一个说明手稿本身，但目前为止，在不被怀疑伪造，可能只是转录从表表者。 However, as dated manuscripts are usually not very old, recourse must be had to various palæographic indications which generally determine with sufficient accuracy the age of Greek and Latin manuscripts.不过，由于过时的手稿通常不很老，追索还必须考虑到各种palæographic迹象，其中一般确定有足够的准确年龄的希腊文和拉丁文手稿。 Hebrew palæography, though more uncertain, presents fewer difficulties, inasmuch as Hebrew manuscripts are not so old.希伯来语palæography ，虽然更加不明朗，礼物少的困难，因为希伯来手稿都没有那么老。 Besides, the exact age of a copy is, after all, only of minor importance, as it is quite possible that an ancient manuscript may be very corrupt while a later one, copied from a better exemplar, may come nearer to the primitive text.此外，确切年龄的副本，毕竟，只有轻微的重要性，因为这是非常有可能的一个古老的手稿，有可能很腐败，而稍后的一个，复制文件从一个更好的表表者，有可能更接近原始文本。 However, other things being equal, the presumption is naturally in favour of the more ancient document, since it is connected with the original by fewer intervening links and consequently has been exposed to fewer possibilities of error.不过，在其他条件相同的，推定自然是赞成的更古老的文件，因为它是与原来由少干预联系，并因此被揭露之后，以较少的可能性误差范围内。
(ii) Value （二）价值
It is more important to ascertain the relative value than the age of a manuscript.这是更为重要，以确定相对价值超过年龄的手稿。 Some evidences inspire but little confidence, because they have frequently been found to be defective, while others are readily accepted because critical examination has in every instance shown them to be veracious and exact.一些证据激励，但没有多大信心，因为他们经常被发现有瑕疵，而有些则是欣然接受，因为关键的考试已在每一个举例表明，它们是准确和精确。 But how is the critic to discriminate?但究竟是影评人歧视？ Prior to examination, the readings of a text are divided into three or four classes: the certainly or probably true, the doubtful, and the certainly or probably false.在检查前，读一个文本分为三个或四个档次：肯定或有可能属实，则令人怀疑，并肯定或可能是虚假的。 A manuscript is rated good or excellent when it presents in general true readings and contains few or none that are certainly false; under contrary conditions it is considered mediocre or worthless.手稿被评为良好或优良时，它呈现在一般的真实读数，并载有很少或没有这当然是错误的;下，相反条件，它被认为是平庸的或毫无价值。 Needless to add, the intrinsic excellence of a manuscript is not measured according to the greater or less care exercised by the scribes; a manuscript may teem with copyist's errors, though it be made from a very correct exemplar; and one transcribed from a defective exemplar may, considered merely as a copy, be quite faultless.不用添加，内在卓越的手稿是没有量度据越大或更少照顾行使由文士;手稿可能teem与复制的错误，虽然它是从一个非常正确的表表者和一门转录，从一个有缺陷的样例5月，仅应视为一份拷贝，相当无可挑剔。
(iii) Genealogy （三）族谱
The genealogy of documents, from a critical view-point, is most interesting and important.该族谱的文件，从批评的角度点，是最有趣的和重要的。 As soon as it is proved that a manuscript, no matter what its antiquity, is simply a copy of another existing manuscript, the former should evidently disappear from the list of authorities, since its particular testimony is of no value in establishing the primitive text.尽快，因为它证明了手稿，不管遇到什么样其古物，根本是一个拷贝的另一个现有的手稿，前者应明显消失，从名单上的机关，由于其特定的证词，是没有价值的建立原始文本。 This, for instance, is what happened to the "Codex Sangermanensis" (E of the Pauline Epistles) when it was proved to be a defective copy of the "Codex Claromontanus" (D of the Pauline Epistles).这一点，举例来说，是怎样发生的"法典sangermanensis " （五的宝莲书信） ，当它被证明是一种有缺陷的副本， "食品法典委员会claromontanus " （四的宝莲书信） 。 Now, if a text were preserved in ten manuscripts, nine of which had sprung from a common ancestor, we would not therefore have ten independent testimonies but two, as the first nine would count for only one, and could not, therefore, outweigh the tenth, unless it were shown that the common exemplar of the nine was a better one than that from which the tenth was taken.现在，如果一个文本被保存在十个手稿，有9个，其中已异军突起，从一个共同的祖先，我们也不会因此有10个独立的证词，但有两个，首九个月就能算数的，只有一个，而且可能，因此不大于第十，除非它被证明，这种共同的表表者九年，是一种较好的一比，从其中的十分之一被带到。 The consequences of this principle are obvious, and the advantage and necessity of grouping the testimonies for a text into families is readily understood.后果，这个原则是显而易见的，以及利用和必要性分组证词为一个文本进入家庭是很容易理解的。 It might be supposed that the critic would be mainly guided in his researches by the birthplace of a manuscript; but the ancient manuscripts often travelled a great deal, and their nationality is rarely known with certainty.它可能被假定影评人，将主要是引导他的研究的发祥地手稿，但古代手稿往往走了不少，他们的国籍是鲜为人知肯定。 Thus, many are of the opinion that the Vaticanus and the Sinaiticus emanated from Cæsarea in Palestine, while others maintain that they were written in Egypt, and Hort inclines to the belief that they were copied in the West, probably in Rome (see CODEX VATICANUS; CODEX SINAITICUS).因此，许多人都提出意见认为， vaticanus和sinaiticus出自cæsarea在巴勒斯坦，而另一些认为，他们写的，在埃及和hort倾向，使他们以为他们照搬在西方国家，有可能是在罗马（见法典vaticanus ;法典sinaiticus ） 。 Hence the critics' chief guide in this matter should be the careful comparison of manuscripts, upon the principle that identical readings point to a common source, and when the identity between two or more manuscripts is constant -- especially in exceptional and eccentric variants -- the identity of the exemplar is established.因此批评家的行政指导，在这件事情应该仔细比较的手稿，经原则，即相同的读数点，以一个共同的来源，而当身份之间的两个或两个以上的手稿是常数-尤其是在特殊和偏心变种-身份的表表者，是既定的。 But this investigation encounters two difficulties.但本次调查遇到两个困难。 A first, and a very embarrassing, complication arises from the mixture of texts.首先，一个很尴尬的，并发症源自混合文本。 There are but few texts that are pure; that is to say, that are taken from a single exemplar.有但很少有人文本是纯粹的，那就是说，这是从一个单一的表表者。 The ancient scribes were nearly all to a certain extent editors, and made their choice from among the variants of the different exemplars.古代文士几乎都得到了一定程度的编辑，并作出了他们的选择，从变异的不同范例。 Moreover, the correctors or the readers often introduced, either on the margin or between the lines, new readings which were subsequently embodied in the text of the manuscript thus corrected.此外，校正或读者常常介绍，无论是对保证金或行间，新的读数，随后被体现在文本中的手稿，从而纠正。 In such a case the genealogy of a manuscript is liable to become very complicated.在这种情况下，族谱的手稿，即属违法变得非常复杂。 It also sometimes happens that two manuscripts which are closely related in certain books are totally unrelated in others.它有时也出现两本书稿，是紧密相关，在某些书籍是风马牛不相及的，在别人。 As a matter of fact, the separate books of the Bible, in ancient times, used to be copied each upon its own roll of papyrus, and when they came to be copied from these separate rolls upon sheets of parchment, and bound together in one enormous "codex", texts belonging to quite different families might very possibly be placed together.作为一个事实上，很多事情都单独书籍的圣经，在远古时代，曾经被抄，每个依靠自己的轧辊的纸莎草纸，而当他们来到被复制的，从这些单独的卷后，张羊皮纸，并绑定到一起，在一庞大的"法典" ，文字属于完全不同的家庭可能很可能放在一起。 All these facts explain why critics frequently disagree in determining genealogical groupings.所有这些事实说明为什么批评者经常不同意在确定家谱集团。 (On this subject consult Hort, "Introduction," pp. 39-69: "Genealogical Evidence".) （就这个问题进行协商hort ， "引进来"页39-69说： "家谱证据" ） 。
(iv) Critical Nomenclature, or Notation （四）批判命名，或乐谱
When the copies of a text are not numerous each editor assigns them whatever conventional symbols he may choose; this was for a long time the case with the editions of the original Greek and Hebrew, of the Septuagint and the Vulgate, not to mention other versions.当拷贝一个文本不是众多，每个编辑分配到他们无论传统象征他可以选择，这显然是在相当长的时间的情况与此版本的原希腊文和希伯来文，对septuagint和vulgate ，更遑论其他版本。 But when, as nowadays, the number of manuscripts becomes greatly increased, it is necessary to adopt a uniform notation in order to avoid confusion.但是当，因为时至今日，有多少手稿变得大为增加，有必要采取统一的符号，以避免混乱。
Hebrew manuscripts are usually designated by the figures assigned them by Kennicott and De Rossi.希伯来手稿通常由指定的数字，他们调派由肯尼科特和德罗西。 But this system has the disadvantage of not being continuous, the series of figures recommencing three times: Kennicott manuscripts, De Rossi manuscripts, and other manuscripts catalogued by De Rossi, but not belonging to his collection.但这个制度的缺点是不能连续，一连串的数字重新开始的3倍：肯尼科特手稿，德罗西手稿，以及其他手稿编目，德罗西，但不属于他的藏品。 Another serious inconvenience arises from the fact that the manuscripts not included in the three preceding lists have remained without symbol, and can only be indicated by mentioning the number of the catalogue in which they are described.另一个严重的不便，源自于一个事实，即手稿不包括在之前三个名单仍然没有符号，以及只能显示一提的数目中央定价目录中，被称为。
The notation of Greek manuscripts of the Septuagint is almost the same as that adopted by Holmes and Parsons in their Oxford edition 1798-1827.乐谱的希腊手稿的septuagint几乎是一样通过赫尔姆斯与帕森斯在牛津版1798年至1827年。 These two scholars designated the uncials by Roman figures (from I to XIII) and the cursives by Arabic figures (from 14 to 311).这两位学者指定uncials由罗马数字（从一至十三）和cursives由阿拉伯语数字（ 14至311 ） 。 But their list was very defective, as certain manuscripts were counted twice, while others which were numbered among the cursives were uncials either wholly or in part, etc. For cursives the Holmes-Parsons notation is still retained; the uncials, including those found since, are designated by Latin capitals; but no symbols have been assigned to recently discovered cursives.但他们的名单是非常有缺陷的，因为某些手稿算两次，而另一些人的编号之间cursives被uncials全部或部分等，以供cursives霍姆斯-帕森斯乐谱，是仍然保留; uncials ，包括那些发现自，均指定由拉美各国首都，但没有符号都被分配到最近发现cursives 。 (See the complete list in Swete, "An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek", Cambridge, 1902, p. 120-170.) （见的完整清单，在swete " ，介绍了旧约希腊文" ，剑桥， 1902年，页120-808 ） 。
The nomenclature of the Greek manuscripts of the New Testament also leaves much to be desired.名目希腊手稿的新约圣经也给人留下了很多不尽如人意的地方。 Wetstein, the author of the usual notation, designates uncials by letters and cursives by Arabic figures. wetstein ，作者一贯的乐谱，指定uncials信访cursives由阿拉伯语数字。 His list was continued by Birch and by Scholz, and afterwards by Scrivener, independently, by Gregory.他的名单是继续由桦木和Scholz ） ，然后由公证，独立的，由格雷戈里。 The same letters answer for many manuscripts, hence the necessity of distinguishing indices, thus Dev="Codex Bezæ", Dpaul=Codex Claromontanus, etc. Moreover, the series of figures recommences four times (Gospels, Acts and Catholic Epistles, Epistles of Paul, Apocalypse), so that a cursive containing all the books of the New Testament must be designated by four different numbers accompanied by their index.同样的信件回答了许多手稿，因此有必要区分指标，因此开发= "法典bezæ " ， dpaul =食品法典委员会claromontanus等，此外，一系列的数字recommences四倍（福音，行为和天主教教会中，教会保罗，启示） ，因此一个行草包含所有图书的新约圣经，必须由指定的4个不同的电话号码，伴随着他们的指数。 Thus the manuscript of the British Museum "Addit. 17469" is for Scrivener 584ev, 228ac, 269pau, 97apoc (ie the 584th manuscript of the Gospel on his list, the 228th of Acts, etc.), and for Gregory 498ev, 198act, 255paul, 97apoc.因此，这份手稿的"大英博物馆藏addit 。 17469 " ，是为斯科维娜584ev ， 228ac ， 269pau ， 97apoc （即第五百八十四手稿的福音，对他的名单，第二百二十八的行为等） ，以及为格雷戈里498ev ， 198act ， 255paul ， 97apoc 。 To remedy this confusion Von Soden lays down as a principle that uncials should not have a different notation from the cursives and that each manuscript should be designated by a single abbreviation.为了纠正这种混乱冯soden规定了作为一个原则，就是uncials不应该有不同的乐谱从cursives和每一个手稿，应指定由一个单一的缩写。 Hence he assigns to each manuscript an Arabic figure preceded by one of the three Greek initial letters, epsilon, alpha, or delta, according as it contains the Gospels only (euaggelion), or does not contain the Gospels (apostolos), or contains both the Gospels and some other part of the New Testament (diatheke).因此，他赋予每个手稿一个阿拉伯语数字之前，其中的三个希腊首字母，在29日，阿尔法，或三角形，根据它包含了福音只（ euaggelion ） ，或不包含福音（在Apostolos ） ，或者既包含福音书和一些其他部分的新约全书（ diatheke ） 。 The number is chosen so as to indicate the approximate age of the manuscript.号码是选择等，以表明近似年龄的手稿。 This notation is unquestionably better than the other; the main point is to secure its universal acceptance, without which endless confusion will arise.这一符号无疑是优于其他;点主要是为了巩固它的普遍接受，没有这种无休止的混乱情况会出现。
For the Vulgate the most famous manuscripts are designated either by a conventional name or its abbreviation (am="Amiatinus", fuld="Fuldensis"); the other manuscripts have no generally admitted symbol.为vulgate最有名的手稿均指定由一个传统的名称或其缩写（上午= " amiatinus " ， fuld = " fuldensis " ） ;其他手稿都没有一个普遍承认的象征。 (The present nomenclature is altogether imperfect and deficient. Critics should come to terms and settle upon special symbols for the genealogical groupings for manuscripts which are as yet almost entirely deprived of them. On this subject see the present writer's article, "Manuscrits bibliques" in Vigouroux, "Dict. de la Bible", IV, 666-698). （目前的名称上是完全不完善和不足之处。批评家应该可以告一段落条款和定居后，特殊符号，为家谱集团有关书稿，是迄今为止几乎完全剥夺了他们对这个问题的，看看现在的作家的文章， " manuscrits bibliques " vigouroux ， "字典。 de的香格里拉圣经" ，四， 666-698 ） 。
(b) Versions （二）版本
The importance of the ancient versions in the textual criticism of the Sacred Books arises from the fact that the versions are often far anterior to the most ancient manuscripts.重要的是古老的版本，在考据学的神圣书籍出自事实，那就是版本往往远远的前方，最古老的手稿。 Thus the translation of the Septuagint antedated by ten or twelve centuries the oldest copies of the Hebrew text that have come down to us.因此，翻译的septuagint antedated由10或12世纪以来最年长的副本在希伯来文表示，已回落到我们。 And for the New Testament the Italic and the Peshito versions are of the second century, and the Coptic of the third, while the "Vaticanus' and the "Sinaiticus", which are our oldest manuscripts, date only from the fourth. These translations, moreover, made on the initiative and under the superintendence of the ecclesiastical authorities, or at least approved and sanctioned by the Churches that made public use of them, have undoubtedly followed the exemplars which were esteemed the best and most correct; and this is a guarantee in favour of the purity of the text they represent. Unfortunately, the use of versions in textual criticism offers numerous and sometimes insurmountable difficulties. First of all, unless the version be quite literal and scrupulously faithful, one is often at a loss to determine with certainty which reading it represents. And besides, we have few or no ancient versions edited according to the exigencies of rigorous criticism; the manuscripts of these versions differ from one another considerably, and it is often hard to trace the primitive reading. When there have been several versions in the same language, as is the case, for example, in Latin, Syriac, and Coptic, it is seldom that one version has not in the long run reacted on the other. Again, the different copies of a version have frequently been retouched or corrected according to the original, and at various epochs some sort of recensions have been made. The case of the Septuagint is well enough known by what St. Jerome tells of it, and by the examination of the manuscripts themselves, which offer a striking diversity. For these various reasons the use of the versions in textual criticism is rather a delicate matter, and many critics try to evade the difficulty by not taking them into account. But in this they are decidedly wrong, and later it will be shown to what use the Septuagint version may be put in the reconstruction of the primitive text of the Old Testament.并为新约全书的斜体和peshito版本，是在公元二世纪，和科普特的第三次，而" vaticanus '和" sinaiticus行为" ，这是我国最古老的手稿，迄今为止，只有从第四位。这些翻译，此外，就取得了主动权，并根据所辖教会当局，或者至少批准和认可的，由教会了公众使用的，也无疑是遵循了范例，而被尊敬的最好和最正确的，这是一个保证赞成的纯洁性文本，他们所代表的，可惜的是，使用的版本，校勘提供了众多的，有时是无法克服的困难，首先，除非版本相当字面和一丝不苟的忠实，常常处于亏损确定确定性，其中读它代表了，而且除此之外，我们很少或根本没有古代版主编据到工作的需要严格的批评;手稿的是这两种版本的不同，从一个又相当大，而且往往难以追查原始读时，有被好几个版本，在同一种语言，这是因为如此，例如，在拉丁美洲，叙利亚文，科普特人，这是很少的一个版本，并没有在长远来说反应，对其他同样，在不同的副本一个版本都常常被修饰或更正按照原来的，并在各个时代的某种recensions已取得有关案件的septuagint是做得不够好，众所周知什么圣杰罗姆告诉它，并通过考试的手稿本身，而提供一个鲜明的多样性，对于这些种种原因，使用该版本在考据学是相当微妙的问题，许多批评者试图回避困难，没有考虑到这些，但它们在这方面是坚决错误的，以后会证明什么用septuagint版本，可把在重建原始文本的旧约。
(c) Quotations （三）报价
That the textual criticism of the Greek New Testament, the Septuagint and the Vulgate has profited by quotations from the Fathers is beyond question; but in using this authority there is need of caution and reserve.这考据学的希腊新约圣经， septuagint和vulgate已获利的，由报价从父亲是不容置疑的，但在使用这个权力，有必要的谨慎和储备。 Very often Biblical texts are quoted from memory, and many writers have the habit of quoting inaccurately.很多时候，圣经文本引述记忆体，以及许多作家都习惯引用错误。 In his Prolegomena to the eighth edition of Tischendorf (pp. 1141-1142), Gregory gives three very instructive examples on this subject.在他的prolegomena至第八版提申多夫（第1141年至1142年） ，格雷戈里给出三个非常有启发性的例子，这个题目。 Charles Hodge, the author of highly esteemed commentaries, when informed that his quotation from Genesis, iii, 15, "The seed of the woman shall bruise the serpent's head", was a serious inaccuracy, refused to change it on the ground that his translation had passed into use.查尔斯Hodge的，作者高度评价了评论，当得知他的报价从成因，三， 15日， "种子的女子应瘀伤毒蛇的头" ，是一个严重的报道失实，不肯改变，它在地面上，他的翻译已通过投入使用。 In his history of the Vulgate the learned Kaulen twice quoted the well-known saying of St. Augustine, once accurately: "verborum tenacior cum perspicuitate sentientiæ", and once inaccurately: "verborum tenacior cum sermonis perspicuitate".在他的历史，以及vulgate学到考伦两度引用著名的说法，圣奥古斯丁，一旦准确地说： " verborum tenacior暨perspicuitate sentientiæ " ，而一旦不准确地说： " verborum tenacior暨sermonis perspicuitate " 。 Finally, out of nine quotations from John, iii, 3-5, made by Jeremy Taylor, the celebrated theologian, only two agree, and not one of the nine gives the words of the Anglican version which the author meant to follow.最后，出九个报价由约翰，三， 3-5 ，取得了由杰里泰勒，著名的神学家中，只有两个同意这一点，并没有一所九年给人的话圣公会版本，作者的意思遵循。 Surely we should not look for greater rigour or accuracy from the Fathers, many of whom lacked the critical spirit.当然，我们不应该找更严格或准确地从父亲的，其中许多人缺乏批判精神。 Furthermore, it should be noted that the text of our editions is not always to be depended upon.此外，应该指出的是，案文的版本，我们并不总是要取决于。 We know that copyists, when transcribing the works of the Fathers, whether Greek or Latin, frequently substitute for Biblical quotations that form of text with which they are most familiar, and even the editors of former times were not very scrupulous in this respect.我们知道copyists ，当抄写工程的父亲，无论是希腊语或拉丁语，经常代替圣经报价这种形式的文本与他们最熟悉的，甚至连编辑的前时代不很严谨，在这方面的工作。 Would anyone have suspected that in the edition of the commentary of St. Cyril of Alexandria on the fourth Gospel, published by Pusey in 1872, the text of St. John, instead of being reproduced from St. Cyril's manuscript, is borrowed from the New Testament printed at Oxford?有人会怀疑，在该版的评论中的圣西里尔亚历山大关于第四个福音，出版pusey在1872年，文圣约翰，而不是被转载自圣西里尔的手稿，是借来的，由新全书印刷在牛津？ From this standpoint the edition of the Latin Fathers undertaken in Austria and that of the ante-Nicene Greek Fathers published at Berlin, are worthy of entire confidence.从这个角度看这个版的拉丁语父亲在奥地利及整个前厅nicene希腊教父发表在柏林，是值得整个信心。 Quotatations have a greater value in the eyes of the critic when a commentary fully guarantees the text; and the authority of a quotation is highest when a writer whose reputation for critical habits is well established, such as Origen or St. Jerome, formally attests that a given reading was to be found in the best or most ancient manuscripts of his time. quotatations有一个更大的价值在眼里，影评人的时候，发表评论，充分保证了文本和权威的报价是最高的时候，一个作家的声誉，关键习惯是确定无疑的，如渊源或圣杰罗姆，正式证明这给读是为了找到最好或最古老的手稿他的时代了。 It is obvious that such evidence overrules that furnished by a simple manuscript of the same epoch.这是显而易见的，这种证据推翻这家具，由一个简单的手稿的同一时代。
(2) Internal or Paradiplomatic Evidence （ 2 ）内部或paradiplomatic证据
It frequently happens that the testimony of documents is uncertain because it is discordant, but even when it is unanimous, it may he open to suspicion because it leads to improbable or impossible results.它经常出现的证词，文件是不确定的，因为它是不和谐的，但即使它是一致的，它可能他公开怀疑，因为这导致难以琢磨的或不可能的结果。 It is then that internal evidence must be resorted to, and, although of itself it seldom suffices for a firm decision, it nevertheless corroborates, and sometimes modifies, the verdict of the documents.就是这时内部证据必须诉诸制裁，而且，虽然它本身很少就够了一个明确的决定，但它确实证实了，有时修改，翻案的有关文件。 The rules of internal criticism are simply the axioms of good sense, whose application calls for large experience and consummate judgment to ward off the danger of arbitrariness amid subjectivism.规则的内部批评，只是服从公理的良好意识，其应用呼唤大的经验和完善的判断，以防范危险中的随意性，主观主义。 We shall briefly formulate and expound the most important of these rules.我们将简要地制定和阐发其中最重要的规则。
Rule 1.第1条。 Among several variants that is to be preferred which best agrees with the context and most closely conforms to the style and mental habits of the author.其中几个变种，那就是被推荐最认同的背景和关系最为密切的，符合风貌和心理习惯的作者。 -- This rule is thus explained by Hort ("The New Testament in the Original Greek", Introduction, London, 1896, p. 20): "The decision may be made either by an immediate and as it were intuitive judgment, or by weighing cautiously various elements which go to make up what is called sense, such as conformity to grammar and congruity to the purport of the rest of the sentence and of the larger context; to which may rightly be added congruity to the usual style of the author and to his matter in other passages. The process may take the form either of simply comparing two or more rival readings under these heads, and giving the preference to that which appears to have the advantage, or of rejecting a reading absolutely for violation of one or more of the congruities, or of adopting a reading absolutely for perfection of congruity." -这一规则的解释，因此，由h ort（以下简称"新约全书在原希腊语" ，导言，伦敦， 1 896年，第2 0页）说： "可尽快作出决定，要么由一个立即和作为它的直观判断，或通过慎重权衡各种因素，其中去弥补什么是所谓意义上说，如符合语法和一致性向旨趣其余的句子和比较大的背景;可能正确地加以补充，一致性，以一贯的作风作者和他的事，在其他段落。过程中可以采取以下方式：要么简单地比较两个或两个以上的竞争对手读数，根据这些主管的工作，并给予优先考虑那些看似有其优点，或拒绝读绝对违反一个或一种以上的congruities ，或采用读绝对完美的一致性" 。 The application of this rule rarely produces certainty; it usually leads only to a presumption, more or less strong, which the documentary evidence confirms or annuls as the case may be.适用本规则很少产生确定性，它通常只会导致一个推定，更多或更少势头强劲，文件证据证实或annuls视情况而定。 It would be sophistical to suppose that the ancient authors are always consistent with themselves, always correct in their language and happy in their expressions.这将是强辞夺理假定古代作家总是一致，始终在正确的，他们的语言和幸福，他们的表情。 The reader is all too liable to imagine that he penetrates their thought, and to make them talk as he himself would have talked on a like occasion.读者是太容易想象，他渗透着他们的思想，使他们讲，因为他自己也有交谈，就好像留念。 It is but a step from this to conjectural criticism which has been so much abused.这只是一个步骤，从这个以臆测的批评，已使许多人滥用。
Rule 2.第2条。 Among several readings that is preferable which explains all others and is explained by none.其中几个读数是可取的，这说明了一切别人解释是首屈一指的。 -- Gregory, in his "Prolegomena" (8th critical ed. of the New Testament by Tischendorf, p. 63), says apropos of this rule: "Hoc si latiore vel latissimo sensu accipietur, omnium regularum principium haberi poterit; sed est ejusmodi quod alius aliter jure quidem suo, ut cuique videtur, definiat sequaturque." -格雷戈里，在他的" p rolegomena" （第八关键版的新约圣经，由蒂申多夫，第6 3页）说，中肯的这样一个规矩： "责思l atiore或l atissimo意义a ccipietur， o mniumr egularum原理h aberip oterit;的S ED预测e jusmodi和其它aliter法理quidem锁， UT斯达康cuique videtur ， definiat sequaturque " 。 It is, in fact, subject to arbitrary applications, which only proves that it must be employed with prudence and circumspection.它，实际上就是受任意申请，因为它只能证明，它必须与雇用的审慎和谨慎。
Rule 3.第3条。 The more difficult reading is also the more probable.更艰难的阅读，也更可能。 -- "Proclivi scriptioni pr stat ardua" (Bengel). -" p roclivis criptioni公关陈述a rdua" （ b engel） 。 -- Although it may seem entirely paradoxical, this rule is, in a certain measure, founded on reason, and those who have contested it most vigorously, like Wetstein, have been obliged to replace it with something similar. -虽然它似乎完全是自相矛盾的，这个规则就是，在某程度上，建立在理性的，那些有争议的，它的最大力，如w etstein，不得不取而代之的是一些相似的。 But it is true only on condition that the clause be added, all other things being equal; else we should have to prefer the barbarisms and absurdities of copyists solely because they are more difficult to understand than the correct expression or the intelligently turned phrase.但是，这是事实，只有条件是该条款予以补充说，所有其他条件都相同;否则，我们应该有偏爱barbarisms和滑稽的copyists ，纯粹是因为他们比别人更不难理解，较正确的表达或智能转向短语。 Indeed copyists never change their text merely for the pleasure of rendering it obscure or of corrupting it; on the contrary, they rather try to explain or correct it.事实上copyists决不会改变自己的文字，只是高兴地渲染它遮蔽或侵蚀;正好相反，他们，而不是尝试解释或纠正。 Hence a harsh expression, an irregular phrase, and an unlooked-for thought are possibly primitive, but always, as we have said, on this condition: ceteris paribus.因此，一个严峻的表达，是一个不规则的短语，并unlooked -思考的可能是原始的，但总是，我们已经说过，在此条件下： ceteris paribus 。 Nor must it be forgotten that the difficulty of the reading may arise from other causes, such as the ignorance of the scribe or the defects of the exemplar which he copies.也不一定要忘记的是困难的阅读可能产生的其他原因，如无知，文士或弊端的典范，他的副本。
Rule 4.第4条。 The shortest reading is, in general, the best.最短的阅读是，在一般情况最好的。 -- "Brevior lectio, nisi testium vetustorum et gravium auctoritate penitus destituatur, præferenda est verbosiori. Librarii enim multo proniores ad addendum fuerunt, quam ad omittendum (Griesbach)." -" b reviorl ectio，暂准t estiumv etustorum等g raviuma uctoritatep enitusd estituatur， p ræferenda预测v erbosiori。 l ibrarii单一m ultop roniores专案增编f uerunt，怎么专案o mittendum（ g riesbach） " 。 The reason given by Griesbach, author of this rule, is confirmed by experience.理由是由griesbach ，作者的这条规则时，也证实了经验。 But it should not be too generally applied; if certain copyists are inclined to put in an insufficiently authorized interpolation, others, in their haste to finish the task, are either deliberately or unknowingly guilty of omissions or abbreviations.但应该不会太普遍适用;如果某些copyists倾向于投入了充分的授权内插，其他人，他们急于完成任务，或刻意或在不知不觉中犯有遗漏或缩写。
We see that the rules of internal criticism, in so far as they can be of any use, are suggested by common sense.我们看到，该规则的内部批评，在目前为止，因为他们可没有用，是建议由普通常识。 Other norms formulated by certain critics are based on nothing but their own imaginations.其他规范制定的某些批评者是根据什么，但他们自己的想象力。 Such is the following proposed by Griesbach: "Inter plures unius loci lectiones ea pro suspectâ merito habetur quæ orthodoxorum dogmatibus manifeste præ ceteris favet."这是继提出griesbach ： "跨几个unius轨迹lectiones环境亲suspectâ勋章habetur quæ orthodoxorum dogmatibus manifeste præ ceteris favet " 。 It would then follow that the variants suspected of heresy have all the probabilities in their favour, and that heretics were more careful of the integrity of the sacred text than were the orthodox.它会随即表示，该变种涉嫌异端都概率对他们有利，并认为异教徒更仔细的完整性神圣文本比正统。 History and reason combined protest against this paradox.历史与理性相结合，抗议这一悖论。
C. Conjectural Criticism长臆测批评
As a principle, conjectural criticism is not inadmissible.作为一个原则，臆测的批评并非不可接受。 In fact it is possible that in all existing documents, manuscripts, versions, and quotations, there are primitive errors which can only be corrected by conjecture.其实，这是有可能的，在所有现有文件，手稿，版本及报价单，有原始的错误，只能更正猜想。 The phrase primitive errors is here used to denote those that were committed by the scribe himself in dictated works or that crept into one of the first copies on which depend all the documents that have come down to us.这句话的原始错误是在这里用来指那些都是经由文士自己主宰工程或出现的第一个副本，就要靠所有的文件已经下来给我们。 Scrivener, therefore, seems too positive when he writes ("Introduction", 1894, Vol. II, p. 244): "It is now agreed among competent judges that Conjectural Emendation must never be resorted to even in passages of acknowledged difficulty; the absence of proof that a reading proposed to be substituted for the common one is actually supported by some trustworthy document being of itself a fatal objection to our receiving it."Many critics would not go thus far, as there are passages that remain doubtful even after the efforts of documentary criticism have been exhausted, and we cannot see why it should be forbidden to seek a remedy in conjectural criticism.斯科维娜，因此，似乎过于正面的时候，他写道（ "导言" ， 1894年，第二卷，页244 ）说： "现在是双方同意的精明能干的法官表示，臆测的校勘，绝不能诉诸即使在通道承认困难;没有证据表明，阅读建议，以替代普通的一个实际上是支持一些值得信赖的文件中的幸福本身就是一个致命的异议，我们接收它， "许多批评家将不会因此截至目前为止，由于有段落仍然存疑，甚至经过努力纪录片批评都已用尽，我们实在看不出为什么它应被禁止寻求补救臆测的批评。 Thus Hort justly remarks ("Introduction", 1896, p. 71): "The evidence for corruption is often irresistible, imposing on an editor the duty of indicating the presumned unsoundness of the text, although he may be wholly unable to propose any endurable way of correcting it, or have to offer only suggestions in which he cannot place full confidence."因此hort公正备注（ "导言" ， 1896年，第71页）说： "证据为腐败往往是不可阻挡的，强加给一个编辑的责任，说明presumned不健全的案文，尽管他可能完全无法提出任何耐用方法纠正它，或有只提供建议，其中他不能完全信任" 。 But he adds that, in the New Testament, the rôle of conjectural emendation is extremely weak, because of the abundance and variety of documentary evidence, and he agrees with Scrivener in admitting that the conjectures presented are often entirely arbitrary, almost always unfortunate, and of such a nature as to satisfy only their own inventor.但他补充说，在新约圣经， rôle的臆测校正极其脆弱，因为丰度和种类的书面证据，他表示赞同斯科维娜在承认那猜测陈述往往是完全任意的，几乎总是不幸的，并这样一种性质，以满足只有他们自己的技术发明人。 To sum up, conjectural criticism should only be applied as a last resort, after every other means has been exhausted, and then only with prudent scepticism. D. Application of the principles and processes of textual criticism四原则的应用和流程的考据学
It remains briefly to explain the modifications which the principles of textual criticism undergo in their application to Biblical texts, to enumerate the chief critical editions, and to indicate the methods followed by the editors.它仍然简略解释修改的原则考据学接受其申请，以圣经的文本，列举行政临界版本，并表明该方法其次是编辑。 We shall here speak only of the Hebrew text of the Old Testament and of the Greek text of the New.我们将在这里发言，不仅对希伯来文旧约圣经的希腊文新。
1. 1 。 Hebrew text of the Old Testament希伯来文旧约
(a) The critical apparatus （一）关键仪器
The number of Hebrew manuscripts is very great.有多少希伯来手稿是非常大的。 Kennicott ("Dissertatio generalis in Vet. Test. hebraicum", Oxford, 1780) and De Rossi ("Vaniæ lectiones Vet. Testamenti", Parma, 1784-88) have catalogued over 1300.肯尼科特（ " dissertatio是一般在审核。考验。 hebraicum " ，牛津， 1780 ）和德罗西（ " vaniæ lectiones审核。 testamenti " ，帕尔马， 1784年至1788年）已编目超过1300人。 Since their day this figure has greatly increased, thanks to discoveries made in Egypt, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and above all in the Crimea.因为他们的一天，这个数字大大增加了，多亏发现的在埃及，阿拉伯，美索不达米亚，而且首先在克里米亚。 Unfortunately, for the reason given above under A. Necessity and Processes, the Hebrew manuscripts are comparatively recent; none is anterior to the tenth century or at any rate the ninth.不幸的是，因为上述原因，根据甲的必要性和过程，在希伯来手稿是相对近期谁是前路至十世纪或在任何利率第九。 The "Codex Babylonicus" of the Prophets, now at St. Petersburg and bearing the date 916, generally passes for the oldest. "食品法典委员会babylonicus "的先知们，现在在圣彼得堡和轴承之日起916 ，从总体合格，为最古老的。 According to Ginsburg, however, the manuscript numbered "Oriental 4445" of the British Museum dates back to the middle of the ninth century.据金斯伯格，不过，这份手稿编号为"东方4445 "的大英博物馆可以追溯到中第九世纪。 But the dates inscribed on certain manuscripts are not to be trusted.但日期者一定手稿是不被信任的。 (See on this subject, Neubauer, "Earliest manuscripts of the Old Testament" in "Studia Biblica", III, Oxford, 1891, pp. 22-36.) When the Hebrew manuscripts are compared with one another, it is amazing to find how strong a resemblance exists. （见关于这个问题， neubauer ， "最早的手稿旧约"中的" studia biblica " ，第三，牛津， 1891 ，页22-36 ） ，当希伯来手稿相比，又是惊人的发现如何强大的相似性存在。 Kennicott and De Rossi, who collected the variants, found hardly any of importance.肯尼科特和德罗西，他们收集了变异体，发现几乎没有任何的意义。 This fact produces at first a favourable impression, and we are inclined to believe that it is very easy to restore the primitive text of the Hebrew Bible, so carefully have the copyists performed their task.这一事实产生起初一个有利的印象，我们倾向于认为，这是很容易的，以恢复原始文本的希伯来语圣经，所以小心有copyists演出，他们的任务。 But this impression is modified when we consider that the manuscripts agree even in material imperfections and in the most conspicuous errors.但是，这个印象是修饰时，我们认为该手稿同意，甚至在材料不完善之处，并在最显眼的错误。 Thus they all present, in the same places, letters that are larger or smaller than usual, that are placed above or below the line, that are inverted, and sometimes unfinished or broken.因此，他们都出席，在同一地方，信件是较大或较小的比平时多，这是放在高于或低于此线，这是倒的，有时未完成或破裂。 Again, here and there, and precisely in the same places, may be noticed spaces indicating a hiatus; finally, on certain words or letters are points intended to annul them.再次，在这里和那里，而正是在同一个地方，可以看到位，显示中断;最后，对某些字或字母都站打算废止。 (See Cornill, "Einleitung in die Kanon. Bücher des AT", 5th ed., Tübingen, 1905, p. 310.) All these phenomena led Spinoza to suspect, and enabled Paul de Lagarde to prove (Anmerkungen zur griechischen Uebersetzung der Proverbien, 1863, pp. 1, 2) that all the Hebrew manuscripts known come down from a single copy of which they reproduce even the faults and imperfections. （见cornill ， " einleitung在模具kanon 。 bücher万" ，第5版，蒂宾根， 1905年， 310页） ，所有这些现象导致了斯宾诺莎怀疑，使保罗德lagarde证明（ anmerkungen zur griechischen uebersetzung明镜proverbien ， 1863年，第1 ， 2 ）表示，所有希伯来手稿称为下来，从一个单一的拷贝，其中，他们复制甚至断层和不完善之处。 This theory is now generally accepted, and the opposition it has met has only served to make its truth clearer.这个理论，这是目前被普遍接受，但与在野党，它已满足了，只能使自己的真相更清楚。 It has even been made more specific and has been proved to the extent of showing that the actual text of our manuscripts was established and, so to speak, canonized between the first and second century of our era, in an epoch, that is, when, after the destruction of the Temple and the downfall of the Jewish nation, all Judaism was reduced to one school.它甚至已经作了较为具体的，并已被证明的程度，显示实际文本的手稿，我们建立了，可以这么说，册封之间的第一次和第二次的世纪，我们的时代，在一个划时代的，那就是当之后，破坏了该庙和灭亡犹太国，所有犹太教减少到一所学校。 In fact, this text does net differ from that which St. Jerome used for the Vulgate, Origen for his Hexapla, and Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotus for their versions of the Old Testament, although it is far removed from the text followed in the Septuagint.其实，这个文本不净不同于那些圣杰罗姆用来为vulgate ，为渊源，他hexapla ，雕，马初斯，奥多托斯，他们版本的旧约，虽然这是远从文之后，在septuagint 。 As centuries elapsed between the composition of the various books of the Old Testament and the determining of the Massoretic text, it is but likely that more or less serious modifications were introduced, the more so as, in the interval, there had occurred two events particularly favourable to textual corruption, namely a change in writing -- the old Phœnician having given way to the square Hebrew -- and a change in spelling, consisting, for example, of the separation of words formerly united and in the frequent and rather irregular use of matres lectionis.由于数百年过去了之间组成的各种书籍的旧约和确定的massoretic文本，也只不过是可能有更多的或较轻的变通相继出台，更何况作为，在此期间，曾发生两件事特别有利于考腐败，即改变写作-旧p hœnician过让位给广场希伯来语-以及改变拼写，其中，举例来说，在分离的话前身是美国和频繁和不规则的，而不是使用对matres lectionis 。 The variants that supervened may be accounted for by comparing parallel parts of Samuel and Kings with the Paralipomena, and above all by collating passages twice reproduced in the Bible, such as Ps.该变种supervened可能占了比较平行的部分塞缪尔和国王与paralipomena ，而且首先是由整理通道的两倍转载于圣经，例如PS 。 xvii (xviii) with 2 Samuel 22, or Isaiah 36-39, with 2 Kings 18:17-20:19.十七（十八） ， 2塞缪尔22 ，或以赛亚书36-39 ， 2国王18:17-20:19 。 [See Touzard, "De la conservation du texte hébreu" in "Revue biblique", VI (1897), 31-47, 185-206; VII (1898), 511-524; VIII (1899), 83-108.] [图扎尔看到， "德香格里拉保育杜hébreu文本" ，在" biblique杂志" ，第六章（ 1897 ） ， 31-47 ， 185-206 ;第七章（ 1898 ） ， 511-524 ;八（ 1899 ） ， 83-108 。 ]
An evident consequence of what has just been said is that the comparison of extant manuscripts enlightens us on the Massoretic, but not on the primitive text.一个明显的后果是什么刚刚说的是比较现存的手稿启示我们，就massoretic ，但不是原始文本。 On the latter subject the Mishna and, for still stronger reasons, the remainder of the Talmud cannot teach us anything, as they were subsequent to the constitution of the Massoretic text; nor can the Targums, for the same reason and because they may have since been retouched.就后者受到mishna ，并为仍然较强原因，在余下的犹太法典不能教我们什么，因为他们以后的，符合宪法的massoretic文本，也可以targums ，出于同样的原因，因为他们可能有自被修饰。 Therefore, outside of the Massoretic text, our only guides are the Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint version.因此，外界的massoretic文本中，我们唯一的导游员撒玛利亚pentateuch和septuagint版本。 The Samaritan Pentateuch offers us an independent recension of the Hebrew text, dating from the fourth century before our era, that is, from an epoch in which the Samaritans, under their high-priest Manasseh, separated from the Jews; and this recension is not suspected of any important modifications except the rather inoffensive, harmless one of substituting Mount Gerizim for Mount Hebal in Deut., xxvii, 4.撒玛利亚pentateuch为我们提供了一个独立的recension的希伯来文，可以追溯到四世纪之前，我们的时代，也就是从一个划时代的，其中撒玛利亚会，根据他们的高级神职人员manasseh ，脱离犹太人;这recension是不是怀疑的任何重要修改除而无害，无害，其中以山为盖里济姆山hebal在deut ，二十七， 4 。 As to the Septuagint version, we know that it was begun, if not completed, about 280 BC To Paul de Lagarde especially belongs the credit of drawing the attention of scholars to the value of the Septuagint for a critical edition of the Hebrew Bible.至于向septuagint版本，我们知道这是开始，如果没有完成，大约有280到公元前保罗德lagarde尤其是属于信用的绘画学者的关注，以价值的septuagint一个危急版的希伯来语圣经。
(b) Critical editions of the Hebrew text （二）关键版本的希伯来文
After the publication of the Psalms at Bologna in 1477, of the Pentateuch at Bologna in 1432, of the Prophets at Soncino in 1485, and of the Hagiographa at Naples in 1487, the entire Old Testament appeared at Soncino (1488), at Naples (1491-93), at Brescia (1494), at Pesaro (1511-17), and at Alcalá (1514-17).出版后的诗篇，在博洛尼亚1477 ，该pentateuch在博洛尼亚在第1432 ，先知们在soncino在1485年，该hagiographa在那不勒斯，在1487年，整个旧约出现在soncino （ 1488 ） ，那不勒斯（ 1491年至1493年） ，在布雷西亚（第1494 ） ，在佩扎罗（ 1511至1517年） ，并在的Alcalá （ 1514至1517年） 。 Then, between 1516 and 1568, came the four Rabbinic Bibles of Venice.接着， 1516年和1568年，出现了四个rabbinic圣经，威尼斯。 It is the second, edited by Jacob ben Chayim and printed by Bomberg in 1524-1525, that is generally looked upon as containing the textus receptus (received text).它是第二，主编雅各布贲chayim和印刷邦贝里在1524年至1525年，这是普遍看作为包含Web网站receptus （收到文本） 。 The list of the innumerable editions which followed is given by Pick in his "History of the Printed Editions of the Old Testament" in "Hebraica" (1892-1893), IX, pp.名单上的无数版本，其中其次是赋予接在他的"历史的印刷版本的旧约圣经"中的" hebraica " （ 1892至1893年） ，第九页。 47-116. 47-116 。 For the most important editions see Ginsburg, "Introduction to the Massoretic-critical edition of the Hebrew Bible" (London, 1897), 779-976.对于最重要的版本看金斯伯格， "引入到massoretic关键版的希伯来语圣经" ， （伦敦， 1897 ） ， 779-976 。 The editions most frequently reprinted are probably those of Van der Hoogt, Hahn, and Theile; but all these older editions are now supplanted by those of Baer and Delitzsch, Ginsburg, and Kittel, which are considered more correct.该版本中最常见的再版或许那些的Van der hoogt ，哈恩，并锡尔，但所有这些旧版本，现在supplanted由那些Baer和delitzsch ，金斯伯格，并kittel ，被认为是较正确的。 The Baer and Delitzsch Bible appeared in fascicles at Leipzig, between 1869 and 1895, and is not yet complete; the entire Pentateuch except Genesis is wanting.该Baer和delitzsch圣经出现在各分册在莱比锡之间， 1869年和1895年，是尚未完成;整个pentateuch除成因是想要。 Ginsburg, author of the "Introduction" mentioned above, has published an edition in two volumes (London, 1894).金斯伯格，作者把"引进来"如上所述，印制了一版两卷（伦敦， 1894年） 。 Finally, Kittel, who had called attention to the necessity of a new edition (Ueber die Notwendigkeit und Möglichkeit einer neuen Ausgabe der hebraïschen Bibel, Leipzig, 1902) has just published one (Leipzig, 1905-06) with the assistance of several collaborators, Ryssel, Driver, and others.最后， kittel ，曾呼吁关注必要性一个新的版本（ ueber模具notwendigkeit und möglichkeit einer neuen ausgabe明镜hebraïschen bibel ，莱比锡， 1902年）刚刚公布的一项（莱比锡， 1905年至1906年）的协助下与几位合作者， ryssel ，司机和其他人。 Almost all the editions thus far mentioned reproduce the textus receptus by correcting the typographical errors and indicating the interesting variants; all adhere to the Massoretic text, that is, to the text adopted by the rabbis between the first and second centuries of our era, and found in all the Hebrew manuscripts.几乎所有的版本，因此，到目前为止，提到复制Web网站receptus通过纠正打字错误，并说明了有趣的变种都坚持以massoretic文本，也就是要通过的案文是由拉比们之间的第一次和第二次世纪的我们这个时代，发现在所有希伯来手稿。 A group of German, English, and American scholars, under the direction of Haupt, have undertaken an edition which claims to go back to the primitive text of the sacred authors.一组德语，英语，和美国学者的指导下，豪普特，已承诺的一个版本声称要回去的原始文本神圣的作家。 Of the twenty parts of this Bible, appearing in Leipzig, Baltimore, and London, and generally known under the name of the "Polychrome Bible" sixteen have already been published: Genesis (Ball, 1896), Leviticus (Driver, 1894), Numbers (Paterson, 1900), Joshua (Bennett, 1895), Judges (Moore, 1900), Samuel (Budde, 1894), Kings (Stade, 1904), Isaiah (Cheyne, 1899), Jeremiah (Cornill, 1895), Ezekiel (Toy, 1899), Psalms (Wellhausen, 1895), Proverbs (Kautzsch, 1901), Job (Siegfried, 1893), Daniel (Kamphausen, 1896), Ezra-Nehemiah (Guthe, 1901), and Chronicles (Kittel, 1895); Deuteronomy (Smith) is in press.对二十一世纪的部分本圣经，出现在莱比锡，巴尔的摩，以及伦敦，一般人都知道的名义下， "多彩圣经" ，有16个已经公布：起源（球， 1896 ） ，利未记（司机， 1894年） ，数字（百德， 1900 ） ，约书亚（贝内特， 1895年） ，法官（摩尔， 1900 ） ，塞缪尔（布德， 1894年） ，国王（比赛， 1904年） ，以赛亚书（进益， 1899 ） ，耶利米（ cornill ， 1895年） ，以西结（玩具， 1899年） ，诗篇（ wellhausen ， 1895年） ，谚语（ kautzsch ， 1901年） ，就业（和解决方案， 1893年） ，丹尼尔（ kamphausen ， 1896年） ，以斯拉-尼希米记（ guthe 1901 ） ，和方志（ kittel ， 1895年） ;申命记（史密斯）正在印制中。 It is needless to state that, like all who have thus far endeavoured to restore the primitive text of certain books, the editors of the "Polychrome Bible" allow a broad margin for subjective and conjectural criticism.这是不用国家，象所有曾经迄今努力，以恢复原始文本的某些书籍，编辑的"多彩圣经" ，让广大保证金为主观臆测的批评。
2. 2 。 Greek text of the New Testament希腊文新约圣经
(a) Use of the critical apparatus （一）使用的关键仪器
The greatest difficulty confronting the editor of the New Testament is the endless variety of the documents at his disposal.最大的困难是面临主编的新约圣经是无穷的各种文件，在他的处置。 The number of manuscripts increases so rapidly that no list is absolutely complete.有多少手稿增加得这么快，没有名单，是绝对完整。 The latest, "Die Schriften des NT" (Berlin, 1902), by Von Soden, enumerates 2328 distinct manuscripts outside of lectionaries (Gospels and Epistles), and exclusive of about 30 numbers added in an appendix, 30 October, 1902.最近，在"死schriften万新台币" （柏林， 1902年） ，由冯soden ，列举了2328年显着手稿之外lectionaries （福音和书信） ，及专用的约30号码和一个附录， 1902年10月30日。 It must be acknowledged that many of these texts are but fragments of chapters or even of verses.我们必须承认，许多这些文本的，不过是片段的章节甚至小诗。 This enormous mass of manuscripts is still but imperfectly studied, and some copies are scarcely known except as figuring in the catalogues.这个庞大的地下文稿仍在，但不是十全十美的研究，一些复制品几乎众所周知，除算，在目录中。 The great uncials themselves are not yet all collated, and many of them have but lately been rendered accessible to critics.伟大uncials本身尚未全部整理好，他们有很多，但近来变得方便无可非议的。 The genealogical classification, above all, is far from complete.该系谱的分类，最重要的，还远远没有完成。 and many fundamental points are still under discussion.和许多基本点仍在商议中。 The text of the principal versions and of the patristic quotations is far from being satisfactorily edited, and the genealogical relationship of all these sources of information is not yet determined.该文的主要版本和教父的报价远没有得到令人满意的编辑，以及系谱关系的所有这些资料来源是尚未确定。 These varied difficulties explain the lack of agreement on the part of editors and the want of conformity in the critical editions published down to the present day.这些不同的困难，解释缺乏一致意见的部分编辑与希望的整合，在关键版出版到现在一天。
(b) Brief history of the critical editions and principles followed by editors The first New Testament published in Greek is that which forms the fifth volume of the Polyglot of Alcalá, the printing of which was finished 10 January, 1514, but which was not delivered to the public until 1520. （二）简史最关键的版本和原则，其次是编辑的第一个新的遗嘱刊登在希腊语，是构成第五量的多国的的Alcalá ，印刷，其中完成1514年1月10日，但因为这是不交付向公众，直到1520年。 Meanwhile, early in 1516, Erasmus had published his rapidly completed edition at Basle.同时，早在1516年，伊拉斯谟曾出版了他迅速完成了版在巴塞尔。 The edition that issued from the press of Aldus at Venice in 1518 is simply a reproduction of that of Erasmus, but Robert Estienne's editions published in 1546, 1549, 1550, and 1551, the first three at Paris and the fourth at Geneva, although founded on the text of the Polyglot of Alcalá, presented variants from about fifteen manuscripts, and into the last, that of 1551, was introduced the division of verses now in use.该版本称，从发出的新闻aldus在威尼斯第1518根本是一个复制的是伊拉斯谟，但罗伯特estienne的版本发表在1546 ， 1549 ， 1550和1551年，前三个在巴黎和第四次在日内瓦，虽然成立对文本的多国的的Alcalá介绍变种来自约15个手稿，并进入最后，也就是1551年，推出的分工小诗，现在使用中。 Theodore Beza's ten editions which appeared between 1565 and 1611 differ but little from the last of Robert Estienne's.西奥多beza的十个版本之间出现第1565和1611差别，但不大，从最后的罗伯特estienne的。 The Elzevir brothers, Bonaventure and Abraham, printers at Leyden, followed Estienne and Beza very closely; their small editions of 1624 and 1633, so convenient and so highly appreciated by book-lovers, furnish what has been agreed upon as the textus receptus.该elzevir兄弟，文德和亚伯拉罕，打印机在莱登，其次estienne和beza非常密切，他们的小版， 1624和1633年，如此方便，如此的高度赞赏图书爱好者，提供已商定后，作为Web网站receptus 。 -- "Textum ergo habes nunc ab omnibus receptum, in quo nihil immutatum aut corruptum damus" (Edition of 1633). -" t extum号E TMh abes很快上诉机构综合r eceptum，现状n ihili mmutatum奥地利c orruptumd amus" （版本1 633） 。 It must suffice to mention here the editions of Courcelles (Amsterdam, 1658) and of Fell (Oxford, 1675), both of which adhere pretty closely to the textus receptus of Elzevir, and those of Walton (London, 1657) and of Mill (Oxford, 1707), which reproduce in substance the text of Estienne, but enrich it by the addition of variants resulting from the collation of numerous manuscripts.它必须足以在这里提到的版本courcelles （阿姆斯特丹， 1658年）和下降（牛津， 1675年） ，这两个系统等均相当密切，以该Web网站receptus的elzevir ，及属于沃尔顿（伦敦， 1657年）和磨机（牛津， 1707年） ，其中复制在物质文estienne ，但丰富它通过增加变种造成的，从整理的众多手稿。 The principal editors who followed -- Wetstein (Amsterdam, 1751-1752), Matthæi (Moscow, 1782-1788), Birch (Copenhagen, 1788), and the two Catholics, Alter (Vienna, 1786-1787), and Scholz (Leipzig, 1830-1836) are noted chiefly for the abundance of new manuscripts which they discovered and collated.主要编辑者，其次是-w etstein（阿姆斯特丹， 1 751年至1 752年） ， m atthæi（莫斯科， 1 782年至1 788年） ，桦木（哥本哈根， 1 788） ，和两个天主教徒，而改变（维也纳， 1 786年至1 787年） ，并S cholz） （莱比锡， 1830年至1836年）指出，主要是为丰富新的书稿，他们的发现和整理中。 But we must here limit ourselves to an appreciation of the latest and best-known editors, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tregelles, Tischendorf, Westcott and Hort.但我们必须在这里仅限于升值的最新和最知名的名编辑，名griesbach ， lachmann ，特里格利斯，提申多夫， westcott和hort 。
In his second edition (1796-1806) Griesbach, applying the theory that had previously been suggested by Bengel and subsequently developed by Semler, distinguished three great families of texts: the Alexandrian family represented by the codices A, B, C, by the Coptic versions and the quotations of Origen; the Western family, represented by D of the Gospels and the Acts, by the bilingual codices, the Latin versions, and the Latin Fathers; and lastly the Byzantine family, represented by the mass of other manuscripts and by the Greek Fathers from the fourth century onward.在他的第二版（ 1796年至1806年） griesbach ，运用理论，以前曾建议由bengel并随后制定semler ，尊敬的三个伟大的家属文本：亚历山大家庭代表，由codices甲，乙，丙，由科普特版本和引文的渊源;西方家庭，代表了对D的福音和行为，由双语codices ，拉丁语版本，和拉丁美洲的父亲;最后拜占庭家庭，代表大众的其他手稿和由希腊的父亲从四世纪不断前进。 Agreement between two of these families would have been decisive; but, unfortunately, Griesbach's classification is questioned by many, and it has been proved that the agreement between Origen and the so-called Alexandrian family is largely imaginary.协议双方的这些家庭将得到决定性的，但不幸的是， griesbach的分类则是质疑很多，它已被证明是该协议之间的渊源和所谓的亚历山大家族，主要是虚构的。 Lachmann (Berlin, 1842-1850) endeavoured to reconstruct his text on too narrow a basis. lachmann （柏林， 1842年至1850年）的努力重建他的文字过于狭窄的基础上。 He took account of only the great uncials, many of which were then either entirely unknown or imperfectly known, and of the ancient Latin versions.他考虑了，只有伟大uncials障碍，其中许多则完全不明或不完善众所周知的，对古拉丁语版本。 In his choice of readings the editor adopted the majority opinion, but reserved to himself the conjectural amendment of the text thus established -- a defective method which his successor Tregelles has not sufficiently avoided.在他选择的读物编辑通过了多数成员的意见，但保留给自己臆测的修订案文，因此建立-一个有缺陷的方法，而他的继任者特里格利斯没有充分可以避免的。 The latter's edition (1857-1872), the work of a lifetime, was completed by his friends.后者的版（ 1857年至1872年） ，工作的一生，完成了他的朋友。 Tischendorf contributed no less than eight editions of the New Testament in Greek, but the differences among them are decidedly marked.蒂申多夫贡献不得少于八个版本的新约圣经，在希腊，但它们之间的差别是断然显着。 According to Scrivener (Introduction, II, 283) the seventh edition differs from the third in 1296 places, and in 595 it goes back to the received text.据斯科维娜（导言，第二，第283条）第七版不同，从第三次在第1296名额，并在595 ，它可以追述到收到文本。 After the discovery of the "Sinaiticus', which he had the honour of finding and publishing, his eighth edition disagreed with the preceding one in 3369 places. Such an amount of variation can only inspire distrust. Nor did the edition contributed by Westcott and Hort (The New Testament in the Original Greek, Cambridge and London, 1881) win universal approval, because, after eliminating in turn each of the great families of documents which they designate respectively as Syrian, Western, and Alexandrian, the editors rely almost exclusively on the "Neutral" text, which is only represented by the "Vaticanus" and the "Sinaiticus", and, in case of disagreement between the two great codices, by the "Vaticanus" alone. The excessive preponderance thus given to a single manuscript was criticized in a special manner by Scrivener (Introduction, II, 284-297). Finally, the edition announced by Von Soden (Die Schriften des NT in ihrer ältesten erreichbaren Textgestalt) gave rise to lively controversies even before it appeared. (See "Zeitschrift fur neutest. Wissensehaft", 1907, VIII, 34-47, 110-124, 234-237.) All this would seem to indicate that, for some time to come, we shall not have a definite edition of the Greek New Testament.后发现" sinaiticus ' ，而他曾有幸找到和出版，他的第八版，不同意与前一次在3369年的地方，这种数额的变化只能激发信任，也没有版本的贡献westcott和hort （新约圣经中的原希腊语，剑桥和伦敦， 1881年）赢得普遍赞同，因为，消除后，在把每一个伟大的家庭文件，他们分别指定为叙利亚，西，亚历山大，编辑几乎完全依赖"中立"的文字，这是唯一代表" vaticanus "和" sinaiticus " ，并在案件发生分歧两个伟大codices ，由" vaticanus " 。过度preponderance从而给一个单一的手稿批评处于一个特殊的方式斯科维娜（导言，二， 284-297 ） ，最后，该版本所公布的冯soden （模具schriften万新台币，在与自己的ältesten erreichbaren textgestalt ）引起了热烈的争论，甚至才出现（见" ： Zeitschrift毛皮neutest 。 wissensehaft " ， 1907年，八， 34-47 ， 110-124 ， 234-237 ） ，这一切都似乎表明，今后一段时间内，我们将不会有一个明确的版的希腊新约圣经。
Publication information Written by F. Prat.出版信息撰稿楼宝勒巷。 Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter.转录由道格拉斯j.波特。 Dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IV.奉献给圣心耶稣基督天主教百科全书，第四卷。 Published 1908. 1908年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。 Nihil Obstat. nihil obstat 。 Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort ，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰米farley ，大主教纽约
Bibliography
参考书目
The encyclopedias
and dictionaries of the Bible have no special article on textual criticism which
deals in a particular manner with Biblical texts, but most of the Introductions
to Scripture dedicate one or several chapters to this subject; eg, UBALDI,
Introductio (5th ed., Rome, 1901), II, 484-615 (De criticâ verbali sacrorum
textuum); CORNELY, Introductio (Paris. 1885), I, 496-509 (De usu critico textuum
primigeniorum et versionum antiquarum); GREGORY, Prolegomena to 8th
ed.百科全书和辞典的圣经有没有特别的一篇关于考据学针对某一特定的方式与圣经的文本，但大多数人的介绍经文奉献的一个或数个章节，以这个题目;例如，乌巴迪，
introductio （第五版，罗马， 1901年） ，二， 484-615 （德criticâ verbali sacrorum textuum ） ;
cornely ， introductio （ paris. 1885 ） ，我， 496-509 （德乌苏critico textuum
primigeniorum等versionum antiquarum ） ;格雷戈里， prolegomena至第八版。 of TISCHENDORF (Leipzig, 1884-1894);
SCRIVENER, Introduction (4th ed., London 1894) II, 175-301; NESTLE, Einführung
in das griech.对提申多夫（莱比锡， 1884年至1894年） ;斯科维娜，导言（第4版，伦敦1894年）二， 175-301
;雀巢，在einführung之griech 。 NT (2nd ed., 1899) and HOLTZMANN,
Einleitung in das NT (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1892).新台币（第二版，
1899年）和holtzmann ， einleitung中之新台币（弗赖堡-即时通讯-赖斯高， 1892 ） 。
The following may be mentioned as monographs: PORTER, Principles of Textual Criticism (Belfast, 1848); DAVIDSON, A Treatise of Biblical Criticism (1853); HAMMOND, Outlines of Textual Criticism (2nd ed., 1878); MILLER, Textual Guide (London, 1885); HORT, The NT in the Original Greek: lntroduction (2nd ed., London 1896).以下可视为专着：波特，原则考据学（贝尔法斯特， 1848年） ;戴维森，伤寒圣经批评（ 1853年） ;哈蒙德，大纲的考据学（第二版， 1878年） ;米勒，考指南（伦敦， 1885年） ; hort ，新台币在原希腊语：实验室国家认可（第二版，伦敦1896年） 。 Although, like several of the preceding, this last work aims chiefly at the criticism of the New Testament, the entire second part (pp. 19-72, The Methods of Textual Criticism) discusses general questions.虽然，像几位前，最后这个工作的目的，主要是在批评新约圣经，整个第二部分（第19-72 ，方法的考据学）讨论一般性问题。 On (b) Versions and (c) Quotations under B. General Principles, cf. （二）