The two Epistles to Timothy, in the New Testament of the Bible, are classified with the Epistle to Titus as the Pastoral Epistles.两个书信，以提摩太，在新约圣经的圣经，被归类与书信，以提图斯作为牧区书信。 They are addressed by Saint Paul to his companion, Timothy, leader of the church at Ephesus (1 Tim. 1:3), who is known from Acts and other epistles.他们所处理的圣保罗，以同伴，提摩太，领导人教会在以弗所（ 1添。 1:3 ） ，谁是已知的从行为和其他书信。 The letters are pastoral in that they urge Timothy to combat false teaching and guide his people in preserving the truth; they also give detailed instructions concerning the duties of bishops, deacons, widows, and other Christians.信件是在牧区，他们敦促提摩太，以打击虚假教学和引导他的人民在维护真理，他们也给予详细说明有关的职责主教，执事，寡妇，和其他基督徒。 Many scholars think that these letters were written about AD 100 in Paul's name, rather than by Paul himself, because the language differs from that of the other epistles.许多学者认为，这些信件写的关于广告100在保罗的名字，而不是由保罗自己，因为语言不同，从对其他书信。 They carry a heavy emphasis on tradition being handed on, and church structures seem more developed than in Paul's day.他们携带沉重的重点放在传统的移交，以及教会的结构似乎较发达，比保罗的一天。
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Bibliography
参考书目
M Dibelius and H
Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles (1972); PN Harrison, The Problem of the
Pastoral Epistles (1921).米迪贝柳斯和H conzelmann ，牧区书信（ 1972年） ;伪哈里森的问题，牧区书信（
1921 ） 。
Second Epistle第二书信
Timothy, honouring God, a young disciple who was Paul's companion in many of his journeyings.提摩太，履行上帝，一个年轻的弟子谁是保罗的同伴在他的许多journeyings 。 His mother, Eunice, and his grandmother, Lois, are mentioned as eminent for their piety (2 Tim. 1:5).他的母亲，尤尼斯，和他的祖母，意向书，都提到了著名的为他们的虔诚（ 2添。 1:5 ） 。 We know nothing of his father but that he was a Greek (Acts 16:1).我们知道，没有他的父亲，但他是希腊（行为16时01分） 。 He is first brought into notice at the time of Paul's second visit to Lystra (16:2), where he probably resided, and where it seems he was converted during Paul's first visit to that place (1 Tim. 1:2; 2 Tim. 3:11).他是第一次带进通知的时候，保罗的第二次访问lystra （ 16时02分） ，他在那里可能居住，而他似乎被转换期间，保罗的首次访问这个地方（ 1添。 1:2 ; 2添。 3时11分） 。 The apostle having formed a high opinion of his "own son in the faith," arranged that he should become his companion (Acts 16:3), and took and circumcised him, so that he might conciliate the Jews.使徒后，形成了高，认为他“自己的儿子在信仰， ”安排，他应该成为他的伴侣（行为16时03分） ，并和他的包皮，所以，他可能在调解犹太人。 He was designated to the office of an evangelist (1 Tim. 4:14), and went with Paul in his journey through Phrygia, Galatia, and Mysia; also to Troas and Philippi and Berea (Acts 17:14).他被指定办公室1传播者（ 1添。 4时14分） ，并到与保罗在他走过phrygia ，加拉太，每西亚;也troas和腓立比和伯里亚（行为17时14分） 。
Thence he followed Paul to Athens, and was sent by him with Silas on a mission to Thessalonica (17:15; 1 Thess. 3:2).再其次是保罗，他到雅典，被送往由他与西拉斯对一个代表团前往塞萨洛尼卡（ 17时15分;书一。 3:2 ） 。 We next find him at Corinth (1 Thess. 1:1; 2 Thess. 1:1) with Paul.我们下次找到他在科林斯（书一。 1:1 ; 2 thess 。 1:1 ）与保罗。 He passes now out of sight for a few years, and is again noticed as with the apostle at Ephesus (Acts 19:22), whence he is sent on a mission into Macedonia.他指出，现在合格的视线了几年，再次注意到，作为与使徒在以弗所（使徒19时22分） ， whence他发出的一个代表团到马其顿。 He accompanied Paul afterwards into Asia (20:4), where he was with him for some time.他的陪同下，郑明训，之后到亚洲（ 20时04分） ，在那里他是与他有一段时间。 When the apostle was a prisoner at Rome, Timothy joined him (Phil. 1:1), where it appears he also suffered imprisonment (Heb. 13: 23).当使徒是一个囚犯在罗马，提摩太加入他（ phil. 1:1 ） ，在那里出现，他也受到监禁（希伯来书13 ： 23 ） 。 During the apostle's second imprisonment he wrote to Timothy, asking him to rejoin him as soon as possible, and to bring with him certain things which he had left at Troas, his cloak and parchments (2 Tim. 4:13).在使徒的第二次入狱，他写信给提摩太，要求他重新加入他尽快，并把与他某些事情，他留在troas ，他的斗篷和parchments （ 2添。 4时13分） 。 According to tradition, after the apostle's death he settled in Ephesus as his sphere of labour, and there found a martyr's grave.按照传统，之后，使徒的死亡，他定居在以弗所作为其职权范围的劳工，并有发现一名烈士的坟墓。
Paul in this epistle speaks of himself as having left Ephesus for Macedonia (1:3), and hence not Laodicea, as mentioned in the subscription; but probably Philippi, or some other city in that region, was the place where this epistle was written.保罗在这书信说，自己离开以弗所为马其顿（ 1:3 ） ，因此不老底嘉，正如在认购，但可能是腓立比，或其他一些城市在这一地区，是地方，这是书信的书面。 During the interval between his first and second imprisonments he probably visited the scenes of his former labours in Greece and Asia, and then found his way into Macedonia, whence he wrote this letter to Timothy, whom he had left behind in Ephesus.期间，之间的间隔，他第一次和第二次监禁，他可能访问的场面，他的前劳工在希腊和亚洲，然后发现他的方式进入马其顿， whence他写道：此信提摩太，他留下在以弗所。 It was probably written about AD 66 or 67.这是可能的书面关于广告66或67 。 The epistle consists mainly, (1) of counsels to Timothy regarding the worship and organization of the Church, and the responsibilities resting on its several members; and (2) of exhortation to faithfulness in maintaining the truth amid surrounding errors.该书信为主， （ 1 ）律师提摩太就崇拜和组织的教会，和责任休息就其数位议员;及（ 2 ）告诫信在维护真理中，周围的错误。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
The Second Epistle to Timothy was probably written a year or so after the first, and from Rome, where Paul was for a second time a prisoner, and was sent to Timothy by the hands of Tychicus.第二书信，以提摩太大概是写了一年或一年后，第一，从罗马，保罗是为第二次的囚犯，被送往提摩太由手中的tychicus 。 In it he entreats Timothy to come to him before winter, and to bring Mark with him (comp. Phil. 2:22).在它他entreats提摩太来，他在冬季之前，并把马克与他（ comp.菲尔。 2时22分） 。 He was anticipating that "the time of his departure was at hand" (2 Tim. 4:6), and he exhorts his "son Timothy" to all diligence and steadfastness, and to patience under persecution (1:6-15), and to a faithful discharge of all the duties of his office (4:1-5), with all the solemnity of one who was about to appear before the Judge of quick and dead.他期待着“的时候，他的离开是在手” （ 2添。 4时06分） ，他敦促他的“儿子提摩太”所有的努力和坚定性，并耐心等待下迫害（ 1:6-15 ） ，并忠实地履行所有的职责，他的办公室（ 4:1-5 ） ，与所有的严肃性一谁即将出现之前，法官的快速和死亡。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
(THE PASTORALS STS. TIMOTHY AND TITUS （ pastorals的STS 。提摩太和提多书
Saints Timothy and Titus were two of the most beloved and trusted disciples of St. Paul, whom they accompanied in many of his journeys.圣人提摩太和提多的两个最心爱的和信任的门徒圣保禄，他们的陪同下在他的许多行程。
Timothy is mentioned in提摩太是中提到的
Acts, xvi, 1; xvii, 14, 15, 1; xviii, 5; xix, 22; xx, 4; Rom., xvi, 21; I Cor., iv, 17; II Cor., i, 1, 19; Phil., i, 1; ii, 19; Col., i, 1; I Thess., i, 1; iii, 2, 6; II Thess., i, 1; I Tim., i, 2, 18; vi, 20; II Tim., i, 2; Philem., i, 1; Heb., xiii, 23;行为，十六，一;十七， 14 ， 15 ， 1 ;十八，五;十九，二十二; XX条， 4 ;光碟，十六，二十一，我肺心病，四， 17 ;二，肺心病。 ，我， 1 ， 19 ;菲尔。 ，我一;二，第19条;上校，我，一，我thess 。 ，我一;三，二，六;第二thess 。 ，我，一，我添。 ，我， 2 ， 18 ;第六，第20条;第二添。 ，我， 2 ; philem 。 ，我一; heb ，第十三， 23岁;
and Titus in和提图斯在
II Cor., ii, 13; vii, 6, 13, 14; viii, 6, 16, 23; xii, 18; Gal., ii, 1, 3; II Tim., iv, 10; Tit., i, 4.二，肺心病。第一，二， 13人;七，六，十三，十四;第八， 6日， 16日， 23岁;第十二， 18岁; GAL的。第一，二，一，三;添二，四，十;山雀。 ，我， 4 。
St. Timothy has been regarded by some as the "angel of the church of Ephesus", Apoc., ii, 1-17.圣提摩太已经把一些作为“天使的教会的以弗所” ，载脂蛋白C 。第一，二， 1月17日。 According to the ancient Roman martyrology he died Bishop of Ephesus.据古罗马martyrology他死于主教以弗所。 The Bollandists (24 Jan.) give two lives of St. Timothy, one ascribed to Polycrates (an early Bishop of Ephesus, and a contemporary of St. Irenæus) and the other by Metaphrastes, which is merely an expansion of the former.该bollandists （ 1月24日）举两个生命圣提摩太，一归功于波利克拉特斯（ 1月初主教以弗所，和当代的圣irenæus ）和其他由metaphrastes ，这是只是一个扩大了前者。 The first states that during the Neronian persecution St. John arrived at Ephesus, where he lived with St. Timothy until he was exiled to Patmos under Domitian.第一批国家，在neronian迫害圣约翰抵达以弗所，在那里他住在圣提摩太，直到他被流放到帕特莫斯下，杜米仙。 Timothy, who was unmarried, continued Bishop of Ephesus until, when he was over eighty years of age, he was mortally beaten by the pagans.提摩太后，谁是未婚，继续主教以弗所，直到，当他超过八十年的年龄，他是致命的殴打异教徒。 According to early tradition Titus continued after St. Paul's death as Archbishop of Crete, and died there when he was over ninety.根据早期的传统提图斯后继续圣保禄的死亡作为大主教的克里特岛，并在那里死亡时，他已超过90 。
EPISTLES TO TIMOTHY AND TITUS - AUTHENTICITY书信向提摩太和提多书-真实性
I. Internal Evidence一，内部证据
The remainder of this article will be devoted to the important question of authenticity, which would really require a volume for discussion.本文的其余部分将专门讨论这一重要问题的真实性，这将真正需要的卷进行讨论。 Catholics know from the universal tradition and infallible teaching of the Church that these Epistles are inspired, and from this follows their Pauline authorship as they all claim to have been written by the Apostle.天主教徒知道，从普遍的传统和犯错的教学教会，这些书信的灵感，从这个如下宝莲，他们的作者，因为他们都声称已写的使徒。 There was no real doubt on this question until the beginning of the nineteenth century; but since that time they have been most bitterly attacked by German and other writers.有没有真正的怀疑，在这个问题上，直到19世纪初，但自那时以来，他们一直最强烈的攻击是由德国和其他作家。 Their objections are principally based on internal evidence and the alleged difficulty of finding a place for them in the lifetime of St. Paul.他们的反对主要是基于内部的证据和指控很难找到一个地方为他们在一生的圣保禄。
A. Objection from the absence of Pauline vocabulary答：反对从没有宝莲词汇
Moffatt, a representative writer of this school, writes (Ency. Bib., IV): "Favourite Pauline phrases and words are totally wanting. . . . The extent and significance of this change in vocabulary cannot adequately be explained even when one assigns the fullest possible weight to such factors as change of amanuensis, situation or topic, lapse of time, literary fertility, or senile weakness." moffatt ，代表作家，这所学校，写（ ency.背带裤，四） ： “最喜爱的宝莲，短语和字是完全希望。 。的程度和意义，这种变化在词汇不能充分解释，甚至当一指派尽可能充分的重量等因素的变化amanuensis ，情况或主题，时间的推移，文学生育，或老年的弱点“ 。 Let us examine this writer's list of favourite Pauline words of the absence of which so very much is made:让我们看看这个作家的名单，最喜爱的宝莲的话，没有这一点很是：
Adikos (unjust). adikos （不公正） 。 - This is found in Rom., iii, 5; I Cor., vi, 1, 9, but not in any of the other Pauline epistles, admitted to be genuine by this writer. -这是发现在R OM，三，五，我肺心病，六，第1 ， 9 ，但不是在任何其他宝莲，书信，承认要真正由笔者。 If its absence be fatal to the Pastorals, why not also to I and II Thess., II Cor., Gal., Philip., Col., and Philem.?如果它没有致命向pastorals ，为什么不也I和II thess 。第一，二，肺心病，半乳糖，弘，上校，和philem 。吗？ Moreover, the noun adikia is found in the Pastorals, II Tim., ii, 19.此外，文字adikia被发现在该pastorals ，二添。第一，二， 19 。
Akatharsia (uncleanness) does not occur in First Corinthians, Philippians, Second Thessalonians and Philemon. akatharsia （ uncleanness ）不会出现在第一哥林多前书， philippians ，第二帖撒罗尼迦和利蒙。 If that does not tell against these Epistles why is it quoted against the Pastorals?如果不告诉针对这些书信是为什么引述对pastorals ？
Ouiothesia (adoption). ouiothesia （收养） 。 - This word is three times in Romans, once in Galatians, but it does not occur at all in First and Second Corinthians, First and Second Thessalonians, Philippians, Colossians and Philemon. -这两个字是3倍，在罗马，一次在加拉太书，但它不会发生在所有在第一和第二哥林多前书，第一次和第二次帖撒罗尼迦， p hilippians，歌罗西书和利蒙。 Why its omission should be used against the Pastorals is not easy to understand.为什么它的遗漏应该用来对付pastorals是不容易理解。
Patre hemon (Our Father).帕特雷hemon （父亲） 。 - Two expressions, God "our Father" and God "the Father" are found in St. Paul's Epistles. -两个表情，以神之名“我们的父亲” ，并以神之名“父亲”被发现在圣保禄的书信。 The former is frequent in his earlier Epistles, viz., seven times in Thess., while the latter expression is not used.前者是经常在他先前的书信，即， 7倍，在thess ，而后者则表达的是不使用。 But in Romans "God our Father" appears but once, and "the Father" once.但在罗马“上帝我们的父亲” ，但一旦出现，和“父亲”一次。 In I Cor.在I肺心病。 we read God "our Father" once, and "the Father" twice; and the same has to be said of II Cor.我们读到上帝： “我们的父亲”有一次，和“父亲”的两倍;同样应该说的第二肺心病。 In Gal.在GAL的。 we have "our Father" once and "the Father" three times.我们有“我们的父亲”一旦和“父亲”的3倍。 In Phil.在菲尔。 the former occurs twice and the latter once; in Col. the former only once, and the latter three times.前两次发生和后者一次;上校在前者只有一次，而后者的3倍。 "The Father" occurs once in each of the Pastoral Epistles, and from the above it is evident that it is just as characteristic of St. Paul as "our Father", which is found but once in each of the Epistles to the Romans, I and II Cor., Gal., and Col., and it would be absurd to conclude from this that all the remaining chapters were spurious. “父亲”发生后，在每一个牧区书信，并从上述很明显，这只不过是为特征的圣保禄“我们的父亲” ，这是发现，但一旦在每一项书信向罗马， I和II肺心病，半乳糖，和上校，那将是荒谬的结束，从这个余下的所有章节被杂散。 Diatheke (covenant) occurs twice in Rom., once in I Cor., twice in II Cor., thrice in Gal., and not at all in I and II Thess., Phil., Col., and Philem., admitted to be genuine by Moffatt. diatheke （公约）发生两次在ROM ，一旦在I肺心病，两次在二肺心病，先后三次在GAL的，而不是在所有在I和II thess ，菲尔。上校，和philem 。承认真正由moffatt 。
Apokalyptein (reveal), a word not found in 2 Corinthians, 1 Thessalonians, Colossians, and Philemon, and only once in Philippians. apokalyptein （显示） ，一言未发现在二哥林多前书，一帖撒罗尼迦，歌罗西书，利蒙，只有一次在philippians 。
Eleutheros (free), is not in I and II Thess., II Cor., Phil., and Philem., so it is no test of Pauline authorship. eleutheros （免费） ，是不是在I和II thess 。第一，二，肺心病，哲学，和philem ，所以这是没有的考验，宝莲作者。 Its compounds are not met in I and II Thess., Phil., Col., or Philem., and, with the exception of Gal., in the others sparingly.及其化合物的不符合在I和II thess ，菲尔。上校，或philem ，和，除半乳糖，在其他甚少。
Energein (to be operative) is seen but once in each of Rom., Phil., Col., I and II Thess.; and no one would conclude from its absence from the remaining portions of these Epistles, which are longer than the Pastorals, that they were not written by St. Paul. energein （待执行）是观察，但在每一次的ROM ，菲尔。上校，我和二thess 。 ;没有人会得出结论，其缺勤的其余部分，这些书信，这是长于pastorals ，他们不写，由圣保禄。
Katergazesthai (perform), though several times in Rom. katergazesthai （执行） ，虽然多次在ROM 。 and II Cor., and once in I Cor.第一和第二肺心病，一旦在I肺心病。 and in Phil.并在菲尔。 is wanting in I and II Thess., Gal., Col., and Philem., which are genuine without it.是要在I和II thess ，半乳糖，上校，和philem ，这是真正的没有它。
Kauchasthai (boast), only once in Philippians and in 2 Thessalonians, and not at all in 1 Thessalonians, Colossians, and Philemon. kauchasthai （自夸） ，只有一次在philippians ，并在2帖撒罗尼迦，而不是在所有在一帖撒罗尼迦，歌罗西书，和利蒙。
Moria (folly) is five times in 1 Corinthians, and nowhere else in St. Paul's Epistles.摩瑞亚（愚蠢）的5倍，在1哥林多前书，并没有其他人在圣保禄的书信。
But we need not weary the reader by going through the entire list.但我们不必厌倦读者所经历整个列表。 We have carefully examined every word with the like results.我们已仔细审阅每一个字与想的结果。 With perhaps a single exception, every word is absent from several of St. Paul's genuine Epistles, and the exceptional word occurs but once in some of them.或许唯一的例外，每一个字是缺席的几个圣保禄的真正的书信，以及特殊的字出现，但一旦在他们中的一些。 The examination shows that this list does not afford the slightest argument against the Pastorals, and that St. Paul wrote a great deal without using such words.考试结果表明，该名单并不负担不起丝毫的论点对pastorals ，并圣保禄写了大量不使用这样的话。 The compilation of such lists is likely to leave an erroneous impression on the mind of the unguarded reader.编制这种名单是可能会离开一个错误的印象，对心目中的无人看守的读者。 By a similar process, with the aid of a concordance, it could be proved that every Epistle of St. Paul has an appearance of spuriousness.由一个类似的过程，借助一个语词，它可以证明，每书信的圣保禄有一个外观spuriousness 。 It could be shown that Galatians, for instance, does not contain many words that are found in some of the other Epistles.它可以显示，加拉太书，举例来说，不包含很多话，被发现在其他一些书信。 A method of reasoning which leads to such erroneous conclusions should be discredited; and when writers make very positive statements on the strength of such misleading lists in order to get rid of whole books of Scripture, their other assertions should not be readily taken for granted.一种推理，导致这种错误的结论应抹黑;当作家作出非常积极的报表上的力量，这种误导的名单中，以摆脱对整个图书的经文，他们的其他断言不应该轻易采取的是理所当然的事。
B. Objection from the use of particles乙反对使用粒子
Certain particles and prepositions are wanting.某些粒子和介词是希望。 Jülicher in his "Introd. to the New Test.", p. jülicher在他的“ introd 。向新的考验。 ” ，第 181, writes: "The fact that brings conviction [against the Pastorals] is that many words which were indispensable to Paul are absent from the Pastoral Epistles, eg ara, dio, dioti." 181 ，写道： “事实带来的信念， [对pastorals ]的是，很多的话，其中不可或缺的保罗缺席从牧区书信，如阿糖胞苷， dio ， dioti ” 。 But, as Jacquier points out, nothing can be concluded from the absence of particles, because St. Paul's employment of them is not uniform, and several of them are not found in his unquestioned Epistles.但是，正如雅基耶指出，没有什么可以得出这样的结论，从没有粒子，因为圣保禄的就业，他们并非完全一致，和几个他们没有发现在他不容置疑的书信。 Dr. Headlam, an Anglican writer, pointed out in a paper read at the Church Congress, in 1904, that ara occurs twenty-six times in the four Epistles of the second group, only three times in all the others, but not at all in Col., Phil., or Philem.博士headlam ，圣公会的作家指出，在一份文件上宣读教会代表大会，于1904年，阿糖胞苷发生的26倍，在四书信的第二组中，只有3倍，在所有其他国家，但不是在所有在上校，菲尔，或philem 。 Dio occurs eighteen times in Rom., Gal. dio发生的18倍，在ROM ， GAL的。 and Cor., but not at all in Col. or II Thess.和肺心病，但不是在所有在上校或二级thess 。 The word disti does not occur in II Thess., II Cor., Eph., Col., or Philem.字disti不会出现在第二thess 。第一，二，肺心病。中毒症， EPH ，上校，或philem 。 We find that epeita does not appear at all in Rom., II Cor., Phil., Col., II Thess., and Philem., nor eti in I Thess., Col., and Philem.我们认为epeita没有出现在所有在ROM 。第一，二，肺心病，菲尔。上校，二thess ，和philem ，也不是ETI的在I thess ，上校，和philem 。 It is unnecessary to go through the entire catalogue usually given by opponents, for the same phenomenon is discovered throughout.这是不必要的要经过整个目录通常所给予的对手，同样的现象，是整个发现。 Particles were required in the argumentative portions of St. Paul's Epistles, but they are used very sparingly in the practical parts, which resemble the Pastorals.颗粒，需要在议论部分圣保禄的书信，但他们用非常节制，在实际部分，类似于pastorals 。 Their employment, too, depended greatly on the character of the amanuensis.他们的就业，也很大程度上依赖性质的amanuensis 。
C. Objection from Hapax Legomena长反对hapax legomena
The great objection to the Pastorals is the admittedly large number of hapax legomena found in them.伟大反对以pastorals是无可否认，大量的hapax legomena发现在他们。 Workman (Expository Times, VII, 418) taking the term "hapax legomenon" to mean any word used in a particular Epistle and not again occurring in the New Testament, found from Grimm-Thayer's "Lexicon" the following numbers of hapax legomena: Rom.工人（阐述时代，七， 418 ）以“ hapax legomenon ”是指任何用的字眼在某一特定的书信，并不会再次发生在新约圣经，发现格林-塞耶的“词汇”下列电话号码的hapax legomena ：光碟。 113, I Cor. 113 ，我肺心病。 110, II Cor. 110 ，二，肺心病。 99, Gal. 99 ，半乳糖。 34, Eph. 34 ，弗。 43 Phil. 43菲尔。 41, Col. 38, I Thess. 41岁，上校38 ，我thess 。 23, II Thess. 23日，第二thess 。 11, Philem. 11 ， philem 。 5, i Tim.五，我添。 82, II Tim. 82 ，二添。 53, Titus 33. 53 ，提图斯33 。 The numbers have to he somewhat reduced as they contain words from variant readings.人数要他有所减少，因为它们包含的话变读。 These figures would suggest to most people, as they did to Dean Farrar, that the number of peculiar words in the Pastorals does not call for any special explanation.这些数字表明，以最广大人民，因为他们没有向院长farrar ，即有多少奇特的话，在pastorals并不需要任何特殊的解释。 Mr. Workman, however, thinks that for scientific purposes the proportionate length of the Epistles should he taken into account.先生工人，不过，认为用于科研目的的比例长的书信，他应该顾及。 He calculated the average number of hapax legomena occurring on a page of Westcott and Hort's text with the following results: II Thessalonians 3-6, Philemon 4, Galatians 4.1, I Thessalonians 4.2, Romans 4.3, I Corinthians 4.6, Ephesians 4.9, II Corinthians 6.10, Colossians 6-3, Philippians 6-8, II Timothy 11, Titus and I Timothy 13.他计算的平均数目hapax legomena发生在一个网页上的westcott和hort的文本与下列结果：第二帖撒罗尼迦3月6日，利蒙4 ，加拉太4.1 ，我帖撒罗尼迦2月4日，罗马3月4日，我哥林多前书4.6 ， 4.9以弗所书，哥林多前书6月10日，歌罗西书6月3日， philippians 6月8日，提摩太11 ，提图斯和我提摩太13 。 The proportion of hapax legomena in the Pastorals is large, but when compared with Phil., it is not larger than that between II Cor, and II Thess.比例hapax legomena ，在pastorals很大，但比起菲尔，这是不大于之间的第二肺心病，第一和第二thess 。 It has to be noted that these increase in the order of time.它必须指出的是，这些增加在该命令的时间。 Workman gives a two-fold explanation.工人提供了2倍的解释。 First, a writer as he advances in life uses more strange words and involved constructions, as is seen on comparing Carlyle's "Latter-Day Pamphlets" and his "Heroes and Hero-Worship".首先，作为一个作家，他在进步，生活用途更奇怪的言论和所涉及的建设，作为被认为是对比较，凯雷的“ ，后者为期一天的小册子”和他的“英雄与英雄崇拜” 。 Secondly, the number of unusual words in any author is a variable quantity.其次，数目不寻常的话在任何作者是一个变量的数量。 He has found the average number of hapax legomena per page of Irving's one-volume edition of Shakespeare's plays to be as follows: "Love's Labour Lost" 7.6, "Comedy of Errors" 4.5, "Two Gentlemen of Verona" 3.4, "Romeo and Juliet" 5.7, "Henry VI, pt. 3" 3.5, "Taming of the Shrew" 5.1, "Midsummer Night's Dream" 6.8, "Richard II" 4.6, "Richard III" 4.4, "King John" 5.4, "Merchant of Venice" 5.6, "Henry IV, pt. I" 9.3, "pt. II" 8, "Henry V" 8.3, "Merry Wives of Windsor" 6.9, "Much Ado About Nothing" 4.7, "As You Like It" 6.4, "Twelfth Night" 7.5, "All's Well" 6.9, "Julius Cæsar" 3.4, "Measure for Measure" 7, "Troilus and Cressida" 10.1, "Macbeth" 9.7, "Othello" 7.3, "Anthony and Cleopatra" 7.4, "Coriolanus" 6.8, "King Lear" 9.7, "Timon" 6.2, "Cymbeline" 6.7, "The Tempest" 9.3, "Titus Andronicus" 4.9, "Winter's Tale" 8, "Hamlet" 10.4, "Henry VIII" 4.3, "Pericles" 5.2.他已发现的平均数目hapax legomena每页伊荣的1卷版的莎士比亚戏剧要如下： “爱的劳工失去了” 7.6 “ ，喜剧的错误” 4.5 “ ， 2 ，先生们：维罗纳” 3.4 “罗密欧与茱丽叶“ 5.7 ” ，亨利六世，铂。 3 “ 3.5 ”驯悍记“ 5.1 ”仲夏夜之梦“ 6.8 ” ，理查德二世“ 4.6 ” ，理查德三世“ 4.4 ”约翰王“ 5.4 ” ，商人威尼斯“ 5.6 ” ，亨利四世，铂，我“ 9.3 ” ，铂。 Ⅱ “ 8 ”亨利五世“ 8.3 ” ，快乐的妻子温莎“ 6.9 ”无事生非“ 4.7 ”如你所愿“ 6.4 ， “第十二夜” 7.5 “ ，所有的好” 6.9 “ ，朱利cæsar ” 3.4 “措施，措施” ， 7 ， “特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达” 1月10日， “麦克白” 9.7 “奥赛罗” 7.3 “ ，安东尼和埃及妖后” 7.4 ， “ coriolanus ” 6月8日， “李尔王” 9.7 “谨” 6.2 “ ， cymbeline ” 6.7 “暴风雨” 9.3 “ ，提图斯安德洛尼克斯” 4.9 “冬天的故事”八， “哈姆雷特” 4月10日， “亨利八世” 4.3 ， “伯里克利” 5.2 。 For a similar argument on Dante see Butler's "Paradise", XI.一个类似的论点，对但丁看到巴特勒的“天堂” ，十一。 The totals of hapax legomena for some of the plays are: "Julius Cæsar" 93, "Comedy of Errors" 88, "Macbeth" 245, "Othello" 264, "King Lear" 358, "Cymbeline" 252, "Hamlet" 426, "The Merchant of Venice" 148.总数的hapax legomena的一些戏是： “朱利cæsar ” 93 “ ，喜剧的错误” 88 ， “麦克白” 245 “奥赛罗” 264 ， “李尔王” 358 “ ， cymbeline ” 252 “哈姆雷特” 426 “威尼斯商人” 148 。 This scrutiny of the words peculiar to each play throws light on another difficulty in the Pastorals, viz, the recurrence of such expressions as "a faithful saying", "sound words", etc. "Moon-calf" occurs five times in "The Tempest", and nowhere else; "pulpit" six times in one scene of "Julius Cæsar" and never elsewhere; "hovel" five times in "King Lear"; "mountaineer" four times in "Cymbeline", etc. Compare, "God forbid", me genoito of Gal., Rom., once in I Cor.这一审议的话特有的每个发挥全光照对另一个困难是，在pastorals ，即再次出现这种表现为“忠实说” ， “复音词”等“月亮-小牛”发生了5次“暴风雨“ ，并没有其他” ;讲坛“的6倍在另一个场景中的”朱利cæsar “从来没有在其他地方” ; hovel “的5倍，在”李尔王“ ; ”登山“的4倍，在” cymbeline “等比较， ”但愿上帝阻止“ ，我genoito半乳糖，光碟，一旦在I肺心病。 - not in the other Epistles of St. Paul. -而不是在其他书信的圣保禄。 "Sound words" was used by Philo before St. Paul, in whom it may be due to intercourse with St. Luke. “复音词”是用斐洛之前，圣保禄，在其中，可能是因为性交与圣卢克。 (See Plumptre's list of words common to St. Luke and St. Paul, quoted in Farrar's "St. Paul", I, 481.) Mr. Workman has overlooked one point in his very useful article. （见plumptre的字词清单共同圣卢克和圣保禄，引述在farrar的“圣保禄” ，我， 481 ）先生工人忽略了一点，在他的非常有用的文章。 The hapax legomena are not evenly distributed over the Epistles; they occur in groups.该hapax legomena不是均匀分布的书信;它们发生在群体。 Thus, more than half of those in Col. are found in the second chapter, where a new subject is dealt with (see Abbott, "Crit. . . . Comment. on Ep. to the Ephes. and to the Coloss." in "Internat. Crit. Comment.").因此，半数以上的那些在上校被发现在第二章，其中一个新的主题是处理（见雅培， “临界。 。发表评论。对的EP 。向ephes 。并向coloss ”在“ internat 。临界。发表评论。 ” ） 。 This is as high a proportion as in any chapter of the Pastorals.这是高一的比例，作为在任何一章的pastorals 。 Something similar is observable in II Cor., Thess., etc. Over sixty out of the seventy-five hapax legomena in I Tim.类似的是看得见的在二，肺心病， thess 。等超过60列的75 hapax legomena在I添。 occur in forty-four verses, where the words, for the most part, naturally arise out of the new subjects treated of.发生在44韵文，凡换言之，在大多数情况下，自然出现的新课题对待。 The remaining two-thirds of the Epistle have as few hapax legomena as any other portion of St. Paul's writings.余下的两个三分之二的书信作为数hapax legomena任何其他部分圣保禄的著作。 Compounds of phil-, oiko-, didask-, often objected to, are also found in his other Epistles.化合物的菲尔- ， oiko - ， didask - ，往往是反对，也发现在他的其他书信。
The "Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles" was discussed in "The Church Quarterly" in October, 1906, and January, 1907. “作者牧区书信” ，讨论了在“教会季刊”在10月， 1906年， 1月， 1907年。 In the first the writer pointed out that the anti-Pauline hypothesis presented more difficulties than the Pauline; and in the second he made a detailed examination of the hapax legomena.在第一作者指出，反宝莲假说提出了更多的困难比宝莲;而在第二，他做了详细的考试的hapax legomena 。 Seventy-three of these are found in the Septuagint, of which St. Paul was a diligent student, and any of them might just as well have been used by him as by an imitator. 73这些都是发现，在septuagint ，其中圣保禄是一个勤奋的学生，和他们任何可能只是以及已使用他作为一个模仿者。 Ten of the remainder are suggested by Septuagint words, eg anexikakos II Tim., ii, 24, anexikakia Wisd., ii, 9; antithesis I Tim., vi, 20, antithetos Job, xxxii, 3; authentein I Tim., ii, 12, authentes Wisd., xii, 6; genealogia I Tim., i, 4, Tit., iii, 9; geneealogein I Par., v, 1; paroinos I Tim., iii, 3, Tit., i, 7, paroinein Is., xli, 12, etc. Twenty-eight of the words now left are found in the classics, and thirteen more in Aristotle and Polybius. 10对，其余的建议， septuagint换言之，如anexikakos二添。第一，二， 24 ， anexikakia wisd 。第一，二，九;对立面， i添，六， 20 ， antithetos的工作，三十二，三; authentein i添。第一，二， ， 12 ， authentes wisd ，十二，六; genealogia i添。 ，我， 4 ，山雀，三，九; geneealogein i杆，五，一; paroinos i添，三，三，山雀，我7 ， paroinein是，四十一， 12 ，等2008年的字词，现在左边的是发现，在经典， 13多在亚里士多德和波利。 Strabo, born in 66 BC, enables us to eliminate graodes.斯特拉波，出生于66年代，使我们能够消除graodes 。 All these words formed part of the Greek language current up to St. Paul's time and as well known to him as to anybody at the end of the first century.所有这些话的组成部分，希腊目前的语言多达圣保禄的时间和作为人所共知的，他对任何人都在去年底的第一个世纪。 Any word used by an author contemporary with St. Paul may reasonably be supposed to have been as well known to himself as to a subsequent imitator.任何用的字眼是由作者与当代圣保禄可合理地假定已为人所共知，以自己作为一个后来的模仿者。 In this way we may deduct eight of the remaining words, which are common to the Pastorals and Philo, an elder contemporary of St. Paul.这样，我们可以扣除8至于其余的话，这些都是常见到pastorals和斐洛，一老当代的圣保禄。 In dealing with the fifty remaining words we must recall the obvious fact that a new subject requires a new vocabulary.在处理与其余50换句话说，我们必须记得，明显的事实，即新的课题，需要一个新的词汇。 If this be neglected, it would be easy to prove that Plato did not write the Timæus.如果这个被忽视，很容易证明柏拉图并没有写timæus 。 Organization and the conduct of practical life, etc., cannot be dealt with in the same words in which points of doctrine are discussed.组织和行为，现实生活等，不能处理在相同的文字在其中的要点学说的讨论。 This fairly accounts for eight words, such as xenodochein, oikodespotein, teknogonein, philandros, heterodidaskalein, etc., used by the author.这相当占8换言之，如xenodochein ， oikodespotein ， teknogonein ， philandros ， heterodidaskalein等，所用的作者。 His detestation of the errorists doubtless called forth kenophonia, logomachein, logomachia, metaiologia, metaiologos, several of which were probably coined for the occasion.他detestation的errorists毫无疑问，所谓提出kenophonia ， logomachein ， logomachia ， metaiologia ， metaiologos ，其中一些可能是杜撰为留念。 The element of pure chance in language accounts for "parchments", "cloak", and "stomach": he had no occasion to speak about such things previously, nor of a pagan "prophet".元素纯的机会，在语文占“ parchments ” ， “斗篷”和“胃” ：他没有场合谈论这些事情以前，也不是一个异教的“先知” 。 Seven of the remaining words are dealt with on the modest principle that words formed from composition or derivation from admittedly Pauline words may more reasonably be supposed to come from St. Paul himself than from a purely hypothetical imitator, eg airetikos, adj., Tit., iii, 10; airesis, I Cor., xi, 19; Gal., v, 20; dioktes, I Tim., i, 13; diokein, Rom., xii, 14, etc.; episoreuein, II Tim., iv, 3; soreuein epi Rom., xii, 20; LXX, etc. Five other words are derived from Biblical words and would as easily have occurred to St. Paul as to a later writer.七，其余的话是处理对温和的原则，换言之，形成从成分或推导从宝莲，无可否认的话，可能更合理假定来自圣保禄自己比从一个纯属虚构，模仿者，例如airetikos ，形，山雀。 ，第三，第10条; airesis ，我肺心病，第十一，第19条; GAL的，第五，第20条; dioktes ，我添。 ，我， 13人; diokein ，光碟，十二，十四等; episoreuein ，二添，四，三; soreuein计划免疫光盘。 ，第十二章， 20条; lxx等其他5个字是来自圣经的话，并会轻易发生圣保禄作为一个后来的作家。 The remaining words, about twenty, are disposed of separately.其余换言之，约20 ，处置分开。
Epiphaneia instead of parousia, for the second coming of Christ, is not against the Pastorals, because St. Paul's usage in this matter is not uniform. epiphaneia不是圆满，为第二次来的基督，是不反对pastorals ，因为圣保禄的使用情况，在这一问题上并非完全一致。 We have he memera kyriou in I Thess., v, 2, 1 Cor., i, 8, v, 5; he apokalypsis in II Thess., i, 17; and he epiphaneia tes parousias autou in II Thess., ii, 8.我们有他memera kyriou在I thess 。 ，五， 2 ， 1肺心病。 ，我，八，五，五; apokalypsis他在第二thess 。 ，我， 17日;和他epiphaneia工商业污水附加费parousias autou在第二thess 。第一，二， 8 。 Lilley ("Pastoral Epistles", Edinburgh, 1901, p. 48) states that out of the 897 words contained in the Pastorals 726 are common to them and the other books of the New Testament, and two-thirds of the entire vocabulary are found in the other Epistles of St. Paul; and this is the proportion of common words found in Galatians and Romans.李洁明（ “牧区书信” ，爱丁堡， 1901年，第48页）指出，出于对897的话，载于pastorals七百二十六顷共同向他们和其他书籍的新约圣经，并有三分之二的整个词汇被发现在其他书信的圣保禄;这是比例的常用词，发现在加拉太书和罗马。 The same writer, in his complete list of 171 hapax legomena in the Pastorals, points out that 113 of these are classical words, that is, belonging to the vocabulary of one well acquainted with Greek; and it is not surprising that so many are found in these Epistles which were addressed to two disciples well educated in the Greek language.同时，作家，在他的完整清单171 hapax legomena ，在pastorals指出， 113这些都是古典换言之，即是属于词汇之一，熟悉希腊;这是不足为奇的，所以很多人发现在这些书信，其中给两个弟子受过良好教育，在希腊的语言。 Another point much insisted upon by objectors is a certain limited literary or verbal affinity connecting the Pastorals with Luke and Acts and therefore, it is asserted, pointing to a late date.另一点更坚持由拒服兵役者是某些有限的文学或口头的亲和连接pastorals与卢克和行为，因此，这是断言，指着一晚的日期。 But in reality this connexion is in their favour, as there is a strong tendency of modern criticism to acknowledge the Lucan authorship of these two books, and Harnack has written two volumes to prove it (see LUKE, GOSPEL OF SAINT).但在现实中这方面是对他们有利的，因为有一种强烈的倾向，现代的批评，承认lucan著作权，这两本书，和哈纳克已致函两册，以证明它（见路加福音，福音圣） 。 He has now added a third to show that they were written by St. Luke before AD 64.他现在已增加了三分之一，以证明他们所写的圣卢克之前的广告64 。 When the Pastorals were written, St. Luke was the constant companion of St. Paul, and may have acted as his amanuensis.当pastorals写，圣卢克是不断伴侣圣保禄，并可能有担任他的amanuensis 。 This intercourse would doubtless have influenced St. Paul's vocabulary, and would account for such expressions as agathoergein of 1 Timothy 6:18, agathopoein of Luke 6:9, agathourgein, contracted from agathoergein, Acts 14:17.这毫无疑问，性交时会影响圣保禄的词汇，并会帐户，例如表现agathoergein 1提摩太6时18分， agathopoein的卢克6时09分， agathourgein ，承包从agathoergein的行为， 14时17分。 St. Paul has ergazomeno to agathon (Romans 2:10).圣保禄已ergazomeno ，以阿加顿（罗马2时10分） 。 - From all that has been said, it is not surprising that Thayer, in his translation of Grimm's "Lexicon", wrote: "The monumental misjudgments committed by some who have made questions of authorship turn on vocabulary alone, will deter students, it is to be hoped, from misusing the lists exhibiting the peculiarities of the several books." -从所有已说，这是不足为奇的塞耶，在他翻译的格里姆的“词汇” ，写道： “不朽的误判所犯下的一些谁作出的问题，作者把对词汇，仅会阻止学生，这是以希望，从滥用名单，参展的特殊性的几本书“ 。
D. Objection from style四反对作风
"The comparative absence of rugged fervour, the smoother flow, the heaping up of words, all point to another sign-manual than that of Paul" (Ency. Bib.) - Precisely the same thing could be urged against some of St. Paul's other Epistles, and against large sections of the remainder. “比较缺乏坚固的热潮，更畅顺流动， heaping起来的话，都指向的另一个标志是体力劳动比保罗” （ ency.背带裤） -正是同样的事情，可以要求对一些圣保禄其他书信，以及对大节，其余的。 All critics admit that large portions of the Pastorals are so much like St. Paul's writings that they actually maintain that they are taken from fragments of genuine letters of the Apostle (now lost).所有的批评者承认，大部份的pastorals是这么多像圣保禄的著作，他们实际上是维持他们采取从片段的真正的信使徒（现在失去了） 。 Various discordant attempts have been made to separate these portions from the rest, but with so little success that Jülicher confesses that the thing is impossible.各种不和谐的企图已作出单独的这些部分，从休息，但与这么少的成功jülicher confesses认为，这件事是不可能的。 On the other hand, it is the general opinion of the best scholars that all three Epistles are from the pen of one and the same writer.在另一方面，这是一般的意见，最好的学者认为，所有这三个书信是由笔会是同一个作家。 That being the case, and it being impossible to deny that portions indistinguishable from the rest are by St. Paul, it follows that the early and universal tradition ascribing the whole of them to the Apostle is correct.在这种情况下，它不可能被否认的部分区分，其余则是由圣保禄，这意味着早期的和普遍的传统ascribing整个他们的使徒是正确的。
As we pass from one to another of the four groups of St. Paul's Epistles;正如我们通过从一个到另一个的四组圣保禄的书信;
(1) Thessalonians; （ 1 ）帖撒罗尼迦;
(2) Galatians, Corinthians, Romans; （ 2 ）加拉太书，哥林多前书，罗马;
(3) Captivity Epistles; （ 3 ）圈养的书信;
(4) Pastorals （ 4 ） pastorals
We observe considerable differences of style side by side with very marked and characteristic resemblances, and that is precisely what we find in the case of the Pastorals.我们观察了相当大的差异，作风并排非常显着的特点和相似之处，这正是我们在寻找案件的pastorals 。 There are some striking points of connexion between them and Phil., the Epistle probably nearest to them in date; but there are many resemblances in vocabulary, style, and ideas connecting them with portions of all the other Epistles, especially with the practical parts.也有一些突出的点，它们之间的连接和菲尔。 ，书信可能是最接近他们在日期;但也有许多相似之处，在词汇，风格，和想法，连接他们与部分的所有其他书信，特别是与实际部分。 There are, for instance, forty-two passages connecting I Tim.有，例如， 42通道，连接i添。 with the earlier Epistles.与先前的书信。 The terms are nearly identical, but display an amount of liberty denoting the working of the same independent mind, not a conscious imitation.条款几乎相同，但显示的金额自由指工作的同时，独立思考，而不是一个自觉的模仿。 The Pastorals show throughout the same marks of originality as are found in all the writings of the Apostle.该pastorals显示，整个相同马克的原创性，作为被发现在所有的著作使徒。 There are similar anacolutha, incomplete sentences, play on words, long drawn periods, like comparisons, etc. The Pastorals are altogether practical, and therefore do not show the rugged fervour of style confined, for the most part, to the controversial and argumentative portions of his large epistles.也有类似的anacolutha的，不完整的句子，文字游戏，旷日持久的时期，想的比较等pastorals共有的实际，因此不显示崎岖侃侃而谈的作风，只限于，在大多数情况下，向争议和议论的部分他的大量书信。 (See the very valuable book by James, "Genuineness and Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles", London, 1906; also Jacquier, and Lilley.) It may be well to note, in this connexion, that Van Steenkiste, professor at the Catholic Seminary of Bruges, asserted, as long ago as 1876, that the inspiration of the Pastorals and their Pauline authorship would be sufficiently safeguarded if we accepted the view that they were written in the name and with the authority of the Apostle by one of his companions, say St. Luke, to whom he distinctly explained what had to be written, or to whom he gave a written summary of the points to be developed, and that when the letters were finished, St. Paul read them through, approved them, and signed them. （见非常宝贵的图书由詹姆斯， “真实性和作者牧区书信” ，伦敦， 1906年;也雅基耶，和李洁明。 ）可以很好地注意到，在这方面，范steenkiste教授，在天主教神学院对布鲁日，断言，早在1876年，即灵感的pastorals和他们的宝莲，作者将得到充分的保障，如果我们接受，认为他们写的姓名及与房委会的使徒之一，他的同伴，圣卢克说，他鲜明地解释了什么是书面，或向谁，他发表了书面总结点加以发展，并且当信完成后，圣保禄读通过，批准了他们，和他们签署的。 This, he thinks, was the way in which "Hebrews" also, was written (S. Pauli Epistolæ, II, 283).这一点，他认为，以何种方式“希伯来书”此外，写（第泡利epistolæ ，二， 283 ） 。
E. Objection from the advanced state of church organization e.反对从先进国家的教会组织
This objection is adequately answered in the articles HIERARCHY OF THE EARLY CHURCH, BISHOP, etc. See also "The Establishment of the Episcopate" in Bishop Gore's "Orders and Unity" (London, 1909), 115.这个反对的是充分回答，在文章的层次结构早期教会的主教，等也见“成立的主教”在主教戈尔的“命令和团结” （伦敦， 1909 ） ， 115 。 The seven, St. Stephen, Philip, etc., were set aside for their ministry by the Apostles by prayer and the laying on of hands.七个，圣士提反，弘等，分别预留给他们的部由使徒祈祷和铺设就举手。 Immediately after this we read that they were filled with the Holy Ghost, and preached with great success (Acts 6:7).后立即进行，这点我们看到他们充满了圣灵，和鼓吹的巨大成功（行为6时07分） 。 From St. Luke's usual method we may conclude that a similar ceremony was employed by the Apostles on other occasions when men were set aside to be deacons, presbyters, or bishops.从圣卢克的常用方法，我们可以得出结论，类似的仪式，所雇用的使徒在其他场合时，男子被搁置被执事， presbyters ，或主教。 We read of presbyters with the Apostles at an early date in Jerusalem (Acts 15:2) and according to the earliest tradition, St. James the Less was appointed bishop there on the dispersion of the Apostles, and succeeded by his cousin Simeon in AD 62.我们读到的presbyters与使徒在早日在耶路撒冷（使徒15时02分）和根据最早的传统，圣雅各福群会越少被任命主教有对分散的使徒，并成功地通过其表弟西蒙在广告62 。 Sts. STS的。 Paul and Barnabas ordained priests in every church at Derbe, Lystra, Antioch of Pisidia, etc. (Acts 14:22).保罗和巴拿巴祝圣司铎在每一个教会在derbe ， lystra ，安提阿的皮西迪亚等（行为14时22分） 。 Bishops and priests, or presbyters, are mentioned in St. Paul's speech at Miletus (Acts 20:28).主教和司铎，或presbyters ，所提到的在圣保禄的讲话在米利（行为20时28分） 。 In his first Epistle (1 Thessalonians 5:12) St. Paul speaks of rulers who were over them in the Lord, - see also Romans 12:8; "governments" are referred to in 1 Corinthians 12:28, and "Pastors" in Ephesians 4:11.在他的首书信（ 1帖撒罗尼迦5时12分）圣保禄谈到统治者谁超过他们在主， -也见罗马书1 2时0 8分; “政府”是指在一哥林多前书1 2时2 8分，和“牧师”在以弗所书4时11分。 St. Paul wrote "to all the saints in Christ Jesus, who are at Philippi, with the bishops and deacons" (Philippians 1:1).圣保禄写道： “向所有的圣人，在基督耶稣里，谁是在腓立比，与主教和执事” （ philippians 1:1 ） 。
In Romans 12:6-8, 1 Corinthians 12:28 and Ephesians 4:11, St. Paul is not giving a list of offices in the Church, but of charismatic gifts (for the meaning of which see HIERARCHY OF THE EARLY CHURCH).在罗马书12:6-8 ， 1哥林多前书12时28分和以弗所书4时11分，圣保禄是不给的名单办事处，在教会里，但有魅力的礼物（为的含义，其中见层次的早期教会） 。 Those who were endowed with supernatural and transitory charismata were subject to the Apostles and presumably to their delegates.那些谁被赋予超自然的和短暂charismata受到使徒和假定他们的代表。 Side by side with the possessors of such gifts we read of "rulers", "governors", "pastors", and in other places of "bishops", "priests", and "deacons".并排与拥有这样的礼物，我们读到的“统治者” ， “省长” ， “牧师” ，并在其他地方的“主教” ， “神父” ， “执事” 。 These, we may lawfully assume, were appointed under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost by the Apostles, by prayer and laying on of hands.这些，我们可以合法承担，被任命为下的启示圣灵由使徒，祈祷和铺设就举手。 Amongst these so appointed before AD 64 there were certainly ordained deacons, priests, and possibly bishops also.其中任命之前，广告64有一定祝圣执事，神父，并在可能的主教也。 If so they had bishop's orders, but the limits of their jurisdiction were not as yet, perhaps, very clearly defined, and depended altogether on the will of the Apostles.如果是的话，他们的主教的命令，但限制，在其管辖范围内不作为，但，或许，很清楚地界定，完全取决于对意志的使徒。 it is assuredly in the highest degree likely that the Apostles, towards the end of their lives and as the Church extended more and more, ordained and delegated others to appoint such priests and deacons as they had been in the habit of appointing themselves.这是稳妥地在最高程度可能是使徒，在接近年底时他们的生命和作为教会的扩展，越来越多的，祝圣及授他人任命的司铎和执事，因为他们已在习惯，任用自己。 The earliest tradition shows that such a thing took place in Rome by AD 67; and there is nothing more advanced than this in the Pastorals.最早的传统表明，这样的事情发生在罗马由广告67条;有没有更先进的比这方面的pastorals 。 Timothy and Titus were consecrated delegates to rule with Apostolic authority and appoint deacons, priests, and bishops (probably synonymous in these Epistles).提摩太和提多被consecrated代表议事规则与使徒的权威和委任执事，神父，主教和（可能的代名词，在这些书信） 。
But a further objection is raised as follows: "The distinctive element, however, ie the prominence assigned to Timothy and Titus is intelligible only on the supposition that the author had specially in view the ulterior end of vindicating the evangelic succession of contemporary episcopi and other office bearers where this was liable for various reasons to be challenged. . . . The craving (visible in Clem. Rom.) for continuity of succession as a guarantee of authority in doctrine (and therefore in discipline) underlies the efforts of this Paulinist to show that Timothy and Titus were genuine heirs of Paul" (Ency. Bib., IV).但进一步提出异议，如下： “独特的元素，不过，即突出指派给提摩太和提多书是理解，不仅对假定作者特别是在检视别有用心月底维护了福音继承当代episcopi及其他办公室承担的地方，这是责任由于种种原因受到挑战。 。 。 。渴求（可见在clem 。光碟。 ）的连续性，继承，以此保证权力在学说（因此，在纪律）之下的努力，这paulinist ，以表明，提摩太和提多真正的继承人保罗“ （ ency.背带裤，四） 。 - If this craving is visible in St. Clement of Rome, who was a disciple of the Apostles there and wrote less than thirty years after their death, it is surely more likely that he was maintaining an organization established by them than that he was defending one of which they were ignorant. -如果这是可见的渴求在圣克莱门特的罗马，谁是徒弟的使徒有写少于三十年后，他们的死亡，这是当然更有可能他是维持一个组织的成立，由他们比，他是捍卫其中之一是他们无知。 If these Epistles were written against people who challenged the authority of bishops and priests about AD 100, why is it that these opponents did not cry out against forgeries written to confute themselves?如果这些书信写的人谁挑战的权威，主教和司铎关于广告100 ，它为什么这些对手没有哭出来对伪造写信给confute自己呢？ But of all this there is not the slightest shred of evidence.但所有这一切，有没有丝毫一丝一毫的证据。
F. Objection楼反对
No room for them in the life-time of St. Paul.没有空间为他们在生命的时间圣保禄。 - The writer in the "Ency. Bib." -作者在“ e ncy。背带裤” 。 is never tired of accusing the defenders of the Epistles of making gratuitous assumptions, though he allows himself considerable liberty in that respect throughout his article.是永不疲倦的指责维护者的书信，使无偿的假设，虽然他让自己相当的自由，在这方面整个他的文章。 It is a gratuitous assertion, for example, to state that St. Paul was put to death at the end of the first Roman captivity, AD 63 or 64.这是一个无偿的断言，例如，国家圣保禄有人向死亡在去年底第一罗马圈养，广告63或64 。 Christianity was not yet declared a reliqio illicita, and according to Roman law there was nothing deserving of death against him.基督教尚未宣布reliqio illicita ，并根据罗马法没有什么值得对他的死刑。 He was arrested to save him from the Jewish mob in Jerusalem.他被逮捕，救他从犹太暴徒在耶路撒冷。 The Jews did not appear against him during the two years he was kept in prison.犹太人似乎没有对他的两年期间，他被关在监狱。 Agrippa said he could have been delivered had he not appealed to Cæsar, so there was no real charge against him when he was brought before the emperor's or his representative's tribunal.阿格里帕说，他可能已交付他没有呼吁cæsar ，所以没有真正的控告他时，他被带到前皇帝的或其代表的法庭。 The Epistles written during this Roman captivity show that he expected to be soon released (Philem., 22; Phil., ii, 24).本书信书面期间，这个罗马圈养表明，他预计将很快公布（ philem. ， 22日;菲尔。第一，二， 24 ） 。 Lightfoot, Harnack, and others, from the wards of Clem. lightfoot ，哈纳克，和其他人，从病房clem 。 Rom. ROM的内容。 and the Muratorian Fragment, think that he was not only released, but that he actually carried out his design of visiting Spain.和穆拉多利残卷片段，认为他不仅是释放，但他实际上是履行了他设计了来访的西班牙。 During the years from 63-67 there was ample time to visit Crete and other places and write I Tim.期间，从63-67年有充裕的时间访问克里特岛和其他地方的和写i添。 and Titus.和提图斯。 II Tim.二，添。 was written from his second Roman prison soon before his death.是写在他的第二个罗马监狱，尽快在他死之前。
G. Objection from the errors condemned g.反对从错误谴责
It is said that the errors referred to in the Pastorals did not exist in St. Paul's time, though the most advanced critics (Ency. Bib.) have now abandoned the theory (maintained with great confidence in the nineteenth century) that the Epistles were written against Marcion and other Gnostics about the middle of the second century.这是说，错误提到，在pastorals不存在在圣保禄的时间，虽然最先进的批评（ ency.背带裤）现在已经放弃了理论的（保持高度信任，在十九世纪）表示，书信人书面反对马吉安和其他gnostics约中的第二个世纪。 It is now conceded that they were known to Sts.现在是作出让步，他们已知的STS 。 Ignatius and Polycarp, and therefore written not later than the end of the first century or early part of the second.伊格内修斯和polycarp ，因此书面不得迟于年底前第一世纪的或明年初的一部分，第二。 It requires a keen critical sense to detect at that time the existence of errors at the time of Ignatius, the seeds of which did not exist thirty or forty years earlier or of which St. Paul could not have foreseen the development.它需要敏锐的批判意识，以检测在那个时候，存在错误的时候，伊格内修斯，种子，其中不存在30或四十年较早或其中圣保禄无法预见的发展。 "The environment is marked by incipient phases of what afterwards blossomed out into the Gnosticism of the second century" (Ency. Bib.): - but the incipient phases of Gnosticism are now placed by competent scholars at a much earlier date than that indicated by this writer. “环境标志是初始阶段的什么事后开花到诺斯底主义的第二个世纪” （ ency.背带裤。 ） ： -，但初始阶段的诺斯替教，现置于由主管学者在更早的日期比表示，由笔者。 No known system of Gnosticism corresponds with the errors mentioned in the Pastorals; in reply to this, however, it is said that the "errors are not given in detail to avoid undue anachronisms" (ibid.).没有已知的系统的诺斯底主义对应的错误提到，在pastorals ;在回复此，不过，这是说， “错误是没有给予详细的，以避免不必要的anachronisms ” （同上） 。 Sometimes opponents of the authenticity unfairly attack the actual contents, but here the Epistles are condemned for "contents" which they do not contain.有时对手的真实性不公平的攻击的实际内容，但在这里，书信受到谴责为“内容” ，他们不包含。 An amusing instance of the precariousness of the subjective method is seen in this same article (Ency. Bib.).一个有趣的实例，岌岌可危的主观方法被认为是在这同一篇文章（ ency.背带裤） 。 The writer arguing against the Epistles on the subject of greetings says that "Philemon is the one private note of Paul extant".作家争论，对书信关于这一主题的问候说： “利蒙是一所私立注意到保罗现存的” 。 We are suddenly brought up, however, by a note (editorial?) within square brackets: "compare, however, Philemon."我们突然长大，然而，一份说明（社论？ ）方括号内： “比较，不过，利蒙” 。 On turning to Philemon we find van Manen asserting, with equal confidence, that the Apostle had nothing whatsoever to do with that Epistle, and he supports his statement by the same kind of subjective arguments and assertions that we find running through the article on Timothy and Titus.在谈到利蒙我们找到Van范曼恩断言，与平等的信心，使徒没有什么做与书信，和他支持他的发言是由同种主观的论点和主张，我们认为，贯穿文章对提摩太和提图斯。 He even throws out the absurd suggestion that Philemon was based on the letter of Pliny, which is given in full by Lightfoot in his edition of Philemon.他甚至抛出荒诞的建议，利蒙是基于信普林尼，这是由于在全部由lightfoot在他的版利蒙。
Hort in his "Judaistic Christianity" (London, 1898), 130-48, does not believe that the errors of the Pastorals had any connexion with Gnosticism, and he gives a very full reply to the objection with which we are dealing. hort在他的“ judaistic基督教” （伦敦， 1898 ） ， 130-48 ，不相信错误的pastorals有任何Connexion公司与诺斯替教，他给出了十分详尽的答复反对与我们所处理的。 With Weiss he clears the ground by making some important distinctions:与魏斯他清除地面，使一些重要的区别：
(1) We must distinguish prophecies about future false teachers which imply that germs, to say the least, of the future evils are already perceptible (1 Timothy 4:1-3; 2 Timothy 3:1-5, 4:3) from warnings about the present; （ 1 ）我们必须区分预言，未来的虚假教师意味着细菌，至少可以说，未来的祸害已经感觉到（ 1提摩太后4:1-3 ; 2提摩太3:1-5 ， 4:3 ）从警告，目前的;
(2) The perversities of individuals like Alexander, Hymenæus, and Philetus must not be taken as direct evidence of a general stream of false teaching; （ 2 ） perversities个人一样，亚历山大， hymenæus ，菲利特斯绝不能采取直接的证据，一般流虚假教学;
(3) Non-Christian teachers, the corrupters of Christian belief, must not be confounded with misguided Christians. （ 3 ）非基督教的教师， corrupters的基督教信仰，绝不能混淆与误导的基督徒。
The errors which St. Paul easily foresaw would arise amongst false Christians and pagans cannot be urged against the Epistles as if they had already arisen.错误，这圣保禄很容易预见到会出现虚假当中，基督徒和异教徒不能要求对书信，因为如果他们已经出现。 Hort makes out a good case that there is not the smallest trace of Gnosticism in the existing errors amongst the Ephesian and Cretan Christians, which are treated more as trivialities than serious errors. hort作出了一个很好的例子是有没有最小的痕迹诺斯底主义在现有的错误之一ephesian和cretan基督徒，这是治疗，更是trivialities较严重的错误。 "The duty laid on Timothy and Titus is not that of refuting deadly errors, but of keeping themselves clear, and warning others to keep clear of mischievous trivialities usurping the office of religion." “税会省览的提摩太和提多书是不是驳斥致命的错误，但保持自己清楚，并警告其他人保持清醒的恶作剧trivialities篡夺办公室宗教” 。 He shows that all these errors have evident marks of Judaistic origin.他表明，所有这些错误有明显的标志judaistic原产地。 The fact that St. Irenæus, Hegesippus, and others used the words of the Pastorals against the Gnostics of the second century is no proof that Gnosticism was in the mind of their author.事实上，圣irenæus ， hegesippus ，和其他人用的话，该pastorals对gnostics的第二个世纪，是没有证据证明诺斯底主义是在心中，他们的作者。 Words of Scripture have been employed to confute heretics in every age.的话，经文已聘请confute异端，在每一个年龄。 This, he says, is true of the expressions pseudonymos gnosis, aphthartos, aion, epiphaneia, which have to be taken in their ordinary sense.这一点，他说，是真正的表达pseudonymos预后， aphthartos ， aion ， epiphaneia ，都必须在他们所采取的一般意义。 "There is not the faintest sign that such words have any reference to what we call Gnostic terms." “有没有faintest迹象表明这样的话有任何参考我们称之为gnostic条款” 。
Hort takes genealogiai in much the same sense in which it was employed by Polybius, IX, ii, 1, and Diodorus Siculus, IV, i, to mean stories, legends, myths of the founders of states. hort需genealogiai在几乎相同的意义，它是所聘用的波利，九，二，一，和狄奥多罗斯塞库鲁斯，四，我的意思的故事，传说，神话的缔造者。 "Several of these early historians, or 'logographers' are known to have written books of this kind entitled Genealogiai, Genealogika (eg Hecatæus, Acusilanus, Simonides the Younger, who bore the title ho Genealogos, as did also Pherecydes)" (p. 136). “几个这些早期的历史学家，或' logographers '是众所周知的，写了书，这种题为genealogiai ， genealogika （例如hecatæus ， acusilanus ，西蒙尼德年轻，谁承担的标题何genealogos一样，也pherecydes ） ” （第136 ） 。 Philo included under to genealogikon all primitive human history in the Pentateuch.斐洛列入下，以genealogikon所有原始人类历史上，在pentateuch 。 A fortiori this term could be applied by St. Paul to the rank growth of legend respecting the Patriarchs, etc., such as we find in the "Book of Jubilees" and in the "Haggada".更不用说这个词可用于由圣保禄，以职级的增长，传说尊重patriarchs等，如我们发现，在“书jubilees ” ，并在“ haggada ” 。 This was condemned by him as trashy and unwholesome.这是谴责他trashy和不健康。 The other contemporary errors are of a like Jewish character.其他当代错误是一个像犹太特性。 Hort takes antithesis tes pseudonymou gnoseos to refer to the casuistry of the scribes such as we find in the "Halacha", just as the mythoi, and genealogiai designate frivolities such as are contained in the Haggada. hort需要的对立面，工商业污水附加费pseudonymou gnoseos转介到casuistry的文士，如我们发现，在“ halacha ” ，正如mythoi ， genealogiai指定frivolities等，载于haggada 。
But is it not possible that these (antitheseis tes pseudonymou gnoseos) refer to the system of interpretation developed later in the Kabbala, of which a convenient description is given in Gigot's "General Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scripture", p.但是，是不是有可能这些（ antitheseis工商业污水附加费pseudonymou gnoseos ）是指该系统的解释发达后，在kabbala ，其中一个方便的描述，给出了在gigot的“概论研究的圣经” ，第 411? 411呢？ (see also "Kabbala" in "Jewish Encyclopedia" and Vigoroux, "Dict. de la Bible"). （也见“ kabbala ”在“犹太百科全书”和vigoroux ， “翻译字典德拉圣经” ） 。 He who followed only the literal meaning of the text of the Hebrew Bible had no real knowledge, or gnosis, of the deep mysteries contained in the letters and words of Scripture.其次是谁，他只是字面意思的案文希伯来文圣经没有真正的知识，或预后，深层的奥秘，载于信访的话，经文。 By notarikon words were constructed from the initials of several, or sentences formed by using the letters of a word as initials of words.由notarikon的话，兴建从字母数，或服刑的形成用字母一个单词的缩写作为的话。 By ghematria the numerical values of letters were used, and words of equal numerical value were substituted for each other and new combinations formed.由ghematria数值的信件，用的话，和平等的数值取代对方和新的组合形成的。 By themura the alphabet was divided into two equal parts, and the letters of one half on being substituted for the corresponding letters of the other half, in the text, brought out the hidden sense of the Scripture.由themura字母被分为两个平等的部分，和信一半就被取代了相应的信件的另一半，在文本中，带出了隐藏的意识经文。 These systems date back to time immemorial.这些系统可以追溯到远古时代。 They were borrowed from the Jews by the Gnostics of the second century, and were known to some of the early Fathers, and were probably in use before Apostolic times.他们借来的，由犹太人所gnostics的第二个世纪，众所周知，一些早期的父亲，和可能是在使用之前，使徒时代。 Now antithesis may mean not only opposition or contrast, but also the change or transposition of letters.现在的对立面，可能意味着不仅反对党或对比，而且还改变或转信。 In this way antithesis tes pseudonymou gnoseos would mean the falsely-called knowledge which consists in the interchange of letters just referred to.在这样的对立面，工商业污水附加费pseudonymou gnoseos将意味着附有虚假产地来源标签的所谓知识，其中包括在该交汇处的信件刚才提到的。
Again, we read: "The mischievous feature about them was their presence within the churches and their combination of plausible errors with apparent, even ostentatious, fidelity to principles of the faith - a trouble elsewhere reflected Acts XX. 29f, in connexion with the Ephesian church towards the end of the first century" (Ency. Bib.).再次，我们读到： “恶作剧的特点，他们是他们的存在教会和他们的结合可能的错误明显，甚至炫耀，富达原则的信仰-是个麻烦问题在其他地方所反映的行为，第X X。 2 9F款，在C onnexion公司与e phesian教会在接近年底时的第一个世纪“ （ ency.背带裤） 。 We do not admit that Acts, xx, was written towards the end of the first century.我们不承认的行为， XX条，写在接近年底时的第一个世纪。 The best scholars hold it was written by St. Luke long before; and so the critics of the Epistles, having without proof dated the composition of a genuine early New-Testament book at the end of the first century, on the strength of that performance endeavour to discredit three whole books of Scripture.最好的学者举行，它是由圣卢克之前很久;等批评者的书信后，在没有证据的日期组成一个真正的早期新约圣经预订在年底的第一个世纪，对强度的表现努力抹黑3整个图书的经文。
H. Miscellaneous objections H.杂项反对
We bring together under this heading a number of objections that are found scattered in the text, foot-notes, sub-foot-notes, of the article in the "Ency. Bib."我们召集本标题下的一些反对意见认为，被发现散落在文本中，脚注意到，小组英尺注意到，该文章中的“ ency 。背带裤” 。
(1) "The concern to keep the widow class under the bishop's control is thoroughly sub-apostolic (cp. Ign. ad Polycarp. iv. 5) ". （ 1 ） “的关注，保持工人阶级的遗孀下，新辅理主教的控制是彻底分使徒（ cp.公司IGN 。广告polycarp四。 5 ） ” 。 - That would not prove that it was not Apostolic as well. -这不是证明它是不是使徒以及。 On reading the only passage referring to widows (1 Timothy 5) we get a totally different impression from the one conveyed here.对阅读的唯一通道是指寡妇（ 1提摩太5 ）我们得到一个完全不同的印象，从一转达了这里。 The great aim of the writer of the Epistle appears to be to prevent widows from becoming a burden on the Church, and to point out the duty of their relatives to support them.伟大的目的，作家的书信，似乎是防止寡妇成为负担，对教会，并指出，责任及其亲属给予支持。 Thirty years before the death of St. Paul the Seven were appointed to look after the poor widows of Jerusalem; and it is absurd to suppose that during all that time no regulations were made as to who should receive support, and who not.三十年前死亡的圣保禄七个被任命为照顾穷人的遗孀耶路撒冷;这是荒谬的假设，在所有的时间没有规定发了言至于谁应当得到支持，谁不是。 Some few of those who were "widows indeed" probably held offices like deaconesses, of whom we read in Romans 16:1, and who were doubtless under the direction of the Apostles and other ecclesiastical authorities.一些数那些谁是“寡妇的确是”可能举行的办事处一样， deaconesses ，其中我们在阅读罗马16时01分，和谁都是毫无疑问的领导下，使徒和其他教会当局。 The supposition that nothing was "done in order", but that everything was allowed to go at random, has no support in St. Paul's earlier Epistles.假设什么是“做是为了” ，但一切都被允许去随机抽样，已没有人支持在圣保禄的书信较早。
(2) "The curious antipathy of the writer to second marriages on the part of the presbyters, episcopi, diaconi, and widows (cherai) is quite un-Pauline, but corresponds to the more general feeling prevalent in the second century throughout the churches." （ 2 ） “好奇的反感的作家，以第二次婚姻，对部分的presbyters ， episcopi ， diaconi ，和寡妇（ cherai ）是相当联合国宝莲，但对应到更一般的感觉中普遍存在的第二个世纪整个教堂“ 。 - That state of feeling throughout the churches in the second century should make an objector pause. -该国的感觉，整个教会在第二世纪应该作出拒服兵役者暂停。 Its Apostolic origin is its best explanation, and there is nothing whatsoever to show that it was un-Pauline.其使徒的原产地是其最好的解释，是没有什么显示，这是联合国宝莲。 It was St. Paul who wrote as follows at a much earlier date (1 Corinthians 7): "I would that all men were even as myself: . . . But I say to the unmarried, and to the widows: It is good for them if they so continue, even as I . . . But I would have you to be without solicitude. He that is without a wife, is solicitous for the things of the Lord, how he may please God. But he that is with a wife, is solicitous for the things of the world, how he may please his wife: and he is divided . . . He that giveth his virgin in marriage, doth well; and he that giveth her not, doth better."这是圣保禄谁写如下一个很大的日期较早（ 1哥林多前书七）说： “我想，所有男人，甚至作为自己： 。 。 。但我说，未婚，并遗孀：这是一件好事如果他们这么继续下去，甚至在我。 。 。但我想有你没有的关怀，他是没有一个妻子，是solicitous为的东西，上帝，他如何可能，请上帝，但他是与一妻子，是solicitous为的东西，世界上，他如何可能请他的妻子：他是意见分歧。 。 。他认为，美属维尔京giveth他在婚姻中， doth好;他说， giveth她不要， doth更好“ 。 It would be rash to suppose that St. Paul, who wrote thus to the Corinthians, in general, could not shortly before his death require that those who were to take the place of the Apostles and hold the highest offices in the Church should not have been married more than once.它会出疹的病征，假设圣保禄，谁写，因此向哥林多前书，在一般情况，不能在短期内他死之前，需要那些谁被采取地方使徒，并举行最高的办事处，在教会里不应该有结婚超过一次以上。
(3) "The distinctive element, however, ie the prominence assigned to Timothy and Titus, is intelligible only on the supposition that the author had specially in view the ulterior end of vindicating the legitimate evangelic succession of contemporary episcopi and other office-bearers in provinces where this was liable for various reasons to be challenged" (in the beginning of the second century). （ 3 ） “与众不同的元素，不过，即突出指派给提摩太和提多书，是理解，不仅对假定作者特别是在检视别有用心月底维护合法福音继承当代episcopi和其他办公室承担在的省份，这是责任由于种种原因受到质疑， “ （在开始的第二个世纪） 。 - Thousands have read these Epistles, from their very first appearance until now, without such a conclusion suggesting itself to them. -数以千计的人阅读这些书信，从他们很首次出现到现在，如果没有这样一个结论，建议本身给他们。 If this objection means anything it means that the Apostles could not assign prominent positions to any of their disciples or delegates; which runs counter to what we read of Timothy and Titus in the earlier Epistles of St. Paul.如果这一反对任何意义，它意味着使徒无法转让的显着位置以任何其弟子或代表;背道而驰，以我们读到的提摩太和提多在以前的书信的圣保禄。
(4) "The prominence given to 'teaching' qualities shows that one danger of the contemporary churches lay largely in the vagaries of unauthorized teachers (Did., xvi). The author's cure is simple: Better let the episcopus himself teach! Better let those in authority be responsible for the instruction of the ordinary members! Evidently teaching was not originally or usually (1 Timothy 5:17) a function of presbyters, but abuses had led by this time, as the Didache proves, to a need of combining teaching with organised church authority." （ 4 ） “突出以教学素质表明，一个危险的当代教会奠定主要是在变幻莫测的未经授权的教师（ did. ，十六） 。作者的治疗很简单：更好地让episcopus自己教导！更好地让那些在管理局负责的指示，普通会员！明显教学原本并非或通常（ 1提摩太5时17分）的函数， presbyters ，但滥用导致了这个时候，作为didache证明，需要相结合教学与有组织教会的权力“ 。 - What a lot of meaning is read into half a dozen words of these Epistles! -什么是大量的意思是读入的一半十的话，这些