The two Epistles to the Thessalonians, books of the New Testament of the Bible, are the first of Saint Paul's letters, written about AD 50 from Corinth to his recently founded community of Christians at Thessalonika.两个书信向帖撒罗尼迦，书籍的新约圣经的圣经，是第一圣保罗的信件，书面有关广告50科林斯从他最近成立了社会的基督信徒在萨洛尼卡。 Paul reviews his stay with them, expresses concern for their welfare, and encourages them in suffering.保罗评论他的逗留，与他们表示关注他们的福利，并鼓励他们在痛苦。 Paul also instructs them on the Second Coming of Jesus, which he expected imminently at this early stage in his career, and reassures them that those already dead will rise and that certain signs will precede the end.保罗还指示他们就第二次来的耶稣，他预计即将在这个早期阶段，在其职业生涯中，和他们放心，那些已经死会上升和某些迹象，将先结束。 Some scholars hold that 2 Thessalonians is by a later disciple of Paul.一些学者认为，二帖撒罗尼迦是由后来的门徒保罗。
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Bibliography
参考书目
E Best, A
Commentary on the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians (1972); GH
Giblin, The Threat to Faith (1967). e最好的，评论就第一次和第二次书信向帖撒罗尼迦（ 1972年）
;生长激素•吉布兰，威胁到信仰（ 1967年） 。
Second Epistle第二书信
The first epistle to the Thessalonians was the first of all Paul's epistles.第一书信向帖撒罗尼迦是第一次所有保罗的书信。 It was in all probability written from Corinth, where he abode a "long time" (Acts 18:11, 18), early in the period of his residence there, about the end of AD 52.这是在所有的概率书面从科林斯，他在那里居留权“很长时间” （行为18时11分， 18 ） ，早在这段期间，他居住在那里，大约年底广告52 。 The occasion of its being written was the return of Timotheus from Macedonia, bearing tidings from Thessalonica regarding the state of the church there (Acts 18:1-5; 1 Thess. 3:6).之际，其正在被书面返回timotheus从马其顿，轴承福音从塞萨洛尼卡有关国家的教会有（ 18:1-5行为;书一。 3时06分） 。 While, on the whole, the report of Timothy was encouraging, it also showed that divers errors and misunderstandings regarding the tenor of Paul's teaching had crept in amongst them.同时，就整体而言，报告提摩太是令人鼓舞的，它也表明，潜水员的错误和误解，关于男高音保罗的教学已出现在他们当中。 He addresses them in this letter with the view of correcting these errors, and especially for the purpose of exhorting them to purity of life, reminding them that their sanctification was the great end desired by God regarding them.他谈到，他们在这方面与信的看法，纠正这些错误，特别是为目的的劝告他们纯度的生活，提醒他们，他们成圣是伟大年底所期望的关于他们的上帝。
The subscription erroneously states that this epistle was written from Athens.订阅误国，这是书信的书面从雅典。 The second epistle to the Thessalonians was probably also written from Corinth, and not many months after the first.第二书信向帖撒罗尼迦大概也写在科林斯，而不是很多个月后首次。 The occasion of the writing of this epistle was the arrival of tidings that the tenor of the first epistle had been misunderstood, especially with reference to the second advent of Christ.值此撰写本书信是福音的到来表示男高音的第一书信已被误解，尤其是与参考第二的来临，基督。 The Thessalonians had embraced the idea that Paul had taught that "the day of Christ was at hand", that Christ's coming was just about to happen.该帖撒罗尼迦了拥抱的思想，保罗曾教导说： “天基督是在手” ，即基督的未来，只是即将发生。 This error is corrected (2:1-12), and the apostle prophetically announces what first must take place.这个错误纠正（ 2:1-12 ） ，和使徒prophetically宣布，什么必须首先采取的地方。 "The apostasy" was first to arise. “叛教”一词，最先出现的。 Various explanations of this expression have been given, but that which is most satisfactory refers it to the Church of Rome.各种解释的，这表达已获得，但是这是最令人满意的，它是指以罗马教会。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
Thessalonica was a large and populous city on the Thermaic bay.塞萨洛尼卡是一个人口众多的大市就thermaic湾。 It was the capital of one of the four Roman districts of Macedonia, and was ruled by a praetor.这是首都之一，四个罗马地区的马其顿，被裁定由praetor 。 It was named after Thessalonica, the wife of Cassander, who built the city.它被命名后，塞萨洛尼卡，妻子cassander ，谁兴建的城市。 She was so called by her father, Philip, because he first heard of her birth on the day of his gaining a victory over the Thessalians.她是所谓的由她的父亲，弘，因为他第一次听到她的出生就一天他获得了胜利，超过thessalians 。 On his second missionary journey, Paul preached in the synagogue here, the chief synagogue of the Jews in that part of Macedonia, and laid the foundations of a church (Acts 17: 1-4; 1 Thes. 1:9).在关于他第二次传教之旅，保罗鼓吹在犹太教堂在这里，行政犹太教堂的犹太人在这方面的一部分，马其顿，并奠定了基础，一所教堂（行为17 ： 1月4日;提供这些1 。 1时09分） 。 The violence of the Jews drove him from the city, when he fled to Berea (Acts 17:5-10).暴力的犹太人将他从城市，当他逃到伯里亚（行为17:5-10 ） 。 The "rulers of the city" before whom the Jews "drew Jason," with whom Paul and Silas lodged, are in the original called politarchai, an unusual word, which was found, however, inscribed on an arch in Thessalonica. “统治者的城市”之前，其中的犹太人“提请杰森， ”与谁保罗西拉斯和投诉，是在原来的所谓politarchai ，一个不寻常的一句话，被发现，不过，上镌刻一弓在塞萨洛尼卡。
This discovery confirms the accuracy of the historian.这一发现证实了精确的历史学家。 Paul visited the church here on a subsequent occasion (20:1-3).保罗参观了教堂在这里就一，而其后每次（ 20:1-3 ） 。 This city long retained its importance.这个城市，只要保留了它的重要性。 It is the most important town of European Turkey, under the name of Saloniki, with a mixed population of about 85,000.这是最重要的城市，欧洲土耳其，的名义下， saloniki ，与混合人口约8.5万。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
Two of the canonical Epistles of St. Paul.两个典型书信的圣保禄。 This article will treat the Church of Thessalonica, the authenticity, canonicity, time and place of writing, occasion, and contents of the two Epistles to that Church.本文将对待教会塞萨洛尼卡，真实性， canonicity ，时间及地点，写作，场合和内容，这两个书信，以该教堂。
I. THE CHURCH OF THESSALONICA一，教会塞萨洛尼卡
After Paul and Silas had, during the Apostle's second missionary journey, left Philippi, they proceeded to Thessalonica (Thessalonike, the modern Saloniki), perhaps because there was in the city a synagogue of the Jews (Acts 17:2).之后，保罗和西拉斯曾，在使徒的第二次传教之旅，左腓立比，他们着手塞萨洛尼卡（ thessalonike ，现代saloniki ） ，也许是因为有在这个城市一犹太教堂的犹太人（行为17时02分） 。 Thessalonica was the capital of the Roman Province of Macedonia; it was a free city, ruled by a popular assembly (cf. Acts 17:5, eis ton demon) and magistrates (cf. verse 6, epi tous politarchas).塞萨洛尼卡是首都罗马省的马其顿，它是一个自由的城市，裁定由人民大会（参见行为17时05分， EIS的恶魔吨）和裁判官（参见诗六，计划免疫Tous的politarchas ） 。 St. Paul at once began to preach the Gospel to the Jews and proselytes.圣保禄在一旦开始传福音给犹太人和proselytes 。 For three successive sabbaths he explained the Scriptures in the synagogue, opening up the way and gradually leading his hearers to the tremendous truth that there was need the Christ should die and rise again from the dead, and that Jesus whom Paul preached was in very truth this Christ.连续3安息日他解释圣经，在犹太教会堂，开放的方式，并逐步领先，他hearers ，以巨大的真理，有必要基督死亡和再次上升，从死里复活，耶稣是谁保罗所宣扬的是在非常真相这基督。 Some of the Jews believed and took sides with Paul and Silas.一些犹太人相信了双方与保罗和西拉。 It would seem that Paul stayed in the city some time thereafter, for, according to the reading of Codex Bezæ (fifth century), and the Vulgate and Coptic Versions (Acts 17:4), he converted a large number not only of proselytes (ton te sebomenon) but of Gentile Greeks (kai Hellenon).它似乎保罗留在城市一段时间，此后，根据该读法典bezæ （五世纪） ，以及武加大和科普特版本（行为17时04分） ，他改建了一大批不仅proselytes （吨特sebomenon ） ，但詹蒂莱希腊人（启hellenon ） 。 In the first place, it is unlikely that a large number of these latter were won over to the Faith during the three weeks devoted to the synagogues; for Paul did manual labour night and day, so as not to be burdensome to his converts (1 Thessalonians 2:9).摆在首位，这是不大可能了一大批这些后者则赢得了向信仰在3个星期专门到犹太教堂;保罗没有体力劳动的夜间和天，以便不带来沉重负担，他的转换（ 1帖撒罗尼迦2时09分） 。 Secondly, these converts from idolatry (1 Thessalonians 1:9) would scarcely have become, after so brief an apostolate, a "pattern to all that believe in Macedonia and in Achaia" (1 Thessalonians 1:7).第二，这些转换，从偶像崇拜（ 1帖撒罗尼迦1时09分）将几乎已成为，经过这么一个简短的使徒，一“模式的所有相信在马其顿和在achaia ” （ 1帖撒罗尼迦1时07分） 。 Thirdly, the Church of Philippi sent alms twice to Paul at Thessalonica (Phil., iv, 16), a fact which seems to indicate that his sojourn there was longer than three weeks.第三，教会腓立比发送施舍了两次保罗在塞萨洛尼卡（ phil. ，四， 16 ） ，这一事实似乎表明，他逗留有较长的超过三个星期。
Be this as it may, the signal success of Paul's apostolate among Jews, proselytes, and Hellenes together with the conversion of "not a few noble ladies" (Acts 17:4), aroused the Jews to a fury of envy; they gathered together a mob of idlers from the agora and set the whole city in tumult; they beset the home of Jason, found the Apostle away, dragged his host to the tribunal of the politarchs and charged him with harbouring traitors, men who set Jesus up as king in place of Cæsar.这样，因为它可能，所得到的信号的成功，保罗的使徒之间的犹太人， proselytes ， hellenes连同转换“ ，而不是数崇高的女士们” （行为17时04分） ，引起了犹太人的一个暴跳如雷的羡慕，他们聚集在一起暴徒托辊从键，并设置全市在动荡;困扰他们的家贾森，发现使徒以外，拖了他的东道国向法庭的politarchs ，并指控他窝藏叛徒，男人谁订定耶稣作为国王在地方cæsar 。 That night the brethren made good the escape of their teacher to Berea.那天晚上，兄弟取得了良好的逃生，他们的老师伯里亚。 There the Gospel of Paul met with a much more enthusiastic reception than that accorded to it by the synagogue of Thessalonica.有福音的保罗会见了更为热烈的接待，比赋予它由犹太教堂的塞萨洛尼卡。 The Jews of that city drove Paul to Berea and there, too, stirred up the mob against him.犹太人该城驱车郑明训，以伯里亚有，也激起了暴徒对他的。 He left Silas and Timothy to complete his work and went to Athens (Acts 17:1-15).他离开西拉斯和提摩太，以完成他的工作，并前往雅典（行为17:1-15 ） 。
II.二。 FIRST EPISTLE第一书信
A. Authenticity答：真实性
(1) External Evidence （ 1 ）外部证据
(a) II Thessalonians. （一）第二帖撒罗尼迦。 The strongest external evidence in favour of the authenticity of I Thessalonians is II Thessalonians which, whatsoever be its date of composition, is the very earliest document that clearly presupposes I Thessalonians to have been written by Paul.最强的外部证据，在赞成的真实性的I帖撒罗尼迦是第二帖撒罗尼迦，什么是它的日期组成，是非常最早的文件清楚地假定i帖撒罗尼迦已书面保罗。
(b) Manuscripts. （二）手稿。 The evidence of manuscripts alone is such as to set the authenticity of this letter beyond all doubt; it is in the Greek text of the Codex Sinaiticus (fourth century), Codex Vaticanus (fourth century), and Codex Alexandrinus (fifth century); it is in the Old Latin and Syriac Versions, which trace its authenticity down to the middle of the second century.证据的手稿，单是如设置的真实性，这封信毫无疑问，这是在希腊的文本法典sinaiticus （第四世纪） ，食品法典委员会vaticanus （第四世纪） ，以及食品法典委员会alexandrinus （五世纪） ;是在旧的拉丁美洲和叙利亚的版本，其中微量的真实性，下降至中的第二个世纪。
(c) The Apostolic Fathers give evidence of very early use of the Epistle as Sacred Scripture. （三）使徒父亲提供证据很早就使用的书信作为神圣的经文。 St. Ignatius of Antioch (d. AD 110-17, according to the chronology of Harnack which we shall follow in this article), in "Eph.", X, i, probably uses the adialeiptos proseuchesthai, "pray without ceasing", of I Thess., v, 17; and undoubtedly had in mind I Thess., ii, 4, when writing to the Romans (II, i) the distinctly Pauline thought of ou thelo hymas anthropareskein alla theo, "I will that ye please not man but God".圣伊格内修斯安提（四广告110-17 ，根据时序哈纳克，我们应遵循在这方面的文章） ，在“以弗所书” ，第十，我，可能是使用adialeiptos proseuchesthai ， “祈祷没有停止” ，对I thess 。 ，五， 17日;毫无疑问，考虑到i thess 。第一，二，四，当以书面形式向罗马（二， I ）的明显宝莲思想欧thelo hymas anthropareskein阿拉西奥， “我会叫你们，请不是人为，但以神之名“ 。 Because St. Ignatius, as the other Apostolic Fathers, cites from memory, without the exactness of later Fathers and without ever mentioning the name of the sacred writer quoted, Dr. Inge, the Lady Margaret professor of divinity in the University of Cambridge, says: "The evidence that Ignatius knew I Thessalonians is almost nil" (cf. "The New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers", Oxford, 1905, p. 74).因为圣伊格内修斯，作为其他使徒的父亲，濒危物种贸易公约从内存中，如果没有的正确性后来父亲和以往任何时候都没有提到名称的神圣作家引述博士，英奇，夫人吴教授神，在大学，剑桥大学，说： “证据表明，伊格内修斯知道我帖撒罗尼迦是几乎为零” （见“新约圣经中使徒的父亲” ，牛津， 1905年，第74页） 。 Against such scepticism, the clear use of St. Paul by the Apostolic Fathers is of no avail.对这种怀疑态度，明确使用圣保禄宗徒由父亲是无济于事的。 Harnack, who cannot be accused of overmuch credulity, thinks that St. Ignatius of Antioch possessed a collection of the Pauline Epistles; and that by the year 117, St. Polycarp of Smyrna had a complete collection (eine ganze Sammlung) thereof before him and veritably lived therein (cf. Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur, I, 249, note 2).哈纳克，谁不能指责overmuch轻信，认为圣伊格内修斯安提拥有收集的宝莲，书信，以及由今年的117 ，圣polycarp的士麦那有一个完整的收集（ eine甘孜sammlung ）条之前，他和veritably居住的地方（参见chronologie明镜altchristlichen litteratur ，我249 ，注2 ） 。 In the "Pastor" of Hermas (AD 140), we find the phrase of I Thess., v, 13, "Be at peace among yourselves" (eireneuete en heautois) several times, used almost as it occurs in the Alexandrian and Vatican Codices (cf. Hermas, "Simil.", VIII, vii, 2; "Vis.", III, vi, 3; III, ix, 2, 10; III, xii, 3).在“牧师” hermas （公元140 ） ，我们发现这句话的I thess 。 ，五，十三， “在你们之间的和平” （ eireneuete英文heautois ）数倍，几乎全都使用，因为它是发生在亚历山大与梵蒂冈codices （参见hermas ， “ simil ” ，八，七，二“ ;对于” ，三，六，三;第三，第九，第2 ，第10条;三，第十二章， 3 ） 。
The Apologetic Fathers are clear and to the point.该道歉的父亲是明确且切中要点。 St Irenæus (AD 181-9) cites I Thess., v, 23, expressly attributing the words to the Apostle's First Epistle to the Thessalonians ("Contra hæreses", V, vi, 1 in PG, VIII, 1138), and I Thess., v, 3, as the saying of the Apostle (ibid., V, xxx, 2 in PG, VII, 1205).圣irenæus （广告181-9 ）濒危物种贸易公约i thess 。 ，五， 23日，明确归咎于话，使徒的第一书信向帖撒罗尼迦（ “魂斗罗hæreses ” ，五，六，一在pg ，八， 1138年） ，我thess 。 ，五，三，正如俗语的使徒（同上，第五，第XXX号2在pg ，七， 1205年） 。 Tertullian quotes at length passages from each of the five chapters of I Thess.良报价在长通道，从每五个章节的I thess 。 to prove his thesis of the resurrection of the body ("Liber de resurrectione carnis", xxiv, in PL, II, 874) and uses the Epistle against Marcion ("Adv. Marcionem", V, xv in PL, II, 541).以证明他的论断，复活的身体（ “ liber德resurrectione carnis ” ，二十四，在规划地政局，二， 874 ） ，并用书信对马吉安（ “副marcionem ” ，五，十五规划地政局在第一，二， 541 ） 。 St Clement of Alexandria (AD 190-210) very often cites this brief letter -- cf.圣克莱门特在亚历山大（公元190-210 ） ，很多时候濒危物种贸易公约，这简短的信-比照。 "Pædagogus", I, v, 19 (Stählin's ed., I, 101) and "Stromata", I, i, 6 (Stählin's ed., II, 5) for I Thess., ii, 5-7; "Stromata", II, xi, 4, IV, xii (Stählin's ed., II, 138 and 286), for an allusion to I Thess., iv, 3, and an accurate citation of six verses (3-8) of the same chapter; "Pædagogus", II, ix, III, xii, IV, xxii (Stählin's ed., I, 206 and 288, and PG, VIII, 1352) for the appeal to almost every verse of I Thess., v, ie verses 5, 8, 13, 15, 19, 22; "Stromata", I, xi (Stählin's ed., II, 34) for a quotation from the same chapter. “ pædagogus ” ，我，五， 19 （ stählin的对外债务。 ，我， 101 ）和“ stromata ” ，我，我， 6 （ stählin的对外债务。第一，二，五） ，因为我thess 。第一，二， 5月7日“ ; stromata “第一，二，十一，四，四，第十二章（ stählin的对外债务。第一，二， 138和286 ） ，为一典故至I thess 。 ，四，三，准确地引用6诗（三月八日）同章“ ; pædagogus ” ，第二章，第九章，三，十二，四，二十二（ stählin的对外债务。 ，我， 206和288 ，和PG ，八， 1352年）为呼吁几乎每首诗的I thess 。 ，五，即诗5 ， 8 ， 13 ， 15 ， 19 ， 22 “ ; stromata ” ，我，第十一章（ stählin的对外债务。第一，二， 34岁）为报价从同一章中。 So strong is the external evidence in favour of the authenticity of I Thess.如此强大是外部证据，在赞成的真实性的I thess 。 as to convince all scholars save only those who, on account of internal evidence, deny to Paul the authenticity of all his Epistles.作为说服所有学者储存只有那些谁，对帐户的内部证据，否认向保罗的真实性，他的所有书信。
(2) Internal Evidence （ 2 ）内部证据
In I Thessalonians all the main Pauline doctrines are taught -- the Death and Resurrection of Jesus Christ (i, 10; iv, 14; v, 10); His Divinity and Sonship of the living God (i, 9, 10); the resurrection of our bodies (iv, 15-18), the mediatorship of Christ (v, 10); the call of the nations to the Kingdom of Christ, which is the Church (ii, 12), sanctification by the indwelling of the Holy Spirit (iv, 8).在I帖撒罗尼迦所有主要宝莲，理论讲授-死和复活的耶稣基督（一，第1 0条;四，第1 4条;五， 1 0） ;他的神性和s onship的活着的上帝（一， 9 ， 1 0） ;复活我们的身体（四， 15-18 ） ， mediatorship基督（五， 10 ） ;的号召，国家向英国基督的，这是教会（二， 12 ） ，成圣所留置的圣地精神（四，八） 。 The plain and direct style, the writer's affectionate concern for his spiritual children, his impatience of Judaizers, the preponderance of personal over doctrinal statements, the frank and honest self-revelation of the writer -- all these distinctly Pauline characteristics argue strongly for the authenticity of this letter.平原和直接的风格，作者的深情关注，他的精神的儿童，他不耐烦judaizers ，优势个人超过理论陈述，坦诚地自我启示作者-所有这些鲜明的特点，宝莲，据理力争，为的真伪本函。
Baur, the prime mover of neo-Tübingen ideas, was the first to wave aside recklessly all external evidence and seriously to attack the authenticity of I Thess.包尔，总理提出新蒂宾根大学的想法，是第一个波除了肆意的所有外部证据和严重攻击的真伪的I thess 。 from internal evidence (cf. "Der Apostel Paulus", ed. 2, II, 94).来自内部的证据（参见“明镜apostel保禄” ，教育署。二，二， 94 ） 。 He was followed by Nowack, "Der Ursprung des Christentums" (Leipzig, 1857), II, 313; Volkmar, "Mose, Prophezie und Himmelfahrt" (Leipzig, 1867), 114; and Van der Vries, "De beiden brieven aan de Thessalonicensen" (Leyden, 1865).他随后nowack ， “明镜ursprung万christentums ” （莱比锡， 1857年） ，第二章， 313 ; volkmar ， “ mose ， prophezie und体节” （莱比锡， 1867 ） ， 114 ;和Van der vries ， “德beiden brieven利益公告德thessalonicensen “ （莱登， 1865年） 。 The reasons which impel Baur and his followers are trivial.原因促使鲍尔和他的追随者是微不足道。
The lack of doctrine makes the letter unworthy of Paul.缺乏学说，使信辜负保罗。 We have noted that the main heads of Paul's teaching are included in this short letter.我们已指出，主要的元首保罗的教学包括在这短短的信。 Moreover, the letter is a most touching revelation of the great heart of St. Paul and as such alone is befitting the outspoken Apostle.此外，这封信是一个最感人的启示伟大的心脏，圣保禄，正因如此，单是配合该敢言的使徒。
The Epistle is a clumsy forgery.该书信是一种拙劣的伪造。 The author has worked up his story from Acts.作者的工作，他的故事，从行为。 Paul could not have written ii, 14-16.保罗不能有书面第二， 14日至16日。 It is far-fetched to compare the woes inflicted by the Jews upon the Church of Thessalonica with the ills they wrought upon the Church of Judea.这是十分牵强比较困难，所造成的犹太人后，教会塞萨洛尼卡与他们带来的弊病后，教会的朱迪亚。 It is un-Pauline to set Jewish Christians up as an example to Gentile converts (Baur, op. cit., 482).这是联合国宝莲设置犹太基督信徒，作为一个例子，詹蒂莱转换（鲍尔，前引书， 482 ） 。 These purely subjective objections are worthless.这些纯粹是主观的反对意见是一文不值。 The Apostle was too broadminded to be tied down to the narrow ideas of Baur.使徒太broadminded被束缚，以狭隘的想法鲍尔。 True, in his later letters -- to the Romans end Corinthians and Galatians, for instance -- we might not look for the juxtaposition of Jewish with Gentile Christians; but the Judaizers were not so troublesome to Paul when he wrote to the Thessalonians as when he wrote to the Romans.诚然，在他后来的信-罗马结束哥林多前书和加拉太书，例如-我们可能无法寻找并列犹太人与基督徒的詹蒂莱，但j u daizers没有那么麻烦，保罗时，他写信给帖撒罗尼迦当他写信给罗马。
The expression ephthase de ep autous he orge eis telos, "the wrath hath come upon them unto the end" (ii, 16), naturally refers to the destruction of Jerusalem (AD 70) as an accomplished punishment of the Jews for killing the Lord Jesus.表达ephthase德的EP autous他orge的EIS telos ， “愤怒祂所来后，他们所不欲，年底” （二16 ） ，自然是指破坏耶路撒冷（广告70 ）作为一个完成的惩罚犹太人杀害主耶稣。 This is an unwarranted assumption.这是一个不必要的假设。 The phrase eis telos is indefinite; it has no definite article nor any defining qualificative; it modifies ephthase and refers to no definite end either accomplished or to be accomplished.这句话的EIS telos是无限期;却没有定冠词，也没有任何界定qualificative ;修改ephthase和指没有明确的结束要么完成或将要完成。 St. Paul indefinitely but surely sees the oncoming end, reads the easily legible writing on the wall, and interprets that writing: "The wrath [of God] hath come upon them even unto making an end of them".圣保禄无限期，但肯定看到迎面而来的年底，读取容易易读的写作上墙，并解释说，写作： “愤怒[上帝]祂所来后，他们所不欲，甚至做出了年底他们” 。 (iv) Baur (op. cit., 485) finds the eschatology of the Epistle un-Pauline. （四）鲍尔（业务同上， 485 ）认为，末世的书信联合国宝莲。 In the Epistles to the Corinthians, Romans, and Galatians, for instance, there is no diving into the future, nothing said of the Parousia, or second coming of Jesus.在书信向哥林多前书，罗马，和加拉太书，举例来说，是没有潜水到未来，没有什么说的圆满，或第二次的到来，耶稣。 But the reason is clear -- those to whom Paul wrote his great and later Epistles had not the eschatological difficulties of the Thessalonians to meet.但原因是明确的-这些人保罗写他的伟大，后来书信已不是e schatological的困难，该帖撒罗尼迦，以应付。 He adapted his letters to the wants of those to whom he wrote.他改编，他写信给希望那些人，他写道。 The very fact that the apprehension of an immediate Parousia us not mentioned in the later letters would have prevented a forger from palming off as Pauline such an unusual topic.非常的事实，逮捕立即圆满，我们没有提到在后来的信件将有防止伪造从palming小康作为宝莲，这种不寻常的话题。
B. Canonicity乙canonicity
The two Epistles to the Thessalonians are included among the canonical books accepted by the Councils of the Vatican, of Trent, and of Florence, and are among the homologoumena of all early lists of canonical New-Testament Scriptures; for instance, to mention only such early lists as accord with the received canon of Trent, these two Epistles are listed in the Muratorian Fragment (AD 195-205), in the canons of St. Athanasius of Alexandria (AD 373), of the Third Council of Carthage (AD 397), in which Saint Augustine took part, of St. Epiphanius (AD 403), of Innocent I (AD 405), and of Gelasius (AD 492).两个书信向帖撒罗尼迦是其中包括典型的书籍接受由议会，梵蒂冈，特伦特，和佛罗伦斯，并是其中homologoumena所有早期的名单典型的新约圣经经文;举例来说，更遑论只有这样早期的名单，作为与佳能公司收到的特伦特，这两个书信都列于穆拉多利残卷片段（广告195-205 ） ，在大炮，圣亚他那修在亚历山大（公元373 ） ，第三届理事会迦太基（公元397 ） ，其中圣奥古斯丁参加了会议，圣埃皮法尼乌斯（公元403 ） ，无辜的我（广告405 ） ，和格拉西（公元492 ） 。 In fact there can be no reason whatsoever to doubt the canonicity of either letter.事实上，不可能有任何理由去怀疑canonicity无论信。
C. Time and Place长的时间和地点，
The textus receptus, at the end of the two Epistles, gives a subscription stating that they were written from Athens (egraphe apo Athenon); and this same subscription is contained in the great uncial codices A, B2, K2, L2 -- that is, Alexandrinus (fourth century), Vaticanus (fifth century corrector), Mosquensis, and Angelicus (both of the ninth century); it is likewise translated in important Latin, Syriac and Coptic manuscripts.该Web网站receptus ，截至去年底，两国书信，给出了认购，说明他们的书面从雅典（ egraphe载脂蛋白athenon ） ;这是在相同的用户中所载的伟大uncial codices 1 ， B2的， K2的，二级-这是， alexandrinus （第四世纪） ， vaticanus （第五世纪校正） ， mosquensis ，安杰利卡斯（两者均第九世纪） ;这是同样重要的翻译在拉丁美洲，叙利亚和科普特手稿。 None the less, there can be no doubt but that the letters were written during Paul's first stay in Corinth.不过，有可毫无疑问，但该信的书面期间，保罗的第一留在科林斯。 Timothy had been sent to Thessalonica by Paul from Athens (1 Thessalonians 3:2).提摩太后已送往塞萨洛尼卡由保罗从雅典（ 1帖撒罗尼迦3:2 ） 。 Hence some Fathers inferred that, on this mission, Timothy brought along I Thess.因此，一些父亲推断，对这个使命，提摩太带动i thess 。 The inference is wrong.推论是错误的。 As Rendel Harris says in "The Expositor" (1898), 174, Paul may have sent another letter from Athens by Timothy to the Thessalonians.作为rendel哈里斯说，在“ expositor ” （ 1898 ） ， 174 ，保罗可能发出的另一封信中从雅典由提摩太到帖撒罗尼迦。 He cannot have sent I Thessalonians from there by him.他不能发出i帖撒罗尼迦从那里由他。 Paul clearly states that Timothy had returned from Thessalonica before the writing of I Thessalonians.保罗清楚说明，提摩太后已返回从塞萨洛尼卡前，以书面的I帖撒罗尼迦。 (cf. iii, 6). （参见三，六） 。 Whither did he return?着他回报？ I Thessalonians does not state. i帖撒罗尼迦并不状态。 Acts, xviii, 5, supplies answer.行为，十八， 5 ，用品的答案。 When Timothy returned from Macedonia with Silas to Paul, the Apostle was at Corinth.当提摩太回来，马其顿与西拉斯，以保罗，使徒是在科林斯。 The news brought him by Timothy was the occasion of I Thessalonians.消息使他由蒂莫西是场合的I帖撒罗尼迦。 Moreover, in the greeting with which each letter begins, the names of Paul, Silvanus (ie Silas), and Timothy are grouped together; and we know that the three were together at Corinth (Acts 18:5) during Paul's first visit to that city (cf. also 2 Corinthians 1:19).此外，在迎接与每个字母开始，名称，郑明训， silvanus （即西拉斯） ，和提摩太被组合;我们知道，这3人一起在科林斯（行为18时05分）期间，保罗首次访华表示城市（见哥林多前书二也1时19分） 。 We have no proof that they were ever elsewhere together.我们没有证据证明他们有否在其他地方一起。 I Thess., then, was written during the eighteen months Paul stayed. i thess ，然后，写在18个月保留。 at Corinth, ie in the year 48 or 49, according to the chronology of Harnack, "Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur" (Leipzig, 1897), I, 717; in the year 53 or 54 according to the commonly received scheme of Pauline chronology.在科林斯，即在今年48或49 ，根据时序哈纳克， “ chronologie明镜altchristlichen litteratur ” （莱比锡， 1897 ） ，我717 ，在今年53或54根据该计划，普遍收到的宝莲年表。 Both letters are generally considered to be the earliest extant writings of St. Paul.这两个字母一般都被认为是现存最早的著作圣保禄。 Some few now deem it proved that Paul wrote to the South Galatians even before he wrote to the Thessalonians, cf.一些数，现在认为这是证明保罗写信给南加拉太书，甚至之前，他写信给帖撒罗尼迦，比照。 Zahn, "Einleitung in das Neue Testament" Leipzig, 1897), I, 138.赞恩， “在einleitung之neue圣经”莱比锡， 1897 ） ，我138 。
D. Occasion四际
Having arrived at Athens, Paul at once set himself to convert the Jews, proselytes and Gentiles of that city.抵达后，在雅典奥运会上，保罗在一旦设置自己要转换犹太人， proselytes和外邦人的城市。 Among the latter he met with unusually small success.其中后者，他会见了非同寻常的小成功。 The Epicureans and Stoics for the most part rated him as a talkative lounger in the agora and either berated him with ridicule upon the Hill of Ares or waved him aside (Acts 17:16-32).该epicureans和stoics为最的一部分，评价他是一个健谈lounger ，在键和要么berated他与嘲笑后山顷或挥手致意，他除了（行为17:16-32 ） 。 Meanwhile he trembled for the Church of Thessalonica.同时，他颤抖，对于教会的塞萨洛尼卡。 So long as he had been there, only the Jews strove to set his work at naught; now in his absence, the Gentiles joined the Jews (1 Thessalonians 2:14), and made a vigorous onslaught upon the faith of his children.只要他已在那里，只有犹太人力图订定他的工作化为乌有，现在在他缺席时，外邦人加入犹太人（ 1帖撒罗尼迦2时14分） ，并提出了严厉的冲击后的信念，他的孩子们。 Paul yearned mightily to see their face once more.保罗渴望mightily看到他们面临的一次。 In his intense affection and concern, he breaks away from his wonted first plural: "We willed to have come to you, even I, Paul, and that once and again; but Satan hindered us" (ii, 18).在他激烈的感情和关注，他脱离他的wonted第一文字： “我们意志有到你们这里来，连我自己，郑明训，并一次又一次，但撒旦阻碍了我们” （二18 ） 。 The hindrance wrought by Satan was probably a security against his return given by Jason and some friends (Acts 17:9).阻挠所造成的撒旦可能是一个安全对他的回报给予由Jason和一些朋友（行为17时09分） 。 Being unable to follow the yearnings of his heart, Paul sent Timothy to save the flock from the ravening wolves (1 Thessalonians 2:2).无法按照憧憬他的心脏，保罗发出提摩太保存羊群从ravening狼（ 1帖撒罗尼迦2时02分） 。 The Acts make no mention of this legation of Timothy from Athens to Thessalonica.行为没有提及这公馆的提摩太从雅典到塞萨洛尼卡。 Not long after, Paul left for Corinth (Acts 18:1).不久之后，保罗离开科林斯（行为18时01分） 。 Thither Timothy, who returned from Thessalonica, brought back an eyewitness's testimony as to the conditions of the faithful of that city. thither提摩太，谁回来塞萨洛尼卡，带回一名目击者的证词，以条件的信徒们认为，市。 Rendel Harris, in "The Expositor" (1898), 167, thinks that the Thessalonians sent Paul a letter by Timothy and, to make good his theory, appeals to I Thess., i, 2, 5; ii, 1, 5, 9-13; iii, 3-6. rendel哈里斯，在“ expositor ” （ 1898 ） ， 167 ，认为这帖撒罗尼迦发送保罗的信提摩太，好好他的理论，上诉至I thess 。 ，我， 2 ， 5 ;二， 1 ， 5 ， 9月13日;三， 3月6日。 There may be some ground for such conjecture in "We also" (kai hemeis) of I, ii, 13; "Also I" (kago) of I, iii, 5, and in "you have a good remembrance of us always" (echete mneian hemon agaphen) of I, iii, 6.可能有一些理由，这种猜想在“我们也” （启hemeis ）一，二， 13人; “还我” （ kago ）一，三，五，在“你有一个很好的纪念，我们始终” （ echete mneian hemon agaphen ）一，三，六。 Be this as it may, whether by letter or by word of mouth, Timothy fully informed Paul of the needs of the Christian community at Thessalonica; and these needs were the occasion of the first Epistle to that community.这样，因为它可能，不论是由字母或由口碑相传，提摩太充分知情的保罗的需要，基督教社会塞萨洛尼卡;和这些需要之际，第一次书信，以社区。
E. Contents e.内容
No other letter of Paul to a Church is so free and easy and epistolary as is this letter; it defies strict doctrinal analysis, and is far more personal than doctrinal.没有其他的信中，郑明训，以一所教堂是免费且容易和epistolary是本函;违抗严格的理论分析，更是远远超过个人理论。 Merely for the sake of some division, we may consider chapters i and iii as personal, chapters iv and v as doctrinal.只是为求一些分工，我们可以考虑的章节，我和三个人，第四章和第五章为理论。
Personal part -- a missionary's free outpouring of a noble heart's yearnings.个人部分-传教的自由源源不断的一项崇高的心脏的憧憬。 He is filled with joy at hearing how they stand fast by the faith which he preached to them (i, 2, 8); fondly talks about his labours and about his stay with them (I, 9-ii, 12); thanks God for the way they received from him the word of God (ii, 13 - 16); delicately hints at his apprehensions for them, by telling how at Athens he yearned to see them, how he sent Timothy in his stead, how relieved he now is as Timothy's message has brought him peace of mind (ii, 17-iii, 10).他是充满了喜悦，在听证会如何，他们的立场，快速由信仰他鼓吹他们（一，二， 8 ） ;亲切会谈，对他的劳动和对他的留与他们（我9 -二， 12 ） ;感谢上帝为方式，他们收到了从他上帝的话（二， 13 -1 6） ;微妙的暗示，在他的顾虑他们，告诉如何在雅典奥运会上，他渴望看到他们，他如何发送提摩太在他而起，如何纾缓，他现在是提摩太的讯息，带来了他内心的平静（二17三， 10 ） 。 Then follows a brief and beautiful prayer which sums up the yearnings of the great soul of the Apostle (iii, 11-13).然后如下简短的和美丽的祈祷，其中总结了憧憬的伟大灵魂的使徒（三， 11月13日） 。
Doctrinal part.理论的一部分。 With this prayer ends what is meant to be free and epistolary.与此祈祷结束是什么意思应该是自由epistolary 。 Now follows as little phrase of transition -- "For the rest, therefore, brethren" -- and a thoroughly Pauline and direct exhortation upon how they "ought to walk and to please God" by purity (iv, 1-8), brotherly love (iv, 9-10), and peaceful toil (verse 11).现在如下少语的过渡-“为休息，因此，兄弟” -和彻底宝莲和直接的劝告后，他们如何“应步行，并请神”由纯度（四， 1月8日） ，兄弟爱（四， 9月10日） ，以及和平的辛劳（新诗11 ） 。 The peace of everyday toil had been disturbed by a fanatical lethargy due to the supposed oncoming Parousia.和平日常生活的辛劳已不安的一种狂热嗜睡，由于假定迎面而来的圆满。 Hence the eschatological passage that follows.因此， eschatological通道如下。 The brethren who have died will have part in the Second Coming just as they that are now alive (verses 12-17); the time of the Parousia is uncertain, so that watch-fullness and not lethargy are needed (v, 1-11).兄弟谁死亡，将有一部分在第二次来就像他们说，现在活着（韵文12月17日） ;的时候，圆满是不确定的，使观赏-丰满，而不是嗜睡需要（五， 1月11日） 。 The letter ends with a series of pithy and pointed exhortations to respect for their religious teachers, and to the other virtues that make up the glory of Christian life (v, 12-22); the Apostolic benediction and salutation, a request for prayers and the charge that the letter be read in public (verses 23-28).信中最后提出了一系列的口诀，并指出嘱托，要尊重他们的宗教教师，和其他的美德弥补的荣耀，基督徒的生活（五， 12月22日） ;使徒benediction和称呼，要求祈祷和负责该信读在公众（诗23-28 ） 。
III.三。 SECOND EPISTLE第二书信
A. Authenticity答：真实性
(1) External Evidence （ 1 ）外部证据
Manuscript evidence is the same for II Thessalonians as for I Thessalonians; so, too, the evidence of the ancient versions.手稿的证据是相同的第二帖撒罗尼迦作为我帖撒罗尼迦;的话，太，证据的古代版本。 The Apostolic and Apologetic Fathers are more clearly in favour of II Thess.使徒和抱歉的父亲是更明确地赞成，二thess 。 than of I Thess.比的I thess 。 St. Ignatius, in Rom., x, 3, cites a phrase of II Thess., iii, 5, eis ten hypomonen tou Christou, "in the patience of Christ".圣伊格内修斯，在ROM 。 ，第十， 3 ，列举了一句thess二，三，五，十hypomonen的EIS头christou ， “在耐心基督” 。 St. Polycarp (XI, 3) refers the letter expressly to Paul, although, by a slip of the memory, he takes it that the Apostle glories (2 Thessalonians 1:4) in another Macedonian Church, that of the Philippians; elsewhere (XI, 1) Polycarp uses II Thess., iii, 15.圣polycarp （十一， 3 ）是指信中明文规定，郑明训，虽然，由一条支路的记忆，他认为使徒的辉煌（ 2帖撒罗尼迦1:4 ）在另一马其顿教会，即该philippians ;别处（十一， 1 ） polycarp用途thess二，三， 15 。 St. Justin (about AD 150), in "Dialog.", xxxii (PG, VI, 544), seems to have in mind the eschatological language of this letter.圣贾斯汀（约150广告） ，在“对话” ，三十二公司（ PG ，六， 544 ） ，似乎已在考虑eschatological语言本函。 Besides it is set down as Pauline in the Canon of Marcion (about AD 140).此外，这是订下作为宝莲，在佳能的马吉安（约广告140条） 。
(2) Internal Evidence （ 2 ）内部证据
The literary dependence of II Thessalonians on I Thessalonians cannot be gainsaid.文学的依赖，二帖撒罗尼迦，我帖撒罗尼迦不能gainsaid 。 The writer of the former must have written the latter, and that too not very long thereafter.作者前必须有书面后者，而且也不会很长。 II Thess., ii, 15, and iii, 6, are to be explained by I Thess., iv, 1-8 and 11.二thess 。第一，二，十五，和三，六，要解释，由I thess 。 ，四， 1月8日和11 。 The style of the two letters is admittedly identical; the prayers (I, iii 11, v, 23; II, ii, 16, iii, 16), greetings (I, i, 1; II, i, 1, 2) thanks (I, i, 2; II, i, 3), and transitions (I, iv, 1; II, iii, 1) are remarkably alike in form.作风的两封信是无可否认相同;祈祷（一，三，十一，五， 23岁;二，二， 16 ，三， 16 ） ，问候（我，我，一;第二，我， 1 ， 2 ）感谢（我，我， 2 ;二，我， 3 ） ，及转换（一，四，一;第二，三， 1 ）是显着，都在表格。 Two-thirds of II Thess.有三分之二的第二thess 。 is like to I Thess.是一样，到I thess 。 in vocabulary and style.在词汇和文体。 Moreover, the structure of the Epistle, its subject-matter, and its affectionate outbursts of prayer for the recipients and of exhortation are all decidedly Pauline characteristics.此外，结构的书信，其主题事项，其有情爆发的祈祷，为受助人的告诫，都是坚决宝莲的特点。 The argument from internal evidence is so strong as to have won over such critics as Harnack (Chronologie, I, 238) and Jülicher (Einleitung, 40).论据来自内部的证据是如此强大，以赢得超过这些批评者作为哈纳克（ chronologie ，我， 238 ）和jülicher （ einleitung ， 40 ） 。 Schmiedel, Holtzmann, Weizacker, and others deny the force of this argument from internal evidence. schmiedel ， holtzmann ， weizacker ，和其他人否认，该部队的这种说法来自内部的证据。 Its very similarity to I Thess.其非常相似的I thess 。 in vocabulary and style is made to militate against the authenticity of II Thess.; the letter is too Pauline; the author was a clever forger, who, some sixty years later, took up I Thess.在词汇和文体是作出不利的真实性，二thess 。 ;这封信是太宝莲;作者是一个聪明的伪造，谁，有些六十年后，上台介绍I thess 。 and worked it over.和它的工作。 There has been no motive assigned for such a forgery; no proof given that any post-Apostolic writer was so cunning as to palm off thus letter as a Pauline imitation.已没有动机指派为这样一个伪造;没有证据证明给予任何后使徒作家是如此狡猾，以棕榈小康因此，信作为宝莲仿制。
Eschatology of Paul.末世保罗。 The chief objection is that the eschatology of II Thess.行政反对，是因为末世的第二thess 。 contradicts that of I Thess.: the letter is in this un-Pauline.这是自相矛盾的的I thess 。 ：这封信是在这方面联合国宝莲。 In I Thess., iv, 14-v, 3, the writer says the Parousia is imminent; in II Thess., ii, 2-12, iii, 11, the writer sets the Parousia a long time off.在I thess 。 ，四， 14五，三，作者说圆满是迫在眉睫的;在第二thess 。第一，二， 2月12日，三，十一，作者集圆满长期的时间休息。 Non-Catholics who hold the Pauline authorship of the two letters generally admit that Paul predicted the second coming would be within his own lifetime and deem that the signs narrated in II Thess., ii, as preludes to that coming do not imply a long interval nor that Paul expected to die before these signs occurred.非天主教徒谁举行宝莲，作者的两封信普遍承认，保罗预言，第二次来将他自己一生中认为迹象，叙述在第二thess 。第一，二，作为前奏曲这一来，并不意味着长期区间保罗也指出，预计死亡之前，这些迹象发生。 Catholics insist that Paul cannot have said the Parousia would be during his lifetime.天主教徒坚持认为，保罗不能说圆满，将在他的一生。 Had he said so he would have erred; the inspired word of God would err; the error would be that of the Holy Spirit more than of Paul.他这样说，他将有偏差;启发上帝的话会犯错;错误将是圣灵以上的保罗。 True, the Douay Version seems to imply that the Parousia is at hand: "Then we who are alive, who are left, shall be taken up together with them in the clouds to meet Christ, into the air, and so shall we always be with the Lord" (1 Thessalonians 4:16).诚然， douay版本似乎暗示圆满是在手： “那么我们谁活着，谁是左，应采取的行动与他们共同努力，在云，以满足基督，进入空气，所以我们应始终与主“ （ 1帖撒罗尼迦4时16分） 。 The Vulgate is no clearer: "Nos, qui vivimus, qui residui sumus" etc. (iv, 15-17).该武加大是没有清晰的： “不， qui vivimus ， qui residui sumus ”等（四， 15-17 ） 。 The original text solves the difficulty: hemeis oi zontes oi paraleipomenoi, ama syn autois arpagesometha.原文，解决了困难： hemeis爱zontes爱paraleipomenoi ，反垄断法的SYN autois arpagesometha 。 Here the Hellenistic syntax parallels the Attic.在这里，希腊语法平行的阁楼。 The sentence is conditional.一句是有条件的。 The two participles present stand for two futures preceded by ei; the participles have the place of a protasis.两个participles目前的立场，为两国期货之前的EI ; participles有地方一个protasis 。 The translation is: "We, if we be alive -- if we be left -- [on earth], shall be taken up" etc. A similar construction is used by Paul in I Cor., xi, 29 (cf. Moulton "Grammar of New Testament Greek", Edinburgh, 1906, I, 230).翻译是： “我们，如果我们还活着-如果我们留待- [地球上] ，应采取”等类似的建设，是用保罗在林前，第十一，2 9 （参见Mo ulton着“语法的新约圣经希腊” ，爱丁堡， 1906年，我， 230 ） 。 St. Paul is here no more definite about the time of the Parousia than he was in I Thess., v, 2, when he wrote "that the day of the Lord shall so come, as a thief in the night."圣保禄是这里没有更明确的关于时间的圆满，比他在I thess 。 ，五，二，当他写道： “主日，应使来，作为一个小偷在夜间” 。 There is in St. Paul's eschatology the very same indefiniteness about the lime of the Parousia that there is in the eschatological sayings of Jesus as related in the Synoptics (Matthew 24:5-45; Mark 13:7-37; Luke 21:20-36).有在圣保禄的末世非常相同的不确定性有关石灰的圆满是有，在eschatological熟语耶稣的作为有关，在synoptics （马太24:5-45 ;马克13:7-37 ;卢克21时20分-36 ） 。 "Of that day or hour no man knoweth, neither the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but the Father" (Mark 13:32). “这一天或小时没有人knoweth ，既不是天使，在天堂，也不是儿子，但父亲” （马克13时32分） 。 In the deposit of faith given by the Father to the Son, to be given by the Son to the Church, the time of the Parousia was not contained.在存款的信仰所给予的父亲的儿子，得到由儿子到教会，时间，圆满不载。 We readily admit that St. Paul did not know the time of the Parousia; we cannot admit that he knew it wrong and wrote it wrong as the inspired Word of God and a part of the deposit of faith.我们很容易承认，圣保禄不知道的时候，圆满，我们可以不承认，他知道这是错误的和写的错误作为灵感神的话语和部分存款的信仰。
As for the further objection that the apocalyptic character of ii, 2-12, is post-Pauline and dependent upon so late a composition as the Apocalypse of John (AD 93-96) or, worse still upon the Nero redivivus story (Tacitus "Hist.", II, viii), we answer that this assertion is entirely gratuitous.至于进一步的反对，该世界末日的性质二， 2月12日，后宝莲和依赖这么晚一组成的启示约翰（公元93-96 ） ，或者更糟糕的仍是后Nero的redivivus的故事（塔西图“历史。 “ ，第二章，第八章） ，我们的答案，这个论断是完全无偿的。 St. Paul got his apocalyptic ideas from the very same source as John, that is either from revelation to himself or from the Old Testament or from tradition.圣保禄得到了世界末日的思想工作十分重要，因此从同一来源的约翰，这是无论从启示，以自己或从旧约或从传统。 Most of the details of his apocalyptic description of the Parousia are given in other apocalypses (1 John 2:18; Matthew 24:24; Luke 21:8; Mark 13:22; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; Ezekiel 38 and 39; Daniel 7, 8, 9, 11, 12 etc.).大部分的细节，他的世界末日的描述圆满给出了在其他的启示（ 1约翰2时18分;马太24:24 ;卢克21时08分;马克13时22分;申命记13:1-5 ;以西结书38和39条;丹尼尔7 ， 8 ， 9 ， 11 ， 12等） 。 The man of sin, Antichrist, Belial, the well-nigh complete triumph of evil just before the end of time, the almost general apostasy, the portents, and other items are features familiar to Old-Testament and New-Testament apocalyptic writings.该名男子的单仲偕， antichrist ， belial ，以及几乎是完全的胜利，邪恶的只是年底前的时间，几乎是一般叛教， portents ，和其他项目的特点是熟悉的旧圣经和新约圣经世界末日的著作。
B. Canonicity乙canonicity
The canonicity of 2 Thessalonians has been treated together with that of 1 Thessalonians.该canonicity 2帖撒罗尼迦已处理的一起是一帖撒罗尼迦。
C. Time and Place长的时间和地点，
II Thessalonians was written at Corinth not long after I Thessalonians, for both Timothy and Silas are still with Paul (i, 1), and the silence of the Acts shows that, once Paul left Corinth, Silas was not again his companion in the ministry.第二帖撒罗尼迦写在科林斯没多久后，我帖撒罗尼迦，双方提摩太和西拉斯仍与保罗（一， 1 ） ，沉默的行为表明，一旦离开保罗科林斯，西拉斯是不会再次同伴在该部。 There seem to be allusions in iii, 2, to the troublous stay of a year and a half at Corinth (Acts 18); in ii, 14, to the letter quite recently written to the Thessalonians; and in iii, 7-9, to the ministry of Paul among them as not long passed.有似乎是典故，在三，二，向troublous逗留了一年半，在科林斯（行为18条） ;在第二组， 14日，该信最近写信给帖撒罗尼迦;和在三， 7-9 ，该部的保罗它们之间不长的通过。
D. Occasion四际
The eschatology of I Thessalonians had been misunderstood by the Thessalonians; they took it, the day of the Lord was at hand (ii, 2); they were overwrought by the exaggerations of some meddlers and perhaps by a forged letter which purported to have come from Paul (ii, 2; iii, 17).该末世的I帖撒罗尼迦已被人误解的，由帖撒罗尼迦，他们采取了它，主日是在手（二， 2 ） ;他们overwrought所渲染的一些meddlers ，也许由一本伪造的信，其中的本意是来从保罗（二， 2 ;三， 17 ） 。 Moreover the disorderly conduct of some (iii, 6, 11) gave the Apostle no little concern; this concern he showed by the letter.此外，无序的进行一些（三，六， 11 ）给使徒没有一点关切的问题;这方面的关注，他表明，由信。
E. Contents e.内容
The three chapters into which the letter is now divided, aptly analyze the thought. 3个章节纳入其中这封信是现在分歧，恰当地分析了思想。 In the first chapter are a greeting, thanksgiving for the faith and love of the Thessalonians, and an assurance of Divine recompense to them and to their persecutors.在第一章是一个问候，感恩，为信仰和爱的帖撒罗尼迦，并保证神圣的赔偿向他们和迫害他们的人。 In the second chapter is the main thought of the letter -- the eschatology.在第二章，主要是思想的信-末世。 Certain signs are detailed which must precede the Parousia.某些迹象显示详细必须先圆满。 Until these signs appear, there is no reason for terror or taking leave of their senses.直到这些迹象看来，是没有理由的恐怖或请假其意识。 The third chapter is the usual Pauline request for prayers, a charge to avoid the disorderly, a truly Pauline allusion to the example he set them, and the final identification of the letter by a greeting written with his own hand.第三章是通常宝莲，请求祈祷，收取费用，以避免无序，一个真正的宝莲提到的例子，他和他们的最后鉴定的信问候，书面与他自己的手。
Publication information Written by Walter Drum.出版信息的书面沃尔特鼓。 Transcribed by Vernon Bremberg.转录由弗农bremberg 。 Dedicated to the Cloistered Dominican Nuns of the Monastery of the Infant Jesus, Lufkin, Texas The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.专为cloistered多米尼加修女修道院婴儿耶稣，路芙根，德州天主教百科全书，货量十四。 Published 1912. 1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. nihil obstat ， 1912年7月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
Bibliography参考书目
Of the Greek Fathers whose commentaries on I and II Thess.该希腊父亲的评论， I和II thess 。 have come down to us, ST.有回落，对我们来说，圣。 JOHN CHRYSOSTOM is by far the most scholarly; THEODORET is pithy and to the point.约翰金口是迄今为止最学术; theodoret是精辟且切中要点。 THEODORE OF MOPSUESTLA (about AD 415) forces the Apostle to his ideas.西奥多的mopsuestla （约广告415 ）势力的使徒，他的想法。 EUTHALIUS THE DEACON depends on THEODORE; ST. euthalius执事，取决于西奥多;圣。 JOHN DAMASCENE on ST.约翰大马士革对St 。 JOHN CHRYSOSTOM.约翰金口。 Among the Latin Fathers AMBROSIASTER (about 730) at times errs in matters of faith; PRIMASIUS (about 556) collated the expositions of AMBROSIASTER, PELAGIUS, ST.其中拉丁美洲的父亲ambrosiaster （约730 ）在时代errs事项的信仰; primasius （约556 ）整理的论述， ambrosiaster ，伯拉纠，圣。 AUGUSTINE, and ST.奥古斯丁和ST 。 JEROME.杰罗姆。 The great Catholic commentators of more recent time are: JUSTINIANI (Lyons, 1612), A LAPIDE (Antwerp, 1614), CAJETAN (Rome, 1529), SALMERÓN (Madrid, 1602), KISTEMAKER (Münster, 1822), McEVILLY (Dublin, 1875), BISPING (Münster, 1873), MAUNOURY (Paris, 1878), ROEHM (Passau, 1885), JOHANNES (Dillingen, 1898), PANEK (Ratisbon, 1886), PRAT, La théologie de Saint Paul (Paris, 1908), PICONIO (Pans, 1837), PERONNE (Paris, 1881), TOUSSAINT (Paris, 1910).伟大的天主教评论家更近的时间是：胡斯蒂尼亚尼（里昂， 1612年） ，拉辟特的哥尼流（安特卫普， 1614年） ， cajetan （罗马， 1529年） ， salmerón （马德里， 1602年） ，基斯特梅克（明斯特， 1822 ） ， mcevilly （都柏林， 1875年） ，比斯平（明斯特， 1873 ） ，莫努里（巴黎， 1878年） ，勒姆（帕绍， 1885 ） ，约翰内斯（迪林根， 1898 ） ， panek （拉蒂斯邦， 1886 ） ，宝勒巷，香格里拉théologie德圣保罗（巴黎， 1908年） ， piconio （平底锅， 1837 ） ， peronne （巴黎， 1881年） ，图桑（巴黎， 1910 ） 。 The chief Protestant commentaries are those of LIGHTFOOT (Notes, 1895), DRUMMOND (1899), FINDLAY (1904), MILLIGAN (1908), SCHMIEDEL (1892), B. WEISS (1896).行政新教的评论，那些lightfoot （附注， 1895年） ，德拉蒙德（ 1899年） ，范达（ 1904 ） ，米利（ 1908年） ， schmiedel （ 1892 ） ，乙魏斯（ 1896年） 。
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