General Information 一般资料
The Book of Sirach, or the Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach, is a book in the Apocrypha.这本书的西拉奇，或智慧，耶稣的儿子西拉奇，是一本书，在apocrypha 。 It is also known as Ecclesiasticus ("church book") because of its wide use among Greek and Latin Christians in moral instruction.它也被称为ecclesiasticus （ “教会书” ） ，因为它的广泛使用，其中希腊和拉丁美洲的基督徒在道义上的指示。 Classified among the wisdom writings, the book was written in Hebrew at Jerusalem c.分类之间的智慧的著作，这本书是写在希伯来语在耶路撒冷长 180 BC by a learned teacher, Jesus ben Sirach, and was translated into Greek in Egypt with a preface by his grandson not long after 132 BC.公元前180一据悉，教师，耶稣本西拉奇，被翻译成希腊在埃及与前言由他的孙子后不久，公元前132 。
The wisdom teaching of the book is climaxed by a long eulogy of the heroes of Israelite history.智慧教学的这本书是高潮则是漫长的悼词的英雄以色列人的历史。 Using the sayings form typical of the Book of Proverbs, the author achieves a fusion of scribal piety, with its high regard for the Jewish law, and traditional wisdom.使用熟语形式，典型的这本书的谚语，作者实现了融合scribal孝道，其高度重视犹太法，和传统的智慧。
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Sirach or Ecclesiasticus is a book of the Old Testament in those versions of the Bible following the Greek Septuagint (generally Roman Catholic and Orthodox versions).西拉奇或ecclesiasticus是一本书的旧约圣经在这些版本的圣经之后，希腊septuagint （通常是罗马天主教会与东正教版本） 。 It does not appear in the Hebrew Bible, and it is placed with the Apocrypha in Protestant versions of the Bible.它不会出现在希伯来文圣经，并把它放在与apocrypha在新教版本的圣经。 Also known as "The Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach," the book was written some time between 195 and 171 BC by Jesus the son of Sirach (Hebrew Joshua ben Sira).也被称为“智慧的耶稣，儿子西拉奇， ”这本书的书面一段时间之间的195和171年由耶稣的儿子西拉奇（希伯来文约书亚本特希拉） 。 The author is thought to have been a scholar who taught wisdom in an academy in Jerusalem.作者被认为是已被学者教授的智慧，谁在一学院在耶路撒冷。 He is the only author of an apocryphal book to have attached his own name to his work (50:27).他是唯一的作者猜测一书有重视他自己的名字，他的工作（ 50:27 ） 。 About 130 BC, a Greek translation was made from the Hebrew original by a person who claimed in an added preface (ever since part of the book) to be a grandson of the author.约130年，希腊的翻译是由希伯来文原来由一个人谁声称，在一补充说：前言（以来的一部分，这本书）是一个孙子的作者。 Because of the great popularity earned by the book, it was translated subsequently into numerous other languages; the Greek text, however, is the only one to have survived in its entirety.因为伟大的民望所赚取的这本书，这是翻译，后来到了许多其他语言;希腊文字，不过，是唯一一名幸存者在其全部内容。
Sirach mainly consists of a series of loosely related maxims and other sayings of a proverbial nature, much in the manner of the Book of Proverbs.西拉奇主要是了一系列的松散相关的格言和其他熟语一个谚语的性质，远在的方式，这本书的谚语。 Throughout, the author offers instruction on how to conduct oneself wisely in all areas of life.全国各地，作者提供的指示，就如何立身做人的明智地在生活的各个领域。 He identifies wisdom with the divine law (24:23), but his counsels are more concerned with ethics than they are with divine revelation.他确定的智慧与神圣的法律（ 24:23 ） ，但他的律师更关心与以德治国比他们与神的启示。 In addition to its numerous, diverse instructions, Sirach contains several long poems that celebrate wisdom (1:1-20, 24:1-22), praise God and his wonderful works (42:15-43:33), and praise the venerable patriarchs and prophets of Israel (chap. 44-49).除了它的很多，不同的指示，西拉奇包含几个长期诗庆祝智慧（ 1:1-20 ， 24:1-22 ） ，赞美上帝和他的精彩作品（ 42:15-43:33 ） ，并称赞老patriarchs和以色列的先知（第一章44-49 ） 。 Noteworthy is chapter 24, introducing uncreated wisdom speaking as a divine person.值得注意的是，第24章，介绍了uncreated的智慧，作为一个神人。 Early Christian writers considered it an anticipation or foreshadowing of the Logos, or word of God, in the opening chapter of John's Gospel.早期基督教作家认为这是预期或铺垫的标志，或上帝的话，在开幕式第一章约翰的福音。 Sirach is classified with the Wisdom literature of the Old Testament, which includes the Books of Ecclesiastes, Job, and Proverbs.西拉奇归类与智慧文学的旧约，其中包括书籍的传道书，工作，和谚语。 Some scholars regard it as the final outstanding specimen of that form of literature and the first example of the kind of Jewish thought developed subsequently by the Pharisaic and Sadducean schools.一些学者把它作为最后的优秀标本这种形式的文学和第一个例子，该种犹太思想的发展，随后由pharisaic和sadducean学校。
Although highly regarded by early Jewish commentators, who often cited it, Sirach was excluded from the Hebrew canon.虽然高度重视早期犹太评论家，谁经常提到它，西拉奇被排除从希伯来语佳能。 The rabbis who closed the canon felt that the period of divine inspiration had ended soon after the time of the Hebrew priest and reformer Ezra (flourished 5th-4th century BC); thus, Sirach, which clearly was written long after Ezra's time, could not have been divinely inspired.拉比谁关闭了佳能公司认为，期间，神的启示已经结束后不久的时候，希伯来文牧师和改革者以斯拉（第五蓬勃发展-公元前4世纪） ;因此，西拉奇，这清楚地写后不久，以斯拉的时间，不能已神的灵感。 Early Christians, however, accepted it along with several other books regarded as spurious by the Jews.早期的基督徒，不过，接受它，随着其他几个书籍视为杂散由犹太人。 Since then, both the Orthodox church and the Roman Catholic church have decreed it to be canonical, and Protestants, following Martin Luther, consider it apocryphal rather than canonical.自那时以来，无论是东正教教会与罗马天主教会已下令它是典型，和新教徒，经过马丁路德，认为这是猜测，而不是典型。
(Abbrev. Ecclus.; also known as the Book of Sirach.) （ abbrev. ecclus 。 ;也称为书西拉奇） 。
The longest of the deuterocanonical books of the Bible, and the last of the Sapiential writings in the Vulgate of the Old Testament.最长的次经书，圣经，以及最后的sapiential著作，在武加大的旧约。
I. TITLE一，标题
The usual title of the book in Greek manuscripts and Fathers is Sophia Iesou uiou Seirach, "the Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach", or simply Sophia Seirach "the Wisdom of Sirach".一般图书的书名，在希腊的手稿和父亲是索菲亚iesou uiou seirach ， “智慧耶稣，儿子西拉奇” ，或者干脆索菲亚seirach “的智慧，西拉奇” 。 It is manifestly connected with and possibly derived from, the following subscription which appears at the end of recently-discovered Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus: "Wisdom [Hó khmâ ] of Simeon, the son of Yeshua, the son of Eleazar, the son of Sira".这是明显涉嫌与可能产生的，下面的订阅出现在去年底，最近发现的希伯来语片段ecclesiasticus ： “智慧[ hó khmâ ]西蒙，耶稣的儿子，儿子埃莱亚萨，儿子特希拉“ 。 Indeed, its full form would naturally lead one to regard it as a direct rendering of the Hebrew heading: Hokhmath Yeshua ben Sira, were it not that St. Jerome, in his prologue to the Solominic writings, states that the Hebrew title of Ecclesiasticus was "Mishle" (Parabolae) of Jesus of Sirach.事实上，它的充分的形式自然会导致一个把它作为一个直接渲染的希伯来文的标题： hokhmath耶稣本缺陷，如果不是，圣杰罗姆，在他的开场白，向solominic著作，国希伯来文的标题是ecclesiasticus “ mishle ” （ parabolae ）的耶稣西拉奇。 Perhaps in the original Hebrew the book bore different titles at different times: in point of fact, the simple name Hokhma, "Wisdom", is applied to it in the Talmud, while Rabbinic writers commonly quote Ecclesiasticus as Ben Sira.也许在原来的希伯来语图书口径不同的称呼在不同的时期：在点，事实上，简单的名称hokhma ， “智慧” ，是适用于它在犹太法典，而犹太法师作家普遍引述ecclesiasticus作为本缺陷。 Among the other Greek names which are given to Ecclesiasticus in patristic literature, may be mentioned the simple title of Sophia, "Wisdom", and the honorary designation he panaretos sophia, "all-virtuous Wisdom".在其他希腊的名字是考虑到ecclesiasticus在教父的文学，可能会提到简单的标题索菲亚， “智慧” ，并指定他的名誉panaretos索菲亚， “所有善良的智慧” 。
As might well be expected, Latin writers have applied to Ecclesiasticus titles which are derived from its Greek names, such as "Sapientia Sirach" (Rufinus); "Jesu, filii Sirach" (Junilius), "Sapienta Jesu" (Codex Claromontanus); "Liber Sapientiae" (Roman Missal).作为可能是预期，拉丁美洲作家已申请ecclesiasticus职称都源自它的希腊名字，如“ sapientia西拉奇” （ rufinus ） ; “ jesu ， filii西拉奇” （ junilius ） ， “ sapienta jesu ” （食品法典委员会claromontanus ） ; “ liber sapientiae ” （罗马missal ） 。 It can hardly be doubted, however, that the heading "Parabolae Salomonis", which is prefixed at times in the Roman Breviary to sections from Ecclesiasticus, is to be traced back to the Hebrew title spoken of by St. Jerome in his prologue to the Solomonic writings.它难以受到怀疑，不过，标题为“ parabolae salomonis ” ，这是前缀，有时在罗马breviary第从ecclesiasticus ，是能够追溯到希伯来文的标题发言，由圣杰罗姆在他的开场白向solomonic著作。 Be this as it may, the book is most commonly designated in the Latin Church as "Ecclesiasticus", itself a Greek word with a Latin ending.这样，因为它可能会，这本书是最常见的指定，在拉丁美洲教会“ ecclesiasticus ” ，本身就是一个希腊字与拉丁美洲的结局。 This last title -- not to be confounded with "Ecclesiastes" (Eccl.) -- is the one used by the Council of Trent in its solemn decree concerning the books to be regarded as sacred and canonical.这个最后的标题-不被混淆与“传道书” （ e ccl.） -是一所用的理事会特伦特在其庄严的法令，有关的书籍被视为神圣的典型。 It points out the very special esteem in which this didactic work was formerly held for the purpose for general reading and instruction in church meetings: this book alone, of all the deuterocanonical writings, which are also called Ecclesiastical by Rufinus, has preserved by way of pre-eminence the name of Ecclesiasticus (Liber), that is "a church reading book".它指出，非常特殊的自尊在这教学工作的前身是举行为目的的一般阅读和指示，在教会聚会：这本书单，所有次经的著作，这也是所谓的教会由rufinus ，已保存的方式前隆起的名称ecclesiasticus （ liber ） ，即是“一所教堂读的书” 。
II.二。 CONTENTS内容
The Book of Ecclesiasticus is preceded by a prologue which professes to be the work of the Greek translator of the origional Hebrew and the genuineness of which is undoubted.这本书的ecclesiasticus是之前有一个开场白，其中自称是工作的希腊翻译原希伯来语和真实性，这是不容置疑的。 In this preface to his translation, the writer describes, among other things his frame of mind in undertaking the hard task of rendering the Hebrew text into Greek.在这序言中他的翻译，作者介绍，除其他事项外，他的心态，在事业辛勤工作，使希伯来文成希腊。 He was deeply impressed by the wisdom of the sayings contained in the book, and therefore wished, by means of a translation, to place those valuable teachings within the reach of anyone desiring to avail himself of them for living in more perfect accord with the law of God.他留下了深刻的印象的智慧的话，载在这本书中，因此，希望透过一个翻译，把这些宝贵的教诲，内部达成的任何渴望利用自己对他们的生活在更加完善的，符合国际法上帝的。 This was a most worthy object, and there is no doubt that in setting it before himself the translator of Ecclesiasticus had well realized the general character of the contents of that sacred writing.这是一个最值得对象，这是毫无疑问的，在设置前，自己翻译的ecclesiasticus具有良好的实现一般性质的内容，这种神圣的书面答复。 The fundamental thought of the author of Ecclesiasticus is that of wisdom as understood and inculcated in inspired Hebrew literature; for the contents of this book, however varied they may appear in other respects, admit of being naturally grouped under the genral heading of "Wisdom".根本思想的作者ecclesiasticus是智慧的理解和灌输在希伯莱文学的灵感;的内容，这本书，不过不同的，他们可能会出现在其他方面，承认被自然归入genral标题为“智慧” 。 Viewed from this standpoint, which is indeed universally regarded as the author's own standpoint, the contents of Ecclesiasticus may be divided into two great parts: chs.从这个角度来看，这的确普遍被视为作者的自己的立场，内容ecclesiasticus可分为两个大的部分：社区会堂。 i-xlii, 14; and xlii, 15-1, 26.一至四十二， 14日;四十二， 15-1 ， 26 。 The sayings which chiefly make up the first part, tend directly to inculcate the fear of God and the fulfilment of His commands, wherein consists true wisdom.该说法，其中主要是弥补的第一部分，往往直接灌输的恐惧，上帝和履行他的命令，其中，构成真正的智慧。 This they do by pointing out, in a concrete manner, how the truly wise man shall conduct himself in the manifold relationships of practical life.这，他们这样做的指出，在一个具体的方式，如何真正聪明的人应进行自己的多方面的关系，现实生活中。 They afford a most varied fund of thoughtful rules for self-guidance他们负担不起一个最不同的基金，周到的规则，自我指导
in joy and sorrow, in prosperity and adversity, in sickness and health, in struggle and temptation, in social life, in intercourse with friends and enemies, with high and low, rich and poor, with the good and wicked, the wise and the foolish, in trade, business, and one's ordinary calling, above all, in one's own house and family in connection with the training of children, the treatment of men-servants and maid-servants, and the way in which a man ought to behave towards his own wife and women generally (Schü rer).在喜悦和悲伤，在繁荣和逆境，在疾病和健康，在斗争和诱惑，在社会生活中，在交往中与朋友和敌人，与高与低，富国和穷国，与好和坏，明智的和愚蠢的，在贸易，商业，和一个人的普通电话，上述所有，在自己的房子和家庭在他涉嫌与训练的儿童，治疗男性公务员和女佣-公务员，和以何种方式，一名男子应该表现对他自己的妻子和妇女一般（ schü快线RER ） 。
Together with these maxims, which resemble closely both in matter and form the Proverbs of Solomon, the first part of Ecclesiasticus includes several more or less long descriptions of the origin and excellence of wisdom (cf. i; iv, 12-22; vi, 18-37; xiv, 22-xv, 11; xxiv).连同这些格言，它类似于紧密合作，双方在此事，并形成了谚语，所罗门，第一部分ecclesiasticus包括几项更多或更少，只要说明的起源和卓越的智慧（参见;四， 12月22日;六， 18-37 ;十四， 22 -十五，第11条;二十四） 。 The contents of the second part of the book are of a decidely more uniform character, but contribute no less effectively to the setting forth of the general topic of Ecclesiasticus.内容的第二部分，这本书是一个坚决更均匀的性格，但贡献不低于有效地设置提出的一般议题ecclesiasticus 。 They first describe at length the Divine wisdom so wonderfully displayed in the realm of nature (xlii, 15-xliii), and next illustrate the practice of wisdom in the various walks of life, as made known by the history of Israel's worthies, from Enoch down to the high priest Simon, the writer's holy contemporary (xliv-1, 26).他们首先描述了详细的神圣智慧，使完美的显示在境界的性质（四十二， 15 XLIII ）号，并说明明年的实践中的智慧，在各界人士的生活，并取得了众所周知的历史，以色列的worthies ，从尹万良到大祭司西门，作家的神圣当代（四十四- 1 ， 26 ） 。 At the close of the book (1, 27-29), there is first, a short conclusion containing the author's subscription and the express declaration of his general purpose; and next, an appendix (li) in which the writer returns thanks to God for His benefits, and especially for the gift of wisdom and to which are subjoined in the Hebrew text recently discovered, a second subscription and the following pious ejaculation: "Blessed be the name Of Yahweh from this time forth and for evermore."在结束这本书（ 1 ， 27-29 ） ，有第一，短期结论载有作者的订阅和明示声明他的一般用途;明年，附录（黎族） ，其中作者的回报感谢天主他的好处，特别是为礼品的智慧和哪些是subjoined在希伯来文的文字最近发现，第二次认购及以下虔诚的射精： “之名称雅巍从这个时候提出和evermore ” 。
III.三。 ORIGINAL TEXT原文
Until quite recently the original language of the Book of Ecclesiasticus was a matter of considerable doubt among scholars.直到最近原来的语言，这本书的ecclesiasticus的一个问题是相当怀疑的学者。 They, of course, know that the Greek translator's prologue states that the work was originally written in "Hebrew", hebraisti, but they were in doubt as to the precise signification of this term, which might mean either Hebrew proper or Aramaic.他们，当然知道，希腊译者的序幕国家这方面的工作本来是写的“希伯来语” ， hebraisti ，但他们怀疑，至于确切的意义，这个名词，这可能意味着无论是希伯来语适当或阿拉姆语。 They were likewise aware that St. Jerome, in his preface to the Solomonic writings, speaks of a Hebrew original as in existence in his day, but it still might be doubted whether it was truly a Hebrew text, or not rather a Syriac or Aramaic translation in Hebrew characters.他们同样知道，圣杰罗姆，他在序言中向solomonic著作，讲一个希伯来语原本存在的在他的天，但仍可能会怀疑是否是一个真正的希伯来文，或者没有，而叙利亚或阿拉姆语翻译希伯来文字符。 Again, in their eyes, the citation of the book by rabbinical writers, sometimes in Hebrew, sometimes in Aramaic, did not appear decisive, since it was not certain that they came from a Hebrew original.再次，在他们眼中，引用这本书由犹太教作家，有时在希伯来文，有时在阿拉姆语，没有出现决定性的，因为它是不能肯定他们是来自希伯来语原。 And this was their view also with regard to the quotations, this time in classical Hebrew, by the Bagdad gaon Saadia of the tenth century of our era, that is of the period after which all documentary traces of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus practically disappear from the Christian world.这是他们的观点也与考虑到的报价，这个时候在古典希伯来语，由巴格达gaon saadia的10世纪，我们的时代，这是该期间后，所有纪录片的痕迹，一希伯来文ecclesiasticus几乎消失基督教世界。 Still, most critics were of the mind that the primitive language of the book was Hebrew, not Aramaic.还有，最批评者的注意，原始的语言，这本书是希伯来语，而不是阿拉姆语。 Their chief argument for this was that the Greek version contains certain errors: for example, xxiv, 37 (in Gr., verse 27), "light" for "Nile" (xx); xxv, 22 (Gr. verse 15), "head" for "poison" (xx); xlvi.他们的主要理由，这是说，希腊的版本包含了一些错误，例如： 24 ，第37条第（在遗传资源，韵文27日） ， “轻”为“尼罗河” （二十） ;二十五， 22 （ gr.韵文15 ） ， “头”为“毒药” （ XX ）号决议;四十六。 21 (Gr., verse 18), "Tyrians" for "enemies" (xxx); etc.; these are best accounted for by supposing that the translator misunderstood a Hebrew original before him. 21 （ gr. ，韵文18 ） ， “ tyrians ”为“敌人” （ XXX ）号等;这些都是最好的比重由假设译者误解一希伯来语原来在他面前。 And so the matter stood until the year 1896, which marks the beginning of an entirely new period in the history of the original text of Ecclesiasticus.因此，无论站在直到1896年，这标志着一个全新的时期，在历史上的原文ecclesiasticus 。 Since that time, much documentary evidence has come to light, and intends to show that the book was originally written in Hebrew.自那时起，许多书面证据，已到了轻，并打算表明，这本书原本的书面in希伯来语。 The first fragments of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus (xxxix, 15-xl, 6) were brought from the East to Cambridge, England, by Mrs. AS Lewis; they were identified in May 1896, and published in "The Expositor" (July, 1896) by S. Schechter, reader in Talmudic at Cambridge University.第一片段，一个希伯来文ecclesiasticus （第39届， 15 - XL的， 6 ）被带到从东到剑桥，英格兰，由夫人作为刘易斯，他们确定了在1896年5月，并刊登在“ expositor ” （ 7月， 1896 ）第Schechter已，读者在talmudic在剑桥大学。 About the same time, in a box of fragments acquired from the Cairo genizzah through Professor Sayce for the Bodleian Library, Oxford, nine leaves apparently of the same manuscript (now called B) and containing xl, 9-xlix, 11, were found by AE Cowley and Ad.大约同一时间，在一个盒子里的碎片后天从开罗genizzah通过教授，塞斯为包德利图书馆图书馆，牛津大学， 9叶片显然同一手稿（现在称为b ）及载有xl ， 9 - xlix ， 11 ，发现爱考利和广告。 Neubauer, who also soon published them (Oxford, 1897) Next followed the identification by Professor Schechter, first, of seven leaves of the same Codex (B), containing xxx, 11-xxxi, 11; xxxii, 1b-xxxiii 3; xxxv, 11-xxxvi, 21; xxxvii, 30-xxxviii, 28b; xlix, 14c-li, 30; and next, of four leaves of a different manuscript (called A), and presenting iii, 6e-vii, 31a; xi, 36d-xvi, 26.纽鲍尔，谁也尽快公布他们（牛津， 1897 ）明年其次是确定由教授Schechter已，第一，七叶片相同的食品法典委员会（二） ，载有三十， 11 -三十一，第11条;三十二， 1 B款-三十三三;三十五， 11 -三十六， 21个;三十七， 30 -三十八， 28 B款; xlix ，为14 C -李， 30日和明年，四叶片不同的手稿（所谓一） ，并提交三， 6e中七，第31 A条;席， 36D条-十六， 26 。 These eleven leaves had been discovered by Dr..这些11叶片已发现的博士。 Schechtler in the fragments brought by him from the Cairo genizzah; and it is among matter obtained from the same source by the British Museum, that G. Margoliouth found and published., in 1899, four pages of the manuscript B containing xxxi, 12-xxxii, 1a; xxxvi, 21-xxxvii, 29. schechtler在碎片所带来的他从开罗genizzah ;这是其中的问题得到了来自同一来源的，由大英博物馆， g.马戈柳思发现和出版，于1899年，四页的手稿b载有三十一， 12 -三十二，第1 A ;三十六， 21 -三十七， 29 。 Early in 1900, I. Lé vi published two pages from a third manuscript (C), xxxvi, 29a-xxxviii, la, that is, a passage already contained in Codex Bl and two from a fourth manuscript (D), presenting in a defective manner, vi, 18-vii, 27b, that is, a section already found in Codes A. Early in 1900, too, EN Adler published four pages of manuscript A, vix.早在1900年，一lé六，出版了两本页面来自第三方的手稿（ c ）项，第三十六， 29A条-三十八，香格里拉，就是一个通道已载于法典基本法和两个从第四稿（四） ，提出了在一个有缺陷的方式，六， 18 -第七章， 27 B款，即是一段已经找到了在守则答：早在1900年，太，英文阿德勒发表四页的手稿，波动率指数。 vii, 29-xii, 1; and S. Schechter, four pages of manuscript C, consisting of mere excerpts from iv, 28b-v, 15c; xxv, 11b-xxvi, 2a.七， 29 - 12 ， 1 ; Schechter已和美国，四页的手稿， c ，构成单纯的摘录四， 28 B款-五， 15 C ;二十五， 11 B条-第26 ，第2 A 。 Lastly, two pages of manuscript D were discovered by Dr. MS Gaster, and contain a few verses of chaps.最后，两页的手稿D的发现，博士女士胃，并包含一个数的诗章。 xviii, xix, xx, xxvii, some of which already appear in manuscripts B and C. Thus be the middle of the year 1900, more than one-half of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus had been identified and published by scholars.十八，十九，二十，二十七，其中一些已经出现在手稿B和C ，从而在今年年中， 1900年，一半以上的一个希伯来文ecclesiasticus已被确定和公布的学者。 (In the foregoing indications of the newly-discovered fragments of the Hebrew, the chapters and verses given are according to the numbering in the Latin Vulgate). （在前述迹象显示，新发现的片段，希伯来语，章节和诗词鉴于是根据电话号码，在拉丁语武加大） 。
As might naturally be anticipated, and indeed it was desirable that it should so happen, the publication of these various fragments gave rise to a controversy as to the originality of the text therein exhibited.可能是理所当然的预期，而事实上它是可取的，它应使发生，出版这些不同的片段，引起了争议，以原创性的文本，因此展出。 At a very early stage in that publication, scholars easily noticed that although the Hebrew language of the fragments was apparently classical, it nevertheless contained readings which might lead one to suspect its actual dependence on the Greek and Syriac versions of Ecclesiasticus.在非常早的阶段，在出版，学者很容易注意到，虽然希伯来文的碎片显然是古典乐，但它所载的读数可能导致一怀疑其实际依赖于希腊文和叙利亚文版本的ecclesiasticus 。 Whence it manifestly imported to determine whether, and if so, to what extent, the Hebrew fragments reproduced an original text of the book, or on the contrary, simply presented a late retranslation of Ecclesiasticus into Hebrew by means of the versions just named. whence它明显地进口，以决定是否，如果是的话，到什么程度，希伯来文的碎片转载1原文书，或与此相反，简单地介绍了后期复的ecclesiasticus到希伯来语的手段版本刚刚命名。 Both Dr. G. Bickell and Professor DS Margoliouth, that is, the two men who but shortly before the discovery of the Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus had attempted to retranslate small parts of the book into Hebrew, declared themselves openly against the originality of the newly found Hebrew text.双方博士g. bickell和教授局副局长马戈柳思，即是该两名男子谁，但前不久发现的希伯来文的片段ecclesiasticus曾试图retranslate一小部分图书到希伯来文，公开宣布自己对原创新发现希伯来语文本。 It may indeed be admitted that the efforts naturally entailed by their own work of retranslation had especially fitted Margoliouth and Bickell for noticing and appreciating those features which even now appear to many scholars to tell in favour of a certain connection of the Hebrew text with the Greek and Syriac versions.它可能确实承认的努力，自然引起他们自己的工作，尤其是复已装上马戈柳思和bickell为注意到并赞赏这些特点，即使是现在看来，很多学者告诉赞成的某一个方面的希伯来文与希腊和叙利亚的版本。 It remains true, however, that, with the exception of Israel Lé vi and perhaps a few others, the most prominent Biblical and Talmudic scholars of the day are of the mind that the Hebrew fragments present an original text.它仍然不错，不过， ，与除以色列之外lé中六及中，也许其他几个，最突出的圣经和talmudic学者对天是该记住，希伯来文的碎片，目前一原文。 They think that the arguments and inferences most vigorously urged by Professor DS Margoliouth in favour of his view have been disposed of through a comparison of the fragments published in 1899 and 1900 with those that had appeared at an earlier date, and through a close study of nearly all the facts now available.他们认为，论据和推论，最大力敦促教授局副局长马戈柳思在赞成他的看法已弃置通过比较碎片发表在1899年和1900年与那些出现在一个较早的日期，并通过密切的研究几乎所有的事实，现已。 They readily admit in the manuscripts thus far recovered, scribal faults, doublets, Arabisms, apparent traces of dependence on extant versions, etc. But to their minds all such defects do not disprove the originality of the Hebrew text, inasmuch as they can, and indeed in a large number of cases must, be accounted for by the very late characrter of the copies now in our possession.他们容易承认，在手稿因此，到目前为止，收回， scribal故障， doublets ， arabisms ，明显的痕迹，依赖于现存的版本等，但他们的头脑，所有这些缺陷不反证的原创性希伯来文的文字，因为它们可以，而且事实上，在大量的案件，必须加以核算由很晚characrter的副本，现在我们所掌握的。 The Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus belong, at the earliest, to the tenth, or even the eleventh, century of our era, and by that late date all kinds of errors could naturally be expected to have crept into the origional language of the book, because the Jewish copyists of the work did not regard it as canonical.希伯来文的片段ecclesiasticus所属，在最早的，到第十届，或什至第十一，世纪我们的时代，和迟日期的各种错误可能是理所当然的，预计有中出现的原文的这本书，因为犹太copyists的工作，没有把它作为典型。 At the same time these defects do not disfigure altogether the manner of Hebrew in which Ecclesiasticus was primitively written.在同一时间，这些缺点，不disfigure共有的方式，希伯来语，其中ecclesiasticus是primitively书面。 The language of the fragments is manifestly not rabbinic, but classical Hebrew; and this conclusion is decidely borne out by a comparison of their text with that of the quotations from Ecclesiasticus, both in the Talmud and in the Saadia, which have already been referred to.语言的片段，是明显不犹太法师，但古典希伯来语;这个结论是坚决承担，由一个比较它们的案文指出，报价从ecclesiasticus ，不论是在塔木德，以及在saadia ，其中已经提到。 Again, the Hebrew of the newly found fragments, although classical, is yet one of a distinctly late type, and it supplies considerable material for lexicographic research.再次，希伯来文的新发现的碎片，虽然经典，又是其中一个明显的晚类型，它提供了相当大的材料lexicographic研究。 Finally, the comparatively large number of the Hebrew manuscripts recently discovered in only one place (Cairo) points to the fact that the work in its primitive form was often transcribed in ancient times, and thus affords hope that other copies, more or less complete, of the original text may be discovered at some future date.最后，比较大量的希伯来文手稿最近发现只在一个地方（开罗）点的事实，即工作在其原始形式，往往是转录在远古时代，因此，颇希望其他的副本，更多或更少完整，的原文，可能会发现，在一些未来的日期。 To render their study convenient, all the extant fragments have been brought together in a splendid edition.使他们的研究方便，所有现存的片段，已聚集在一个别具特色的版。 "Facsimiles of the Fragments hitherto recovered of the Book of Ecclesiasticus in Hebrew" (Oxford and Cambridge, 1901). “传真机的碎片迄今收回的这本书的ecclesiasticus在希伯来语” （牛津大学和剑桥大学， 1901年） 。 The metrical and strophic structure of parts of the newly discovered text has been particularly investigated by H. Grimme and N. Schlogl, whose success in the matter is, to say the least, indifferent; and by Jos. Knabenbauer, SJ in a less venturesome way, and hence with more satisfactory results.测量和strophic结构的部分新发现的文字一直特别调查__________________________________________________________________________格力莫及12月31日schlogl ，其成功的在这件事是，至少可以说，漠不关心;和jos. knabenbauer ，律政司司长在一个不足venturesome的方式，因此更令人满意的成果。
IV.四。 ANCIENT VERSIONS古代版本
It was, of course, from a Hebrew text incomparably better than the one we now possess that the grandson of the author of Ecclesiasticus rendered, the book into Greek.这是的，当然，从希伯莱文无比优于一，我们认为，现在已经拥有的孙子的作者ecclesiasticus提供的，这本书到希腊。 This translator was a Palestinian Jew, who came to Egypt at a certain time, and desired to make the work accessible in a Greek dress to the Jews of the Dispersion, and no doubt also to all lovers of wisdom.此翻译是一个巴勒斯坦的犹太人，谁来到埃及在某一个时间，和理想，使工作方便，在希腊服饰向犹太人的分散，毫无疑问，也向所有爱好者的智慧。 His name is unknown, although an ancient, but little reliable, tradition ("Synopsis Scripurae Sacrae" in St. Athanasius's works) calls him Jesus, the son of Sirach.他的名字是未知的，虽然一个古老的，但没有可靠的，传统的（ “概要scripurae sacrae ”在圣亚他那修的作品）呼吁他的耶稣，儿子西拉奇。 His literary qualifications for the task he undertook and carried out cannot be fully ascertained at the present day.他的文学资格的任务，他答应并进行了不能完全确定，目前天。 He is commonly regarded, however, from the general character of his work, as a man of good general culture, with a fair command of both Hebrew and Greek.他是普遍认为，不过，从一般性质，他的工作，作为一名男子良好的一般文化，与一个公平的指挥都希伯来语和希腊语。 He was distinctly aware of the great difference which exists between the respective genius of these two languages, and of the consequent difficulty attending the efforts of one who aimed atgving a satisfactory Greek version of a Hebrew writing, and therefore begs expressely, in his prologue to the work, his readers' indulgence for whatever shortcomings they may notice in his translation.他明显意识到了很大的差别，这之间存在着各自的天才这两种语文，以及相应的困难，出席的努力之一，目的是谁atgving一个令人满意的希腊版的希伯来文写作，因此不敢苟同expressely ，在他的序幕的工作，他的读者放纵什么缺点，他们可能会注意到，在他的翻译。 He claims to have spent much time and labour on his version of Ecclesiasticus, and it is only fair to suppose that his work was not only a conscientious, but also, on the whole, a successful, rendering of the original Hebrew.他声称已花了很多时间和劳力对他的版本的ecclesiasticus ，这是唯一公平的假设，他的工作不只是一个有良心的，而且就整体而言，一个成功的，绘制原来的希伯来文。 One can but speak in this guarded manner of the exact value of the Greek translation in its primitive form for the simple reason that a comparison of its extant manuscripts -- all apparently derived from a single Greek exemplar -- shows that the primitive translation has been very often, and in many cases seriously, tampered with.一个可以发言，但在这森严的方式，确切的价值，希腊翻译在其原始形式，理由很简单，比较其现存的手稿-所有显然是来自一个单一的希腊典范-表明，原始翻译已很多时候，在许多情况下，严重的是，篡改。 The great uncial codices, the Vatican, the Sinaitic, the Ephraemitic, and partly the Alexandrian, though comparatively free from glosses, contain an inferior text; the better form of the text seems to be preserved in the Venetus Codex and in certain cursive manuscripts, though these have many glosses.伟大uncial codices ，梵蒂冈，西乃半岛， ephraemitic ，部分亚历山大，虽然比较自由，从美化，包含劣势的文本;越好形式的文字，似乎予以保留，在venetus法典和在某些草书手稿，虽然这些有很多美化。 Undoubtedly, a fair number of these glosses may be referred safely to the translator himself, who, at times added one word, or even a few words to the original before him, to make the meaning clearer or to guard the text against possible misunderstanding.毫无疑问，一个公平的数目，这些美化可转介安全译者自己，谁，有时补充说一个字，甚至是几句话，原来在他面前，使意思更清，或民警卫队的案文对可能发生的误会。 But the great bulk of the glosses resemble the Greek additions in the Book of Proverbs; they are expansions of the thought, or hellenizing interpretations, or additions from current collections of gnomic sayings.但伟大的大部分的美化类似于希腊增补在这本书中的谚语，他们扩建的思想，或hellenizing的解释，或补充，从目前的收藏品gnomic的说法。 The following are the best-ascertained results which flow from a comparison of the Greek version with the text of our Hebrew fragments.以下是最佳的确定结果，其中流量从一个比较，希腊版本与文本，我们希伯来语的碎片。 Oftentimes, the corruptions of the Hebrew may be discovered by means of the Greek; and, conversely, the Greek text is proved to be defective, in the line of additions or omissions, by references to parallel places in the Hebrew.很多时候，腐败行为希伯来文中可能发现的手段，希腊;反过来说，希腊的文字证明是有缺陷的，在该线的增加或遗漏，提述平行的地方在希伯来文。 At times, the Hebrew discloses considerable freedom of rendering on the part of the Greek translator; or enables one to perceive how the author of the version mistook one Hebrew letter for another; or again, affords us a means to make sense out of an unintelligible expressions in the Greek text.有时，希伯来文，披露了相当大的自由，使对部分希腊的翻译;或使一察觉如何作者的版本一希伯来语误信为另一个;或再次，让我们的一种手段，使意识，走出一费解表现在希腊的文字。 Lastly, the Hebrew text confirms the order of the contents in xxx-xxxvi which is presented by the Syriac, Latin, and Armenian versions, over against the unnatural order found in all existing Greek manuscripts.最后，希伯来文的文字证实了该命令的内容在xxx -三十六，这是由叙利亚文，拉丁文，和亚美尼亚的版本，超过对自然的秩序，发现在所有现存的希腊手稿。 Like the Greek, the Syriac version of Ecclesiasticus was made directly from the original Hebrew.像希腊，叙利亚文版本的ecclesiasticus是直接从原来的希伯来文。 This is wellnigh universally admitted; and a comparison of its text with that of the newly found Hebrew fragments should settle the point forever; as just stated, the Syriac version gives the same order as the Hebrew text for the contents of xxx-xxxvi; in particular, it presents mistaken renderings, the origin of which, while inexplicable by supposing a Greek original as its basis, is easily accounted for by reference to the text from which it was made must have been very defective, as is proved by the numerous and important lacunae in the Syriac translation.这是wellnigh普遍承认;比较其文字与该新发现的希伯来语片段应解决一点，永远;正如刚才指出，叙利亚文版本给予相同的顺序为希伯来文文本的内容，根据× × × -三十六人;特别是，它介绍了错误的翻译，原产地，其中，而令人费解的假设，希腊作为其原有的基础上，是很容易占参考文本由它作出，必须已经非常有缺陷的，作为证明了无数重要的空白，在叙利亚的翻译。 It seems, likewise, that the Hebrew has been rendered by the translator himself in a careless, and at times even arbitrary manner.看来，同样地，认为希伯来语已提供的译者自己在一个不小心，有时甚至任意的方式。 The Syriac version has all the less critical value at the present day, because it was considerably revised at an unknown date, by means of the Greek translation.叙利亚语版本的所有不足的临界值目前，天，因为它是相当大的修订，在未知的日期，方式，希腊翻译。
Of the other ancient versions of Ecclesiasticus, the Old Latin is the most important.至于其他的古代版本的ecclesiasticus ，旧的拉丁美洲是最重要的。 It was made before St. Jerome's time, although the precise date of its origin cannot now be ascertained; and the holy doctor apparently revised its text but little, previously to its adoption into the Latin Vulgate.这是之前所作的圣杰罗姆的时间，虽然确切日期它的起源现在无法确定;和罗马教廷的医生显然修改其文本，但很少，以前通过到拉丁语武加大。 The unity of the Old Latin version, which was formerly undoubted, has been of late seriously questioned, and Ph. Thielmann, the most recent investigator of its text in this respect, thinks that chs.团结旧的拉美版本，其中的前身是不容置疑的，已经太晚严重的质疑，并电话thielmann ，最近期的调查，其文字在这方面，认为社区卫生服务。 xliv-1 are due to a translator other than that of the rest of the book, the former part being of European, the latter and chief part of African, origin.四十四- 1 ，是由于一个翻译者以外的其余的书，前部分的福祉，欧洲，后者和行政的一部分，非洲，原产地。 Conversely, the view formerly doubted by Cornelius a Lapide, P. Sabatier, EG Bengel, etc., namely that the Latin version was made directly from the Greek, is now considered as altogether certain.反过来说，鉴于以前的质疑利乌斯一拉辟特的哥尼流，第撒巴帖，例如bengel等，即拉丁美洲的版本是直接从希腊文，现在被视为完全肯定的。 The version has retained many Greek words in a latinized form: eremus (vi, 3); eucharis (vi, 5); basis (vi, 30); acharis (xx, 21), xenia (xx, 31); dioryx (xxiv, 41); poderes (xxvii, 9); etc., etc., together with certain Graecisms of construction; so that the text rendered into Latin was unquestionably Greek, not the original Hebrew.该版本保留了许多希腊字在一个latinized形式： eremus （六， 3 ） ; eucharis （六， 5 ） ;的基础上（六， 30 ） ; acharis （ XX条， 21条） ，花粉直感（ XX条， 31条） ; dioryx （ 24 ， 41 ） ;转（二十七， 9 ） ;等等，再加上某些graecisms建设;使文本提供进入拉美无疑是希腊，而不是原来的希伯来文。 It is indeed true that other features of the Old Latin -- notably its order for xxx-xxxvi, which disagrees with the Greek translation, and agrees with the Hebrew text -- seem to point to the conclusion that the Latin version was based immediately on the original Hebrew.这是确实的其他功能旧拉丁美洲-尤其是其为了三十-三十六，其中不同意与希腊翻译，并同意与希伯来文的文字-似乎指向的结论是，拉美版本是基于立即就原来的希伯来文。 But a very recent and critical examination of all such features in i-xliii has let H. Herkenne to a different conclusion; all things taken into consideration, he is of the mind that: "Nititur Vetus Latina textu vulgari graeco ad textum hebraicum alterius recensionis graece castigato."但最近的一个非常关键的考试所有这些功能的I -第四十三已让每小时herkenne ，以不同的结论;所有的事情考虑到，他是该铭记： “ nititur老latina textu vulgari希腊广告textum hebraicum alterius recensionis graece castigato “ 。 (See also Jos. Knabenbauer, SJ, "In Ecclesiaticum", p. 34 sq.) Together with graecized forms, the Old Latin translation of Ecclesiasticus presents many barbarisms and solecisms (such as defunctio, i, 13; religiositas, i, 17, 18, 26; compartior, i, 24; receptibilis, ii, 5; peries, periet, viii, 18; xxxiii, 7; obductio, ii, 2; v, 1, 10; etc.), which, to the extent in which they can be actually traced back to the original form of ther version, go to show that the translator had but a poor command of the Latin language. （亦见jos. knabenbauer ，律政司司长， “在ecclesiaticum ” ，第34页平方米）连同graecized形式，旧的拉丁语翻译ecclesiasticus提出了许多barbarisms和solecisms （如defunctio ，我， 13人; religiositas ，我17 ， 18 ， 26 ; compartior ，我， 24日; receptibilis ，二，五; peries ， periet ，第八条， 18条;三十三，七; obductio ，二，二;五，一，第10条;等） ，其中，程度他们在其中可以，其实追溯到最初的形式有版本，请转到表明，该翻译了，但一个贫穷的指挥拉丁美洲的语言。 Again, from a fair number of expressions which are certainly due to the translator, it may be inferred that at times, he did not catch the sense of the Greek, and that at other times he was too free in rendering the text before him.再次，从一个公平的表达式的数目，这当然是由于译者，可以推断，有时，他没有赶上意识，希腊，并在其他时间他是太自由，在绘制的文本在他面前。 The Old Latin version abounds in additional lines or even verses foreign not only to the Greek, but also to the Hebrew text.旧拉丁美洲版比比皆是，在额外电话线，甚至外国的诗不仅对希腊，而且也给希伯来语文本。 Such important additions -- which often appear clearly so from the fact that they interfere with the poetical parallelisms of the book -- are either repetitions of preceding statements under a slightly different form, or glosses inserted by the translator or the copyists.这么重要的增加-这往往出现明显因此，从事实，即他们干预与诗并行的这本书-都是重复前面的声明下，略有不同的形式，或美化插入的翻译，或c o pyists。 Owing to the early origin of the Latin version (probably the second century of our era), and to its intimate connection with both the Greek and Hebrew texts, a good edition of its primitive form, as far as this form can be ascertained, is one of the chief things to be desired for the textual criticism of Ecclesiasticus.由于早期的起源拉丁美洲版（可能的第二个世纪我们的时代） ，和它的亲密结合双方希腊和希伯来语文本，一个良好的版，其原始的形式，据本表可确定，是其中一个行政的东西，以理想为考据学的ecclesiasticus 。 Among the other ancient versions of the Book of Ecclesiasticus which are derived from the Greek, the Ethiopic, Arabic, and Coptic are worthy of special mention.在其他古代版本的书ecclesiasticus这是来自希腊，衣索比亚，阿拉伯语，科普特和是特别值得一提的。
V. AUTHOR AND DATE五，作者和日期
The author of the Book of Ecclesiasticus is not King Solomon, to whom, at St. Augustine bears witness, the work was oftentimes ascribed "on account of some resemblance of style" with that of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Canticle of Canticles, but to whom, as the same holy doctor says, "the more learned" (apparently among the church writers of the time) "know full well that it should not be referred" (On the City of God, Bk. XVII, ch xx).本书的作者的ecclesiasticus不是所罗门王，向谁，在圣奥古斯丁的见证，工作，往往归咎于“考虑到一些相似的风格”与谚语，传道书，和canticle的canticles ，但人，作为相同的圣地，医生说， “更多的教训” （显然是其中教会作家的时间） “非常清楚地知道，它不应该提到的” （对城市的神，交通银行。十七，你XX ）号。 At the present day, the authorship of the book is universally and rightly assigned to a certain "Jesus", concerning whose person and character a great deal has indeed been surmised but very little is actually known.目前，天，作者这本书是普遍和正确地分配给某一个“耶稣” ，关于其人性格了大量实际上已推测，但很少，其实是众所周知的。 In the Greek prologue to the work, the author's proper name is given as Iesous, and this information is corroborated by the subscriptions found in the original Hebrew: 1, 27 (Vulgate, 1, 29); li, 30.在希腊的序幕工作，作者的正确名称是给予iesous ，这方面的资料佐证的订阅，发现在原来的希伯来文： 1 ， 27 （武加大， 1月29日） ;李， 30 。 His familiar surname was Ben Sira, as the Hebrew text and the ancient versions agree to attest.熟悉他的姓是本特希拉，希伯来文的文字和古版本，同意证明。 He is described in the Greek and Latin versions as "a man of Jerusalem" (1, 29), and internal evidence (cf. xxiv, 13 sqq.; 1) tends to confirm the statement, although it is not found in the Hebrew.他所描述的是在希腊和拉丁语版本，作为“一名男子在耶路撒冷” （ 1月29日） ，和内部的证据（参见24条， 13 sqq 。 ; 1 ）往往以确认声明，虽然这是没有发现在希伯来文。 His close acquaintance with "the Law, the Prophets, and the other books delivered from the fathers", that is, with the three classes of writings which make up the Hebrew Bible, is distinctly borne witness to by the prologue to the work; and the 367 idioms or phrases, which the study of the Hebrew fragments has shown to be derived from the sacred books of the Jews, are an ample proof that Jesus, the son of Sirach, was thoroughly acquainted with the Biblical text.他的亲密熟人“的规定，先知，和其他的书籍发表了由父亲” ，即是与三类著作，其中弥补希伯来语圣经，是明显的证明，证人由序幕的工作;该367成语或词组，其中研究希伯来文的片段，已证明是来自神圣的书籍的犹太人，是一个充分证明，耶稣，儿子西拉奇，被彻底熟悉圣经的文字。 He was a philisophical observer of life, as can be easily inferred from the nature of his thought, and he himself speaks of the wider knowledge which he acquired by traveling much, and of which he, of course, availed himself in writing his work (xxxiv, 12).他是一位哲学观察员的生活，可以很容易地推断出的性质，他的思想，和他本人谈更广泛的知识，他所获得的旅行很多，其中有他，当然，利用自己在写作他的工作（第三十四， 12 ） 。 The particular period in the author's life to which the composition of the book should be referred cannot be defined, whatever conjectures may have been put forth in that regard by some recent scholars.特别时期，在作者的生活而组成的这本书应交由不能被定义，无论猜测可能已提出了在这方面最近的一些学者。 The data to which others have appealed (xxxi, 22, sqq.; xxxviii, 1-15; etc.) to prove that he was a physician are insufficent evidence; while the similarity of the names (Jason-Jesus) is no excuse for those who have identified Jesus, the son of Sirach, a man of manifestly pious and honourable character with the ungodly and hellenizing high priest Jason (175-172 BC -- concerning Jason's wicked deeds, see 2 Maccabees 4:7-26).数据，以其他人都呼吁（三十一， 22 ， sqq 。 ;三十八， 1月15日;等） ，以证明他是一位医师是证据不足，而相似的名称（杰森-耶稣）是没有任何借口这些谁已确定耶稣，儿子西拉奇，一名男子显然和这位虔诚的性格与ungodly和hellenizing大祭司杰森（公元前175-172 -关于杰森的邪恶事迹，见二玛加比4 :7-26） 。
The time at which Jesus, the author of Ecclesiasticus, lived has been the matter of much discussion in the past.时间，在这耶稣，作者ecclesiasticus ，生活一直此事多番讨论，在过去的。 But at the present day, it admits of being given with tolerable precision.但在目前天，它也承认，正在考虑与容忍的精度。 Two data are particularly helpful for this purpose.两个数据是特别有用，作此用途。 The first is supplied by the Greek prologue, where he came into Egypt en to ogdoo kai triakosto etei epi tou Euergetou Basileos, not long after which he rendered into Greek his grandfather's work.首先是由希腊的序幕，他在那里生效埃及en以ogdoo启triakosto etei表头euergetou basileos ，没多久后，他所提供的成希腊他的祖父的工作。 The "thirty-eighth year" here spoken of by the translator does not mean that of his own age, for such a specification would be manifestly irrelevant. “第三十八年”在这里发言，由翻译并不意味着他自己的年龄，这样的规格将明显无关宏旨。 It naturally denotes the date of his arrival in Egypt with a reference to the years of rule of the then monarch, the Egyptian Ptolemy Euergetes; and in point of fact, the Greek grammatical construction of the passage in the prologue is that usually employed into the Septuagint version to give the year of rule of a prince (cf. Haggai 1:1, 10; Zechariah 1:1, 7; 7:1; 1 Maccabees 12:42; 14:27; etc.).这自然是指的日期，他在抵达埃及与参考，以多年的统治，当时的君主，埃及托勒密euergetes ;和在点事实上，希腊语法建设，通过在序幕的是，通常会雇用到septuagint版本，让今年的法治王子（参见哈1时01分，第10条;撒迦利亚书1时01分， 7条; 7:1 ;一玛加比12时42分; 14时27分;等） 。 There were indeed two Ptolemys of the surname Euergetes (Benefactor): Ptolemy III and Ptolemy VII (Physcon).确有两个ptolemys的姓euergetes （恩人） ：托勒密三和托勒密第七章（ physcon ） 。 But to decide which is the one actually meant by the author of the prologue is an easy matter.但来决定，这是一个实际上的意思，作者的序幕是一件容易的事。 As the first, Ptolemy III, reigned only twenty-five years (247-222 BC) it must be the second, Ptolemy VII, who in intended.作为第一，托勒密三，在位只有二十五年（公元前247-222 ） ，它必须是第二，托勒密第七，谁在打算。 This latter prince shared the throne along with his brother (from 170 BC onwards), and afterwards ruled alone (from 145 BC onwards).这后者王子共享的宝座，随着他的兄弟（从公元前170起） ，及以后的裁定，仅（从公元前145起） 。 But he was wont to reckon the years of his reign from the earlier date.但他wont算多年的他的统治，从较早的日期。 Hence "the thirty-eighth year of Ptolemy Euergetes", in which the grandson of Jesus, the son of Sirach, came to Egypt, is the year 132 BC This being the case, the translator's grandfather, the author of Ecclesiasticus, may be regarded as having lived and written his work between forty and sixty years before (between 190 and 170 BC), for there can be no doubt that in referring to Jesus by means of the term pappos and of the definite phrase ho pappos mou Iesous, the writer of the prologue designated his grandfather, and not a more remote ancestor.因此， “第三十八年的托勒密euergetes ” ，其中的孙子耶稣，儿子西拉奇，来到埃及，是公元前132年在此情况下，译者的祖父，作者ecclesiasticus ，可能被视为作为居住和书面他的工作之间的40和60年前（之间的190和170 BC ）的，有可毫无疑问，在谈到耶稣的手段任期pappos和明确的词组何pappos谅解备忘录iesous ，作家的序幕指定他的祖父，而不是一个较偏远的祖先。 The second datum that is particularly available for determining the time at which the writer of Ecclesiasticus lived is supplied by the book itself.第二个基准，这一点尤其可用于确定时间在哪个作家ecclesiasticus生活所提供的这本书本身。 It has long been felt that since the son of Sirach celebrated with such a genuine glow of enthusiam the deeds of "the high priest Simon, son of Onias", whom he praises as the last in the long line of Jewish worthies, he must himself have been an eyewitnes of the glory which he depicts (cf. 1, 1-16, 22, 23).它长期以来一直认为，既然儿子西拉奇庆祝与这样一个真正的辉光的enthusiam的事迹“高牧师西蒙的儿子， onias ” ，他赞扬作为最后在漫长的路线，犹太worthies ，他必须自己已一eyewitnes的荣耀，他描绘（见一， 1月16日， 22日， 23日） 。 This was, of course, but an inference and so long as it was based only on a more or less subjective appreciation of the passage, one can easily undertand why many scholars questioned, or even rejected, its correctness.这是的，当然，但一推理等，只要它是基于只有在更多或更少的主观赞赏通过，人们可以很容易undertand为什么许多学者提出质疑，或什至拒绝了，它的正确性。 But with the recent discovery of the original Hebrew of the passage, there has come in a new, and distinctly objective, element, whcih places practically beyond doubt the correctness of the inference.但随着最近发现原来希伯来语的通过，有来了一个新的，明显的目标，内容，哪些地方几乎毫无疑问是正确的推论。 In the Hebrew text, immediatley after his eulogism of the high priest Simon, the writer subjoins the following fervent prayer:在希伯来文的文字，之后立即eulogism的高神父，叶锡安，作家subjoins以下热切地祈祷：
May His (ie Yahweh's) mercy be continually with Simon, and may He establish with him the covenant of Phineas, that will endure with him and with his seed, as the says of heaven (I, 24).可能他（即雅巍的）怜悯不断与西蒙，并有可能他与他建立盟约菲尼亚斯，那将承受与他和他的种子，由于说的天堂， （我24 ） 。
Obviously, Simon was yet alive when this prayer was thus formulated; and its actual wording in the Hebrew implies this so manifestly, that when the author's grandson rendered it into Greek, at a date when Simon had been dead for some time, he felt it necessary to modify the text before him, and hence rendered it in the following general manner:显然，西蒙还未活着时，这类型的祷告，因此制定的，而且它的实际措辞在希伯来文暗示，这使显然，当作者的孙子使它成为希腊，在一个日期时，西蒙已死亡一段时间后，他认为必要的修改文本在他面前，因此，使它在以下一般的方式：
May His mercy be continually with us, and may He redeem us in His days.可他的怜悯，不断与我们，而且可能他赎回，我们在他的天。 Besides thus allowing us to realize the fact that Jesus, the son of Sirach, was a contemporary of the high priest Simon, chap.此外从而使我们认识到的事实，耶稣，儿子西拉奇，是一种当代的高级牧师西蒙，第一章。 1 of Ecclesiasticus affords us certain details which enable us to decide which of the two Simons, both high priests and sons of Onias and known in Jewish history, is the one described by the writer of the book. 1 ecclesiasticus让我们的某些细节，这使我们能够决定哪两个西蒙斯，无论是高牧师和儿子onias和已知在犹太人的历史，是一所描述的作家的书。 On the one hand, the only known title of Simon I (who held the pontificate under Ptolemy Soter, about 300 BC) which would furnish a reason for the great ecomium passed upon Simon in Ecclus., l is the surname "the Just" (cf. Josephus, Antiq. of the Jews, Bk.XII, chap. ii, 5), whence it is inferred that he was a renowned high priest worthy of being celebrated among the Jewish heroes praised by the son of Dirach.在一方面，唯一已知的标题西蒙（谁举行教宗根据托勒密苏特，约公元前300年） ，这将提供一个理由的伟大ecomium通过后，西蒙在ecclus ， L是姓“正义” （比照约瑟夫， antiq 。的犹太人， bk.xii ，第二章， 5 ） ， whence ，这是推断，他是一位著名的高神父，值得正在庆祝之间的犹太英雄，称赞儿子dirach 。 On the other hand, such details given in Simon's panegyric, as the facts that he repaired and strengthened the Temple, fortified the city against siege, and protected the city against robbers (cf. Ecclus., 1 1-4), are in close agreement with what is known of the times of Simon II (about 200 BC).在另一方面，这些细节给出了西蒙的panegyric ，因为事实证明，他修理和加强了庙，强化对城市的包围，和保护城市对劫匪（参见ecclus ， 1月1日至4日） ，是在关闭协议，什么是已知的时代西蒙二世（约公元前200 ） 。 While in the days of Simon I, and immediately after, the people were undisturbed by foreign aggression, in those of Simon II the Jews were sorely harrassed by hostile armies, and their territory was invaded by Antiochus, as we are informed by Josephus (Antiq. of the Jews, Bk. XII, chap. iii, 3).而在该天的西蒙，我和后，立即进行，人被干扰的外国侵略，在这些西蒙二犹太人严峻的骚扰敌对军队，并在其领土被侵占安提奥，正如我们被告知，由约瑟夫（ antiq 。的犹太人，交通银行。十二，第三章， 3 ） 。 It was also in the later time of Simon II that Ptolemy Philopator was prevented only by the high priest's prayer to God, from desecrating the Most Holy Place; he then started a fearful persecution of the Jews at home and abroad (cf. III Mach., ii, iii).这也是在后来的时间，西蒙的第二托勒密philopator被阻止，只有由高级牧师的祈祷上帝，从侮辱最神圣的地方;然后，他开始了一项可怕的迫害犹太人，在国内和国外（参见三马赫。第一，二，三） 。 It appears from these facts -- to which others, pointing in the same direction, could easily be added -- that the author of Ecclesiasticus lived about the beginning of the second century BC As a matter of fact, recent Catholic scholars, in increasing number, prefer this position that which identifies the high priest Simon, spoken of in Ecclus., l, with Simon I, and which, in consequence, refers the composition of the book to about a century earlier (about 280 BC)看来，从这些事实-为了别人，并指出在同一方向，可轻易补充说： -作者ec clesiasticus住约开始西元前二世纪作为一个问题，事实上，最近的天主教学者，在越来越多，喜欢这个立场，即确定了高牧师西蒙，谈到在ecclus ，升，与西蒙，我和其中，在后果，是指组成的这本书约一世纪以前（约公元前280 ）
VI.六。 METHOD OF COMPOSITION方法的组成
At the present day, there are two principal views concerning the manner in which the writer of Ecclesiasticus composed his work, and it is difficult to say which is the more probable.目前，天，有两个主要的意见，关于以何种方式在作家ecclesiasticus组成他的工作，这是很难说，这是更可能的。 The first, held by many scholars, maintains that an impartial study of the topics treated and of their actual arrangement leads to the conclusion that the whole book is the work of a single mind.第一，举行了由许多学者坚持认为，一个公正的研究议题，治疗和其实际的安排，导致得出的结论是整本书是工作的一个单一的主意。 Its advocates claim that, throughout the book, one and the same general purpose can be easily made out, to wit: the purpose of teaching the practical value of Hebrew wisdom, and that one and the same method in handling the materials can be readily noticed, the writer always showing wide acquaintance with men and things, and never citing any exterior authority for what he says.其倡导者声称，在整个这本书，同一个一般的目的，可以很容易地取得了出来，即：目的，教学的实用价值希伯来语的智慧，并且是同一个方法，在处理材料可以很容易发现，作者始终显示广泛结识了与男子的东西，从来没有引述任何外部的权力是什么，他说。 They affirm that a careful examination of the contents disclosed a distinct unity of mental attitude on the author's part towards the same leading topics, towards God, life, the Law, wisdom, etc. They do not deny the existence of differences of tone in the book, but think that they are found in various paragraphs relating to minor topics; that the diversities thus noticed do not go beyond the range of one man's experience; that the author very likely wrote at different intervals and under a variety of circumstances, so that it is not to be wondered at if pieces thus composed bear the manifest impress of a somewhat different frame of mind.他们申明，仔细审查的内容透露，一个独特的团结精神的态度，对作者的一部分，实现同样的领导话题，对上帝，生活，法律，智慧，等他们不否认存在分歧的语气，在书，但认为他们发现，在各个段落的有关未成年人的主题;多样性，从而注意到，不超越范围，一个人的经验，就是作者，很可能写在不同的时间间隔和各种情况下，使这是不容质疑，如果在件组成，因此承担的表现留下深刻的印象有些不同的心态。 Some of them actually go so far as to admit that the writer of Ecclesiasticus may at times have collected thoughts and maxims that were already in current and popular use, may even have drawn material from collections of wise sayings no longer extant or from unpublished discourses of sages; but they, each and all, are positive that the author of the book "was not a mere collector or compiler; his characteristic personality stands out too distinctly and prominently for that, and notwithstanding the diversified character of the apophthegms, they are all the outcome of one connected view of life and of the world" (Schürer).他们中的一些实际而言，承认作者ecclesiasticus可在时代已经收集到的思想和格言说，已经在当前和普遍使用，甚至可能得出的材料，从收藏的明智的说法不再是现存的或由未发表的论述圣人，但他们，每个和所有，是积极的表示，本书的作者“不是一个单纯收藏家或编译器;他特有的人格的立场过于鲜明和突出为，尽管多元化性质的apophthegms ，他们都是结果一连接的人生观和世界“ （ schürer ） 。 The second view maintains that the Book of Ecclesiasticus was composed by a process of compilation.第二种看法认为，这本书的ecclesiasticus组成，由一个过程的汇编。 According to the defenders of this position, the compilatory character of the book does not necessarily conflict with a real unity of general purpose pervading and connecting the elements of the work; such a purpose proves, indeed, that one mind has bound those elements together for a common end, but it really leaves untouched the question at issue, viz.根据捍卫这一立场，编纂性质，这本书不一定冲突，一个真正的团结，一般用途的渗透和连接分子的工作;这样一个目的，证明了，事实上，这种万众一心的约束这些要素共同为一个共同的目的，但它真正触及叶片的问题，在问题，即。 whether that one mind must be considered as the original author of the contents of the book, or, rather, as the combiner of pre-existing materials.是否万众一心，必须被视为原始作者的内容，这本书，或相反，作为合并前的现有材料。 Granting, then, the existence of one and the same general purpose in the work of the son of Sirach, and admitting likewise the fact that certain portions of Ecclesiasticus belong to him as the original author, they think that, on the whole, the book is a compilation.给予，那么，存在同一个一般的目的，在工作的儿子西拉奇，和同样承认这一事实的某些部分ecclesiasticus属于他的作为原始作者，他们认为，就整体而言，这本书是一个汇编。 Briefly stated, the following are their grounds for their position.简要说明，以下是他们的理由，他们的立场。 In the first place, from the very nature of his work, the author was like "a gleaner after the grape-gatherers"; and in thus speaking of himself (xxxiii, 16) he gives us to understand that he was a collector or compiler.摆在首位，从本质上他的工作，作者是想“一gleaner后，葡萄采集” ;因此，在谈到自己（三十三， 16 ） ，他让我们明白，他是一位收藏家或编译器。 In the second place, the structure of the work still betrays a compilatory process.在第二位，结构的工作仍然暴露了编纂进程。 The concluding chapter (li) is a real appendix to the book, and was added to it after the completion of the work, as is proved by the colophon in 1, 29 sqq.最后一章（李）是一个真正的附录，这本书，并补充说：给它完成后的工作，证明了由colophon在1月29日， sqq 。 The opening chapter reads like a general introduction to the book, and indeed as one different in tone from the chapters by which its immediately followed, while it resembes some distinct sections which are embodied in furthur chapters of the work.开幕章读起来就像概论这本书，而事实上，作为一个不同的语气，从章节，其紧接着，而它resembes一些独特的条文，都体现在furthur章节的工作。 In the body of the book, ch.在人体内的这本书，您的。 xxxvi, 1-19, is a prayer for the Jews of the Dispersion, altogether unconnected with the sayings in verses 20 sqq.三十六， 1月19日，是一个祈祷的犹太人的分散，共有无关，与诗的说法在20 sqq 。 of the same chapter; ch.对同一章中;的CH 。 xliii, 15-1, 26, is a discourse clearly separate from the prudential maxims by which it is immediatley preceded; chs.四十三， 15-1 ， 26 ，是一个话语明确分开，从审慎监管的格言，由它立即之前;社区会堂。 xvi, 24; xxiv, 1; xxxix, 16, are new starting-points, which, no less than the numerous passages marked by the address my son (ii, 1; iii, 19; iv, 1, 23; vi, 18, 24, 33; etc.).十六， 24日;二十四， 1 ;三十九， 16 ，是新的起点，其中，不得少于众多的通道标志的地址我的儿子（二，一;三， 19日;四，一， 23岁;六， 18 ， 24 ， 33等） 。 and the peculiar addition in 1, 27, 28, tell against the literary unity of the work.和特有的，除了在一， 27 ， 28 ，告诉对文学的团结工作。 Other marks of a compilatory process have also been appealed to.其他马克一个编纂过程中也一直呼吁。 They consist in the significant repetition of several sayings in different places of the book (cf. xx, 32, 33, which is repeated in xli, 17b, 18; etc.); in apparent discrepancies of thought and doctrine (cf. the differences of tone in chs. xvi; xxv; xxix, 21-41; xl, 1-11; etc); in certain topical headings at the beginning of special sections (cf. xxxi, 12; 41:16; 44:1 in the Hebrew); and in an additonal psalm or canticle found in the newly discovered Hebrew text, between li, 12, and li, 13; all of which are best accounted for by the use of several smaller collections containing each the same saying, or differing considerably in their genral tenor, or supplies with their respective titles.他们构成在显着的重复数的说法在不同的地方的这本书（参见第XX ， 32 ， 33 ，这是反复在四十一， 17B条， 18条;等） ;在明显差异的思想和学说（参看分歧语调在社区会堂。十六;二十五;二十九， 21-41 ; xl ， 1月11日;等） ;在某些专题的标题，在年初特别章节（参见三十一， 12岁; 41:16 ; 44:1 ，在希伯来文） ;而在一额外诗篇或canticle发现，在新发现的希伯来文，李之间， 12 ，和李， 13人;所有这一切都是最好的，占所使用的几个较小的集合，每个含有相同的话说，或不同相当在其genral的男高音，或供应与各自的冠军。 Finally, there seems to be an historical trace of the compilatory character of Ecclesiasticus in a second, but unauthentic, prologue to the book, which is found in the "Synopsis Sacrae Scripturae".最后，还有似乎是一种历史的痕迹编纂性质ecclesiasticus在第二，但unauthentic ，序幕这本书，这是发现在“故事大纲sacrae scripturae ” 。 In this document, which is printed in the works of St. Athanasius and also at the beginning of Ecclesiasticus in the Complutensian Polyglot, the actual redaction of the book is ascribed to the Greek translator as a regular process of compilation detached hymns, sayings, prayers, etc., which had been left him by his grandfather, Jesus, the son of Sirach.在这份文件，这是印在工程圣亚他那修和也于年初ecclesiasticus ，在complutensian polyglot ，实际的节录本书是归因于希腊的翻译作为一个经常性的过程中汇编超脱的赞美诗，熟语，祈祷等，已离开他由他的祖父，耶稣，儿子西拉奇。
VII.七。 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL TEACHING教义和伦理教学
Before setting forth in a summary way the principal teachings, doctrinal and ethical, contained in the Book of Ecclesiasticus, it will not be amiss to premise two remarks which, however elementary, should be distinctly borne in mind by anyone who wished to view the doctrines of the son of Sirach in their proper light.前设置提出了在一个简要的方式主要教义，理论和道德，载于书ecclesiasticus ，它不会被不当的前提下，以二的言论，但小学，应该是明显的紧记，任何人谁希望以查看学说对儿子西拉奇在其适当的轻。 First, it would be obviously unfair to require that the contents of this Sapiential book should come full up to the high moral standards of Christian ethics, or should equal in clearness and precision the dogmatic teachings embodied in the sacred writings of the New Testament or in the living tradition of the Church; all that can be reasonabley expected of a book composed some time before the Christian Dispensation, is that it shall set forth subsantially good, not perfect, doctrinal and ethical teaching.首先，它会显然是不公正的，要求的内容，这本书sapiential应充分向高的道德标准，基督教伦理，还是应该在平等的清晰和准确的教条式的教诲，体现在神圣的著作，新约圣经或在生活的传统，教会;所有可reasonabley预期一本书组成，前一段时间，基督教豁免，是因为它应当载明subsantially好，并非十全十美，教义和伦理教学。 In the second place, both good logic and sound common sense demand that the silence of Ecclesiasticus concerning certain points of doctrine be not regarded as a positive denial of them, unless it can be clearly and conclusively shown that such a silence must be so construed.在第二位，无论是良好的逻辑和健全的共同意识，要求保持沉默， ecclesiasticus有关的若干要点学说不视为一个积极拒绝他们，除非它可以清楚地和决定性地表明，这种沉默必须使诠释。 The work is mostly made up of unconnected sayings which bear on all kinds of topics, and on that account, hardly ever, if ever at all, will a sober critic be able to pronounce on the actual motive which prompted the author of the book either to mention or to omit a particular point of doctrine.工作大多是成立无关的说法，其中承担对各类话题，并在此帐户，几乎没有，如果在所有，将清醒的影评人能够宣判就实际的动机，促使本书的作者要么更遑论或省略某一特定点的学说。 Nay more, in presence of a writer manifestly wedded to the national and religious traditions of the Jewish race as the general tone of his book proves the author of Ecclesiasticus to have been, every scholar worthy of the name will readily see that silence on Jesus' part regarding some important doctrine, such for instance as that of the Messias, is no proof whatever that the son of Sirach did not abide by the belief of the Jews concerning that doctrine, and, in reference to the special point just mentioned, did not share the Messianic expectations of his time.在NaY更多，在在场的一位作家明显wedded ，以民族和宗教传统的犹太种族，作为总的调子，证明他的著作的作者ecclesiasticus已，每一个学者名副其实的将随时看到沉默，耶稣部分就一些重要的学说，例如，例如，因为该messias ，是没有证据证明，无论说的儿子西拉奇没有遵守的信念，犹太人关于该学说，并在参考特别点刚才提到的，没有分享弥赛亚的期望，他的时间。 As can readily be seen, the two general remarks just made simply set forth the elementary canons of historical criticism; and they would not have been dwelt on here were it not that they have been very often lost sight of by Protestant scholars, who, biased by their desire to disprove the Catholic doctrine of the inspired character of Ecclesiasticus, have done their utmost to depreciate the doctrinal and ethical teaching of this deuterocanonical book.作为随时可以看到，两个总论刚才所作的简单阐述了初等炮，历史的批评;他们不会已经谈到了这里，如果不是，他们已经非常往往抛诸脑后，由新教的学者，谁偏见他们的愿望，反证了天主教教义的启发的性质ecclesiasticus ，付出了很大的努力贬值的理论和道德的教学，这次经书。
The following are the principal dogmatic doctrines of Jesus, the son of Sirach.以下是主要的教条式的理论耶稣，儿子西拉奇。 According to him, as according to all the other inspired writers of the Old Testament, God is one and there is no God beside Him (xxxvi, 5).据他介绍，因为根据所有其他的灵感作家旧约，上帝是一个不存在的上帝在他身旁（三十六， 5 ） 。 He is a living and eternal God (xviii, 1), and although His greatness and mercy exceed all human comprehension, yet He makes Himself known to man through His wonderful works (xvi, 18, 23 xviii, 4).他是一个生活和永生的上帝（十八， 1 ） ，虽然他的伟大和慈悲超过所有人类理解，但他使自己人类已知的通过他的精彩作品（十六，十八，二十三十八， 4 ） 。 He is the creator of all things (xviii, 1; xxiv, 12), which He produced by His word of command, stamping them all with the marks of greatness and goodness (xlii, 15-xliii ; etc.).他是造物主的一切事物（十八， 1 ;二十四， 12 ） ，这是他所产生的字，他的指挥，冲压他们都与马克的伟大和善良（四十二15 -四十三;等） 。 Man is the choice handiwork of God, who made him for His glory, set him as king over all other creatures (xvii, 1-8), bestowed upon him the power of choosing between good and evil (xv, 14-22), and will hold him accountable for his own personal deeds (xvii, 9-16), for while tolerating, moral evil He reproves it and enables man to avoid it (xv, 11-21).人是选择手工上帝的，是谁对他的荣耀，定他为国王超过所有其他的动物（十七， 1月8日） ，赋予他的权力之间作出选择的善和恶（十五， 14-22 ） ，和将举行他负责他个人的事迹（十七， 9月16日） ，而容忍，道德的邪恶，他谴责它，使男子，以避免它（十五， 11月21日） 。 In dealing with man, God is no less merciful than righteous: "He is mighty to forgive" (xvi, 12), and: "How great is the mercy of the Lord, and His forgiveness to them that turn to Him" (xvii, 28); yet no one should presume on the Divine mercy and hence delay his conversion, "for His wrath shall come on a sudden, and in the time of vengeance He will destroy thee" (v, 6-9).在处理与人，上帝是仁慈的不低于比正义： “他是威武原谅” （十六12 ） ，并说： “如何伟大，是慈悲的上帝，和他的宽恕，他们把他” （十七， 28 ） ;但任何人都不应推定对神的怜悯，因此延误他的转换， “他的愤怒自上突然，而且在时间的报复，他将摧毁你” （五，六月九日） 。 From among the children of men, God selected for Himself a special nation, Israel, in the midst of which He wills that wisdom should reside (xxiv, 13-16), and in behalf of which the son of Sirach offers up a fervent prayer, replete with touching remembrances of God's mercies to the patriarchs and prophets of old, and with ardent wishes for the reunion and exaltation of the chosen people (xxxvi, 1-19).从孩子的男人，上帝为自己选定一个特别的国家，以色列，在中，他的遗嘱智慧应该居住（ 24 ， 13-16 ） ，并在代表，其中的儿子西拉奇提供了一个热切的祈祷，充斥着感人的永远的上帝的怜悯，向patriarchs和先知岁，与殷切的希望，为团聚和提升所选择的人（三十六， 1月19日） 。 It is quite clear that the Jewish patriot who put forth this petition to God for future national quiet and prosperity, and who furthermore confidently expected that Elias's return would contribute to the glorious restoration of all Israel (cf. xlviii, 10), looked forward to the introduction of Messianic times.但很明显，犹太人爱国者谁提出这项请愿书给上帝，为未来的国家宁静和繁荣，以及谁此外，满怀信心，预计埃利亚斯的回报将有助于光荣恢复所有以色列（参见四十八， 10 ） ，期待着引进弥赛亚的时代。 It remains true, however, that in whatever way his silence be accounted for, he does not speak anywhere of a special interposition of God in behalf of the Jewish people, or of the future coming of a personal Messias.它仍然不错，但是，不论以何种方式，他的沉默被占，他不说话的任何地方一个特别的干预上帝在代表犹太人民，或对未来的到来，个人messias 。 He manifestly alludes to the narrative of the Fall, when he says: "From the woman came the beginning of sin, and by her we all die" (xxv, 33), and apparently connects with this original deviation from righteousness the miseries and passions that weigh so heavily on the children of Adam (xl, 1-11).他显然提到了叙事的秋天，当他说： “从该名女子来开始单仲偕，和她的，我们都死了” （ 25 ， 33 ） ，显然与此相连的原偏离正义的苦难和激情重量如此严重的儿童亚当（四十， 1月11日） 。 He says very little concerning the next life.他说，很少关于未来的生活。 Earthly rewards occupy the most prominent, or perhaps even the sole, place, in the author's mind, as a sanction for present good or evil deeds (xiv, 22-xv, 6; xvi, 1-14); but this will not appear strange to anyone who is acquainted with the limitations of Jewish eschatology in the more ancient parts of the Old Testament.尘世奖励占据最突出的，或者也许甚至是唯一地点，在作者的心目中，作为一种制裁，目前的好或坏事（十四， 22 -十五，六;十六， 1月14日） ;不过，这将不会出现奇怪的人谁是认识的局限性，犹太末世，在更古老的部分旧约。 He depicts death in the light of a reward or of a punishment, only in so far as it is either a quiet demise for the just or a final deliverance from earthly ills (xli, 3, 4), or, on the contrary, a terrible end that overtakes the sinner when he least expects it (ix, 16, 17).他描绘的死亡，根据奖励或惩罚，只有在至今，因为它是一个安静的消亡为正义或最后的解脱，从尘世的弊病（四十一， 3 ， 4 ） ，或者是，与此相反， 1可怕的结局超越了罪人时，他至少希望它（九，十六，十七） 。 As regards the underworld or Sheol, it appears to the writer nothing but a mournful place where the dead do not praise God (xvii, 26, 27)至于黑社会或sheol ，这似乎作家只不过是一个哀痛的地方，死亡不赞美上帝（十七， 26 ， 27 ）
The central, dogmatic, and moral idea of the book is that of wisdom.中环，教条化，道德的构思这本书是智慧的。 Ben Sira describes it under several important aspects.本特希拉形容下的几个重要方面。 When he speaks of it in relation to God, he almost invariable invests it with personal attributes.当他谈到了它在有关上帝，他几乎不变的投资，这与个人特质。 It is eternal (i, 1), unsearchaable (i, 6, 7), universal (xxiv, 6 sqq.).它是永恒的（一， 1 ） ， unsearchaable （一，六，七） ，通用（ 24 ， 6 sqq ） 。 It is the formative, creative power of the world (xxiv, 3 sqq.), yet is itself created (i, 9; also in Greek: xxiv, 9), and is nowhere treated as a distinct, subsisting Divine Person, in the Hebrew text.它是形成，创新能力的世界（ 24 ， 3 sqq ） ，但本身就是创造的（一，九;亦在希腊语：二十四，九） ，并没有被视为一个独特的，生存的神人，在希伯来语文本。 In relation to man, wisdom is depicted as a quality which comes form the Almighty and works most excellent effects in those who love Him (i, 10-13).在有关的男子，智慧描绘的是作为一个品质来形成全能和工程最优秀的效果，在那些谁爱他（我， 10月13日） 。 It is identified with the "fear of God" (i, 16), which should of course prevail in a special manner in Israel, and promote among the Hebrews the perfect fulfilment of the Mosaic Law, which the author of Ecclesasticus regards as the living embodiment of God d wisdom (xxiv, 11-20, 32, 33).这是确定与“恐惧上帝” （我16 ） ，其中当然应占上风，在一个特别的方式在以色列，并促进之间的希伯来人的完美实现镶嵌法，作者ecclesasticus视为生活体现了上帝的智慧d （ 24 ， 11月20日， 32 ， 33 ） 。 It is a priceless treasure, to the acquistion of which one must devote all his efforts, and the imparting of which to others one should never grudge (vi, 18-20; xx, 32, 33).这是一个无价的宝藏，以采集，其中就必须致力于他的所有努力，并传授给他人，其中1千万不要grudge （六， 18日至20日; XX条， 32 ， 33 ） 。 It is a disposition of the heart which prompts man to practise the virtues of faith, hope, and love of God (ii, 8-10), of trust and submission, etc. (ii, 18-23; x, 23-27; etc.); which also secures for him happiness and glory in this life (xxxiv, 14-20; xxxiii, 37, 38; etc.).这是一个处置的心脏，提示人执业的美德，信仰，希望，上帝的爱（二， 8月10日） ，信托和提交等（第二组， 18-23 ; X的23日至27日;等） ;这也保证了他的幸福和荣耀在这生活（第三十四， 14日至20日;三十三， 37 ， 38等） 。 It is a frame of mind which prevents the discharge of the ritual law, especially the offering of sacrifices, from becoming a heartless compliance with mere outward observances, and it causes man to place inward righeousness far above the offering of rich gifts to God (xxxv).这是一个框架的心态，防止放电的礼法，尤其是提供牺牲，成为无情的遵守仅仅是向外纪念活动，它的成因男子把外来righeousness远高于提供丰富的礼品给上帝（三十五） 。 As can readily be seen, the author of Ecclesiasticus inculcated in all this a teaching far superior to that of the Pharisees of a somewhat later date, and in no way inferior to that of the prophets and of the commendable, too, are the numerous pithy sayings which the son of Sirach gives for the avoidance of sin, wherein the negative part of practical wisdom may be said to consist.作为随时可以看出，作者ecclesiasticus灌输在这一切的教学远优于指出，法利一个有点稍后日期，并在没有出路劣，即先知和值得称赞的，也有众多的口诀熟语，其中的儿子西拉奇让为免单，其中负面的一部分，实际的智慧，可以说是构成。 His maxims against pride (iii, 30; vi, 2-4; x, 14-30; etc.), covetousness (iv, 36; v, 1; xi, 18-21), envy, (xxx, 22-27; xxxvi, 22), impurity(ix, 1-13; xix, 1-3; etc.).anger (xviii, 1-14; x, 6), intemperance (xxxvii, 30-34).他的格言反对骄傲（三， 30日;六， 2月4日; X的14-30 ;等） ， covetousness （四， 36 ;五，一;席， 18日至21日） ，令人羡慕的， （第XXX号22-27 ;三十六， 22岁） ，杂质（九， 1月13日;十九， 1月3日;等） 。愤怒（十八， 1月14日; X的6人） ， intemperance （三十七， 30-34 ） 。 sloth (vii, 16; xxii, 1, 2), the sins of the tongue(iv, 30; vli, 13, 14; xi, 2, 3; i, 36-40; v, 16, 17; xxviii, 15-27; etc.), evil company, (xi, 31-36; xxii, 14-18; etc.), display a close observation of human nature, stigmatize vice in a forcible manner, and at times point out the remedy against the spiritual distemper.懒惰（第七章， 16条;二十二， 1 ， 2 ） ，捷联惯导系统的舌头（四， 30日; vli ， 13日， 14日;席， 2 ， 3 ，我， 36-40段;五，十六，十七;二十八， 15 -27 ;等） ，邪恶的公司， （十一， 31-36 ;二十二， 14日至18日;等） ，显示密切观察人性，诬蔑副主席在一个强迫的方式，有时甚至指出，对症下药，对精神distemper 。 Indeed, it is probably no less because of the success which Ben Sira attained to in branding vice than because of that which he obtained in directly inculcating virtue, that his work was so willingly used in the early days of Christianity for public reading at church, and bears, down to the present day, the pre-eminent title of "Ecclesiasticus".事实上，这是大概没有少，因为成功的，这本特希拉达到在副品牌比，因为那他得到的直接灌输美德，他的工作是如此心甘情愿地用在早期基督教的供市民阅读的教会，和熊，下降到目前的一天，前著名“称号ecclesiasticus ” 。
Together with these maxims, which nearly all bear on what may be called individual morality, the Book of Ecclesiasticus contains valuable lessons relative to the various classes which make up human society.连同这些格言，几乎所有承担对什么可称为个人的道德，这本书的ecclesiasticus包含了宝贵的经验教训，相对的各种班级弥