General Information 一般资料
The books of the Maccabees consist of four Jewish books named after Judas Maccabeus, the hero of the first two.书籍的玛加比构成4犹太人的书籍后，命名为犹大maccabeus ，英雄的头两个。 The books do not appear in the Jewish Bible, but 1 and 2 Maccabees are included in the Greek and Latin canon and in the Protestant Apocrypha.书籍没有出现在犹太圣经，但1和2玛加比都包括在希腊和拉丁美洲的佳能和在新教apocrypha 。 Books 1 and 2 provide a vivid account of Jewish resistance to the religious suppression and Hellenistic cultural penetration of the Seleucid period (175 - 135 BC).图书1和第2款提供了一个生动的帐户犹太抵抗宗教的镇压和希腊文化渗透的塞琉西期（ 175 -1 35B C）的。
They also contain partial records of the Hasmonean (or Maccabean) dynasty, which achieved Jewish political independence during the resistance to the Seleucids and maintained it until 63 BC.他们还含有部分记录的hasmonean （或maccabean ）末年，取得了犹太人的政治独立，在抵抗向塞留西士和维持，直到63年代。 Written about 110 BC, 1 Maccabees has more historical scope and detail than the others and displays Hasmonean sympathies.书面约110年， 1玛加比有更多的历史的范围和细节比别人，并显示hasmonean的同情。 Dated prior to 63 BC, 2 Maccabees epitomizes an earlier work by Jason of Cyrene and has modest historical value.月前63年， 2玛加比一，集中体现了一个以前的工作由Jason的昔兰尼，并已温和的历史价值。 A historically dubious but edifying account of the persecution of Egyptian Jews by Ptolemy IV (r. 221 - 204 BC) constitutes 3 Maccabees, which was written about 50 BC.历史上可疑的帐户，但有启发性的迫害犹太人的埃及托勒密四（ r. 221 -2 04B C）的构成三玛加比一，这是书面约5 0年。 The last book, 4 Maccabees, originally written in Greek probably about AD 25, is primarily a philosophical discussion of the primacy of reason, governed by religious laws, over passion.最后预订， 4玛加比一，原本在希腊的书面大概约25个广告，主要是作为一种哲学讨论的首要原因，由宗教法，超过热情。
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Bibliography
参考书目
JA Goldstein, 1
Maccabees (1976); M Hadas, The Third and Fourth Books of Maccabees (1953); RH
Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times with an Introduction to the Apocrypha
(1949); DS Russell, Between the Testaments (1960); S Tedesche and S Zeitlin, The
First Book of Maccabees (1950) and The Second Book of Maccabees
(1954).司法机构政务长Goldstein表示， 1玛加比一（ 1976年） ;米hadas ，第三次和第四次的帐簿，玛加比一（ 1953年）
;铑pfeiffer ，历史的新约圣经的时代介绍到apocrypha （ 1949 ） ;局副局长罗素之间， testaments （ 1960年） ; s
tedesche和S泽特林，第一本书的玛加比一（ 1950年）和第二本书的玛加比一（ 1954年） 。
This word does not occur in Scripture.这两个字不会出现在经文。 It was the name given to the leaders of the national party among the Jews who suffered in the persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeeded to the Syrian throne BC 175.这是名称考虑到领导人对国家党之间的犹太人谁遭受的迫害下，安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯，谁成功地向叙利亚宝座公元前175 。 It is supposed to have been derived from the Hebrew word (makkabah) meaning "hammer," as suggestive of the heroism and power of this Jewish family, who are, however, more properly called Asmoneans or Hasmonaeans, the origin of which is much disputed.它是已被来自希伯来语字（ makkabah ） ，意思是“锤” ，暗示的英雄主义和权力，这个犹太家庭，是谁，不过，更妥善的所谓asmoneans或hasmonaeans ，原产地，其中很多是有争议的。 After the expulsion of Antiochus Epiphanes from Egypt by the Romans, he gave vent to his indignation on the Jews, great numbers of whom he mercilessly put to death in Jerusalem.后驱逐安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯从埃及由罗马人，他给了发泄他的愤怒，对犹太人，大量的人，他无情地把死刑在耶路撒冷。 He oppressed them in every way, and tried to abolish altogether the Jewish worship.他被压迫他们以各种方式，并试图取消共有犹太人的崇拜。
Mattathias, and aged priest, then residing at Modin, a city to the west of Jerusalem, became now the courageous leader of the national party; and having fled to the mountains, rallied round him a large band of men prepared to fight and die for their country and for their religion, which was now violently suppressed. mattathias ，并岁的神父，然后住在莫丁，一个城市到西耶路撒冷，成为现在的勇敢的领导人对国家党;及有逃亡到山上，凝聚了一轮他一个大波段的男子，准备打及模具他们国家和他们的宗教，这是现在暴力镇压。 In 1 Macc.在一排雷。 2: 60 is recorded his dying counsels to his sons with reference to the war they were now to carry on. 2 ： 60 ，是记录他死于律师，他的儿子与参考战争，他们现在继续进行。 His son Judas, "the Maccabee," succeeded him (BC 166) as the leader in directing the war of independence, which was carried on with great heroism on the part of the Jews, and was terminated in the defeat of the Syrians.他的儿子犹大， “ maccabee ， ”接任（公元前166 ）作为领导人在指挥独立战争，这是进行的与伟大的英雄主义对部分犹太人，并最终被终止的失败，叙利亚人。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
There were originally five books of the Maccabees.原本有五本书的玛加比一。 The first contains a history of the war of independence, commencing (BC 175) in a series of patriotic struggles against the tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes, and terminating BC 135.第一包含的历史，独立战争，展开（公元前175 ）在一系列的爱国斗争的暴政安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯，以及终止公元前135 。 It became part of the Vulgate Version of the Bible, and was thus retained among the Apocrypha.它已成为部分的武加大版本的圣经，并因此保留之间的apocrypha 。 The second gives a history of the Maccabees' struggle from BC 176 to BC 161.第二，让历史的玛加比一'的斗争，从公元前176至公元前161 。 Its object is to encourage and admonish the Jews to be faithful to the religion of their fathers.其目的是鼓励和告诫犹太人要忠实于宗教，他们父辈。 The third does not hold a place in the Apocrypha, but is read in the Greek Church.第三并不持有的地方，在apocrypha ，但在阅读，希腊教会。 Its design is to comfort the Alexandrian Jews in their persecution.它的设计是为了安慰亚历山大犹太人在他们的迫害。 Its writer was evidently an Alexandrian Jew.其作者是亚历山大显然是犹太人。 The fourth was found in the Library of Lyons, but was afterwards burned.第四个被发现，在图书馆的里昂，但事后被烧毁。 The fifth contains a history of the Jews from BC 184 to BC 86.第五包含的历史，犹太人从公元前184到公元前86 。 It is a compilation made by a Jew after the destruction of Jerusalem, from ancient memoirs, to which he had access.这是一个汇编所作出的犹太人后销毁耶路撒冷，从古代的回忆录中，他曾访问。 It need scarcely be added that none of these books has any divine authority.它需要很少得到补充说，没有这些书籍有任何神圣的权力。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
The title of four books, of which the first and second only are regarded by the Church as canonical; the third and fourth, as Protestants consider all four, are apocryphal.标题四本书，其中第一和第二只被认为是由教会作为典型;第三次和第四次，由于新教徒考虑所有四个，都是猜测。 The first two have been so named because they treat of the history of the rebellion of the Machabees, the fourth because it speaks of the Machabee martyrs.首两项已如此命名是因为他们对待的历史叛乱的machabees ，第四因为它讲的马卡贝烈士。 The third, which has no connection whatever with the Machabee period, no doubt owes its name to the fact that like the others it treats of a persecution of the Jews.第三，无任何关联，无论与马卡贝期间，毫无疑问，应向其名称这一事实，即其他人一样对待一个迫害犹太人。 For the canonicity of I and II Mach.为canonicity的I和II马赫。 see CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT看到佳能的旧约
THE FIRST BOOK OF MACHABEES第一本书的machabees
(Makkabaion A; Liber Primus Machabaeorum). （ makkabaion ; liber普里默斯machabaeorum ） 。
Contents内容
The First Book of the Machabees is a history of the struggle of the Jewish people for religious and political liberty under the leadership of the Machabee family, with Judas Machabeus as the central figure.第一本书的machabees的历史，就是一部斗争的犹太人民的宗教和政治自由的领导下，该马卡贝家庭，与犹大machabeus为中心的数字。 After a brief introduction (i, 1-9) explaining how the Jews came to pass from the Persian domination to that of the Seleucids, it relates the causes of the rising under Mathathias and the details of the revolt up to his death (i, 10-ii); the glorious deeds and heroic death of Judas Machabeus (iii-ix, 22); the story of the successful leadership of Jonathan (ix, 23-xii), and of the wise administration of Simon (xiii-xvi, 17).之后，简要介绍了（一， 1月9日） ，说明如何犹太人来通过从波斯统治时表示，在该塞留西士，它涉及的原因，上升下mathathias和详细的反抗行动，以他的去世（我， 10 -二） ;的光荣事迹和壮烈牺牲的犹大machabeus （三-九， 22 ） ;的故事，成功的领导乔纳森（九， 23 - 12 ） ，和明智的政府西蒙（十三-十六， 17 ） 。 It concludes (xvi, 18-24) with a brief mention of the difficulties attending the accession of John Hyrcanus and with a short summary of his reign (see MACHABEES, THE).它的结论（十六， 18-24 ）与一简要地提到了困难，出席加入约翰hyrcanus和一个简短的概要他的统治（见machabees ， ） 。 The book thus covers the period between the years 175 and 135 BC因此，这本书涵盖的期间之间的175年和135年
Character性格
The narrative both in style and manner is modelled on the earlier historical books of the Old Testament.叙事无论是在作风和方式是为蓝本，较早的历史书籍的旧约。 The style is usually simple, yet it at times becomes eloquent and even poetic, as, for instance, in Mathathias's lament over the woes of the people and the profanation of the Temple (ii, 7-13), or in the eulogy of Judas Machabeus (iii, 1-9), or again in the description of the peace and prosperity of the people after the long years of war and suffering (xiv, 4-15).的作风，通常是简单，但它有时变得雄辩滔滔，甚至诗，作为，例如，在mathathias的慨叹超过疾苦的人民和亵渎庙（二， 7月13日） ，或在悼词的犹大machabeus （三， 1月9日） ，或再次在描述的和平与繁荣人民群众后，多年的战争和苦难（十四， 4月15日） 。 The tone is calm and objective, the author as a rule abstaining from any direct comment on the facts he is narrating.语调是平静和客观的，作者作为一项规则，弃权从任何直接评论有关的事实，他是叙事。 The more important events are carefully dated according to the Seleucid era, which began with the autumn of 312 BC It should be noted, however, that the author begins the year with spring (the month Nisan), whereas the author of II Mach.更重要的事件是仔细月根据该塞的时代，开始与秋季公元前312应当指出，然而，作者开始，今年春季（本月尼散月） ，而作者二马赫。 begins it with autumn (the month Tishri).开始它与秋季（本月提斯利） 。 By reason of this difference some of the events are dated a year later in the second than in the first book.因这种差异的一些事件的日期，一年后，在第二，比第一本书。 (Cf. Patrizzi, "De Consensu Utriusque Libri Mach.", 27 sq.; Schürer, "Hist. of the Jewish People", I, I, 36 sq.). （参见patrizzi ， “德consensu了两个图书马赫。 ” ， 27平方米; schürer ， “历史的。犹太人民的” ，我，我， 36平方米） 。
Original Language原文
The text from which all translations have been derived is the Greek of the Septuagint.案文从所有翻译已产生的是希腊的septuagint 。 But there is little doubt that the Septuagint is itself a translation of a Hebrew or Aramaic original, with the probabilities in favour of Hebrew.但毫无疑问，该septuagint本身就是一个翻译一个希伯来语或阿拉姆语原，与概率在赞成，希伯来文。 Not only is the structure of the sentences decidedly Hebrew (or Aramaic); but many words and expressions occur which are literal renderings of Hebrew idioms (eg, i, 4, 15, 16, 44; ii, 19, 42, 48; v, 37, 40; etc.).不仅是结构的句子坚决希伯来文（或阿拉姆语） ;但很多字和词句出现，这是字面翻译的希伯来语成语（例如，我， 4 ， 15 ， 16 ， 44 ;二， 19 ， 42 ，第48条; v ， 37 ， 40等） 。 These peculiarities can scarcely be explained by assuming that the writer was little versed in Greek, for a number of instances show that he was acquainted with the niceties of the language.这些特殊性，几乎可以被解释假定该作者是不大精通希腊文，对一些实例表明，他熟悉与细节的语言。 Besides, there are inexact expressions and obscurities which can be explained only in the supposition of an imperfect translation or a misreading of a Hebrew original (eg, i, 16, 28; iv, 19, 24; xi, 28; xiv, 5).此外，还有精确的表达及obscurities ，这可以解释，只有在假设的一个不完美的翻译或误解了一个希伯来语原来的（例如，我， 16 ， 28日;四， 19 ， 24 ;席， 28条;第十四5 ） 。 The internal evidence is confirmed by the testimony of St. Jerome and of Origen.内部证据是证实的证词，圣杰罗姆和奥利。 The former writes that he saw the book in Hebrew: "Machabaeorum primum librum Hebraicum reperi" (Prol. Galeat.).前写道，他看到这本书在希伯来文： “ machabaeorum primum librum hebraicum reperi ” （ prol. galeat ） 。 As there is no ground for assuming that St. Jerome refers to a translation, and as he is not likely to have applied the term Hebrew to an Aramaic text, his testimony tells strongly in favour of a Hebrew as against an Aramaic original.因此，没有理由假设圣杰罗姆指的是一个翻译，因为他是不太可能有适用的任期希伯来语，以一阿拉姆语的文字，他的证词告诉强烈赞成，一个希伯来语作为对一个原来的阿拉姆语。 Origen states (Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", vi, 25) that the title of the book was Sarbeth Sarbane el, or more correctly Sarbeth Sarbanaiel.俄国家（尤西比乌斯， “历史。传道书” ，六， 25 ）表示，书名是sarbeth sarbane下午，或更正确sarbeth sarbanaiel 。 Though the meaning of this title is uncertain (a number of different explanations have been proposed, especially of the first reading), it is plainly either Hebrew or Aramaic.虽然所指的这个称号是不确定的（一些不同的解释，已建议，特别是进行首读） ，它显然是要么希伯来语或阿拉姆语。 The fragment of a Hebrew text published by Chwolson in 1896, and later again by Schweitzer, has little claim to be considered as part of the original.片段一希伯来文发表的奇沃尔松在1896年，后来又由施魏策尔，已很少声称被视为部分原。
Author and Date of Composition作者和日期的组成
No data can be found either in the book itself or in later writers which would give us a clue as to the person of the author.没有数据可发现，无论是在这本书本身，还是在以后的作家，这将给予我们一个线索，以人的作者。 Names have indeed been mentioned, but on groundless conjecture.姓名确已提到，但对毫无根据的推测。 That he was a native of Palestine is evident from the language in which he wrote, and from the thorough knowledge of the geography of Palestine which he possessed.他是土生土长的巴勒斯坦是显而易见的，从语言在其中，他写道，从透彻了解地理的巴勒斯坦，他拥有的。 Although he rarely expresses his own sentiments, the spirit pervading his work is proof that he was deeply religious, zealous for the Law, and thoroughly in sympathy with the Machabean movement and its leaders.虽然他很少表示自己的情绪，精神，渗透他的工作是证明他深受宗教，热心为法律，彻底在同情与machabean运动和其领导人。 However, strange to say, he studiously avoids the use of the words "God" and "Lord" (that is in the better Greek text; in the ordinary text "God" is found once, and "Lord" three times; in the Vulgate both occur repeatedly. But this is probably due to reverence for the Divine James, Jahweh and Adonai, since he often uses the equivalents "heaven", "Thou", or "He". There is absolutely no ground for the opinion, maintained by some modern scholars, that he was a Sadducee. He does not, it is true, mention the unworthy high-priests, Jason and Menelaus; but as he mentions the no less unworthy Alcimus, and that in the severest terms, it cannot be said that he wishes to spare the priestly class. The last verses show that the book cannot have been written till some time after the beginning of the reign of John Hyrcanus (135-105 BC), for they mention his accession and some of the acts of his administration. The latest possible date is generally admitted to be prior to 63 BC, the year of the occupation of Jerusalem by Pompey; but there is some difference in fixing the approximately exact date. Whether it can be placed as early as the reign of Hyrcanus depends on the meaning of the concluding verse, "Behold these [the Acts of Hyrcanus] are written in the book of the days of his priesthood, from the time (xx xx, "ex quo") that he was made high priest after his father". Many understand it to indicate that Hyrcanus was then still alive, and this seems to be the more natural meaning. Others, however, take it to imply that Hyrcanus was already dead. In this latter supposition the composition of the work must have followed close upon the death of that ruler. For not only does the vivid character of the narrative suggest an early period after the events, but the absence of even the slightest allusion to events later than the death of Hyrcanus, and, in particular, to the conduct of his two successors which aroused popular hatred against the Machabees, makes a much later date improbable. The date would, therefore, in any case, be within the last years of the second century BC不过，说也奇怪，他studiously避免使用“上帝”和“上帝” （即在更好的希腊文字;在普通文字的“神”是，一旦发现，和“魔戒”的3倍; ，在武加大双方不断发生，但是这可能是由于崇敬神的詹姆斯， jahweh和adonai ，因为他经常使用等值的“天国” ， “你” ，或“他”是绝对没有理由认为，保持一些现代学者，他是撒都该“人，他不，这是事实，何况卑微的高神父，杰森和梅涅劳斯;但正如他提到不低于辜负alcimus ，并在最严峻的条款，但不能说，他希望花priestly阶层。上次诗表明，这本书不能被写入到了一段时间后，开始统治约翰hyrcanus （ 135-105 BC ）的，因为他们提及他的加入和一些行为他领导的政府。最新的可能日期是普遍承认必须事先到63年代，一年的占领耶路撒冷的庞培，但也有一些差异，订定约的确切日期。是否可以放在早在统治对hyrcanus依赖于意义的结论诗， “看哪，这些[行为hyrcanus ]写在书的日子，他的神职人员，从时间（第XX XX条， ”前的现状“ ）表示，他是大祭司之后，他的父亲“ 。许多了解它表明， hyrcanus当时仍然活着，这似乎是较为自然的意义。别人，然而，它暗示hyrcanus已经死亡。在这后者的假设组成的工作其次是必须有密切去世后认为统治者。不仅生动性质的叙事建议早日期事件发生后，但没有，甚至有丝毫的典故事件不迟于死亡hyrcanus ，特别是，进行他的两个接班人，引起流行的仇恨，对machabees ，作出了很大稍后日期难以琢磨的。日期会，因此，在任何情况下，在过去多年的西元前二世纪。
Historicity历史性
In the eighteenth century the two brothers EF and G. Wernsdorf made an attempt to discredit I Mach., but with little success.在十八世纪的两兄弟外汇基金和G.韦恩斯多夫作出了企图抹黑i马赫，但收效甚微。 Modern scholars of all schools, even the most extreme, admit that the book is a historical document of the highest value.现代学者的所有学校，即使是最极端的，承认这本书是一个历史文件的最高值。 "With regard to the historical value of I Mach.", says Cornill (Einl., 3rd ed., 265), "there is but one voice; in it we possess a source of the very first order, an absolutely reliable account of one of the most important epochs in the history of the Jewish people." “对于历史价值的I马赫” ，说cornill （ einl. ，第三教育署， 265 ） ， “有一个声音;它在我们所拥有的来源非常第一秩序，是绝对可靠的帐户其中最重要的时代，在犹太人历史的人“ 。 The accuracy of a few minor details concerning foreign nations has, however, been denied.的准确性，一些小细节，关于外国国家，但被拒绝。 The author is mistaken, it is said, when he states that Alexander the Great divided his empire among his generals (i, 7), or when he speaks of the Spartans as akin to the Jews (xii, 6, 7, 21); he is inexact in several particulars regarding the Romans (viii, 1 sq.); he exaggerates the numbers of elephants at the battle of Magnesia (viii, 6), and some other numbers (eg, v, 34; vi, 30, 37; xi, 45, 48).作者是错误的，这是说，当他说，亚历山大大帝除以他的帝国之间的将军们（一， 7 ） ，或当他说话的spartans作为近似犹太人（十二， 6 ， 7 ， 21 ） ;他是不精确的几个细节就罗马（八， 1平方米） ;他夸大的数目，大象在战斗中镁（八， 6 ） ，以及其他一些号码（例如，五， 34条;第六， 30 ， 37 ;十一， 45 ， 48 ） 。 But the author cannot be charged with whatever inaccuracies or exaggerations may be contained in viii, 1-16.但作者不能被落案控以什么夸张失实或可能载于八， 1月16日。 He there merely sets down the reports, inexact and exaggerated, no doubt, in some particulars, which had reached Judas Machabeus.他有，只是规定了报告，不精确和夸大，毫无疑问，在一些细节，这已达到犹大machabeus 。 The same is true with regard to the statement concerning the kinship of the Spartans with the Jews.也是一样，对于声明关于亲情的spartans与犹太人。 The author merely reproduces the letter of Jonathan to the Spartans, and that written to the high-priest Onias I by Arius.作者只是转载了这封信的乔纳森向spartans ，并以书面向高牧师onias I部arius 。
When a writer simply reports the words of others, an error can be laid to his charge only when he reproduces their statements inaccurately.当一个作家，只是报告的话，其他的错误，可以奠定他只收取时，他抄录了他们的发言不正确。 The assertion that Alexander divided his empire among his generals (to be understood in the light of vv. 9 and 10, where it is said that they "made themselves kings . . . and put crowns on themselves after his death"), cannot be shown to be erroneous.断言亚历山大除以他的帝国之间的将军们（可以理解，在根据的VV 。第9和第10 ，这是说，他们“作出自己的国王。 。 。 ，并冠对自己在他死后” ） ，不能证明是错误的。 Quintus Curtius, who is the authority for the contrary view, acknowledges that there were writers who believed that Alexander made a division of the provinces by his will.昆图斯库尔提乌斯，谁是权威，为相反的观点，承认有作家，谁相信，亚历山大做出了分工的省份，由他的意志。 As the author of I Mach is a careful historian and wrote about a century and a half before Q. Curtius, he would deserve more credit than the latter, even if he were not supported by other writers.作为作者的I马赫是一个审慎的历史学家写的一个半世纪前，问：库尔提乌斯，他将应得的更多的信贷高于后者，即使他不支持其他的作家。 As to the exaggeration of numbers in some instances, in so far as they are not errors of copyists, it should be remembered that ancient authors, both sacred and profane, frequently do not give absolute figures, but estimated or popularly current numbers.以夸大的数字在某些情况下，在迄今他们是不是错误的copyists ，应当记住，古代的作者，无论是神圣和亵渎，经常不给的绝对数字，但估计或民众目前的号码。 Exact numbers cannot be reasonably expected in an account of a popular insurrection, like that of Antioch (xi,45,48), because they could not be ascertained.确切人数不能合理预期的一个帐户中的一个受欢迎的叛乱一样，安提（十一， 45,48 ） ，因为他们无法确定。 Now the same was often the case with regard to the strength of the enemy's forces and of the number of the enemy slain in battle.现在同样的情况常常方面的力量，敌人的势力和人数的敌人在战斗中被杀害。 A modifying clause, such as "it is reported", must be supplied in these cases. 1修改条款，如“据报道” ，必须提供在这些情况下。
Sources来源
That the author used written sources to a certain extent is witnessed by the documents which he cites (viii, 23-32; x, 3-6, 18-20, 25-45; xi, 30-37; xii, 6-23; etc.).该作者用书面来源，在一定程度上是亲眼目睹的文件，其中他举（八， 23-32 ; X的3月6日， 18-20 ， 25-45 ;席， 30-37 ;第十二， 6月23日;等） 。 But there is little doubt that he also derived most of the other matter from written records of the events, oral tradition being insufficient to account for the many and minute details; There is every reason to believe that such records existed for the Acts of Jonathan and Simon as well as for those of Judas (ix, 22), and of John Hyrcanus (xvi, 23-24).但毫无疑问，他还衍生其他大部分，无论从书面记录的事件，口头传统不足以帐户为许多和分钟，详情为何;有一切理由相信，这样的纪录，存在的行为， Jonathan和西蒙，以及为那些犹大（九， 22岁） ，和约翰hyrcanus （十六， 23-24 ） 。 For the last part he may also have relied on the reminiscences of older contemporaries, or even drawn upon his own.对于最后一部分，他也可能有依赖于回忆老年人同时代人，或什至动用他自己。
Greek Text and Ancient Versions希腊文字和古版本
The Greek translation was probably made soon after the book was written.希腊的翻译，可能是作出后不久，这本书的书面。 The text is found in three uncial codices, namely the Sinaiticus, the Alexandrinus, and the Venetus, and in sixteen cursive manuscripts The textus receptus is that of the Sixtine edition, derived from the Codex Venetus and some cursives.案文是发现在3 uncial codices ，即sinaiticus ， alexandrinus ，和venetus ，并在16草书手稿该Web网站receptus的是，该sixtine版，来自食品法典委员会venetus和一些cursives 。 The best editions are those of Fritzsche ("Libri Apocryphi VT", Leipzig, 1871, 203 sq.) and of Swete "OT in Greek", Cambridge, 1905, III, 594 sq.), both based on the Cod.最好的版本是那些fritzsche （ “图书apocryphi佛蒙特州” ，莱比锡， 1871年， 203平方米）和swete “城市旅游局在希腊” ，剑桥， 1905年，三， 594平方米） ，双方的基础上，化学需氧量。 Alexandrinus. alexandrinus 。 The old Latin version in the Vulgate is that of the Itala, probably unretouched by St. Jerome.旧的拉美版本，在武加大的是，该名单，大概unretouched圣杰罗姆。 Part of a still older version, or rather recension (chap. i-xiii), was published by Sabatier (Biblior. Sacror. Latinae Versiones Antiquae, II, 1017 sq.), the complete text of which was recently discovered in a manuscripts at Madrid.的一个组成部分，仍然是旧版本，或者更确切地说， recension （第一章-十三） ，发表了撒巴帖（ biblior. sacror 。 latinae versiones antiquae ，二， 1017平方米） ，完整的文本，这是最近发现的一手稿在马德里。 Two Syriac versions are extant: that of the Peshitto, which follows the Greek text of the Lucian recension, and another published by Ceriani ("Translatio Syra photolithographice edita," Milan, 1876, 592-615) which reproduces the ordinary Greek text. 2叙利亚的版本是现存的：该peshitto ，这是继希腊文的卢西安recension ，另有发表塞里亚尼（ “ translatio syra photolithographice编辑， ”米兰， 1876 ， 592-615 ） ，其中抄录了普通希腊文字。
THE SECOND BOOK OF MACHABEES第二本书的machabees
(Makkabaion B; Liber Secundus Machabaeorum). （ makkabaion B组; liber secundus machabaeorum ） 。
Contents内容
The Second Book of Machabees is not, as the name might suggest, a continuation of the First, but covers part of the same ground.第二本书的machabees ，并非如名称可能暗示，延续第一，但涉及的一部分，同样理由。 The book proper (ii, 20-xv, 40) is preceded by two letters of the Jews of Jerusalem to their Egyptian coreligionists (i, 1-ii, 19).这本书适当的（二， 20 -十五， 40岁）是之前的两封信的犹太人在耶路撒冷，以他们的埃及coreligionists （一，一-二， 19 ） 。 The first (i, 1-10a), dated in the year 188 of the Seleucid era (ie 124 BC), beyond expressions of goodwill and an allusion to a former letter, contains nothing but an invitation to the Jews of Egypt to celebrate the feast of the Dedication of the Temple (instituted to commemorate its rededication, 1 Maccabees 4:59; 2 Maccabees 10:8).第一（一， 1 - 10 A条） ，月，在188年的塞琉时代（即公元前124 ） ，超越表达的善意和暗指前的信，包含无关，但一的邀请，向犹太人在埃及庆祝节日的献身精神庙（提起，以纪念其重新，一玛加比4时59分; 2玛加比10时08分） 。 The second (i, 10b-ii, 19), which is undated, is from the "senate" (gerousia) and Judas (Machabeus) to Aristobulus, the preceptor or counsellor of Ptolemy (DV Ptolemee)第二次（我10 B条第二， 19 ） ，这是日期，是从“参议院” （ gerousia ）和犹大（ machabeus ）阿里斯托布鲁斯， preceptor或辅导员的托勒密（ ptolemee的DV ）
(Philometor), and to the Jews in Egypt. （ philometor ） ，和向犹太人在埃及。 It informs the Egyptian Jews of the death of Antiochus (Epiphanes) while attempting to rob the temple of Nanea, and invites them to join their Palestinian brethren in celebrating the feasts of the Dedication and of the Recovery of the Sacred Fire.通报埃及犹太人的死亡安提奥（伊皮法尼斯） ，而企图抢劫庙nanea ，并邀请他们加入他们的巴勒斯坦兄弟在庆祝节日的献身精神和对复苏的神圣，小心防火。 The story of the recovery of the sacred fire is then told, and in connection with it the story of the hiding by the Prophet Jeremias of the tabernacle, the ark and the altar of incense.故事复苏的神圣消防然后说，他涉嫌与它的故事隐瞒由先知jeremias的帐幕，方舟和金香坛。 After an offer to send copies of the books which Judas had collected after the example of Nehemias, it repeats the invitation to celebrate the two feasts, and concludes with the hope that the dispersed of Israel might soon be gathered together in the Holy Land.后一提供拷贝发送给机的书籍，其中犹大已收集后的例子，内赫米亚斯，它重复了邀请，为庆祝这两个节日，并得出结论，与希望分散，以色列可能很快聚集在圣地。
The book itself begins with an elaborate preface (ii, 20-33) in which the author after mentioning that his work is an epitome of the larger history in five books of Jason of Cyrene states his motive in writing the book, and comments on the respective duties of the historian and of the epitomizer.这本书本身开始与一个复杂的前言（第二组， 20-33 ） ，其中作者后一提的是，他的工作的一个缩影较大的历史，在五本书的杰森的昔兰尼国他的动机在写作这本书，和评论意见各自的职责，历史学家和对epitomizer 。 The first part of the book (iii-iv, 6) relates the attempt of Heliodoris, prime minister of Seleucus IV (187-175 BC), to rob the treasures of the Temple at the instigation of a certain Simon, and the troubles caused by this latter individual to Onias III.第一部分的书（三-四，六）涉及企图heliodoris ，总理琉四（公元前187-175 ） ，抢劫的宝藏庙在其唆使，某西蒙，以及所造成的麻烦这后者个人onias三。 The rest of the book is the history of the Machabean rebellion down to the death of Nicanor (161 BC), and therefore corresponds to I Mach., I, 11-vii, 50.其余的书是历史的machabean叛乱下降到死亡尼卡诺尔（ 161 BC ）的，因此对应到I马赫。 ，我11 -第七章， 50 。 Section iv, 7-x, 9, deals with the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Maccabees 1:11-6:16), while section x, l0-xv, 37, records the events of the reigns of Antiochus Eupator and Demetrius I (1 Maccabees 6:17-7:50).第四节， 7 - X的， 9 ，交易与统治安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯（ 1玛加比1:11-6:16 ） ，而第十节， 10 - 15 ， 37 ，记录的事件时期安提奥eupator和demetrius i （ 1玛加比6:17-7:50 ） 。 II Mach.二马赫。 thus covers a period of only fifteen years, from 176 to 161 BC But while the field is narrower, the narrative is much more copious in details than I Mach., and furnishes many particulars, for instance, names of persons, which are not found in the first book.因此，涵盖的期间，只有十五年，从176至161年，但该领域狭窄，叙事更为大量的细节比我马赫，并提供了许多细节，例如人的姓名，这是没有发现在第一本书。
Object and Character对象和性质
On comparing the two Books of Machabees it is plainly seen that the author of the Second does not, like the author of the First, write history merely to acquaint his readers with the stirring events of the period with which he is dealing.对比较两本书的machabees ，这是明显的看出，作者的第二个不一样的作者，第一，写历史，只是为了了解他的读者与悲壮的事件期间，与他交易。 He writes history with a view to instruction and edification.他写道，历史，以期指导和启迪。 His first object is to exalt the Temple of Jerusalem as the centre of Jewish worship.他的第一个对象是要发扬庙耶路撒冷为中心的犹太崇拜。 This appears from the pains he takes to extol on every occasion its dignity and sanctity.这似乎是从痛苦，他颂扬，每次它的尊严和神圣性。 It is "the great temple", (ii, 20), "the most renowned" and "the most holy in all the world" (ii, 23; v, 15), "the great and holy temple" (xiv, 31); even heathen princes esteemed it worthy of honour and glorified it with great gifts (iii, 2-3; v, 16; xiii, 23); the concern of the Jews in time of danger was more for the holiness of the Temple than for their wives and children (xv, 18); God protects it by miraculous interpositions (iii, xiv, 31 sq.) and punishes those guilty of sacrilege against it (iii, 24 sq.; ix, 16; xiii, 6-8; xiv, 31 sq.; xv, 32); if He has allowed it to be profaned, it was because of the sins of the Jews (v, 17-20).这是“伟大的圣殿教” ， （二， 20 ） ， “最知名的”和“最圣洁的，在世界上所有” （第二， 23岁;五， 15 ） ， “大和圣殿” （ 14月31日） ; heathen王子，甚至值得尊敬的荣誉和赞美，它与伟大的礼物（三， 2月3日;五，第16条;十三， 23 ） ;的关注，犹太人在时间上的危险，更是为神圣的寺庙，比他们的妻子和子女（十五， 18 ） ;上帝保护它的神奇interpositions （三，十四， 31平方米）及处罚那些犯有亵渎反对（三， 24平方米;第九，第16条;十三，六月八日;第十四， 31平方米;十五， 32 ） ;如果他有允许它被亵渎，那是因为该捷联惯导系统的犹太人（五， 17-20 ） 。 It is, no doubt, with this design that the two letters, which otherwise have no connexion with the book, were prefixed to it.这是毫无疑问，与此设计，该两封信，否则没有Connexion公司与这本书，分别给它的前缀。 The author apparently intended his work specially for the Jews of the Dispersion, and more particularly for those of Egypt, where a schismatical temple had been erected at Leontopolis about l60 BC The second object of the author is to exhort the Jews to faithfulness to the Law, by impressing upon them that God is still mindful of His covenant, and that He does not abandon them unless they first abandon Him; the tribulations they endure are a punishment for their unfaithfulness, and will cease when they repent (iv, 17; v, 17, 19; vi, 13, 15, 16; vii, 32, 33, 37, 38; viii, 5, 36; xiv, 15; xv, 23, 24).作者显然是他的工作特别针对犹太人的分散，尤其是对于那些埃及，凡schismatical庙已竖立在莱昂托波利斯约l60公元前第二个对象的作者是劝告犹太人忠于法律中，留下深刻印象，他们认为，上帝仍然是铭记他的盟约，并表示他不放弃他们，除非他们首先放弃他;磨难，他们忍受是一种惩罚他们的不忠，并会停止当他们悔改（四， 17人; v ， 17 ， 19 ;六， 13 ， 15 ， 16 ;第七， 32 ， 33 ， 37 ， 38 ;第八， 5 ， 36 ;第十四，十五;十五，二十三，二十四） 。 To the difference of object corresponds a difference in tone and method.向不同的对象对应差异在语气和方法。 The author is not satisfied with merely relating facts, but freely comments on persons and acts, distributing praise or blame as they may deserve when judged from the standpoint of a true Israelite.作者是不是满意，只是有关的事实，但自由的评论者和行为，分发称赞或指责，因为他们可能是值得时，从立场，一个真正的以色列人。 Supernatural intervention in favour of the Jews is emphasized.超自然的干预，赞成犹太人是强调。 The style is rhetorical, the dates are comparatively few.作风是修辞，日期是相对较少。 As has been remarked, the chronology of II Mach.正如已经说过，时序二马赫。 slightly differs from that of I Mach.略有不同，从对I马赫。
Author and Date作者和日期
II Mach.二马赫。 is, as has been said, an epitome of a larger work by a certain Jason of Cyrene.是，我们已说过，一个缩影一个较大的工作由某一杰森的昔兰尼。 Nothing further is known of this Jason except that, judging from his exact geographical knowledge, he must have lived for some time in Palestine.没有进一步众所周知，这贾森除外，从他的确切地理知识，他必须住了一段时间，在巴勒斯坦人。 The author of the epitome is unknown.作者的缩影，是未知之数。 From the prominence which he gives to the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, it has been inferred that he was a Pharisee.从突出的，他给人的学说复活的死人，但已推断，他是一个pharisee 。 Some have even maintained that his book was a Pharisaical partisan writing.有些人甚至认为，他的著作是一个pharisaical党派的书面答复。 This last, at tiny rate, is a baseless assertion.这最后，在微小的利率，是一个毫无根据的断言。 II Mach.二马赫。 does not speak more severely of Alcimus than I Mach., and the fact that it mentions the high-priests, Jason and Menelaus, by name no more proves it to be a Pharisaic partisan writing than the omission of their names in I Mach.不说话更严厉的alcimus比我马赫，和事实，即它提到的高神父，杰森和梅涅劳斯，按姓名，没有更多的证明，这是一个pharisaic党派写作比遗漏了他们的名字在I马赫。 proves that to be a Sadducee production.证明是一个撒都该“人的生产。 Jason must have finished his work shortly after the death of Nicanor, and before disaster overtook Judas Machabeus, as he not only omits to allude to that hero's death, but makes the statement, which would be palpably false if he had written later, that after the death of Nicanor Jerusalem always remained in the possession of the Jews (xv, 38).贾森必须完成的工作，他逝世后不久尼卡诺尔，和之前的灾难超越了犹大machabeus ，因为他不仅忽略了以暗示说，英雄的死亡，但使的声明，这将是明显虚假，如果他已致函后，即后死亡尼卡诺尔耶路撒冷始终是在藏犹太人（十五， 38 ） 。 The epitome cannot have been written earlier than the date of the first letter, that is 124 BC缩影不能被写入较日期的第一个字母，即公元前124
As to the exact date there is great divergence.至于确切日期有很大的分歧。 In the very probable supposition that the first letter was sent with a copy of the book, the latter would be of about the same date.在很可能假定的第一个字母，被送往一本书，后者将约在同一日期。 It cannot in any case be very much later, since the demand for an abridged form of Jason's history, to which the author alludes in the preface (ii, 25-26), must have arisen within a reasonably short time after the publication of that work.它不能在任何情况下十分后，由于需求摘要形式的杰森的历史，其中提到了作者在序言中（第二组， 25-26 ） ，必须出现在一个合理的短时间内公布后，认为工作。 The second letter must have been written soon after the death of Antiochus, before the exact circumstances concerning it had become known in Jerusalem, therefore about 163 BC That the Antiochus there mentioned is Antiochus IV and not Antiochus III, as many Catholic commentators maintain, is clear from the fact that his death is related in connection with the celebration of the Feast of the Dedication, and that he is represented as an enemy of the Jews, which is not true of Antiochus III.第二个字母必须已书面后不久死亡，安提奥之前，确切的情况下，有关它已成为众所周知，在耶路撒冷，因此，约163年，该安提奥有提及的是，安提奥四，而不是安提欧楚三世，正如许多评论家天主教维持，是清楚的事实，他的逝世是有关他涉嫌与庆祝节日的献身精神，和他是代表视为敌人的犹太人，这是不正确的安提欧楚三世。
Original Language原文
The two letters which were addressed to the Jews of Egypt, who knew little or no Hebrew or Aramaic, were in all probability written in Greek.两封信，其中给犹太人的埃及，谁知道很少或根本没有希伯来语或阿拉姆语，在所有的书面概率在希腊。 That the book itself was composed in the same language, is evident from the style, as St. Jerome already remarked (Prol. Gal.).这本书本身的组成，在相同的语言，可见从作风，作为圣杰罗姆已经说过， （ prol.半乳糖） 。 Hebraisms are fewer than would be expected considering the subject, whereas Greek idioms and Greek constructions are very numerous. hebraisms少于预计将考虑此事，而希腊成语和希腊建设是非常众多。 Jason's Hellenistic origin, and the absence in the epitome of all signs that would mark it as a translation, are sufficient to show that he also wrote in Greek.杰森的希腊血统，并没有在的缩影，所有迹象表明，将标志着它作为一个翻译，足以显示他还写道，在希腊。 Historicity.-- The Second Book of Machabees is much less thought of as a historical document by non-Catholic scholars than the First, though Niese has recently come out strongly in its defence.历史性.--第二本书的machabees要少得多思想作为一个历史文件，非天主教的学者，比第一，虽然niese最近出来的强烈在其辩护。 The objections brought against the two letters need not, however, concern us, except in so far as they affect their authenticity, of which hereafter.反对提起的两封信不用，不过，我们感到关切，除在迄今为止因为它们影响到它们的真实性，其中以下。 These letters are on the same footing as the other documents cited in I and II Mach.; the author is therefore not responsible for the truth of their contents.这些信件是在同等的地位的其他文件中提到的I和II马赫。 ;作者因此，不负责的真相，其内容。 We may, then, admit that the story of the sacred fire, as well as that of the hiding of the tabernacle, etc., is a pure legend, and that the account of the death of Antiochus as given in the second letter is historically false; the author's credit as a historian will not in the least be diminished thereby.我们可以，那么，承认故事的神圣消防，以及时表示，在该隐瞒幕等，是一个纯粹的传奇人物，和该帐户的死亡安提奥作为给予，在第二封信是历史上虚假的;作者的信贷作为一个历史学家将不会在最不发达国家受到削弱，从而。 Some recent Catholic scholars have thought that errors could also be admitted in the book itself without casting any discredit on the epitomizer, inasmuch as the latter declines to assume responsibility for the exact truth of all its contents.最近的一些天主教学者认为，错误也可以承认在这本书本身没有任何铸造抹黑就epitomizer ，因为后者拒绝承担责任，确切的真相，它的全部内容。 But though this view may find some support in the Vulgate (ii, 29), it is hardly countenanced by the Greek text.不过，虽然这种看法可能会发现一些支持，在武加大（二， 29 ） ，这是难以countenanced由希腊文字。 Besides, there is no need to have recourse to a theory which, while absolving the author from formal error, would admit real inaccuracies in the book, and so lessen its historical value.此外，有没有必要求助于理论，虽然开脱，作者从正式的错误，会承认，真正的错误在这本书中，因此减轻其历史价值。 The difficulties urged against it are not such as to defy satisfactory explanation.的困难，呼吁反对，是不是如违抗令人满意的解释。 Some are based on a false interpretation of the text, as when, for instance, it is credited with the statement that Demetrius landed in Syria with a mighty host and a fleet (xiv, 1), and is thus placed in opposition to I Mach., vii, 1, where he is said to have landed with a few men.有些是基于一种虚假的解释文，作为时，举例来说，这是记入与声明demetrius降落在叙利亚与一支强大的主机和舰队（十四， 1 ） ，因此放置在反对党的I马赫，七，一，在那里他是说有降落与几个男人。 Others are due to subjective impressions, as when the supernatural apparitions are called into question.别人是由于主观的印象，正如当超自然的显现是所谓的质疑。 The exaggeration of numbers has been dealt with in connexion with I Mach.夸大号码已在处理与Connexion公司与I马赫。
The following are the main objections with some real foundation: (1) The campaign of Lysias, which I Mach., iv, 26-34, places in the last year of Antiochus Epiphanes, is transferred in II Mach., xi, to the reign of Antiochus Eupator; (2) The Jewish raids on neighbouring tribes and the expeditions into Galilee and Galaad, represented in I Mach., v, as carried on in rapid succession after the rededication of the temple, are separated in II Mach.以下是主要的反对，与一些真正的基础： （ 1 ）运动lysias ，我马赫。 ，四， 26-34 ，地方，在过去一年的安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯，是转移在二马赫，第十一，向统治安提奥eupator ; （ 2 ）犹太人的行动，对邻近部落和探险加利利和galaad ，代表在I马赫。 ，五，作为继续进行，在快速的继承后，重新的庙宇，是分开的，在二马赫。 and placed in a different historical setting (viii, 30; x, 15-38; xii, 10-45); (3) The account given in II Mach., ix, differs from that of I Mach., vi, regarding the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, who is falsely declared to have written a letter to the Jews; (4) The picture of the martyrdoms in vi, 18-vii, is highly coloured, and it is improbable that Antiochus was present at them.并放置在一个不同的历史设定（第八， 30 ; X的15-38 ;十二， 10-45 ） ; （ 3 ）帐户鉴于在二马赫，第九，从不同的I马赫，六，关于死亡安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯，谁是虚报有写了一封信向犹太人; （ 4 ）图片的martyrdoms在六， 18 -第七章，是非常有色，这是难以琢磨的说，安提奥出席了他们。
To these objections it may be briefly answered: (1) The campaign spoken of in II Mach., xi, is not the same as that related in I Mach., iv; (2) The events mentioned in viii, 30 and x, 15 sq.这些反对意见，它可能会简单地回答： （ 1 ）运动的发言在二马赫，第十一，是不一样的，有关在I马赫，四（ 2 ）中提到的活动，八， 30和X ， 15平方米 are not narrated in I Mach., v. Before the expedition into Galaad (xii, 10 sq.) can be said to be out of its proper historical setting, it would have to be proved that I Mach.没有叙述在I马赫，诉前，远征到galaad （十二， 10平方米） ，可以说是出了应有的历史设定，便要证明我马赫。 invariably adheres to chronological order, and that the events grouped together in chap.总是坚持以时间顺序排列，并认为事件分组一起在第一章。 v took place in rapid succession; (3) The two accounts of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes differ, it is true, but they fit very well into one another. v发生在快速继承; （ 3 ）这两个帐户的死亡安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯有所不同，这是事实，但他们配合得很好成为一个另一个。
Considering the character of Antiochus and the condition he was in at the time, it is not at all improbable that he wrote a letter to the Jews; (4) There is no reason to doubt that in spite of the rhetorical form the story of the martyrdoms is substantially correct.考虑性质安提奥和条件，他是在在的时间，这不是在所有琢磨，他写了一封信给犹太人; （ 4 ）有没有理由怀疑，尽管在修辞形式的故事，该martyrdoms是大幅正确的。 As the place where they occurred is unknown, it is hard to see on what ground the presence of Antiochus is denied.作为地方发生的是未知的，这是不难看出，对什么理由存在安提奥被拒绝。 It should be noted, moreover, that the book betrays accurate knowledge in a multitude of small details, and that it is often supported by Josephus, who was unacquainted with it.应当指出，此外，这本书暴露了准确的知识，在众多的小细节，这是经常的支持，约瑟夫，谁是unacquainted与它。 Even its detractors admit that the earlier portion is of the greatest value, and that in all that relates to Syria its knowledge is extensive and minute.甚至诋毁承认早前的部分是最大的价值，并在所有有关向叙利亚其知识是广泛的和分钟。 Hence it is not likely that it would be guilty of the gross errors imputed to it.因此，这是不太可能，这将是犯了严重错误归咎于它。
Authenticity of the Two Letters真实性的两封信
Although these letters have a clear bearing on the purpose of the book, they have been declared to be palpable forgeries.虽然，这些信件有一个明确的轴承上的目的，这本书，他们已被宣布为明显伪造的。 Nothing, however, justifies such an opinion.没有什么，但是，有理由这样的意见。 The glaring contradiction in the first letter, which represents the climax of affliction as having been experienced under Demetrius II, has no existence.突出的矛盾的第一个字母，它代表的高潮，痛苦过的经历下， demetrius二，已没有存在的。 The letter does not compare the sufferings under Demetrius with those of the past, but speaks of the whole period of affliction including the time the time of Demetrius.信中并没有比较的痛苦下， demetrius与那些过去，但谈到整个期间的痛苦，包括时间的时候， demetrius 。 The legend of the sacred fire etc., proves nothing against the genuineness of the second letter, unless it be shown that no such legend existed at the time.传说的神圣消防等，证明没有什么反对的真实性，第二个字母，除非它证明，没有这样的传说，存在的时间。 The false account of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes is rather a proof in favour of the authenticity of the letter.虚假帐户的死亡安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯是一个证明，而不是在赞成的真实性信。 Such an account would be quite natural if the letter was written soon after the first news, exaggerated and distorted as first news often is, had reached Jerusalem.这样的帐户会很自然的，如果这封信是书面不久后的首次新闻，夸大和歪曲为首次新闻往往是，达到了耶路撒冷。 There remains only the so-called blunder of attributing the building of the Temple to Nehemias.仍然存在，不仅使所谓的失误归咎于建设该庙宇内赫米亚斯。 The very improbability of such a gross blunder on the part of an educated Jew (the supposed forger) should have made the critics pause.非常improbability这样一个总的失误就部分受过教育的犹太人（假定伪造）应作出批评暂停。 Nehemias put the last touches to the Temple (Nehemiah 2:8; Josephus, "Antiq.", XI, 5:6) which justifies the use of oikodomesas.内赫米亚斯付诸表决，最后触及到寺庙（尼希米记2时08分;约瑟夫， “ antiq ” ，第十一， 5时06分） ，这是合理的使用oikodomesas 。 Codex 125 (Mosquensis) reads oikonomesas "having ordered the service of the temple and altar"; this would remove all difficulty (cf. Nehemiah 10:32 sq.; 13 sqq.).食品法典125 （ mosquensis ）读取oikonomesas “后，下令服务庙宇和祭坛” ;这将消除所有的困难（参见尼希米记10时32平方米; 13 sqq ） 。
Greek Text and Versions希腊文字和版本
The Greek text is usually found in the same manuscripts as I Mach.; it is wanting, however, in the Cod.希腊的文字通常是发现，在相同的手稿，正如我马赫。它是想，不过，在鳕鱼。 Sinaiticus, The Latin version in the Vulgate is that of the Itala. sinaiticus ，拉丁美洲的版本，在武加大的是，该名单。 An older version was published by Peyron and again by Ceriani from the Codex Ambrosianus.旧版本出版peyron和再次塞里亚尼从食品法典委员会ambrosianus 。 A third Latin text is found in the Madrid manuscripts which contains an old version of I Mach.第三拉丁美洲的案文是发现在马德里的手稿，其中包含一个旧版本的I马赫。 The Syriac version is often a paraphrase rather than a translation.叙利亚语版本，往往是段而不是一个翻译。
THE THIRD AND FOURTH BOOKS OF MACHABEES第三次和第四次的帐簿， machabees
III Mach.三马赫。 is the story of a persecution of the Jews in Egypt under Ptolemy IV Philopator (222-205 BC), and therefore has no right to its title.是的故事，一迫害犹太人在埃及托勒密下四philopator （ 222-205 BC ）的，因此无权其名称。 Though the work contains much that is historical, the story is a fiction.虽然工作包含很多是历史，故事是小说。 IV Mach.四马赫。 is a Jewish-Stoic philosophical treatise on the supremacy of pious reason, that is religious principles, over the passions.是一个犹太- stoic哲学伤寒论至高无上的虔诚的原因，这是宗教的原则，过去的激情。 The martyrdorm of Eleazar and of the seven brothers (2 Maccabees 6:18-7) is introduced to illustrate the author's thesis.该martyrdorm的埃莱亚萨和七个兄弟（ 2玛加比6:18-7 ）介绍，以说明作者的论文。 Neither book has any claim to canonicity, though the first for a while received favourable consideration in some Churches.既不是本书的任何索赔，以canonicity ，虽然第一次收到的一则有利的考虑，在一些教会。
Publication information Written by F. Bechtel.出版的资料，写楼柏克德公司。 Transcribed by Robert H. Sarkissian.转录由Robert每小时萨尔基相。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IX.天主教百科全书，体积九。 Published 1910. 1910年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. nihil obstat ， 1910年10月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.的Remy lafort ，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰米farley ，大主教of New York所
Bibliography参考书目
GIGOT, Spec. gigot ，规格。 Introd., I (New York, 1901), 365 sq.; CORNELY, Introd., II (Paris, 1897), I, 440 sq.; KNABENBAUER, Comm. introd 。 ，我（纽约， 1901 ） ， 365平方米; cornely ， introd 。第一，二（巴黎， 1897年） ，我， 440平方米; knabenbauer ，商业。 in Lib.在库。 Mach.马赫。 (Paris, 1907); PATRIZZI, De Consensu Utriusq. （巴黎， 1907 ） ; patrizzi ，德consensu utriusq 。 Lib.库。 Mach.马赫。 (Rome, 1856); FRÖLICH, De Fontibus Historiae Syriae in Lib. （罗马， 1856 ） ; frölich ，德fontibus historiae syriae在库。 Mach.马赫。 (Vienna, 1746); KHELL, Auctoritas Utriusq. （维也纳， 1746 ） ; khell ，权威utriusq 。 Lib.库。 Mach.马赫。 (Vienna, 1749); HERKENNE, Die Briefe zu Beginn des Zweiten Makkabäerbuches (Freiburg, 1904); GILLET, Les Machabées (Paris, 1880); BEURLIER in Vig. （维也纳， 1749 ） ; herkenne ，模具briefe祖beginn万zweiten makkabäerbuches （弗赖堡， 1904 ） ; gillet ，本港就业辅导组machabées （巴黎， 1880 ） ; beurlier在vig 。 Dict.翻译字典。 de la Bible, IV, 488 sq.; LESÊTRE, Introd., II (Paris, 1890); VIGOUROUX, Man.德香格里拉圣经，四， 488平方米; lesêtre ， introd 。第一，二（巴黎， 1890 ） ; vigouroux ，男子。 Bibl., II (Paris, 1899), 217 sq.; IDEM, La Bible et la Critique Ration., 5th ed., IV, 638 sq.; SCHÜRER, Hist. bibl 。第一，二（巴黎， 1899年） ， 217平方米;同上，香格里拉圣经等香格里拉批判口粮，第五，教育署，四， 638平方米; schürer ，历史。 of the Jewish People (New York, 1891), II, iii, 6 sq.; 211 sq.; 244 sq.; FAIRWEATHER in HASTINGS, Dict.对犹太人民的（纽约， 1891年） ，二，三，六平方米; 211平方米; 244平方米; fairweather在黑斯廷斯，翻译字典。 of the Bible, III, 187 sq.; NIESE, Kritik der beiden Makkabäerbücher (Berlin, 1900); GRIMM, Kurzgefasstes Exeg.对圣经，三， 187平方米; niese ， kritik明镜beiden makkabäerbücher （柏林， 1900 ） ;格里姆， kurzgefasstes exeg 。 Handbuch zu den Apokryphen, Fasc. handbuch祖书斋apokryphen ， fasc 。 3 and 4 (Leipzig, 1853, 1857); KEIL, Comm.第3和第4 （莱比锡， 1853 ， 1857 ） ; Keil公司，商业。 über die Bücher der Makkabäer (Leipzig, 1875); KAUTZSCH (AND KAMPHAUSEN), Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des AT (Tübingen, 1900). über模具bücher明镜makkabäer （莱比锡， 1875 ） ; kautzsch （坎保森） ，模具apokryphen und pseudepigraphen万（蒂宾根大学， 1900年） 。
ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题：
I. Original Language.一，原文。
Author.作者。
Date.日期。
Sources and Integrity.来源和完整性。
Historical and Religious Character.历史和宗教的性质。
Sources.消息来源。
The Letters.信件。
Authorship and Character.作者身份和性格。
Integrity and Character.完整性和性格。
Author and Date.作者和日期。
Eschatology.末世。
II.A second article on the Book of Maccabees is inserted as treating the subject from a Jewish standpoint.-J.二第二条关于这本书的玛加比插入作为治疗的主题，从一个犹太standpoint. -家
I Maccabees. i玛加比一。
II Maccabees.二，玛加比一。
III Maccabees.三，玛加比一。
IV Maccabees.四，玛加比一。
V Maccabees. v玛加比一。
I. There are four books which pass under this name-I, II, III, and IV Maccabees.一，有四本书，其中通过根据此名称-一，二，三，四，玛加比一。 The first of these is the only one of the four which can be regarded as a reliable historical source.上述第一，是唯一一对四，这可被视为一个可靠的历史根源。
I Maccabees: The First Book of the Maccabees covers the period of forty years from the accession of Antiochus (175 BC) to the death of Simon the Maccabee (135 BC). i玛加比：第一本书的玛加比涵盖的期间的四十年，从加入安提奥（ 175 BC ）的，以死亡的西蒙该maccabee （ 135 BC ）的。 Its contents are as follows: Ch.其内容如下：您的。 i.我。 1-9 is a brief historical introduction; i. 1月9日是一个短暂的历史导言;一。 10-ii. 10 -二。 70 treats of the rise of the Maccabean revolt; iii. 70对待的崛起，该maccabean反抗;三。 1-ix. 1 -九。 22 is devoted to the Maccabean struggle under Judas; ix. 22日，是专门用来maccabean斗争下的犹大;九。 23-xii. 23 -十二。 53, to the fortunes of Israel under Jonathan; xiii. 53 ，向命运，以色列根据乔纳森;十三。 1-xvi. 1 -十六。 24, to the administration of Simon. 24 ，向政府当局的西蒙。 The events are followed with intense interest and sympathy.事件之后，与浓厚的兴趣和同情。 At times the enthusiasm of the writer rises to a high pitch and breaks out into poetry of a genuine Semitic character (comp. iii. 3-9).在时代的积极性，作者上升到一个高音调和休息，到诗歌的一个真正的犹太人的字符（ comp.三， 3月9日） 。 The style is simple, terse, restrained, and objective, modeled throughout on that of the historical books of the Old Testament.风格是简单，简洁，克制和目标，整个模型就指出，历史书籍的旧约。 The fact that just proportions are observed in treating the different parts of the narrative proves the author to have been a writer of considerable skill.事实上，刚才的比例观察，在治疗的不同部分的叙述证明了作者已被一个作家相当的技巧。 He dates all events in terms of the Seleucid era.他的日期的所有活动条款对塞的时代。
Original Language.原文。
It is clear from the Semitic idioms which occur throughout the work that it was composed in a Semitic language (see, for example, ii. 40, iv. 2), and certain passages indicate with great clearness that the original language was Hebrew (see ii. 39, iii. 19).很显然，从犹太人的成语所发生的整个工作中，这是组成，在一个犹太人的语言（例如，见二40 ，四， 2 ） ，和某些段落表明，与伟大的晴空认为，原文是希伯来文（见二39 ，三19段） 。 To this fact Origen and Jerome also bear testimony, though it is possible that the version or paraphrase known to them was Aramaic.这一事实奥利和杰罗姆也见证，虽然是有可能的版本或段众所周知，他们是阿拉姆语。
The Hebrew original seems not to have borne the name "Maccabees," though it is not known what was its real designation.希伯来文的原似乎没有承担的名称“玛加比一， ”虽然我们不知道什么是真正的指定。 Eusebius ("Hist. Eccl." vi. 25) quotes Origen as authority for the name Σαρβηθ Σαβαναι, a name which has been explained in many different ways.尤西比乌斯（ “历史。传道书”六。二十五日）行情，俄作为管理局的名称σαρβηθ σαβαναι ，一个名称，该名称已经解释过许多不同的方式。 For some of these see Grimm ("Das Erste Buch der Makkabäer," p. xvii.).一些这些见格林（ “之erste buch明镜makkabäer ， ”第十七页） 。 Dalman ("Grammar," p. 6), whom Torrey (Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl.") follows, takes the name as a corruption of (= "Book of the Hasmoneans"). dalman （ “语法” ，第6页） ，其中多利松（进益及黑色， “ encyc 。 bibl 。 ” ）如下，以名称，作为腐败的（ = “图书的哈斯摩年王朝” “ ） 。 If this be the correct interpretation, an Aramaic translation of the book must have been made at an early time, and it was this translation which was known to Origen and Jerome-a view which does not seem improbable.如果这是正确的解释，一阿拉姆语翻译这本书必须已在一月初的时间，这是本翻译这是众所周知的奥利和杰罗姆-这种看法似乎并不难以琢磨的。 Be this as it may, the Hebrew was translated very early into Greek, and the Greek only has survived.这样，因为它可能，希伯来文翻译很早就到希腊，与希腊，只有生存下来。 The Greek version seems to be a literal one, often preserving the Semitic, and sometimes even the Hebrew, idiom; but it is clear, and probably it is, on the whole, a satisfactory translation.希腊的版本似乎是一个字面一，往往以维护犹太人，有时甚至是希伯来语，成语，但它是清楚的，大概是，就整体而言，一个满意的翻译。 It is transmitted in three uncial manuscripts of the Septuagint-the Codex Sinaiticus, the Codex Alexandrinus, and the Codex Venetus-as well as in several cursives.这是转发在3 uncial手稿的septuagint -食品法典委员会sinaiticus ，食品法典委员会alexandrinus ，食品法典委员会venetus -以及在几个cursives 。
Author.作者。
Concerning the author no information is obtainable beyond that which may be inferred from the book itself.关于作者的任何资料可超越那些可以推断，从本书本身。 He was a devout and patriotic Jew who lived and wrote in Palestine.他是一个虔诚的和爱国的犹太人谁居住和中写道，巴勒斯坦。 This latter fact is proved by his intimate and exact geographical knowledge of the Holy Land (comp. iii. 24; vii. 19; ix. 2-4, 33, 34, 43; xii. 36-40; xiii. 22, 23; xvi. 5, 6) and by his lack of accurate knowledge of any of the foreign countries which he mentions.这后者，其实是证明了他的体内和确切的地理知识的圣地（ comp.三。 24 ;七。 19 ;九。 2月4日， 33 ， 34 ， 43 ;第十二36-40段;十三， 22日， 23日;十六，第5 ，第6 ）和由他缺乏准确的认识，任何外国的国家，他提到。 The author was also a loyal admirer of the Hasmonean family; he believed that to it Israel owed her deliverance and existence.作者也是一个忠诚的钦佩的hasmonean家庭;他认为，它的以色列欠她的解脱和存在的。 He admired not only the military deeds of Judas (comp. v. 63), but also those of Jonathan (comp. x. 15-21) and Simon (comp. xiv. 4-15).他钦佩不只是军事的先进事迹，犹大（ comp.五63 ） ，但也那些乔纳森（ comp.十15-21 ）和西蒙（ comp.十四。 4月15日） 。 The narrative is told not as though deliverance came by miracle, but as though it was due to the military genius of these men, exercised under the favoring guidance of God (i. 64, iii. 8).叙事是说，虽然不能作为解脱来的奇迹，但好像是由于军事天才，这些男子，行使下倾斜的指导神（一64 ，三8段） 。 Curiously enough the word "God" does not appear in the work, nor does the word "Lord."奇怪的足够字的“神”没有出现在工作，也不是用“上帝” 。 The idea is not lacking, however, as in the Book of Esther, but is represented by "Heaven," or by the pronoun "He."其构想是并不缺乏，然而，由于在这本书中的埃丝特，但所代表的“天堂” ，或由代词“他” 。 The author was a deeply religious man in spite of this mannerism.作者是一个深刻的宗教男子尽管有此mannerism 。 He was very zealous for the Law and for the national religious institutions (see i. 11, 15, 43; ii. 20-22; iii. 21), for the Scriptures (i. 56, iii. 48), and for the Temple (i. 21, 39; iii. 43).他很热心的为法律和国家宗教机构（见一11 ， 15 ， 43 ;二， 20日至22日;三， 21岁） ，为经文（一56 ，三48 ） ，并且为庙（一21 ， 39 ;三， 43段） 。
Date.日期。
It should be noted, also, that throughout the work the priesthood is represented in a favorable light.应当指出，此外，整个工作神职人员的代表是一个良好的轻。 The renegade priests Jason and Menelaus are not mentioned-a fact in striking contrast with the treatment which the Second Book of the Maccabeesaccords them.该叛离的司铎和贾森梅涅劳斯没有提到一个事实，在鲜明的对比与治疗，其中第二本书的maccabeesaccords他们。 From these facts Geiger conjectured that the author was a Sadducee, and most recent writers follow him in this opinion, although they consider him wrong in calling the First Book of the Maccabees a partizan document; its temperate and just tone certainly redeems it from such a stricture.从这些事实，盖格尔推测，作者是一个撒都该“人，最近期的作家追随他在这方面的意见，虽然他们认为他是错误的，要求在第一本书的玛加比一partizan文件;温带和刚才的语气肯定赎回它从这样的狭窄。 The terminus a quo of the work is found in the fact that John Hyreanus I., who began to reign in 135 BC, is mentioned at the close of the book (xvi. 21-24).总站一现状的工作是在发现事实，即约翰hyreanus一，谁开始统治在公元前135 ，是提到结束时，这本书（ xvi. 21日至24日） 。 As the Romans are throughout spoken of in terms of respect and friendliness, it is clear that the terminus ad quem must be sought at some time before the conquest of Jerusalem by Pompey in 63 BC As to whether the date can be more nearly determined scholars are not agreed.作为罗马人是在整个发言的条款，在尊重和友爱，这是明确表示，总站的广告终止，必须寻求在一段时间才征服耶路撒冷的庞培在63年代至于是否日期可以更近决心学者不获通过。 The determining fact is held by most to be the statement in xvi.确定的事实是，举行的最要声明在十六。 23, 24, that the "rest of the acts of John . . . are written in the chronicles of his high-priesthood." 23日， 24日， “其余的行为，约翰。 。 。写在方志的他的高级神职人员” 。 It is thought by many that this implies that John had died and that a sufficient time had elapsed since his death to permit the circulation of the chronicles.它被认为是由许多，这意味着约翰已死亡，有足够的时间已经过去了，因为他的逝世，允许流通的方志。 Bissell (Lange's "Commentary," p. 479) thinks that not more than a score or two of years had passed, while Schürer ("Hist. of the Jewish People," div. ii., vol. iii., p. 8) and Fairweather (in "Cambridge Bible" and Hastings, "Dict. Bible") think that not more than a decade or two had elapsed, and date the work in the first or second decade of the first century BC Torrey, on the other hand, thinks ("Encyc. Bibl.") that this reference to the chronicle of the priesthood is an imitation of well-known passages in the Books of Kings, that it was intended solely as a compliment to John, and that the work was composed early in his reign (ie, soon after 135 BC) by one who had been an interested spectator of the whole Maccabean movement.比斯尔（兰格的“评论” ， 479页）认为，不超过1评分或两个年过去了，而schürer （ “历史的。犹太人民， ”学第二，第三卷，第8页）和fairweather （在“剑桥圣经”和黑斯廷斯， “翻译字典。圣经” ）认为，没有十年以上或两个已经过去了，和日期排列的工作在第一或第二个十年的公元前一世纪利松，对其他另一方面，认为（ “ encyc 。 bibl 。 ” ）表示，这参考纪事的神职人员是模仿著名的通道，在书籍的国王，这是仅仅作为一个补充，约翰，这方面的工作是组成，早在他的统治（即后不久， 135 BC ）的一个谁一直是有兴趣的观众对整个maccabean运动。 The vivid character of the narrative and the fact that it closes so abruptly after the death of Simon make this a very plausible view.生动的性质的叙事和事实，即它关闭，所以突然去世后，西蒙，使这是一个非常合理的看法。
Sources and Integrity.来源和完整性。
Those who maintain the later date of the work are obliged to account for the vivid details which it contains by supposing that the writer employed older sources, such as letters and memoranda.这些谁保持稍后日期的工作是有责任的帐户以生动的细节，它包含由假设作家雇用老年人的来源，如信件和备忘录。 In Torrey's view no such sources are needed, as the author, where he did not have personal knowledge, could have talked with participants or eye-witnesses of the events.在多利松的看法，没有这样的来源有需要，作为作者，他在那里没有个人的知识，可以跟参与者或眼证人的事件。 In either case the First Book of the Maccabees is one of the best sources known for the history of the Jews.在这两种情况下的第一本书的玛加比是其中一个最好的消息来源而闻名的历史犹太人。
JD Michaelis held that Josephus used the Hebrew original of the book, which differed in some important particulars from the present text.米氏举行的联合声明说，约瑟夫用希伯来语原书，不同于在一些重要的细节，从目前的案文。 Destinon ("Die Quellen des Josephus," 1882) revived this theory and endeavored to prove (pp. 80 et seq.) that ch. destinon （ “死quellen万约瑟夫， ” 1882年）恢复这一理论和努力，以证明（第80条及以下各条。 ）的CH 。 xiv.-xvi. xiv. -十六。 were not contained in the edition used by Josephus.不载于该版所用的约瑟夫。 Destinon bases his argument on the fact that Josephus treats this portion very scantily in comparison with his treatment of the other material of the book, although these chapters contain quite as much and as interesting material. destinon基地，他的论点对事实，即约瑟夫对待这部分非常scantily在比较与他的治疗，其他材料的这本书，虽然这些章节包含相当多和有趣的材料。 He has been followed by Wellhausen ("IJG" pp. 222 et seq.).他一直其次是浩（ “ ijg ”第222条及以下各条） 。 But Torrey (in "Encyc. Bibl."), by utilizing the investigations of Mommsen, has shown that Josephus actually knew some of this material and introduced it at a later point in his work ("Ant." xiv. 8, § 5), in describing the history of Hyrcanus II.但利松（在“ encyc 。 bibl 。 ” ） ，利用调查蒙森，表明约瑟夫其实知道的一些材料，并介绍它在稍后一点，在他的工作（ “蚂蚁” 。十四。 8 ，第5条） ，在描述历史hyrcanus二。 In all probability, therefore, the First Book of the Maccabees has retained its original form.在所有的概率，因此，第一本书的玛加比保留了其原有的形式。
Bibliography:参考书目：
Grimm, Das Erste Buch der Makkabäer, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apokryphen, 1853; Wace, Apocrypha; Bissell, Apocrypha, in Lange's Commentary; Fairweather and Black, First Book of Maccabees, in Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges; Kautzsch, Apokryphen; Torrey, Schweizer's Hebrew Text of I Maccabees, in Jour.格里姆，之erste buch明镜makkabäer ，在kurzgefasstes exegetisches handbuch祖书斋apokryphen ， 1853年; wace ， apocrypha ;比斯尔， apocrypha ，在兰格的评论; fairweather和黑色的第一本书的玛加比一，在剑桥圣经，为学校和学院; kautzsch ， apokryphen ;利松，史威泽的希伯来文的I玛加比一，在jour 。 Bib.背带裤。 Lit.点燃。 xxii.二十二。 51-59. 51-59 。 II Maccabees: The Second Book of the Maccabees opens with two letters written by Jews resident in Palestine to brethren dwelling in Egypt.二，玛加比一：第二本书的玛加比一打开的两封信写的犹太人居住在巴勒斯坦的兄弟居住在埃及。 The first letter occupies ch.第一个字母占据的CH 。 i.我。 1-10a; the second, ch. 1 - 10 A条;第二，甲烷。 i.我。 10b-ii. 10 B条-二。 18. 18 。 These letters, it is thought by some, formed no part of the original work.这些信件，它被认为是由一些，形成的任何部分原来的工作。