The Epistle to the Romans is the longest of Saint Paul's letters and is therefore placed first among the letters in the New Testament of the Bible.该书信向罗马是最长的圣保罗的信件，因而是放在第一之间的信件，在新约圣经的圣经。 It is the only Pauline letter written to a community not founded by the apostle and is more of an essay presenting some of Paul's ideas on salvation than a response to particular problems.这是唯一的宝莲，写的一封信，以一个社区没有成立，由使徒和更多的一篇文章提出的一些保罗的想法就比救亡的一种反应，特别是问题。 It was probably written about AD 57 - 58 before Paul departed from Corinth for Jerusalem to deliver the collection he had taken for the church there.这是可能的书面关于广告57 -5 8前，保罗离开科林斯为耶路撒冷提供收集他已采取对于教会有。
Chapters 1 - 4 develop in greater detail the theme of justification by faith, which appears in polemical form in Galatians. 章1 -4制定更详细的主题，提出理由，信仰，它会出现在p olemical形式在加拉太书。 Chapters 5 - 8 show the effect of salvation on humans.章5 -8显示的效果对人类的救赎。 In chapters 9 - 11, Paul tries to fathom God's plan for the Jews, his chosen people, who have not followed Jesus. The implications for Christian life of Jesus, faith, and salvation are drawn out in chapters 12 - 15. Chapter 16 is a letter of introduction for the deaconess Phoebe and is thought by many to have been originally a separate letter.在章节9 -1 1，保罗尝试量度，上帝的计划为犹太人，他选择的人，谁没有其次是耶稣。所涉的基督徒生活的耶稣，信仰，和救赎是抽出在章1 2- 15 。第1 6章是信导言为deaconess菲比和被认为是由许多人已本来是一个单独的信。
The exact nature and purpose of Romans is controversial, and it is difficult to determine whether it is a theological letter - essay, a last testament, an introduction of Paul to the Roman Christians, or a response to particular problems in Rome that Paul had heard about.确切的性质和宗旨，罗马是具争议性，难以确定它是否是一个神学的信-征文，最后证明，介绍了保罗向罗马基督徒，或回应的问题，特别是在罗马表示，郑明训曾听闻大约。 Romans is a particularly rich and complex epistle; its teachings on justification, the Jews, and attitudes toward civil government have been debated from the Reformation to the present.罗马是一个特别丰富和复杂的书信;其教义上的理由，犹太人和态度，民间，政府已进行辩论，从改革到现在。
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Bibliography
参考书目
CK Barrett, A
Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans (1957); K Barth, The Epistle to the
Romans (1933); PS Milner, The Obedience of Faith (1971).对照巴雷特，评论，对书信向罗马（
1957年） ; k巴特，书信，以罗马（ 1933 ） ;的PS米尔纳，服从信仰（ 1971年） 。
This epistle was probably written at Corinth.这书信，可能是写在科林斯。 Phoebe (Rom. 16:1) of Cenchrea conveyed it to Rome, and Gaius of Corinth entertained the apostle at the time of his writing it (16:23; 1 Cor. 1:14), and Erastus was chamberlain of the city, ie, of Corinth (2 Tim. 4:20).菲比（罗马书16:1 ） cenchrea转达给罗马，和勇士穆裘的科林斯受理使徒在的时候，他的写作（ 16时23分;一肺心病。 1:14 ） ，和erastus是张伯伦的城市，即，科林斯（ 2添。 4时20分） 。 The precise time at which it was written is not mentioned in the epistle, but it was obviously written when the apostle was about to "go unto Jerusalem to minister unto the saints", ie, at the close of his second visit to Greece, during the winter preceding his last visit to that city (Rom. 15:25; comp. Acts 19:21; 20:2, 3, 16; 1 Cor. 16:1-4), early in AD 58.的确切时间，在它的书面是没有提及，在书信，但它显然是写在使徒是关于“走出去所不欲，耶路撒冷的部长所不欲，圣人” ，即在结束他的第二次访问希腊期间，冬季前，他上次访问这个城市（罗马书15时25分;可比。行为19时21分; 20时02分， 3 ，第16条;一肺心病。 16:1-4 ） ，早在广告58 。 It is highly probable that Christianity was planted in Rome by some of those who had been at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10).这是极有可能认为，基督教是种植在罗马通过的一些人谁已在耶路撒冷对五旬节（行为2时10分） 。
At this time the Jews were very numerous in Rome, and their synagogues were probably resorted to by Romans also, who in this way became acquainted with the great facts regarding Jesus as these were reported among the Jews.在这个时候犹太人非常众多在罗马，和他们的犹太教堂可能诉诸由罗马人也，谁在这方面的方式结识了伟大的事实，关于耶稣，因为这些报道之间的犹太人。 Thus a church composed of both Jews and Gentiles was formed at Rome.因此，一所教堂组成的犹太人和外邦人，形成于罗马。 Many of the brethren went out to meet Paul on his approach to Rome.很多的兄弟走出去，以满足保罗对他的做法，去罗马。 There are evidences that Christians were then in Rome in considerable numbers, and had probably more than one place of meeting (Rom. 16:14, 15).有证据认为，基督徒在罗马，然后在相当大的数目，并可能不止一个开会地点（罗马书16时14分， 15岁） 。 The object of the apostle in writing to this church was to explain to them the great doctrines of the gospel.对象的使徒以书面向这个教会是向他们解释的伟大学说的福音。 His epistle was a "word in season."他的书信是一种“一词在季节” 。 Himself deeply impressed with a sense of the value of the doctrines of salvation, he opens up in a clear and connected form the whole system of the gospel in its relation both to Jew and Gentile.自己留下了深刻的印象与意识的价值学说救赎，他打开了在一个清晰的连接，形成整个系统的福音，在其关系既要犹太人和詹蒂莱。 This epistle is peculiar in this, that it is a systematic exposition of the gospel of universal application.这是奇特的书信在这方面，它是一个系统地阐述了福音的普遍应用。
The subject is here treated argumentatively, and is a plea for Gentiles addressed to Jews.主题是在这里治疗argumentatively ，并呼吁外邦人给犹太人。 In the Epistle to the Galatians, the same subject is discussed, but there the apostle pleads his own authority, because the church in Galatia had been founded by him.在书信向加拉太书，同一主题的讨论，但有使徒恳求他自己的权威，因为教会在加拉太已成立由他。 After the introduction (1:1-15), the apostle presents in it divers aspects and relations the doctrine of justification by faith (1:16-11:36) on the ground of the imputed righteousness of Christ.实施后（ 1:1-15 ） ，使徒介绍，在这方面的潜水员和关系学说的理由，由信仰（ 1:16-11:36 ）在地面上的可扣抵正义的基督。 He shows that salvation is all of grace, and only of grace.他表明，救恩是所有的宽限期，只有慈悲的。 This main section of his letter is followed by various practical exhortations (12:1-15:13), which are followed by a conclusion containing personal explanations and salutations, which contain the names of twenty-four Christians at Rome, a benediction, and a doxology (Rom. 15:14-ch. 16).这主要区段他的信是其次的各种实际嘱托（ 12:1-15:13 ） ，这是其次的结论，载有个人的解释和salutations ，其中包含的名称， 2004年基督徒在罗马， benediction ， 1 doxology （罗马书15时14分通道16段） 。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
Rome, the most celebrated city in the world at the time of Christ.罗马，最有名的城市在世界上的时候，基督。 It is said to have been founded BC 753.据说这是已成立公元前753 。 When the New Testament was written, Rome was enriched and adorned with the spoils of the world, and contained a population estimated at 1,200,000, of which the half were slaves, and including representatives of nearly every nation then known.当新约圣经是书面，罗马是丰富和装饰与败坏的世界，并载有人口估计为120.0万，其中一半人的奴隶，其中包括代表几乎每一个国家，然后众所周知的。 It was distinguished for its wealth and luxury and profligacy.这是尊敬其财富和奢侈挥霍。 The empire of which it was the capital had then reached its greatest prosperity.帝国，它是资本，然后达到其最大的繁荣。 On the day of Pentecost there were in Jerusalem "strangers from Rome," who doubtless carried with them back to Rome tidings of that great day, and were instrumental in founding the church there.对五旬节有在耶路撒冷的“陌生人从罗马， ”谁毫无疑问，进行与他们回到罗马福音这一伟大的日子，并在器乐成立教会。 Paul was brought to this city a prisoner, where he remained for two years (Acts 28:30, 31) "in his own hired house."保罗被带到这个城市的一名囚犯，他在那里仍然为二年（行为28:30 ， 31 ） “在他自己雇用的房子” 。 While here, Paul wrote his epistles to the Philippians, to the Ephesians, to the Colossians, to Philemon, and probably also to the Hebrews.而在这里，保罗写他的书信向philippians ，向以弗所书，向歌罗西书，利蒙，大概也向希伯来人。
He had during these years for companions Luke and Aristarchus (Acts 27:2), Timothy (Phil. 1:1; Col. 1:1), Tychicus (Eph. 6: 21), Epaphroditus (Phil. 4:18), and John Mark (Col. 4:10).他曾在这些年来为同伴的卢克和阿里斯（行为27:2 ） ，提摩太（ phil. 1时01分;上校1:1 ） ， tychicus （以弗所书六： 21 ） ， epaphroditus （ phil. 4时18分） ，和约翰马克（上校4时10分） 。 (See PAUL.) Beneath this city are extensive galleries, called "catacombs," which were used from about the time of the apostles (one of the inscriptions found in them bears the date AD 71) for some three hundred years as places of refuge in the time of persecution, and also of worship and burial. （见保罗）下方的这个城市是广泛的画廊，所谓的“墓穴” ，使用了来自约的时候，使徒（之一题字，发现在他们负有日期广告71 ）一些三百年的地方避难在时间的迫害，也崇拜及殓葬。 About four thousand inscriptions have been found in the catacombs.约4000题字已发现，在地下墓穴。 These give an interesting insight into the history of the church at Rome down to the time of Constantine.这些举一个有趣的洞察到教会的历史在罗马下降至的时候，君士坦丁。
This subject will be treated under the following heads: I. The Roman Church and St. Paul; II.这一主题将治疗根据以下元首：一，罗马教会和圣保禄;二。 Character, Contents, and Arrangement of the Epistle; III.性质，内容和安排的书信;三。 Authenticity; IV.真实性;四。 Integrity; V. Date and Circumstances of Composition; VI.完整性;五，日期和的情况下组成;六。 Historical Importance; VII.历史的重要性;七。 Theological Contents: Faith and Works (Paul and James).神学思想建设的内容：信仰与工程（保罗和詹姆斯） 。
I. THE ROMAN CHURCH AND ST.一，罗马教会和ST 。 PAUL保罗
Among the Epistles of the New Testament which bear the name of the Apostle Paul, that written to the Roman Church occupies the first place in the manuscripts which have come down to us, although in very early times the order was probably otherwise.之间的书信的新约圣经，其中承担的名称，使徒保罗，写信给罗马教会占有放在第一位，在手稿，其中有回落，对我们来说，虽然在很早就倍秩序，否则可能。 The Epistle is intended to serve as an introduction to a community with which the author, though he has not founded it, desires to form connexions (i, 10- 15; xv, 22-24, 28-29).该书信的用意是充当介绍一种社区与作者，虽然他并没有成立，欲望，形成连接（我10 -1 5;十五， 2 2-24， 2 8-29） 。 For years his thoughts have been directed towards Rome (xv, 23).多年来，他的思想已针对罗马（十五， 23 ） 。 The Church there had not been recently established; but its faith had already become known everywhere (i, 8) and it is represented as a firmly established and comparatively old institution, which Paul regards with reverence, almost with awe.教会有没有最近成立的，但其信仰已成为众所周知的，到处（一， 8 ）和它的代表是作为一个牢固确立和比较旧的机构，保罗的问候与崇敬，几乎与敬畏。 Concerning its foundation, unfortunately, the Epistle to the Romans gives us no information.关于它的基础，不幸的是，书信向罗马人给我们任何资料。 To interpret this silence as decisive against its foundation by Peter is inadmissible.解释这种沉默作为决定性的打击，其基础由Peter是不允许的。 It cannot indeed be ascertained with complete certainty when Peter first came to Rome; there may have been Christians in the capital before any Apostle set foot there, but it is simply inconceivable that this Church should have attained to such firm faith and such a high standard of religious life without one of the prominent authorities of nascent Christianity having laid its foundation and directed its growth.它不能确定的确有完整的确定性时，彼得首先来到罗马，有可能已被基督信徒在资本之前，任何使徒踏上有，但它是根本不可想象的，这教会应该达到这样的坚定信念和如此高的标准宗教生活的一个突出当局新生的基督教后，奠定了基础，并指示其增长。 This Church did not owe its Faith solely to some unknown members of the primitive Christian community who chanced to come to Rome.这个教会没有欠其信仰，纯粹是一些未知的成员原始基督教社区谁偶然来罗马。 Its Christianity was, as the Epistle tells us, free from the Law; this conviction Paul certainly shared with the majority of the community, and his wish is simply to deepen this conviction.其基督教，由于书信告诉我们，不受任何法律;这个信念，保罗当然共享与大部分的社区，和他的愿望是简单地深化了这个信念。 This condition is entirely incomprehensible if the Roman Church traced its origin only to some Jewish Christian of the community in Jerusalem, for we know how far the fight for freedom was from being ended about AD 50.这个条件是完全不能理解的，如果罗马教会追查其来源，只有一些犹太基督教的社会在耶路撒冷，因为我们知道有多远，争取自由，是从正在结束，有关广告50 。 Nor can the foundation of the Roman Church be traced to the Gentile Christian Churches, who named Paul their Apostle; their own establishment was too recent, and Paul would have worded his Epistle otherwise, if the community addressed were even mediately indebted to his apostolate.也不能奠定了罗马教会追溯至詹蒂莱基督教，谁命名为他们的使徒保罗;自己编制过于最近，保罗将他的书信的措辞，否则，如果社会上解决，甚至负债来mediately他的使徒。 The complete silence as to St. Peter is most easily explained by supposing that he was then absent from Rome; Paul may well have been aware of this fact, for the community was not entirely foreign to him.完全沉默，以圣彼得大教堂是最容易解释，假设他当时不在罗马;保罗可能已知道这个事实，为社会并不完全陌生的他。 An epistle like the present would hardly have been sent while the Prince of the Apostles was in Rome and the reference to the ruler (xii, 8) would then be difficult to explain. 1书信一样，目前很难说已寄出，而王子使徒是在罗马和参考统治者（十二， 8 ）便难以解释。 Paul probably supposes that during the months between the composition and the arrival of the Epistle, the community would be more or less thrown on its own resources.保罗可能是支撑，在几个月之间的组成和到达的书信，社会将更多或更少扔就其本身的资源。 This does not however indicate a want of organization in the Roman community; such organization existed in every Church founded by Paul, and its existence in Rome can be demonstrated from this very Epistle.这不，但表明希望组织在罗马社会，这样的组织存在，在每一个教会创办的保罗，和它的存在在罗马可以证明从这个非常的书信。
The inquiry into the condition of the community is important for the understanding of the Epistle.调查条件的社会是很重要的，为了解有关的书信。 Complete unanimity concerning the elements forming the community has not yet been attained.完全一致有关的要素，形成社会尚未达到。 Baur and others (especially, at the present day, Theodore Zahn) regard the Roman community as chiefly Jewish Christian, pointing to vi, 15-17; vii, 1-6; viii, 15.鲍尔和其他人（尤其是，在目前一天，西奥多赞恩）方面，罗马社会，主要是犹太基督教，并指出六， 15日至17日;第七， 1月6日;第八， 15 。 But the great majority of exegetes incline to the opposite view, basing their contention, not only on individual texts, but also on the general character of the Epistle.但绝大部份的exegetes倾向于相反的意见，根据他们的争论，而不是只对个别文本，而且也对一般性质的书信。 At the very beginning Paul introduces himself as the Apostle of the Gentiles.在开始时，郑明训介绍了自己为使徒的外邦人。 Assuredly, i, 5, cannot be applied to all mankind, for Paul certainly wished to express something more than that the Romans belonged to the human race; in corroboration of this view we may point to i, 13, where the writer declares that he had long meditated coming to Rome that he might have some fruit there as among the other "Gentiles".稳妥，我， 5 ，不能适用于所有人类，保罗当然希望表达的东西更多，比罗马人属于人类的;在佐证这一观点，我们可能指向我13 ，而作家宣称他已久的meditated来罗马表示，他可能有一些水果有作为之间的其他“异教徒” 。 He then continues: "To the Greeks and to the barbarians, to the wise and to the unwise, I am a debtor; so (as much as is in me) I am ready to preach the gospel to you also that are at Rome" (I, 14 sq.); he names himself the Apostle of the Gentiles (xi, 13), and cites his call to the apostolate of the Gentiles as the justification for his Epistle and his language (xv, 16-18).然后，他继续说： “希腊人和向野蛮人，以明智和向不明智的，我是一个债务人，因此， （多是在我）我愿意传福音给你，也有在罗马” （一， 14平方米） ;他的名字自己使徒的外邦人（十一，十三） ，以及濒危物种贸易公约，他打电话给使徒的外邦人作为理由，他的书信和他的语言（十五， 16日至18日） 。 These considerations eliminate all doubt as to the extraction of the Roman Christians.这些因素消除一切怀疑，以提取罗马基督徒。 The address and application in xi, 13 sqq., likewise presuppose a great majority of Gentile Christians, while vi, 1 sqq., shows an effort to familiarize the Gentile Christians with the dealings of God towards the Jews.地址及应用在第十一，十三sqq ，同样假定大部份的詹蒂莱基督徒，而六，第1 sqq 。表明，努力熟悉詹蒂莱基督信徒与上帝的交易对犹太人的。 The whole character of the composition forces one to the conclusion that the Apostle supposes a Gentile majority in the Christian community, and that in Rome as elsewhere the statement about the fewness of the elect (from among the Jews) finds application (xi, 5-7; cf. xv, 4).整个性格的组成力量之一，作出结论，认为使徒支撑詹蒂莱多数在基督教社区，并在罗马与其他地方一样声明关于fewness的选举（从犹太人）认定的应用（十一，五-七;比照十五， 4 ） 。
However, the Roman community was not without a Jewish Christian element, probably an important section.然而，罗马社会是不是没有一个犹太基督教的元素，可能是一个重要的部分。 Such passages as iv, 1 (Abraham, our father according to the flesh; viii, i (I speak to them that know the law); vii, 4; viii, 2, 15, etc., can scarcely be explained otherwise than by supposing the existence of a Jewish Christian section of the community. On the other hand, it must be remembered that Paul was out and out a Jew, and that his whole training accustomed him to adopt the standpoint of the Law–the more so as the revelation of the Old Testament is in the last instance the basis of the New Testament, and Paul regards Christianity as the heir of God's promises, as the true "Israel of God" (Galatians 6:16). St. Paul often adopts this same standpoint in the Epistle to the Galatians–an Epistle undoubtedly addressed to Christians who are on the point of submitting to circumcision. Even if the Epistle to the Romans repeatedly addresses (eg, ii, 17 sqq.) Jews, we may deduce nothing from this fact concerning the composition of the community, since Paul is dealing, not with the Jewish Christians, but with the Jews still subject to the Law and not yet freed by the grace of Christ. The Apostle wishes to show the rôle and efficacy of the Law–what it cannot and should not–and what it was meant to effect.这样的通道，作为四， 1 （石礼谦，我们的父亲根据肉;第八，我（我发言向他们表示知道法） ;七，四;第八， 2日， 15日等，几乎可以加以解释，否则比假设存在一个犹太基督教社会各阶层。另一方面，它必须记住，保罗和一个犹太人，他的整个训练习惯，他采取的立场，法律更何况作为启示旧约是在过去的实例的基础上新约圣经，和保罗的问候基督教作为继承人上帝的承诺，作为真正的“以色列的神” （加拉太书6:16 ） 。圣保禄往往采取这种相同的的立场，在书信向加拉太-一书信，无疑是给基督徒谁是对的出发点提交给包皮环切术，即使书信向罗马人一再地址（如第一，二， 17 sqq ） 。犹太人，我们可以推断，没有从这个事实上，关于组成的社会，因为保罗是处理，而不是与犹太人基督徒，但与犹太人仍然受到法律和尚未释放的恩典，基督。传道者的意愿，以显示rôle和疗效的法律-什么不可能，也不应该和什么用意的效果。
II.二。 CHARACTER, CONTENTS, AND ARRANGMENT OF THE EPISTLE性质，内容和安排的书信
A. Character答：性格
The chief portion of this Epistle to the Romans (i-xi) is evidently a theological discussion.行政的一部分，这书信向罗马（一席）显然是神学的讨论。 It would however be inaccurate to regard it not as a real letter, but as a literary epistle.它将不过，不准确的把它并不是一个真正的信，但作为一个文学的书信。 It must be considered as a personal communication to a special community, and, like that sent to the Corinthians or the cognate Epistle to the Galatians, must be judged according to the concrete position and the concrete conditions of that community.它必须被视为个人通信的一个特别的社区，和一样，发送到哥林多前书或同源书信向加拉太书，必须判断根据具体位置和具体情况，该社区。 What the Apostle says, he says with a view to his readers in the Roman community and his own relations to them.什么使徒说，他说，以期读者在罗马社会和自己的关系给他们。
Language and style reveal the writer of the Epistle to the Corinthians and the Galatians.语言和作风，揭示了作家的书信向哥林多前书和加拉太书。 Its emphatic agreement with the latter in subject-matter is also unmistakable.其有力的协议，与后者在主题事项亦是明确无误的。 The difference in the parties addressed and between the circumstances, however, impresses on either Epistle its distinctive stamp.差异在有关各方讨论和之间的情况下，不过，印象就不是书信其独特的邮票。 The Epistle to the Galatians is a polemical work, and is composed in a polemical spirit with the object of averting an imminent evil; the Epistle to the Romans is written in a time of quiet peace, and directed to a Church with which the author desires to enter into closer relations.该书信向加拉太是一个polemical工作，是在一个组成polemical的精神与目的，化解迫在眉睫的邪恶;书信向罗马人是写在一个安静的时间，和平，并指示要一所教堂与作者的愿望进入更密切的关系。 We thus miss in the latter those details and references to earlier experiences and occurrences, with which the former Epistle is so instinct.因此，我们小姐在后者的这些细节，以及可参考的经验和先前发生的事件，与前书信是这样的本能。 Not that Romans is a purely abstract theological treatise; even here Paul, with his whole fiery and vigorous personality, throws himself into his subject, sets before himself his opponent, and argues with him.不说，罗马是一个纯粹抽象的神学论文;即使在这里，郑明训，与他的整个火热的和积极的个性，全陷入他的主题，集之前，自己他的对手，并辩称，他的说法。 This characteristic of the Apostle is clearly seen.这一特点的使徒，是看得很清楚。 Hence arise unevenness and harshness in language and expression noticeable in the other Epistles.因此，出现不平衡和严厉的语言和表达显着，在其他书信。 This does not prevent the Epistle as a whole from revealing an elaborately thought out plan, which often extends to the smallest details in magnificent arrangement and expression.这不妨碍书信作为一个整体，从揭示了一个精心构思的计划，这往往延伸到最小的细节，在波澜壮阔的安排和表达。 We might recall the exordium, to which, in thought and to some extent in language, the great concluding doxology corresponds, while the two sections of the first part deal quite appropriately with the impressive words on the certainty of salvation and on God's exercise of providence and wisdom (viii, 31-39; xi, 33-36).我们也许还记得该exordium ，其中，在思想，并在一定程度上在语言，伟大的结论doxology对应，而上述两条条文的第一部分的处理相当适当与令人印象深刻的话，肯定救国图存，对上帝的行使普罗维登斯和智慧（八， 31-39段;十一， 33-36 ） 。
The immediate external occasion for the composition of the Epistle is given by the author himself; he wishes to announce his arrival to the community and to prepare them for the event.立即对外的场合，组成部分书信，是由作者本人;他的意愿，宣布他的到来，向社会和让他们做好准备，这次活动。 The real object of this comprehensive work, and the necessity for a theological Epistle are not thought out.真正的目的，这项综合性的工作，和必要性神学书信是没有想过。 The supposition that St. Paul desired to give the Romans a proof of his intellectual gifts (i, 11; xv, 29) is excluded by its pettiness.假设说，圣保禄想要给罗马的一个证明他的智力的礼物（一，第11条;十五， 29日）是排除其一些鸡毛蒜皮的小事。 We must therefore conclude that the reason for the Epistle is to be sought in the conditions of the Roman community.因此，我们必须得出结论认为，原因为书信，是寻求在条件罗马社会。 The earliest interpreters (Ambrosiaster, Augustine, Theodoret) and a great number of later exegetes see the occasion for the Epistle in the conflict concerning Judaistic ideas, some supposing an antagonism between the Gentile and Jewish Christians (Hug, Delitzsch) and others the existence of some typically Jewish errors or at least of an outspoken anti-Paulinism This view does not accord with the character of the Epistle: of errors and division in the Church the author makes no mention, nor was there any difference of opinion concerning the fundamental conception of Christianity between Paul and the Roman Church.最早的口译（ ambrosiaster ，奥古斯丁， theodoret ）和大量的后来exegetes见之际，为书信在冲突中关于judaistic思路，一些假设一个对立詹蒂莱和犹太基督信徒（拥抱， delitzsch ）和其他存在一些典型的犹太人的错误，或至少一个敢言的反paulinism这种看法是不符合性质的书信：错误和分工，在教会的作者并没有提及，也不是有任何的意见分歧，有关基本概念的基督教之间的保罗和罗马教会。 The polemics in the Epistle are directed, not against the Jewish Christians, but against unbelieving Judaism.该论战，在书信都是针对，不反对犹太人基督徒，但对不信犹太教。 It is true that there are certain contrasts in the community: we hear of the strong and the weak; of those who have acquired the complete understanding and use of Christian freedom, and who emphasize and exercise it perhaps regardlessly; we hear of others who have not yet attained to the full possession of freedom.这是事实有一定的反差，在社区内：我们听到的强者与弱者;那些谁具备完整的理解和使用基督教的自由，谁重视和行使，它也许regardlessly ;我们听到别人谁也尚未达到充分拥有自由。 These contrasts are as little based on the standpoint of the Law and a false dogmatic outlook as the "weak" of I Corinthians.这些对比的是，作为不大的基础上的立场，法律和虚假的教条式的展望，作为“弱”的哥林多前书。 Paul would otherwise not have treated them with the mild consideration which he employs and demands of the strong (xiv, 5-10; xiv, 15-xv, 7).郑明训，否则不会有他们的待遇与温和的考虑，他雇用和要求强烈（十四， 5月10日;第十四，十五-第十五7 ） 。 In judging there was always a danger, and mistakes had occurred (xiv, 13: "Let us not therefore judge one another any more").在判断总有一种危险，和错误的发生（十四， 13 ： “让我们不要因此，法官的任何一个另一个更” ） 。 According to the nature of the mistake divisions might easily gain a footing; from what direction these were to be expected, is not declared by the Apostle, but the cases of Corinth and Galatia indicate it sufficiently.根据性质的错误，进行记名表决时可能很容易获得的立足点;从什么方向，这些都是可以预期，是不是所申报的使徒，但案件科林斯和加拉太表明，它充分。 And even though Paul had no reason to anticipate the gross Jewish errors, it sufficed for him that divisions destroyed the unanimity of the community, rendered his labours more difficult, made co-operation with Rome impossible, and seriously impaired the community itself.即使保罗没有理由预期总值的犹太人的错误，它足以为他进行记名表决时摧毁了一致的社会，使他的劳动更加困难，取得合作，运作与罗马不可能的，而且还严重损害了社会本身。 He therefore desires to send beforehand this earnest exhortation (xvi, 17 sq.), and does all he can to dispel the misconception that he despised and fought against Israel and the Law.因此，他的愿望向事前，这认真的劝告（十六， 17平方米） ，以及是否所有，他可以消除误解，以为他鄙视和抗击以色列和法律。 That there was good ground for these fears, he learned from experience in Jerusalem during his last visit (Acts 21:20-1).有良好的理由，这些恐惧，他从经验中了解，在耶路撒冷期间，他上次访问（行为21:20-1 ） 。 From this twofold consideration the object of Romans may be determined.从这个双重考虑的对象，罗马人可能确定。 The exhortations to charity and unity (xii sqq.) have the same purpose as those addressed to the weak and the strong.该嘱托，以慈善和团结（十二sqq ）也有同样的目的，那些给弱者与强者。 In both cases there is the vigorous reference to the single foundation of the faith, the unmerited call to grace, with which man can correspond only by humble and steadfast faith working in charity, and also the most express, though not obtrusive exhortation to complete unity in charity and faith.在这两种情况下是有积极的参考，以单一的基础上的信仰， unmerited电话的宽限期，这名男子可以对应，只有谦虚和坚定的信念，工作在慈善事业，也是最快速，虽然不是突兀的劝告，完成统一在慈善和信念。 For Paul these considerations are the best means of securing the confidence of the whole community and its assistance in his future activities.为保罗这些因素是最好的手段，争取的信心，整个社会和它的援助在其今后的活动。 The thoughts which he here expresses are those which ever guide him, and we can easily understand how they must have forced themselves upon his attention when he resolved to seek a new, great field of activity in the West.的思想，他在这里表示是那些以往任何时候都引导他，我们可以轻易了解它们如何必须强迫自己后，他注意时，他决心寻求一种新的，伟大的活动领域在西部地区。 They correspond to his desire to secure the co-operation of the Roman community, and especially with the state and needs of the Church.他们对应于他的愿望，以确保合作的运作，罗马社会，特别是与国家的需要和教会。 They were the best intellectual gifty that the Apostle could offer; thereby he set the Church on the right path, created internal solidity, and shed light on the darkness of the doubts which certainly must have overcast the souls of the contemplative Christians in face of the attitude of incredulity which characterized the Chosen People.他们最好的礼物智力认为，使徒可以提供;从而他的教会的正确道路，创造了内部坚固，并揭示了黑暗的疑虑，这当然必须有阴亡灵的沉思基督徒在面对这个态度incredulity的特点所选择的人。
B. Contents and Arrangement乙的内容和安排
Introduction and Reason for writing the Epistle arising from the obligations of his calling and plans (i, 1-15): (1) The Theoretic Part (i, 16-xi, 36).引进和理由以书面书信所带来的义务，他的要求和计划（一， 1月15日） ： （ 1 ）理论的一部分， （我16席， 36 ） 。 Main Proposition: The Gospel, in whose service Paul stands, is the power of God and works justification in every man who believes (i, 16-17).主要命题：福音，在其服务保罗的立场，是上帝的力量和工程的理由，在每一个男人谁认为（我， 16-17 ） 。 This proposition is discussed and proved (i, 18-viii, 39), and then defended in the light of the history of the Chosen People (ix, 1-xi, 36).这一命题是讨论并证明了（我18 -八， 39岁） ，然后辩护，在参照历史所选择的人（九，一喜， 36 ） 。
(a) The justice of God is acquired only through faith in Christ (i, 18-viii, 39). （一）司法上帝是后天，只有通过信仰在基督里（我18 -八， 39 ） 。 (i) The proof of the necessity of justifying grace through faith (i, 18-iv, 25): without faith there is no justice, proved from the case of the pagans (i, 18-32) and the Jews (ii, 1-iii, 20); (b) justice is acquired through faith in and redemption by Christ (the Gospel, iii, 21-31). （一）证明有必要辩解的宽限期，通过信仰（一， 18 -四， 25 ） ：没有信仰是没有正义，证明了从案件的异教徒（我， 18-32 ）和犹太人（二， 1 -三， 20 ） ; （二）司法是通过后天的信念和赎回由基督（福音，三， 21-31 ） 。 Holy Writ supplies the proof: Abraham's faith (iv, 1-25).神圣的令状用品证明：亚伯拉罕的信仰（四， 1月25日） 。 (ii) The greatness and blessing of justification through faith (v, 1-viii, 39), reconciliation with God through Christ, and certain hope of eternal salvation (v, 1-11). （二）伟大和祝福的理由，通过信仰（五， 1至第八， 39岁） ，和解与上帝透过基督，和某些希望的永恒的救赎（五， 1月11日） 。 This is illustrated by contrasting the sin of Adam and its consequences for all mankind, which were not removed by the Law, with the superabundant fruits of redemption merited by Christ (v, 12-21).说明了这一点对比，单仲偕亚当及其后果为全人类的，不被免职，依法与superabundant的成果，值得赎回由基督（五， 12月21日） 。 Conclusion: Redemption by Christ (communicated to the individual through baptism) requires death to sin and life with Christ (vi, 1-23).结论：赎回由基督（传达给个人，通过洗礼）规定死亡单仲偕和生命与基督（六， 1月23日） 。 To accomplish this the Law is ineffectual, for by the death of Christ it has lost its binding power (vii, 1-6), and, although holy and good in itself, it possesses only educative and not sanctifying power, and is thus impotent in man's dire combat against sinful nature (vii, 7-25).要做到这一点的法律是无效的，由死亡的基督它已经失去了约束力的权力（七， 1月6日） ，而且，虽然圣和良好的本身，它拥有的唯一的教育和不sanctifying权力，因此，无能在男子的可怕的打击罪孽深重的性质， （七， 7月25日） 。 In contrast to this impotence, communion with Christ imparts freedom from sin and from death (viii, 1-11), establishes the Divine kinship, and raises mankind above all earthly trouble to the certain hope of an indescribable happiness (viii, 12-39).在与此相反阳痿，与基督imparts免于罪恶和死亡（八， 1月11日） ，确立了神圣的亲属关系，并提出了人类上述所有尘世的麻烦一定的希望，一个无法形容的幸福（八， 12-39 ） 。
(b) Defence of the first part from the history of the people of Israel (ix, 1-xi, 36). （二）辩护的第一部分，从历史，以色列人民（九，一喜， 36 ） 。 The consoling certainty of salvation may appear threatened by the rejection or obduracy of Israel.该安慰的确定性，可能会出现救亡的威胁，拒绝或顽固的以色列。 How could God forget His promises and reject the people so favoured?如何能忘记他的上帝的承诺，并拒绝接受人民的疼爱？ The Apostle must thus explain the providence of God.使徒因此必须解释普罗维登斯的上帝。 He begins with a touching survey of God's deeds of love and power towards the Chosen People (ikx, 1-5), proceeding then to prove that God's promise has not failed.他开始与动人的调查上帝的事迹，爱心和力量，对所选择的人（ ikx ， 1月5日） ，程序，然后，以证明上帝的承诺并没有失败。 For (i) God acts within His right when He grants grace according to His free pleasure, since God's promises did not apply to Israel according to the flesh, as early history shows (Isaac and Ismael, Jacob and Esau) (ix, 1-13); God's word to Moses and His conduct towards Pharao call into requisition this right (ix, 14-17)); God's position (as Creator and Lord) is the basis of this right (ix, 19-24); God's express prophecy announced through the Prophets, the exercise of this right towards Jews and pagans (ix, 24-29); (ii) God's attitude was in a certain sense demanded by the foolish reliance of Israel on its origin and justification in the Law (ix, 30-x,4) and by its refusal of and disobedience to the message of faith announced everywhere among the Jews (x, 5-21); (iii) In this is revealed the wisdom and goodness of God, for: Israel's rejection is not complete; a chosen number have attained to the faith (xi, 1-10); (iv) Israel's unbelief is the salvation of the pagan world, and likewise a solemn exhortation to fidelity in the faith (xi, 11- 22); (v) Israel's rejection is not irrevocable. （一）上帝的行为，他的权利，当他资助的宽限期，根据他的自由感到高兴，因为上帝的承诺并不适用于以色列根据，肉中刺，早在历史表明， （艾萨克和伊斯梅尔，雅各和以扫） （九， 1 - 13 ） ;上帝的话语，以摩西和他的行为对pharao致电到征用这一权利（九， 14-17 ） ） ;上帝的立场（ Creator和勋爵）是在此基础上的权利（九， 19-24 ） ;上帝的表达预言宣布，透过先知，这项权利的行使对犹太人和异教徒（九， 24-29 ） ; （ ii ）在上帝的态度是，在一定意义上所要求的愚蠢的依赖以色列在其原籍国和理由，在法律上（九， 30 - X的， 4 ）和由它拒绝和抗命的讯息，真诚地宣布，到处之间的犹太人（十， 5月21日） ; （三）在这方面是揭示了智慧和善良的上帝，为：以色列的排斥反应是不完整的;选定的人数已达到信仰（十一， 1月10日） ; （四）以色列的unbelief是拯救异教的世界，同样一个庄严的劝告，富达在信仰（十一， 11 -2 2日） ; （五）以色列的排斥反应，是不是不可撤销的。 The people will find mercy and salvation (xi, 23-32).该人们就会发现，慈悲与救赎（十一， 23-32 ） 。 Thence the praise of the wisdom and the inscrutable providence of God (xi, 33-36).再称赞智慧和inscrutable普罗维登斯神（十一， 33-36 ） 。 (2) The Practical Part (xii, 1-xv, 13).–(a) The general exhortation to the faithful service of God and the avoidance of the spirit of the world (xii, 1-2). （ 2 ）实际的一部分， （十二， 1 - 15 ， 13 ） .- （一）一般告诫信徒为天主服务的和避免的精神，世界上（十二， 1-2 ） 。 (b) Admonition to unity and charity (modest, active charity), peacefulness, and love of enemies (xii, 3-21). （二）警，自励，以团结和慈善机构（温和的，积极的慈善机构） ，安宁和爱戴的敌人（十二， 3月21日） 。 (c) Obligations towards superiors: fundamental establishment and practical proof (xiii, 1-7). （三）对上级的义务：基本建立和实践证明（十三， 1-7 ） 。 Conclusion: A second inculcation of the commandment of love (xiii, 8-10) and an incitement to zeal in view of the proximity of salvation (xiii, 11-14).结论： 1秒灌输的诫命的爱情（十三， 8月10日）和煽动的热情在观附近的救赎（十三， 11月14日） 。 (d) Toleration and forbearance between the strong and the weak (treated with special application to the Roman community) on account of the importance and practical significance of the question; it falls under (b): (i) fundamental criticism of the standpoint of both classes (xiv, 1-12); (ii) practical inferences for both (xiv, 13- xv, 6); (iii) establishment through the example of Christ and the intentions of God (xv, 7-13). （四）容忍和忍之间的强者与弱者（治疗的特殊应用，以罗马社会）对帐户的重要性和现实意义的问题;属于（ b ）项下： （一）基本批评的立场这两个班（第十四， 1月12日） ; （ ii ）在实际的推论，都（十四，十三-十五，六） ; （三）建立通过的例子，基督和上帝的意图（十五， 7月1 3日） 。 Conclusion: Defence of the Epistle: (1) in view of Paul's calling; (2) in view of his intended relations with the community (xv, 22-23); (3) recommendations, greetings (warning), doxology (xvi, 1-27).结论：辩护的书信： （ 1 ）鉴于保罗的要求; （ 2 ）在检视他的打算关系与社会（十五， 22日至23日） ; （ 3 ）建议，问候（警告） ， doxology （十六， 1月27日） 。
III.三。 AUTHENTICITY真实性
Is the Epistle to the Romans a work of the great Apostle of the Gentiles, St. Paul?是书信，以罗马的工作，伟大的使徒的外邦人，圣保禄？ Undoubtedly it has the same authorship as the Epistles to the Corinthians and the Epistle to the Galatians; consequently, if the authenticity of these be proved, that of Romans is likewise established.毫无疑问，它具有相同的作者作为书信向哥林多前书和书信向加拉太书;因此，如果的真实性，这些证明，罗马人是同样成立。 We shall however treat the question quite independently.不过，我们会处理的问题相当独立。 The external evidence of the authorship of Romans is uncommonly strong.外部的证据作者罗马是异常强烈。 Even though no direct testimony as to the authorship is forthcoming before Marcion and Irenæus, still the oldest writings betray an acquaintance with the Epistle.即使没有直接的证词，以作者是即将举行的前马吉安和irenæus ，仍是最古老的著作出卖熟人与书信。 One might with some degree of probability include the First Epistle of St. Peter in the series of testimonies: concerning the relation between Romans and the Epistle of St. James we shall speak below.一，可能与某种程度的概率，包括第一书信圣彼得在一系列的证词：关于之间的关系，罗马和书信的圣雅各福群会，我们会在下面发言。 Precise information is furnished by Clement of Rome, Ignatius of Antioch, Polycarp, and Justin: Marcion admitted Romans into his canon, and the earliest Gnostics were acquainted with it.准确的资料提供克莱门特的罗马，伊格内修斯的安提阿， polycarp ，和贾斯汀：马吉安承认罗马到他的佳能公司，和最早的gnostics人熟悉它。
The internal evidence is equally convincing.内部的证据，同样是有说服力的。 Modern critics (van Manen and others) have indeed asserted that no attempt was ever made to prove its authenticity; they have even gone further, and declared the Epistle an invention of the second century.现代批评（范范曼恩等）确实断言，没有尝试，是以往任何时候都作出了以证明其真实性;他们甚至更进一步，并宣布书信一发明的第二个世纪。 Evanson (1792) first attempted to maintain this view; he was followed by Br. evanson （ 1792 ）首先试图保持这种看法，他其次是溴。 Bauer (1852, 1877), and later by Loman, Steck, van Manen (1891, 1903), and others.宝华（ 1852 ， 1877 ） ，后来由loman ， steck ，范范曼恩（ 1891 ， 1903 ） ，以及其他。 A less negative standpoint was adopted by Pierson-Naber, Michelsen, Völter, etc., who regarded Romans as the result of repeated revisions of genuine Pauline fragments, eg, that one genuine Epistle, interpolated five times and combined finally with an Epistle to the Ephesians, gave rise to Romans (Völter).那么负面的立场，通过皮尔逊- Naber公司，迈克尔逊， völter等，谁把罗马作为的结果，反复修改，真正的宝莲片段，例如，一个真正的书信，内插的5倍和结合，最后与一书信向以弗所书，引起了罗马（ völter ） 。 These critics find their ground for denying the authenticity of the Epistle in the following considerations: Romans is a theological treatise rather than an epistle; the beginning and conclusion do not correspond; the addresses cannot be determined with certainty; despite a certain unity of thought and style, there are perceptible traces of compilation and discordance, difficult transitions, periods, connexions of ideas, which reveal the work of the reviser; the second part (ix-xii) abandons the subject of the first (justification by faith), and introduces an entirely foreign idea; there is much that cannot be the composition of St. Paul (the texts dealing with the rejection of Israel lead one to the period after the destruction of Jerusalem; the Christians of Rome appear as Pauline Christians; the conception of freedom from the law, of sin and justification, of life in Christ, etc., are signs of a later development); finally there are, according to Van Manen, traces of second-century Gnosticism in the Epistle.这些批评者找到自己的理由，否认真实性的书信，在考虑到下列因素：罗马是一个神学论文，而不是一个书信;开始和结论不相符;地址无法确定与确定性;尽管某一个团结的思想和作风，有明显的痕迹，汇编和不一致的，困难的过渡，期间，连接的思想，揭示了工作的审校;第二部分（第九至十二）放弃的主题第一（理由，信仰） ，并介绍了一个完全的外国理念;有许多不能组成圣保禄（文本处理与反对以色列导致一期后销毁耶路撒冷;基督徒罗马显示为宝莲基督徒;自由概念从该法中，单仲偕和理由，生活在基督里，等的迹象，后来发展） ;终于有，根据车范曼恩，痕迹，第二世纪的诺斯底主义，在书信。
We have here a classical example of the arbitrariness of this type of critics.我们这里有一个经典的例子，任意这种类型的批评。 They first declare all the writings of the first and of the early second century forgeries, and, having thus destroyed all the sources, construct a purely subjective picture of the period, and revise the sources accordingly.他们首先申报所有的著作，第一和早期的第二个世纪是伪造的，并具有因此，销毁了所有的来源，建造一个纯粹主观的图片期间，和修改的来源。 That the Epistle to the Romans was written at least before the last decades of the first century is established; even by external evidence taken alone; consequently all theories advocating a later origin are thereby exploded.该书信向罗马人写，至少前最后几十年中的第一个世纪是既定的;即使由外部的证据，采取单;因此，所有的理论主张后原产地，从而发生爆炸。 The treatment of a scientific (theological) problem in an epistle can constitute a difficulty only for such as are unacquainted with the literature of the age.治疗科学（神学）的问题，在一个书信可以构成一个难题，只有这样，作为是unacquainted与文学的时代。 Doubts as to the unity of the Epistle vanish of themselves on a closer examination.怀疑，以团结的书信消失，自己就密切审查。 The introduction is most closely connected with the theme (i, 4, 5, 8, 12, etc.); the same is true of the conclusion.引入有最密切联系的主题（一， 4 ， 5 ， 8 ， 12 ，等等） ;也是一样的结论。 An analysis of the Epistle reveals incontestably the coherence of the first and second parts; from chapter ix an answer is given to a question which has obtruded itself in the earlier portion.分析了书信揭示了incontestably的连贯性，第一和第二部分;从第九章一的答案是考虑到这个问题已obtruded本身在先前的部分。 In this fact Chr.在这方面，其实人权委员会。 Baur sees the important point of the whole Epistle.鲍尔认为，重要的一点，整个书信。 Besides, the interrelation between the parts finds express mention (ix, 30-32; x, 3-6; xi, 6; xi, 20-23; etc.).此外，之间的相互关系的部分，认定，明确提到（九， 30-32 ; X的3月6日;十一，六;席， 20日至23日;等） 。 The author's attitude towards Israel will be treated below (VI).作者的态度，以色列将处理下面（六） 。 The rejection of the Chosen People could have become abundantly clear to the author after the uniform experiences of a wide missionary activity extending over more than ten years.拒绝所选择的人可能已成为昭然若揭给作者后，统一的经验，广泛的传教活动延长超过十年。 The unevennesses and difficulty of the language show at most that the text has not been perfectly preserved.该unevennesses性和艰巨性的语言显示，在最该文本没有得到完全保留。 Much becomes clear when we remember the personality of St. Paul and his custom of dictating his Epistles.许多成为清晰的记得，当我们的个性圣保禄和他的习俗，支配他的书信。
Were the Epistle a forgery, the expressions concerning the person and views of the author would be inexplicable and completely enigmatic.被伪造的书信，表达的关于人的意见，作者会莫名的和完全神秘的。 Who in the second century would have made St. Paul declare that he had not founded the Roman community, that previously he had had no connexion with it, since at a very early date the same Apostle becomes with St. Peter its co-founder?谁在第二个世纪会作出圣保禄宣布，他还没有成立，罗马社会，此前他已没有Connexion公司有了它，因为在非常早的日期相同的使徒，成为与圣彼得大教堂，其共同创办人？ How could a man of the second century have conceived the idea of attributing to St. Paul the intention of paying merely a passing visit to Rome, when (as would have been palpable to every reader of Acts 28:30-31) the Apostle had worked there for two successive years?如何能一个人的第二个世纪的构思的想法归因于圣保罗的意图支付只是一个通过访问罗马时， （作为已明显的每一个读者的行为28:30-31 ）使徒了在那里工作连续两年？ The Acts could not have supplied the suggestion, since it merely says: "I must see Rome also" (xix, 21).行为无法供应的建议，因为它只是说： “我要看到罗马也” （ 19 ， 21 ） 。 Of Paul's plan of proceeding thence to Spain, the author of Acts says nothing; in recording the nocturnal apparition of the Lord to St. Paul, mention is made only of his giving testimony at Rome (Acts 23:11).保罗的计划进行再西班牙，作者的行为，说什么;记录在夜间apparition的主圣保禄，提的是，只有他的作证，在罗马（行为23时11分） 。 The arrival at Rome is recorded with the words: "And so we went to [the wished for] Rome" (Acts 28:14).的到来，在罗马签署的是，录得的话： “等我们到[希望]罗马” （使徒行28:14 ） 。 Acts closes with a reference to Paul's residence and activity in Rome, without even hinting at anything further.行为闭幕参考保罗的住所和活动在罗马，甚至没有暗示任何进一步。 Again, it would have occurred to a forger to mention Peter also in a forged Epistle to the Romans, even though it were only in a greeting or a reference to the foundation of the Church.再次，它会发生一个伪造提黄匡源，也有伪造的书信向罗马人，即使它只有在一个贺卡或参考的基础上教会。 Other arguments could be drawn from the concluding chapters.其他的论据，可以得出结论，从章节。 Whoever studies Romans closely will be convinced that here the true Paul speaks, and will acknowledge that "the authenticity of the Epistle to the Romans can be contested only by those who venture to banish the personality of Paul from the pages of history" (Jülicher).谁的研究，罗马人密切合作，将深信，在这里，真正的保罗发言，并会承认“的真实性的书信向罗马人可以有争议的，只有那些谁创业，以放逐的人格，保罗从历史的一页” （ jülicher ） 。
IV.四。 INTEGRITY完整性
Apart from individual uncertain texts, which occur also in the other Epistles and call for the attention of the textual investigator, the last two chapters have given rise to some doubts among critics.除个别不明朗的文本，这也发生在其他的书信，并呼吁注意语篇的调查，最后两章已引起了一些疑虑之间的批评。 Not only did Marcion omit xvi, 25-27, but, as Origen-Rufinus express it, "cuncta dissecuit" from xiv, 23.不但没有马吉安省略十六， 25日至27日，但正如俄- rufinus表示， “ cuncta dissecuit ”从十四， 23 。 Concerning the interpretation of these words there is indeed no agreement, for while the majority of exegetes see in them the complete rejection of the two concluding chapters, others translate "dissecuit" as "disintegrated", which is more in accordance with the Latin expression.有关解释这些话确有没有协议，而大部分exegetes看到，在他们完全拒绝接受这两个结论的章节，其他翻译“ dissecuit ”说成是“解体” ，这是更多的在按照与拉丁美洲的表达。 Under Chr.根据人权中心。 Baur's leadership, the Tübingen School has rejected both chapters; others have inclined to the theory of the disintegration work of Marcion.鲍尔的领导下，蒂宾根大学的学校拒绝了这两个章节;他人有倾向的理论解体的工作马吉安。
Against chapter xv no reasonable doubt can be maintained.对第十五章没有合理疑点得以维持。 Verses 1-13 follow as a natural conclusion from ch.诗1月13日的后续作为一个自然的结论的CH 。 xiv.十四。 The general extent of the consideration recommended in ch.一般程度的审议建议，在CH 。 xiv is in the highest degree Pauline.十四是在最高程度宝莲。 Furthermore xv, 7-13 are so clearly connected with the theme of the Epistle that they are on this ground also quite beyond suspicion.此外，十五，七月十三日是如此清楚，与主题有关的书信，他们对这个理由也相当超出了怀疑。 Though Christ is called the "minister of the circumcision" in xv, 8, this is in entire agreement with all that the Gospels say of Him and His mission, and with what St. Paul himself always declares elsewhere.虽然基督是所谓的“部长割礼”在十五，八，这是在整个协议，与所有福音说，对他和他的使命，与什么圣保禄自己一直宣称在其他地方。 Thus also, according to the Epistle, salvation is offered first to Israel conformably to Divine Providence (i, 16); and the writer of ix, 3-5, could also write xv, 8.因此，此外，根据该书信，救恩是提供第一到以色列conformably ，以神圣的普罗维登斯（我16 ） ;和作家九， 3月5日，也可以写十五， 8 。
The personal remarks and information (xv, 14-33) are in entire agreement with the opening of the Epistle, both in thought and tone.个人的言论和信息（十五， 14-33 ）是在整个协议与开放的书信，无论是在思想和语调。 His travelling plans and his personal uneasiness concerning his reception in Jerusalem are, as already indicated, sure proofs of the genuineness of the verses.他的旅行计划和他个人的不安，关于他的酒会，在耶路撒冷的是，作为已经表示，肯定证据的真实性，该诗。 The objection to ch.反对的CH 。 xv has thus found little acceptance; of it "not a sentence may be referred to a forger" (Jülicher).十五，因此，发现很少接受;它“不是一个句子，可能被转介至一伪造” （ jülicher ） 。
Stronger objections are urged against ch.强大的反对，呼吁反对的CH 。 xvi.十六。 In the first place the concluding doxology is not universally recognized as genuine.摆在首位的结论doxology是不是公认的真正的。 The manuscripts indeed afford some grounds for doubt, although only a negligibly small number of witnesses have with Marcion ignored the whole doxology.手稿，实在负担不起了一些理由，毫无疑问，虽然只有negligibly少数证人与马吉安忽视整个doxology 。 The old manuscripts, in other respects regarded as authoritative, insert it at the end of xiv; some have it after both xiv and xvi.旧的手稿，在其他方面被视为权威，它插入在年底第十四;一些有它后，双方第十四和第十六章。 In view of this uncertainty and of some expressions not found elsewhere in the writings of St. Paul (eg the only wise God, the scriptures of the prophets), the doxology has been declared a later addition (HJ Holtzmann, Jülicher, and others), a very unlikely view in the face of the almost unexceptional testimony, especially since the thought is most closely connected with the opening of Romans, without however bvetraying any dependence in its language.有见及此的不确定性和一些表达没有发现其他地方的著作圣保禄（例如，只有明智的上帝，圣经中的先知） ， doxology已宣布稍后此外（ hj holtzmann ， jülicher ，和其他人） ，一个非常不可能的看法，在面对几乎unexceptional的证词，特别是因为思想是有最密切联系的开放罗马，但没有任何依赖bvetraying在其语言。 The fullness of the expression corresponds completely with the solemnity of the whole Epistle.丰满的表达对应完全符合严肃性，整个书信。 The high-spirited temperament of the author powerfully shows itself on repeated occasions.高昂扬的气质，作者有力地表明，本身就多次。 The object with which the Apostle writes the Epistle, and the circumstances under which it is written, offer a perfect explanation of both attitude and tone.对象与使徒写书信，以及在何种情况下，这是书面，提供一个完美的解释，双方的态度和语气。 The addresses, the impending journey to Jerusalem, with its problematic outcome (St. Paul speaks later of his anxiety in connexion therewith - Acts 20:22), the acceptance of his propaganda at Rome, on which, according to his own admission, his Apostolic future so much depended–all these were factors which must have combined once more at the conclusion of such an Epistle to issue in these impressively solemn thoughts.地址，即将前往耶路撒冷，与有问题的结果（圣保禄稍后发言，他的焦虑， Connexion公司条文-的行为， 2 0时2 2分） ，接受他的宣传，在罗马，其中，据他自己承认，他使徒未来，所以在很大程度上取决于所有这些因素，必须有相结合，再一次在缔结这样的书信，以问题在这些令人印象深刻的庄严的想法。 In view of this consideration, the removal of the doxology would resemble the extraction of the most precious stone in a jewel-case.鉴于这种考虑，取消该doxology将类似于提取最珍贵的宝石，在宝石的情况。
The critical references to xvi, 1- 24, of today are concerned less with their Pauline origin than with the inclusion in Romans.关键的提述，十六， 1 -2 4，今天的关注较少，与他们的宝莲，原产地比与列入在罗马。 The doubt entertained regarding them is of a twofold character.疑点受理关于他们是一个双重性格。 In the first place it has been considered difficult to explain how the Apostle had so many personal friends in Rome (which he had not yet visited), as is indicated by the series of greetings in this chapter; one must suppose a real tide of emigration from the Eastern Pauline communities to Rome, and that within the few years which the Apostle had devoted to his missions to the Gentiles.摆在首位，它被认为难以解释如何使徒有这么多个人的朋友在罗马（他目前还没有访问过） ，是表示，由一系列的问候，在这一章中;之一，必须假设一个真正的潮流移民从东部宝莲，社区到罗马，并与数年，其中使徒曾专门讨论了他访问外邦人。 Certain names occasion especial doubt: Epenetus, the "first fruits of Asia", one would not expect to see in Rome; Aquila and Prisca, who according to I Corinthians have assembled about them a household community in Ephesus, are represented as having a little later a similar community in Rome.某些姓名的场合特别疑问： epenetus ， “第一的成果，亚洲” ，一不会期望看到在罗马; Aquila ）和prisca ，谁根据哥林多前书已完成集结约他们的家庭在社会以弗所，代表有一点后来类似的社区在罗马。 Further, it is surprising that the Apostle in an Epistle to Rome, should emphasize the services of these friends.进一步，这是不足为奇的使徒书信在一到罗马，应该强调服务的这些朋友。 But the chief objection is that this last chapter gives the Epistle a new character; it must have been written, not as an introduction, but as a warning to the community.但行政反对的是，这最后一章给出了书信一个新的特征;它必须被写入，而不是作为一个导言，但作为一个警示社会。 One does not write in so stern and authoritative a tone as that displayed in xvi, 17-20, to an unknown community; and the words "I would" (xvi, 19) are not in keeping with the restraint evinced by St. Paul elsewhere in the Epistle.一不写在这样严峻和权威性的语气，因为这显示在十六， 17日至20日，一个不为人知的社区;的话： “我会” （十六19 ） ，不符合克制，表现出由圣保禄其他方面的书信。 In consequence of these considerations numerous critics have, with David Schulz (1829), separated all or the greater portion of chapter xvi from the Epistle to the Romans (without however denying the Pauline authorship), and declared it an Epistle to the Ephesians–whether a complete epistle or only a portion of such is not determined.在后果，这些因素让众多的批评，与大卫舒尔茨（ 1829 ） ，分离的全部或更大的部分第十六章从书信到罗马（无，但否认宝莲作者） ，并宣布它是一书信向以弗所书-否一个完整的书信或只有部分如没有决心。 Verses 17-20 are not ascribed by some critics to the Epistle to the Ephesians; other critics are more liberal, and refer ch.韵文17日至20日是不是归因于一些批评者以书信向以弗所书;其他批评者更自由，及转介的CH 。 ix-xi or xii-xiv to the imaginary Epistle.第九至十一或十二，十四，以假想的书信。
We agree with the result of criticism in holding as certain that xvi belongs to St. Paul.我们同意的结果的批评，在拥有一定十六属于圣保禄。 Not only the language, but also the names render its Pauline origin certain.不仅是语言，而且还提供其姓名宝莲，原产地肯定。 For the greater part the names are not of those who played any role in the history of primitive Christianity or in legend, so that there was no reason for bringing them into connexion with St. Paul.对于大部份的名称是不是那些谁扮演任何角色，在历史上的原始基督教或在传说，因此没有理由将他们纳入Connexion公司与圣保禄。 Certainly the idea could not have occurred to anyone in the second century, not merely to name the unknown Andronicus and Junias as Apostles, but to assign them a prominent position among the Apostles, and to place them on an eminence above St. Paul as having been in Christ before him.当然，想法本来不会发生任何人在第二个世纪，不只是名称，未知安德洛尼克斯和junias作为使徒，但转让他们的突出位置之间的使徒，并且将它们放在一个至高无上上述圣保禄有一直在基督里在他面前。 These considerations are supplemented by external evidence.这些考虑，辅以外部的证据。 Finally, the situation exhibited by historical research is precisely that of the Epistle to the Romans, as is almost unanimously admitted.最后，形势所展现的历史研究正是该书信向罗马人，这是几乎一致承认。
The "division hypothesis" encounters a great difficulty in the manuscripts Deissmann endeavoured to explain the fusion of the two Epistles (Roman and Ephesian) on the supposition of collections of epistles existing among the ancients (duplicate-books of the sender and collections of originals of the receivers). “司假说”遇到了很大困难，在手稿戴斯曼努力解释的融合，两个书信（罗马和ephesian ）对假设的集合的书信之间存在的古人（重复书籍的发送者和收藏的正本接收机） 。 Even if a possible explanation be thus obtained, its application to the present case is hedged in with improbabilities; the assumption of an Epistle consisting merely of greetings is open to grave suspicion, and, if one supposes this chapter to be the remnant of a lost epistle, this hypothesis merely creates fresh problems.即使是一种可能的解释予以由此获得的，其应用到目前的情况是对冲在与improbabilities ;假设一书信构成的，只是问候语是开放的严重怀疑，如果一个假设这一章将残余的失落书信，这一假说，只是创造了新鲜的问题。
While St. Paul's wide circle of friends in Rome at first awakens surprise, it raises no insuperable difficulty.而圣保禄广泛的朋友圈在罗马的第一awakens感到惊讶，它提出了没有不可克服的困难。 We should not attempt to base our decision on the names alone; the Roman names prove nothing in favor of Rome, and the Greek still less against Rome.我们不应该试图基地，我们决定对名称的单;罗马的名字，证明没有任何主张，罗马和希腊仍不足对抗罗马。 Names like Narcissus, Junias, Rufus, especially Aristobulus and Herodian remind one of Rome rather than Asia Minor, although some persons with these names may have settled in the latter place.名称，如水仙， junias ， rufus ，尤其是阿里斯托布鲁斯和herodian提醒之一，罗马，而非小亚细亚，虽然有些人与这些名称可能是定居在后者的地方。 But what of the "emigration to Rome"?但该“移民到罗马”呢？ The very critics who find therein a difficulty must be well aware of the great stream of Orientals which flowed to the capital even under Emperor Augustus (Jülicher).非常批评谁找到有困难，必须清楚知道的伟大流的东方人，其中流入的资本，甚至下，皇帝奥古斯都（ jülicher ） 。 Why should not the Christians have followed this movement?为什么不应该的基督徒都跟随这个运动呢？ For the second century the historical fact is certain; how many Eastern names do we not find in Rome (Polycarp, Justin, Marcion, Tatian, Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, and others)?对于第二个世纪的历史事实是肯定的;多少东区的名字我们不觉得在罗马（ polycarp ，贾斯汀，马吉安，提安， irenæus ，克莱门特在亚历山大，和其他人） ？ Again for years Paul had turned his mind towards Rome (xv, 23; i, 13).再次年，郑明训已变成他心中对罗马（十五， 23岁;我13 ） 。 Would not his friends have known of this and would he not have discussed it with Aquila and Prisca who were from Rome?不会他的朋友都知道这一点，他会没有讨论它与Aquila ）和prisca谁分别来自罗马？ Besides, it is highly probable that the emigration was not entirely the result of chance, but took place in accordance with the views and perhaps to some extent at the suggestion of the Apostle; for nothing is more likely than that his friends hurried before him to prepare the way.此外，这是极有可能认为，移民是不完全的结果的机会，但发生在按照意见，或许在一定程度上的建议，使徒;什么是更可能比他的朋友们赶紧在他之前的准备的方式。 Three years later indeed he is met by "the brethren" on his arrival in Rome (Acts 28:15). 3年后，事实上，他是会见了由“兄弟” ，他在抵达罗马（行为28:15 ） 。 The long delay was not the fault of St. Paul and had not, by any means, been foreseen by him.迟迟没有过失，圣保禄，并没有以任何手段，被他所预见的。 The emphasizing of the services of his friends is easy to understand in an Epistle to the Romans; if only a portion of the restless charity and self-sacrificing zeal of the Apostle for the Gentiles becomes known in Rome, his active helpers may feel assured of a kind reception in the great community of Gentile Christians.该强调的服务，他的朋友是很容易理解在一个书信向罗马;如果只有部分的不安慈善和自我牺牲的热情使徒为外邦人成为众所周知的在罗马，他积极助理可能会觉得放心一种酒会在伟大的社会詹蒂莱基督徒。 The exhortation in xvi, 17-20, is indeed delivered in a solemn and almost severe tone, but in the case of St. Paul we are accustomed to sudden and sharp transitions of this kind.告诫在十六， 17日至20日，实在是发表在庄严的和严重的语气几乎，但在案件圣保禄我们习惯于以突然和急剧转变，这种。 One feels that the writer has become suddenly affected with a deep anxiety, which in a moment gets the upper hand.一认为，作家已成为突然受了深刻的焦虑，其中在一个时刻得到占了上风。 And why should not St. Paul remember the well-known submissiveness of the Roman Church?为什么不应该圣保禄记得著名的顺从的罗马教会？ Still less open to objection is the "I would" (xvi, 19), since the Greek often means in the writings of St. Paul merely "I wish".仍然较少公开反对的是“我” （十六19 ） ，由于希腊往往意味着在著作圣保禄只是“我想” 。 The position of verse 4 between the greetings is unusual, but would not be more intelligible in an Epistle to the Ephesians than in the Epistle to the Romans.的立场诗四之间的问候，是不寻常的，但不会更多的理解，在一个书信向以弗所书，比在书信向罗马。
V. DATE AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF COMPOSITION五，日期和组成情况
The contents of the Epistle show that the author has acquired a ripe experience in the apostolate.内容的书信表明，作者获得了成熟的经验，在使徒。 Paul believes his task in the East to be practically finished; he has preached the Faith as far as Illyricum, probably to the boundaries of the province (xv, 18- 24); he is about to bring back to Palestine the alms contributed in Galatia, Achaia, and Macedonia (15:25-28; cf. 1 Corinthians 16:1-4; 2 Corinthians 8:1-9, 15; Acts 20:3-4; 24:17).保罗认为，他的任务，在东，实际上是完成了，他鼓吹的信念，据伊利里库姆，大概的边界省（第十五， 18 -2 4） ;他是约带回巴勒斯坦施舍贡献，在加拉太， achaia ，和马其顿（ 15:25-28 ;比照一哥林多前书16:1-4 ;二月哥林多前书8:1-9 ， 15 ; 20:3-4行为; 24:17 ） 。 The time of composition is thus exactly determined; the Epistle was written at the end of the third missionary journey, which brought the Apostle back from Ephesus finally to Corinth.的时间组成，因此完全确定;书信写在年底的第三传教之旅，这所带来的使徒回到从以弗所最后科林斯。 The mention of the Christian Phebe of Cenchræ (xvi, 1) and the greeting on the part of his host Caius (xvi, 23) very likely the one whom Paul had baptized (1 Corinthians 1:14)–conduct us to Corinth, where the Epistle was written shortly before Paul's departure for Macedonia.提到基督教phebe的cenchræ （十六， 1 ）和迎接对部分他的东道国caius （十六， 23 ） ，很可能一个人保罗洗礼（ 1哥林多前书1:14 ）进行，我们科林斯，该书信写前不久，保罗的出发马其顿。 Its composition at the port of Cenchræ would be possible only on the supposition that the Apostle had made a long stay there; the Epistle is too elaborate and evinces too much intellectual labour for one to suppose that it was written at an intermediate station.它的组成在港口的cenchræ将有可能只对假定使徒作出了长期存在;书信是太复杂，并表现出太多的智力劳动，一个假设，这是写在一个中间站。
The year of composition can only be decided approximately.今年的组成，只能决定约。 According to Acts, xxiv, 27, St. Paul's imprisonment in Cæsarea lasted two full years until the removal of the procurator Felix.根据行为，二十四，二十七，圣保禄监禁在cæsarea持续了两整年，直至取消检察长费利克斯。 The year of this change lies between 58 and 61.今年的这一变化在于之间的58和61 。 At the earliest 58, because Felix was already many years in office at the beginning of Paul's imprisonment (Acts 24:10); Felix scarcely came to Judea before 52, and less than four or five years cannot well be called "many".在最早的58岁，费利克斯，因为已经有很多年在办公室在年初保罗的监禁（行为24:10 ） ;菲利克斯几乎来到朱迪亚前52 ，和不少于四或五年不能，以及被称为“许多” 。 At the latest 61, although this date is very improbable, as Festus, the successor of Felix, died in 62 after an eventful administration.在最新的61 ，虽然这个日期是非常难以琢磨的，正如费斯图斯，继任者费利克斯逝世，享年在62后是多变的政府。 Accordingly the arrival of St. Paul in Jerusalem and the composition of the Epistle to the Romans, which occurred in the preceding few months, must be referred to the years 56-59, or better 57-58.因此，抵达圣保禄在耶路撒冷和组成部分书信向罗马人，其中发生在此之前的几个月里，必须转介到年56-59段，或更好的57-58 。 The chronology of St. Paul's missionary activity does not exclude the suggestion of the years 56-57, since the Apostle began his third missionary journey perhaps as early as 52-53 (Gallio, proconsul of Achaia - Acts 18:12-17 - was, according to an inscription in Delphi, probably in office about 52).时序圣保禄的传教活动并不排除的建议，多年来， 56-57 ，自使徒开始了他的第三次传教之旅，也许早在52-53 （ gallio ， proconsul的achaia -行为1 8:12-17-据题词在Delphi中，大概会在办公室约52 ） 。
VI.六。 HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE历史的重要性
The Epistle gives us important information concerning the Roman Church and St. Paul's early relations with it.该书信，给我们的重要信息有关罗马教会和圣保禄的早期关系。 We may recall the dangers and strained relations and the various groupings of the community referred to in xvi, 5, 14, 15, and perhaps in xvi, 10, 11.我们可能会记得，危险和紧张的关系和各集团的社会提到，在十六， 5 ， 14 ， 15 ，也许在十六， 10 ， 11 。 That Paul's gaze was turned towards Rome for years, and that Rome was to be merely a stopping place on his way to Spain, we learn only from this Epistle.保罗的目光是转向罗马多年，而且罗马是为了只是一个停车的地方，他到西班牙，我们了解，只有从这个书信。 Did he ever reach Spain?他以往任何时候都达到西班牙？ All tradition affords only one useful piece of information on this point: "he went to the extremest west" (Clement of Rome, vi, 7); the Muratorian Fragment, 38 sq., is not sufficiently clear.所有的传统，提供了只有一个有用的一条信息在这一点上： “他去了extremest西” （克莱门特的罗马，六，七） ;穆拉多利残卷片段， 38平方米，是不够清楚。
An interesting conception of the apostolate is contained in the words: "But now having no more place in these countries" (xv, 23).一个有趣的概念的使徒，是中所载的话： “但现在没有更多的地方，在这些国家” （十五， 23 ） 。 Paul thus limited his task to laying the foundation of the Gospel in large centres, leaving to others the development of the communities.保罗因此，有限的，他的任务奠定了基础的福音，在大型中心，离开他人的发展社区。 The meaning of the words "unto Illyricum" (xv, 19) will always remain uncertain.词语的含义“所不欲，伊利里库姆” （十五，十九日）将始终不明朗。 Probably the Apostle had at this period not yet crossed the borders of the province.大概是使徒曾在此期间，尚未越过边界省。 Whether the remark in Titus, iii, 12, concerning a proposed rersidence during the winter in Nicopolis (the Illyrian town is meant), is to be connected with a missionary journey, must remain unsettled.是否这句话在提图斯，三，十二，关于拟议rersidence冬季期间在nicopolis （ illyrian城市是指） ，是与传教征程中，必须保持不了了之。
The Epistle is instructive for its revelation of the personal feelings of the Apostle of the Gentiles towards his fellow-Jews.该书信，是指导其启示个人的感情，使徒的外邦人对他的同胞犹太人。 Some have tried to represent these feelings as hard to explain and contradictory.有些人试图代表这些感受，因为难以解释和矛盾。 But a true conception of the great Apostle renders every word intelligible.但一个真正的构想的伟大使徒，使每一个字理解。 On the one hand he maintains in this Epistle the position of faith and grace as distinct from the Law, and, addressing a people who appealed to their natural lineage and their observance of the Law to establish a supposed right (to salvation), he insists unswervingly on the Divine election to grace.在一方面，他保持着在这书信的立场，信仰和宽限期，有别于法，并解决人民谁呼吁其自然谱系和他们的守法，以建立一个假定的权利（救赎） ，他坚持坚定不移地对神圣的选举宽限期。 But Paul emphasizes not less firmly that, according to God's word, Israel is first called to salvation (i, 16; ii, 10), explicitly proclaiming the preference shown to it (ii, 1-2; ix, 4-5–the Divine promises, Divine sonship, the Covenant and the Law, and, greatest privilege of all, the origin of the Messias, the true God, in Israel according to the flesh–xv, 8).但保罗强调不得少于坚定地指出，根据上帝的话语，以色列首先是所谓的救赎（一， 16 ;二， 10 ） ，明确宣告的偏好显示出它的（二， 1月2日;第九， 4 - 5 -该神圣的承诺，神圣的sonship ，公约和法律的规定，和，最大的特权，所有的，原产地的messias ，真神，在以色列根据肉-X V号， 8 ） 。 Paul willingly recognizes the zeal of the people for the things of God, although their zeal is misdirected (ix, 31 sq.; x, 2).保罗心甘情愿地认识到热情的人民，为上帝的事情，虽然他们的热情是错误的（九， 31平方米; X的2 ） 。 Such being his feelings towards the Chosen People, it is not surprising that Paul's heart is filled with bitter grief at the blindness of the Jews, that he besieges God with prayer, that he is guided throughout his life of self-sacrificing apostolic labours by the hope that thereby his brethren may be won for the Faith (ix, 1-2; x, 1; xi, 13-14), that he would be prepared–were it possible–to forego in his own case the happiness of union with Christ, if by such a renunciation he could secure for his brethren a place in the heart of the Saviour.既然如此，他的感情，对人民的选择，这是不足为奇的保罗的心是充满痛苦的悲痛的盲目性，犹太人，他besieges上帝祈祷，他是引导他的一生中的自我牺牲使徒劳动力由希望他的兄弟，从而可能赢得的信念， （九， 1月2日; X的一;席， 13日至14日） ，他将准备-人有可能-放弃在自己的情况下，幸福联盟基督，如果由这样一个放弃他能争取到他的弟兄的地方，在心脏救世主。
These utterances can offer a stumbling-block only to those who do not understand St. Paul, who cannot fathom the depths of his apostolic charity.这些言论可以提供一个绊脚石块只有那些谁不明白，圣保禄，谁可以不量度深处，他使徒的慈善机构。