General Information 一般资料
A book of the Old Testament in versions of the Bible based on the Greek Septuagint, Judith is included with the Apocrypha in the Authorized and Revised Standard versions; it does not appear at all in the Hebrew Bible.一本书的旧约，在版本的圣经的基础上，希腊septuagint ，尤迪特是包括与apocrypha ，在授权和修订的标准版本;它不会出现在所有在希伯来文圣经。 The work of an unknown author, the book is a fictitious account of the deliverance of Israel from a foreign army by Judith, the devout and beautiful heroine who first beguiled and then beheaded the Assyrian commander Holofernes.工作的一名不知名的作者，这本书是虚构的帐户的解脱以色列从外国军队由朱迪，虔诚的和美丽的女主人公谁第一beguiled ，然后被斩首的亚述指挥官何乐弗尼。 The book is dated to the Maccabean period in the 2d century BC.这本书的日期是到maccabean期间，在二维世纪的卑诗省。
Although the besieged city of Bethulia is described as being in Samaria, Samaritans are curiously unmentioned.虽然围城的伯夙利亚的是被形容为在撒玛利亚，撒玛利亚会是奇怪的未提及。 Deliberate anachronisms, such as calling the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar "king of the Assyrians," were probably intended to signal readers that Judith is not exact history but a call to celebrate recent victories of the Maccabees and to inspire further resistance to Hellenizing enemies.故意anachronisms ，如要求巴比伦国王布恰德内扎尔“国王亚述人， ”可能是打算信号的读者，尤迪特是不准确的历史，但通话，以庆祝胜利，最近的玛加比和启发，进一步的阻力hellenizing的敌人。 The ritual scrupulosity of the heroine suggests an early pharisaic origin for the book.仪式scrupulosity的女主人公的建议，早日pharisaic原产地为这本书。
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Bibliography
参考书目
T Craven,
Artistry and Faith in the Book of Judith (1983).吨文，艺术性和信念，在这本书中的尤迪特（
1983年） 。
Judith is the fourth book of the Old Testament Apocrypha in those versions of the Bible following the Greek Septuagint (generally Roman Catholic and Orthodox versions).朱迪是第四本书的旧约apocrypha在这些版本的圣经之后，希腊septuagint （通常是罗马天主教会与东正教版本） 。 Judith is included with the Apocrypha in the King James Version; it does not appear in the Hebrew Bible.朱迪是包括与apocrypha在国王詹姆斯版本;它不会出现在希伯来文圣经。 The work of an unknown author, the book falls into two roughly equal parts.工作的一名不知名的作者，这本书分为两个大致相等的部分。 In the first part (chapters 1-7), King Nebuchadnezzar, "who reigned over the Assyrians in the great city of Nineveh" (Judith 1:1), sends his general Holofernes to punish the western nations because they have refused to join him in a war against Media.在第一部分（第一章1-7 ） ，景布恰德内扎尔， “谁统治亚述人，在伟大的城市尼尼微” （朱迪思1:1 ） ，派他的秘书长何乐弗尼的惩罚西方国家，因为他们拒绝加入他在战争中对媒体。 Holofernes marches against them, and all except the Israelites submit.何乐弗尼的游行，对他们，以及所有除以色列人提交。 At this point in the narrative Achior, leader of the Ammonites, warns Holofernes that God will defend the Israelites so long as they remain faithful.在这一点上，在叙事achior ，领导人对菊石，何乐弗尼警告说，上帝会保卫以色列人，只要他们继续忠实。 Holofernes, however, disregarding the warning, surrounds the Israelites in the ancient Palestinian town of Bethulia, near Jerusalem.何乐弗尼的，但是，无视警告，周围的以色列人在古老的巴勒斯坦城镇拜突利亚，在耶路撒冷附近。
In the second part of the book (chapters 8-16), the pious and beautiful widow Judith (Hebrew, "Jewess") volunteers to deliver the Israelites after rebuking them for losing faith in God when under siege.在第二部分，这本书（章节8月16日） ，虔诚的和美丽的遗孀朱迪（希伯来文， “ jewess ” ）的义工提供以色列人后， rebuking他们失去对上帝的信仰时，被围困。 She goes to the Assyrian camp, pretending to be an informer against her people, and charms Holofernes, who invites her to a banquet in his tent.她去亚述营，假装被举报人对她的人，和魅力何乐弗尼，谁邀请她在欢迎宴会在他的帐篷。 At the banquet, Holofernes becomes drunk and falls asleep.在宴会上，何乐弗尼成为喝醉了属于入睡。 Judith seizes a sword, beheads him, wraps the severed head in a bag, and returns with it to her people.朱迪思检获一把刀，他beheads ，包装切断头部，在一个袋内，并返回与她的人。 The jubilant Israelites then attack the leaderless Assyrians, who flee in panic.在欢快的以色列人，然后攻击领袖亚述人，谁在逃离的恐慌。 Judith leads the people in a song of celebration and praise, and then all go to Jerusalem to offer thanksgiving.朱迪思带领人民在一首歌的庆祝和赞扬，然后全部转到耶路撒冷提供感恩节。
Most modern scholars recognize that Judith is a historical romance written for didactic purposes.最现代的学者承认，朱迪是一个历史演义的书面为教学目的。 The author appears to have deliberately ignored historical fact in order to focus attention exclusively on the religious message.作者似乎刻意忽略的历史事实，以便将注意力集中在专门的宗教讯息。 Nebuchadnezzar II, for example, was king of Babylon, but he was never styled "king of Assyria," nor did he have his capital at the Assyrian capital Nineveh, which was destroyed in 612BC by his father, Nabopolassar.布恰德内扎尔二，举例来说，是巴比伦王，但他从来没有风格的“国王亚述， ”也没有，他有他的资本在亚述人首都尼尼微，这是摧毁在612bc由他的父亲，那波帕拉萨尔。 Indeed, any participation by the historical Nebuchadnezzar in the story of Judith is a chronological impossibility: Nebuchadnezzar died in 562BC, while the action of Judith is said to take place after the end of the Babylonian Captivity in 538 (4:3; 5:19).事实上，任何参与的历史布恰德内扎尔在故事朱迪思是一个不可能的时间顺序：布恰德内扎尔死亡， 562bc ，而采取的行动，尤迪特是说，考虑到结束后，巴比伦囚禁在538 （ 4:3 ; 5时19分） 。 The geography of Judith is similarly open to question.地理朱迪思是同样值得商榷之处。 The itinerary of Holofernes and his army (2:21-28) is geographically impossible, and the site of Bethulia - the town around which the action revolves - resists identification, despite the presence of topographical details in the text that should fix its location with precision.行程何乐弗尼和他的军队（ 2:21-28 ）在地理上是不可能的，而且网站的伯夙利亚-城市周围的行动转动-抗拒鉴定，尽管存在地形的细节在文本中，应该修正其位置与精度。
Judith betrays affinities with Ezekiel and Joel, as well as with Daniel and other apocalyptic writings.朱迪思出卖的亲缘关系与以西结书和Joel ，以及与丹尼尔和其他世界末日的著作。 Both the apocalyptic element in the book and certain details of the narrative suggest that it dates from the period of the Maccabees.无论是世界末日的元素，在这本书和某些细节的叙述表明，它的日期从期间的玛加比一。 Nebuchadnezzar, for example, is said to have wanted "to destroy all local gods so that the nations should worship Nebuchadnezzar alone and people of every language and nationality should hail him as a god" (3:8).布恰德内扎尔，举例来说，是说有希望“销毁所有的地方神，使该国应该崇拜布恰德内扎尔单和人民的每一种语言和国籍应冰雹，他是一个以神之名” （ 3时08分） 。 Yet it was the Seleucids, not the Assyrians or Babylonians, whose kings first insisted on divine honors.然而，这是塞留西士，而不是亚述人或巴比伦人，其国王第一，坚持神圣的荣誉。 In that case, "Nebuchadnezzar" might represent Antiochus IV, while "Holofernes" may stand for his general Nicanor, "Assyrians" for the Seleucid Syrians, and "Nineveh" for Antiochus's capital Antioch.在这种情况下， “布恰德内扎尔”可能代表安提奥四，而“何乐弗尼的”五月的立场，他一般尼卡诺尔， “亚述人”为塞叙利亚人，和“尼尼微”安提奥的资本安提阿。 This interpretation is supported by the existence of a Hebrew Midrash that tells the story of Judith in an abbreviated form, explicitly assigning it to the period of Seleucid oppression.这个解释是支持存在一个希伯来语米德拉士告诉的故事，朱迪思在一个缩写的形式，明确分配给期塞压迫。
HISTORY历史
Nabuchodonosor, King of Nineveh, sends his general Holofernes to subdue the Jews. nabuchodonosor ，国王尼尼微，发送他一般何乐弗尼制服犹太人。 The latter besieges them in Bethulia, a city on the southern verge of the Plain of Esdrelon.后者besieges他们在伯夙利亚，一个城市对南部边缘的平原esdrelon 。 Achior, the Ammonite, who speaks in defense of the Jews, is maltreated by him and sent into the besieged city to await his punishment when Holofernes shall have taken it. achior ，菊石，谁在说话的国防犹太人，是虐待他和发送到被围困的城市，等待他的处罚时，何乐弗尼应采取它。 Famine undermines the courage of the besieged and they contemplate surrender, but Judith, a widow, upbraids them and says that she will deliver the city.饥荒破坏的勇气，被围困的争议和他们投降，但尤迪特，一名寡妇， upbraids他们说，她将交付的城市。 She goes into the camp of the Assyrians and captivates Holofernes by her beauty, and finally takes advantage of the general's intoxication to cut off his head.她进入营地的亚述人，并着迷何乐弗尼她的美丽，最后利用一般的中毒，切断他的头部。 She returns inviolate to the city with his head as a trophy, and a sally on the part of the Jews results in the rout of the Assyrians.她的回报不可侵犯，以城市与他的头部作为一个奖座，和莎莉对部分犹太人的结果，在击溃的亚述人。 The book closes with a hymn to the Almighty by Judith to celebrate her victory.这本书结束与赞美诗，向万能的，由朱迪思庆祝她的胜利。
THE TEXT案文
The book exists in distinct Greek and Latin versions, of which the former contains at least eighty-four verses more than the later.这本书存在着明显的希腊和拉丁美洲的版本，其中前至少包含84韵文较后。 St. Jerome (Praef. in Lib.) says that he translated it from the Chaldaic in one night, "magis sensum e sensu, quam ex verbo verbum transferens" (aiming at giving sense for sense rather than adhering closely to the wording).圣杰罗姆（ praef.在库）说，他翻译的，它从chaldaic在一个晚上， “更多sensum e意义，怎么前verbo verbum transferens ” （旨在给予意义的意识，而非坚持密切的措辞） 。 He adds that his codices differed much, and that he expresses in Latin only what he could clearly understand of the Chaldaic.他补充说，他codices相差很大，他表示在拉丁美洲，只有他可以清楚地了解该chaldaic 。
Two Hebrew versions are known at present, a long one practically identical with the Greek text, and a short one which is entirely different; we shall return to the latter when discussing the origin of the book.二希伯来语版本是众所周知的目前，一个长期一几乎相同与希腊文字，以及在短期内一这是完全不同的，我们将返回到后者当我们讨论的起源，这本书。 The Chaldaic, from which St. Jerome made our present Vulgate version, is not recoverable unless it be identified with the longer Hebrew version mentioned above.该chaldaic ，从圣杰罗姆，使我们目前的武加大版本，是无法收回的，除非它确定与较长的希伯来语版本如上所述。 If this be the case we can gauge the value of St. Jerome's work by comparing the Vulgate with the Greek text.如果这是个案，我们可以衡量的价值，圣杰罗姆的工作比较武加大与希腊文字。 We at once find that St. Jerome did not exaggerate when he said that he made his translation hurriedly.我们一旦发现，圣杰罗姆没有夸大时，他说，他作出了他的翻译急急忙忙。 Thus a comparison between vi, 11, and viii, 9 shows us a certain confusion relative to the names of the elders of Bethulia -- a confusion which does not exist in the Septuagint, where also x, 6, should be compared.因此，比较六，十一，八，九月向我们表明，某一个相对混乱的姓名，长者伯夙利亚-混淆，不存在于s eptuagint，其中也X的六，应加以比较。 Again in iv, 5, the high priest is Eliachim, which name is later changed into Joachim (xv, 9) -- an allowable change but somewhat misleading: the Septuagint is consistent in using the form Joachim.再次，在四，五，大祭司是eliachim ，这名字是后来改为约阿希姆（十五， 9 ） -一所允许的改变，但有点误导： s eptuagint是一致的，在使用的形式，约阿希姆。 Some of the historical statements in the Septuagint directly conflict with those of the Vulgate; for example, the thirteenth year (Vulgate) of Nabuchodonosor becomes the eighteenth in the Septuagint, which also adds a long address of the king to Holofernes.一些历史报表，在septuagint直接冲突与那些对武加大;例如，第十三年（武加大） nabuchodonosor成为第十八，在septuagint ，这也增加了一个长期的地址国王何乐弗尼。 St. Jerome has also frequently condensed the original-always on the supposition that the Septuagint and the longer Hebrew version do really represent the original.圣杰罗姆还经常简明原始总是对假设认为， septuagint和较长的希伯来语版本做真正代表原。
To give but one instance:给，但一个实例：
Septuagint (2:27): "And he came down into the plain of Damascus at the time of the wheat harvest, and burnt up all their fields, their flocks and their herds he delivered to destruction, their cities he ravaged, and the fruits of their fertile plains he scattered like chaff, and he struck all their young men with the edge of the sword." septuagint （ 2点27分）说： “和他下来到平原，在大马士革的时候，小麦收获，并烧毁了所有领域，他们的禽群和他们的畜群，他交付给破坏，他们的城市，他蹂躏，以及水果他们的肥沃的平原，他想分散箔条，他击中了其所有的年轻男性与边缘的剑“ 。
Vulgate (2:17): "And after these things he went down into the plains in the days of the harvest, and he set all the corn on fire, and he caused all the trees and vineyards to be cut down."武加大（ 2:17 ）说： “和这些事情后，他深入到平原，在天的收获，和他订定的所有玉米对消防，和他所造成的所有树木和葡萄园，要削减下来” 。
With regard to the Septuagint version of the Book of Judith it should be noted that it has come down to us in two recensions: Codex B or Vaticanus on the one hand, and Codex Alexandrinus with Codex Sinaiticus on the other.就以septuagint版的这本书的朱迪思应该指出的是，它已下降到我们在两个recensions ：法典B或vaticanus上，一方面，食品法典委员会alexandrinus与食品法典委员会sinaiticus对其他。
HISTORICITY历史性
Catholics with very few exceptions accept the book of Judith as a narrative of facts, not as an allegory.天主教徒与极少数例外接受这本书的朱迪思作为一个叙事的事实，而不是作为一个寓言。 Even Jahn considers that the genealogy of Judith is inexplicable on the hypothesis that the story is a mere fiction ("Introductio", Vienna, 1814, p. 461).甚至的Jahn认为，族谱的朱迪思是莫名的对假说的故事，只是一个小说（ “ introductio ” ，维也纳， 1814年， 461页） 。 Why carry out the genealogy of a fictitious person through fifteen generations?为什么进行谱系的一个虚构的15人通过几代人呢？ The Fathers have ever looked upon the book as historical.父亲有否看这本书作为历史。 St. Jerome, who excluded Judith from the Canon, nonetheless accepted the person of the valiant woman as historical (Ep. lxv, 1).圣杰罗姆，谁排除朱迪思从佳能，不过接受的人，英勇的妇女作为历史（ ep. lxv ， 1 ） 。
Against this traditional view there are, it must be confessed, very serious difficulties, due, as Calmet insists, to the doubtful and disputed condition of the text.对这种传统的看法有，它必须承认，非常严重的困难，因为，作为calmet坚持，向怀疑和争议的条件的案文。 The historical and geographical statements in the book, as we now have it, are difficult to understand: thus历史和地理的声明在这本书中，作为我们现在有它，是很难理解：因此，
Nabuchodonosor was apparently never King of Nineveh, for he came to the throne in 605, whereas Nineveh was destroyed certainly not later than 606, and after that the Assyrians ceased to exist as a people; nabuchodonosor显然是从来没有国王的尼尼微，因为他来的宝座，在605 ，而尼尼微被摧毁，当然不得迟于606 ，之后亚述人不复存在，作为一国人民;
the allusion in i, 6, to Erioch, King of the Elicians, is suspicious; we are reminded of the Arioch of Gen., xiv, i.提到在一，六， erioch ，国王的elicians ，是可疑的;提醒我们的arioch的将军，十四，一 The Septuagint makes him King of the Elumaens, presumably the Elamites,该septuagint使他成为国王的elumaens ，假定该elamites ，
the character of Nabuchodonosor is hardly that portrayed for us on the monuments: in the India House Inscription, for example, his sentiments are remarkable for the modesty of their tone.性格nabuchodonosor是很难说，描绘我们对古迹：在印度的房子题词，例如，他的情绪显着，为他们的谦虚的语调。 On the other hand, we must remember that, as Sayce says, the "Assyrian kings were most brazen-faces liars on their monuments";在另一方面，我们必须紧记，作为，塞斯说， “亚述国王最明目张胆-所面临的说谎者对他们的纪念碑” ;
the name Vagao, or the Septuagint Bagoas, for the eunuch of Holofernes is suggestive of the Bagoses, who, according to Josephus (Antiquities, XI, vii, 1), polluted the temple and to whom apparently we have a reference in the recently discovered papyri from Assuan;名称vagao ，或septuagint bagoas ，为宦官何乐弗尼的是暗示性的bagoses ，谁，根据约瑟夫（古物，十一，七， 1 ） ，受污染的庙宇及向谁，显然我们有一个参考，在最近发现的papyri从assuan ;
the mixture of Babylonian, Greek, and Persian names in the book should be noted;混合巴比伦，希腊，波斯的名字在这本书中应该指出的;
the genealogy of Judith as given in the Vulgate is a medley: that given in the three principal Greek codices is perhaps better but varies in every one.该族谱的朱迪思作为给予，在武加大是一个混合泳：鉴于在三个主要希腊codices ，也许是更好的，但不同，在每1 。 Still it is an historical genealogy, though ill-conserved;仍然是一个历史的族谱，虽然虐待守恒;
a geographical puzzle is presented by the Vulgate of ii, 12-16; the Septuagint is much superior, and it should be noted that throughout this version, especially in Codex B, we have the most interesting details furnished us (cf. particularly i, 9; ii, 13, 28-9).地理拼图，是由武加大对二， 12月16日; septuagint是多少优势，应该指出的是，整个这个版本，特别是在食品法典b ，我们有最有趣的细节，提供了我们（参见我特别，九;二， 13 ， 28-9 ） 。 The Septuagint also gives us information about Achior which is wanting in the Vulgate; it is apparently hinted in vi, 2, 5, that he was an Ephraimite and a mercenary hired by Moad;该septuagint也给我们提供有关achior这是要在武加大;很明显暗示，在六， 2 ， 5 ，表明他是ephraimite和雇佣军聘请moad ;
Bethulia itself is a mystery: according to the Septuagint it was large, had streets and towers (vii, 22, 32), and withstood a long siege at the hands of a vast army.伯夙利亚的本身就是一个谜：根据该septuagint这是大，街道和塔（七， 22 ， 32 ） ，并顶住了长期围困在手中，庞大的军队。 Its position, too, is stated with minuteness; it stood on the edge of the Plain of Esdrelon and guarded the pass to Jerusalem; yet no trace of the existence of such a place is to be found (unless we accept the theory of Conder, "Handbook", 5th ed., p. 239);其立场，也说明与微小，它站立在边缘的平原esdrelon和守卫传递给耶路撒冷，但没有踪影，存在这样一个地方，是要发现（除非我们接受的理论conder ， “手册” ，第5版，第239页） ;
the names, Judith (Jewess), Achior (brother of light), and Bethulia (?Bethel, ie ?Jerusalem, or perhaps from the Hebrew meaning "virgin" -- in the shorter Hebrew version Judith is called not "the widow" but "the virgin", ie Bethulia), sound rather like symbolic names than those of historical places or persons;姓名，朱迪思（ jewess ） ， achior （兄弟轻） ，和伯夙利亚（ ？伯特利，即？耶路撒冷，或者也许从希伯来文，意思是“处女” -在较短的希伯来语版本朱迪思是不是所谓的“寡妇” ，但“维尔京” ，即伯夙利亚） ，健全的，而不是象征性的名字一样，比那些历史的地方或人;
in Judith's speech to Holofernes there is (xi, 12, 15) some apparent confusion between Bethulia and Jerusalem;在朱迪的讲话，以何乐弗尼的有（十一，十二，十五）一些明显的混乱之间的伯夙利亚和耶路撒冷;
while the events are referred to the time of Nabuchodonosor, and therefore to the close of the Hebrew monarchy, we seem to have in v, 22, and viii, 18-19, an allusion to the time subsequent to the Restoration; there is no king in Palestine (iv, 5), but only a high priest, Joachim or Eliachim; and in iv, 8; xi, 14; xv, 8 (Sept.), the Sanhedrin is apparently mentioned;而事件转介到的时候， nabuchodonosor ，因此，密切的希伯来文的君主立宪制，我们似乎已经在V ， 22 ，和第八章， 18-19 ，暗指的时间以后恢复;不存在国王在巴勒斯坦（四，五） ，但只有一个高神父，约阿希姆或eliachim ;而在四，八;席，第14条;十五， 8 （ 9月） ， sanhedrin显然是提及;
the book has a Persian and even a Greek colouring, as is evidenced by the recurrence of such names as Bagoas and Holofernes.这本书有一个波斯，甚至希腊填色，作为证明再次发生类似的名称作为bagoas和何乐弗尼。
These are serious difficulties, and a Catholic student must be prepared to meet them.这些都是严重的困难，和天主教的学生必须作好准备，来满足这些要求。 There are two ways of doing so.有两种方法这样做。
(a) According to what we may term "conservative" criticism, these apparent difficulties can every one be harmonized with the view that the book is perfectly historical and deals with facts which actually took place. （一）根据是什么，我们可能长远的“保守”的批评，这些显而易见的困难，每个人都可以加以协调，与认为，这本书是绝对的历史，以及处理与事实不符，实际上发生的。 Thus, the geographical errors may be ascribed to the translators of the original text or to copyists living long after the book was composed, and consequently ignorant of the details referred to.因此，地理错误可能是归因于翻译的原始文本，或居住copyists后不久，这本书组成，因此不了解详情提到。 Calmet insists that the Biblical Nabuchodonosor is meant, while in Arphaxad he sees Phraortes whose name, as Vigoroux (Les Livres Saints et La Critique Rationaliste, iv, 4th ed.) shows, could easily have been thus perverted. calmet坚持认为，圣经nabuchodonosor是指，而在arphaxad他认为弗拉欧尔特斯的名字，作为vigoroux （本港就业辅导组livres圣人等香格里拉批判rationaliste ，四，第四教育署）显示，很可能已因此扭曲。
Vigoroux, however, in accordance with recent Assyrian discoveries, identifies Nabuchodonosor with Assur-bani-pal, the contemporary of Phraortes. vigoroux ，不过，根据最近的亚述人发现，识别nabuchodonosor与杆-巴尼-帕尔，当代的弗拉欧尔特斯。 This enables him to refer the events to the time of the captivity of Manasses under Assur-bani-pal (2 Chronicles 33:11; cf. Sayce, "Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments", 4th ed., p. 458).这使他转介活动的时候，该圈养的玛下杆-巴尼-帕尔（ 2方志33:11 ;比照，塞斯， “更高的批评和裁决古迹” ，第四教育署。页458 ） 。 It is further maintained that the campaign conducted by Holofernes is well illustrated in the records of Assur-bani-pal which have come down to us.这是进一步保持该运动所进行的何乐弗尼便是很好的证明，在记录杆-巴尼-帕尔已下降到我们。 And these facts will undoubtedly afford an explanation of the apparent allusion to the captivity; it was indeed a Restoration, but that of Manasses, not that under Esdras.和这些事实，无疑会负担不起的解释显然典故向圈养的，它的确是一个恢复，但对玛，而不是根据埃斯德拉斯。 The reference, too, to the Sanhedrin is doubtful; the term gerousia is used of the "ancients" in Lev., ix, 3, etc. Lastly, Conder's identification of Bethulia with Mithilia (loc. cit. supra) is highly probable.参考，也向sanhedrin是疑问;任期gerousia是用的“古人”在列弗，九，三，等最后， conder的鉴定伯夙利亚与mithilia （ loc.创新科技署署长。跨）是极有可能。 Moreover, the writer who described the strategical position in iv, 1-6, knew the geography of Palestine thoroughly.此外，作家谁所描述的战略地位，在四， 1月6日，知道地理巴勒斯坦彻底。 And we are given details about the death of Judith's husband which (viii, 2-4) can hardly be attributed to art, but are rather indications that Judith represents a really existing heroine.我们给出了详细了解死亡的朱迪思的丈夫，其中（八， 2月4日）难以归因于艺术，而是迹象表明，朱迪思代表一个真正的现有海洛因。 With regard to the state of the text it should be noted that the extraordinary variants presented in the various versions are themselves a proof that the versions were derived from a copy dating from a period long antecedent to the time of its translators (cf. Calmet, "Introd. in Lib. Judith").关于国家的文字，它应当指出的是，不平凡的变种，在各种版本本身就是一个证明，该版本来自副本，可以追溯到一个时期，只要先行，以时间，其翻译（参见calmet ， “ introd 。在库。朱迪思” ） 。
(b) Some few Catholic writers are not satisfied with Calmet's solution of the difficulties of the Book of Judith; they deem the errors of translators and of scribes to be no sufficient explanation in this matter. （ b ）一些少数天主教作家并不满足于calmet的解决的困难，这本书的朱迪思;他们认为错误的翻译和文士并没有足够的解释，在这件事。 These few Catholics, together with the non-Catholics that do not care to throw the book over entirely into the realm of fiction, assure us that the Book of Judith has a solid historical foundation.这些少数的天主教徒，加上非天主教徒不小心丢这本书超过完全进入境界的小说，向我们保证，这本书的朱迪思有着坚实的历史基础。 Judith is no mythical personage, she and her heroic deed lived in the memory of the people; but the difficulties enumerated above seem to show that the story as we now have it was committed to writing at a period long subsequent to the facts.朱迪是没有神话般的人物，她和她的英雄契约，住在记忆的人;困难，但上面列举的似乎表明，故事，因为我们现在有它致力于写作，在一个时期，只要以后的事实。 The history, so it is maintained, is vague; the style of composition, the speeches, etc., remind us of the Books of Machabees.历史上，因此它是维持不变，是空泛的;风格组成，发言等，提醒我们的书本machabees 。 A remarkable knowledge of the Psalter is evinced (cf. 7:19 and Psalm 105:6; 7:21, and Psalm 78:10, 93:2; 9:6, 9, and Psalm 19:8; 9:16, and Psalm 146:10; 13:21, and Psalm 105:1).显着知识的psalter是明证（参见7时19分和诗篇105:6 ; 7时21分，和诗篇78:10 ， 93:2 ; 9时06分， 9 ，和诗篇19时08分; 9时16分，和诗篇146:10 ; 13时21分，和诗篇105:1 ） 。 Some of these psalms must almost certainly be referred to the period of the Second Temple.一些这些诗篇几乎可以肯定要被转介至期第二圣殿。 Again, the High Priest Joachim must presumably be identified with the father of Eliashib, and must therefore have lived in the time of Artaxerxes the Great (464-424 BC Cf. Josephus, "Antiquities", XI, vi-vii).再次，大祭司约阿希姆必须假定确定与父亲利亚实，因此必须有住在的时候， artaxerxes的伟大（公元前464-424比照约瑟夫， “古物” ，十一，六，七） 。 We referred above to a shorter Hebrew version of the book; Dr. Gaster, its discoverer, assigns this manuscript to the tenth or eleventh century AD (Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archaeol., XVI, pp. 156 sqq.).我们所指的上述较短的希伯来语版本的图书;博士胃，它的发现者，指派本手稿到第十或第十一世纪的广告（诉讼的SoC的。 bibl 。 archaeol ，十六，第156 sqq ） 。 It is exceedingly brief, some forty lines, and gives us only the gist of the story.这是极其短暂，有些40线，并给出了我们，只有精神的故事。 Yet it seems to offer a solution to many of the difficulties suggested above.但它似乎提供了解决许多的困难，上述建议。 Thus Holofernes, Bethulia, and Achior, all disappear; there is a very natural explanation of the purification in xii, 7; and, most noticeable of all, the enemy is no longer an Assyrian, but Seleucus, and his attack is on Jerusalem, not on Bethulia.因此，何乐弗尼，伯夙利亚和achior ，所有消失;有一个很自然的解释，纯化，在第十二，七;和，最明显的是，敌人不再是一个亚述人，但琉，和他的攻击是对耶路撒冷，而不是伯夙利亚。
If it could be maintained that we have in this manuscript the story in its original form, and that our canonical book is an amplification of it, we should then be in a position to explain the existence of the numerous divergent versions.如果它可以保持我们在这一手稿的故事，在其原来的形式，而我们的典型本书是一扩增它，我们应该，然后在一个立场来解释的存在，众多不同的版本。 The mention of Seleucus brings us down to Machabean times, the title of Judith, now no longer the "widow" but the "virgin", may explain the mysterious city; the Machabean colouring of the story becomes intelligible, and the theme is the efficacy of prayer (cf. 6:14-21; 7:4; 2 Maccabees 15:12-16).提到琉给我们带来下降到machabean倍，标题尤迪特，现在已不再是“寡妇” ，但“处女” ，也许可以解释神秘的城市; machabean染色的故事，成为理解和主题，是疗效祈祷（参见6:14-21 ; 7时04分; 2玛加比15:12-16 ） 。
CANONICITY canonicity
The Book of Judith does not exist in the Hebrew Bible, and is consequently excluded from the Protestant Canon of Holy Scripture.这本书的朱迪思并不存在，在希伯来文圣经，并因此被排除在新教佳能的圣经。 But the Church has always maintained its canonicity.但教会一直保持其canonicity 。
St. Jerome, while rejecting in theory those books which he did not find in his Hebrew manuscript, yet consented to translate Judith because "the Synod of Nicaea is said to have accounted it as Sacred Scripture" (Praef. in Lib.).圣杰罗姆，而拒绝在这些理论书籍，他没有发现在他的希伯来手稿，但同意翻译朱迪思因为“主教尼西亚是说，占了它当作神圣的经文” （ praef.在库） 。 It is true that no such declaration is to be found in the Canons of Nicaea, and it is uncertain whether St. Jerome is referring to the use made of the book in the discussions of the council, or whether he was misled by some spurious canons attributed to that council, but it is certain that the Fathers of the earliest times have reckoned Judith among the canonical books; thus St. Paul seems to quote the Greek text of Judith, viii, 14, in I Cor., ii, 10 (cf. also 1 Corinthians 10:10, with Judith 8:25).这是事实没有这样的宣言是要发现，在大炮尼西亚，这是未知数圣杰罗姆是指使用了这本书在理事会的讨论，或他是否被误导，一些似是而非的大炮归因于安理会，但可以肯定的是，父亲的最早的时代已经估计朱迪思之间典型的书籍;因此，圣保禄似乎引述希腊文尤迪特，八，十四，在I肺心病。第一，二， 10 （比照也一哥林多前书10时10分，与朱迪思8时25分） 。 In the early Christian Church we find it quoted as part of Scripture in the writing of St. Clement of Rome (First Epistle ot the Corinthians, lv), Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Tertullian.在早期基督教教会我们发现它引述的一部分经文，在写作的圣克莱门特的罗马（第一书信酒店该哥林多前书， LV ）号，克莱门特在亚历山大，俄，和良。
Publication information Written by Hugh T. Pope.出版的资料，写休汤匙，教宗。 Transcribed by Michael T. Barrett.转录由Michael汤匙，贝瑞特。 Dedicated to Judy Van Horn The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.致力于朱迪范霍恩天主教百科全书，货量八。 Published 1910. 1910年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. nihil obstat ， 1910年10月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
Bibliography参考书目
Consult the various Biblical dictionaries and introductions; also Civilta Cattolica (1887).谘询各圣经字典和引进;也civilta cattolica （ 1887 ） 。 The best summary of the various view and arguments on the question is in GIGOT, Special Introd., I; cf.最好的总结各种观点和论据，关于这个问题的是在gigot ，特别introd 。 ，我;比照。 also especially SCHURER, The Jewish People in the Time of Christ, div.还特别schurer ，犹太人民在的时候，基督学。 II, vol.二，第二卷。 III; VIGOUROUX, La Bible et les Decouvertes Modernes, IV (5th ed.), 275-305; BRUENGO, Il Nabucodonosor di Giuditta (Rome, 1888).三; vigouroux ，香格里拉圣经等就业辅导组decouvertes modernes ，第四章（第5版） ， 275-305 ; bruengo ，白细胞介素nabucodonosor邸giuditta （罗马， 1888 ） 。
ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题：
Title.标题。
General Character and Contents.一般性质和内容。
Historical Setting.历史设置。
The City Bethulia.城市伯夙利亚。
Identity of Bethulia.身份伯夙利亚。
Literary and Religious Importance.文学和宗教的重要性。
Original Language; Versions.原文;版本。
Author and Date.作者和日期。
Possible Date of Composition.可能的日期组成。
Title.标题。
An Apocryphal book in sixteen chapters.猜测一本书16章。 The book receives its title from the name of its principal character, Judith ( = "Jewess"; in the Greek transliteration, Ἰουδείθ), a name found also in Gen. xxvi.这本书获得其名称由名称，其主要特征，朱迪思（ = “ jewess ” ，在希腊译音， ἰουδείθ ） ，名称，还发现在将军二十六。 34 (comp. the corresponding masculine proper name in Jer. xxxvi. 14, 21, 23).第34条第（ comp.相应的阳刚之适当的名称在哲。三十六。 14 ， 21 ， 23 ） 。
The Book of Judith is a story written for house-hold reading, While it may properly be classed as didactic, yet it is one of those popular tales in which the chief concern of the writer is with the telling of the story rather than with the pointing of a moral, and in which the wish to interest takes precedence even of the desire to instruct.这本书的朱迪思是一个故事，写家举行读，虽然它可能妥善列为说教，但它是一个受欢迎的那些故事，其中行政的关注，作者是与讲故事，而不是与指向一个道德，并在该想的利益优先，甚至愿望指示。 What gained for the book its high esteem in early times, in both the Jewish and the Christian world, was its intrinsic merit as a story, rather than its religious teaching or its patriotism.什么汲取这本书，其崇高的敬意，在早期的时代，不论是犹太教和基督教世界，是其内在的优点，作为一个故事，而非其宗教教职或其爱国主义。
General Character and Contents.一般性质和内容。
It is, furthermore, a historical novel; that is, its scenes are definitely located as to place and time and connected with important personages of history, with the purpose of adding life to the narrative.这是，此外，历史演义小说，这就是它的场面肯定是位于至于时间和地点，并与重要人物的历史，目的是增加生活的叙事。 This feature it has in common with such stories as those of Ruth, Esther, Daniel, and especially with the Book of Tobit, the work most nearly akin to it.此功能，它已在共同与这样的故事，这些罗思，埃丝特，丹尼尔，特别是与这本书的Tobit回归，工作最近类似。 But in Judith the names of persons and localities are introduced in such profusion and with such minuteness of detail as have no parallel in the other old Jewish compositions of this class.但在朱迪的人的姓名和地方介绍了在这种profusion和与这种微小的细节，因为没有平行，在其他旧犹太人组成的这个阶层。
The events of the narrative are represented as taking place on the occasion of the hostile advance of an "Assyrian" army into Palestine.事件的叙述是派代表作为上正在发生之际，敌对的前进一“亚述”军队进入巴勒斯坦。 The inhabitants of a certain Jewish city called "Bethulia," (properly "Betylua") can check the advance of the enemy, because their city occupies the narrow and important pass through which is the entrance into Judea (Judith iv. 7 et seq., viii. 21-24).居民的某一个犹太城市所谓的“伯夙利亚” （适当的“ betylua ” ）可以检查前进的敌人，因为他们的城市占了狭隘的和重要的通过，这是进入朱迪亚（朱迪思四，七等法律。 ，第八章。 21日至24日） 。 But the Assyrians, instead of attempting to force the pass, blockade the city and cut off its water-supply.但亚述人，而不是企图以武力合格，封锁城市，并切断其水供应。 In the distress which follows, Judith, a woman of Bethulia, works deliverance for her city-and thus for all Judea and Jerusalem-by bewitching the Assyrian captain, Holofernes, and cutting off his head.在困扰如下，尤迪特，一名女子的伯夙利亚，工程解脱，她的城市，从而为犹太全地，和耶路撒冷-由妖艳的亚述队长，何乐弗尼，并切断他的头部。
Historical Setting.历史设置。
The book begins with a date, "the twelfth year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar," and everything moves with the air of a precise account of actual events.这本书开始的日期， “ 12年的统治布恰德内扎尔， ”一切举动，与空气中一个确切的帐户中的实际事件。 But the way in which the narrative at once makes open sport of chronology and history is very striking.但以何种方式叙述一次，使开放运动的年表和历史是非常突出。 Nebuchadnezzar is the king of Assyria, and reigns in Nineveh(!).布恰德内扎尔是国王亚述，并普遍在尼尼微（ ！ ） 。 The Jews, who have "newly returned from the captivity" (iv. 3, v. 19), are in no sense his subjects; indeed, his chief captain has apparently never heard of them (v. 3).犹太人，谁拥有“新归侨从圈养” （ iv.三，五19 ） ，是在没有安全感，他的科目;事实上，他的行政船长显然从未听说过他们（五3 ） 。 Yet the writer of this story was a well-informed man, familiar with foreign geography (i. 6-10, ii. 21-28), and well acquainted with the Hebrew Scriptures (i. 1; ii. 23; v. 6-19; viii. 1, 26; ix. 2 et seq.).然而，作家这个故事是一个好消息灵通的男子，熟悉外国地理（ 6月10日一，二， 21-28 ） ，和熟悉的希伯莱经文（一，一;二， 23日;五，六-19 ;八，一， 26日;九。 2条及以下各条） 。 It must therefore be concluded either that the principal names of the story are a mere disguise, or that they were chosen with a purely literary purpose, and with the intent to disclaim at the outset any historical verity for the tale.因此，必须结束，要么主要的姓名，故事仅仅是一个变相的，或他们选择了与一个纯粹文学的目的，并与意图卸弃在开始任何历史的Verity为故事。 The former supposition is not rendered plausible by any consideration, and fails utterly to account for the peculiarities of the narrative; the latter, on the contrary, gives a satisfactory explanation of all the facts.前假设是不提供任何合理的考虑，并没有完全交代的特殊性的叙事;后者，相反，给予一个满意的交代，所有事实。 That is, with the very first words of the tale, "In the twelfth year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, who reigned over the Assyrians in Nineveh," the narrator gives his hearers a solemn wink.这是，与第一话的故事， “在12年的统治布恰德内扎尔，谁统治亚述人在尼尼微， ”叙述者，让他hearers一个庄严的纵容。 They are to understand that this is fiction, not history.他们要明白，这是小说，不是历史。 It did not take place in this or that definite period of Jewish history, but simply "once upon a time," the real vagueness of the date being transparently disguised in the manner which has become familiar in the folk-tales of other parts of the world.它没有考虑的地方，在这个或那个一定时期犹太人的历史，而只是“黄飞鸿时间， ”真正的含糊不清的日期被变相在透明的方式，这已成为熟悉的，在民间故事的其他部分的世界。
The City Bethulia.城市伯夙利亚。
Both the name and the site of the city in which the scene of the story is laid have been the subject of much debate.双方的名称和该网站的城市，在现场的故事，是奠定已经经过了多番辩论。 It is beyond all question that the narrator in describing Bethulia is describing a real place with which he is personally familiar.这是超越所有的问题中叙述者的描述伯夙利亚是描述一个真正的地方，他是亲自熟悉。 The plain requirements of the description are these: a large city in the hill-country of Samaria, on the direct road from Jezreel to Jerusalem, lying in the path of the enemy, at the head of an important pass, a few hours (vi. 11, vii. 1-3) south of Geba.平原的要求的描述是：一个大的城市，在山国的撒马利亚，就直接道从jezreel耶路撒冷，倒卧在道路上的敌人，在头部的一个重要通行证，几个小时（六。 11 ，七。 1-3 ）以南geba 。 This Geba is the of the Talmud, the modern Jeba', two or three hours northeast of Samaria, at the point where the ascent into the mountainous country begins.这geba是该塔木德，现代jeba ' ，两个或三个小时，东北部的撒马利亚，在点上升到多山的国家开始。 Between this point and the plain of Jezreel there is nothing resembling a pass.之间，这点和平原jezreel是没有相似的通行证。 Holofernes, with the division of his army which had just chastised the coast cities (iii. 6 et seq.), was in the van.何乐弗尼，与司他的军队刚刚指责沿海城市（ iii.六等以下各段） ，是在货车内。 A considerable body now joined him from the east (Moab, Ammon, Edom, etc.; v. 2, vii. 8).有相当的机构，现在加入他从东（莫阿布，亚扪人，益登等;五，二，七，八月） 。 The statement that his vast army "encamped between Geba and Seythopolis" (iii. 10) suits all the conditions perfectly.声明说，他丰富的军队“扎营之间的geba和seythopolis ” （ iii. 10 ）符合所有条件，完全可以。
Identity of Bethulia.身份伯夙利亚。
As Torrey first pointed out, in the "Journal of the American Oriental Society," xx.作为多利松首先指出，在“杂志美国东方社会， ”第XX 。 160-172, there is one city, and only one, which perfectly satisfies all the above-mentioned requirements, namely, Shechem. 160-172 ，有一个城市，只有一个，这完全满足所有上述要求，即shechem 。 A great army, with its baggage-trains, breaking camp at Geba in the morning (vii. 1), would arrive in the afternoon at the springs in the broad valley (ib. 3) just under Shechem.伟大的军队，其行李列车，打破了营geba是在早上（ vii. 1 ） ，将抵达，在下午在温泉在广泛的山谷（ ib. 3 ）刚刚下shechem 。 This, moreover, is the city which occupies the all-important pass on this route, the pass by which "was the entrance into Judea" (iv. 7).这一点，此外，是城市占了所有重要的就通过这条航线，通过其中“是进入朱迪亚” （ iv. 7 ） 。 Furthermore, each one of the details of topography, which the writer introduces in great number, finds its unmistakable counterpart in the surroundings of Shechem.此外，每一个细节，地形，其中作者介绍了在伟大的号码，发现其鲜明的对口周围的环境shechem 。 The valley below the city is on the west side (vii. 18; comp. ib. verses 13, 20).山谷下面，该市正对西侧（ vii. 18岁;可比。兴业。韵文13 ， 20 ） 。 The "fountain of water in the camp" (xii. 7) is the modern Bait al-Ma, fifteen minutes from Shechem. “喷泉的水在该难民营” （ xii. 7 ） ，是现代诱饵基地-马， 15分钟从shechem 。 The ascent to the city was through a narrowing valley (xiii. 10; comp. x. 10).上升到城市是通过缩小谷（ xiii. 10 ;可比。十， 10 ） 。 Whether the words "for two men at the most" (iv. 7) are an exaggeration for the sake of the story, or whether they truly describe the old fortifications of the city, it is impossible to say with certainty.是否改为“两名男子，在最” （ iv.七）夸大为故事，或他们是否真正描述的旧工事的城市，这是不可能肯定地说。 At the head of this ascent, a short distance back from the brow of the bill, stood the city (xiv. 11).在头本上升，短距离回从眉的条例草案，经受住了市（ xiv. 11 ） 。 Rising above it and overlooking it were mountains (vii. 13, 18; xv. 3).它上面的上升和忽略了它山（ vii. 13日， 18日;十五。 3 ） 。 The "fountain" from which came thewater-supply of the city (vii. 12 et seq.) is the great spring Ras el-'Ain, in the valley (ἐν τῷ αὐλῶνι, ib. 17) just above Shechem, "at the foot" of Mount Gerizim. “喷泉”从开始thewater供应市（ vii. 12等以下各段）是伟大的春天的RAS埃及'ain ，在山谷（ ἐν τῷ αὐλῶνι ，兴业。十七日）刚刚超过shechem ， “在脚“山盖里济姆。 The abundant water-supply of the modern city is probably due to a system of ancient underground conduits from this one spring; see Robinson, "Physical Geography of the Holy Land," p.丰富的水的供应，现代城市可能是由于制度的古代地下导管，从这个一弹簧;见罗宾逊， “自然地理圣地， ”体育 247, and Guérin, "Samarie," i. 247 ，和guérin ， “萨马赖， ”一 401 et seq. 401条及以下各条。 Further corroborative evidence is given by the account of the blockade of Bethulia in vii.进一步佐证的是所提供的帐户封锁，伯夙利亚在七。 13-20. 13-20 。 "Ekrebel" is 'Aḳrabah, three hours southeast of Shechem, on the road to the Jordan; "Chusi" is Ḳuza (so GA Smith and others), two hours south, on the road to Jerusalem. “ ekrebel ”是' aḳrabah ，三个小时，东南shechem ，在道路上向约旦“ ; chusi ”是ḳuza （使遗传算法史密斯和其他人） ，两小时，南，对道路耶路撒冷。 The identity of Bethulia with Shechem is thus beyond all question.身份伯夙利亚与shechem因此，以后所有的问题。
The reason for the pseudonym is obvious.原因笔名是显而易见的。 Because of the feeling of the Jews toward the Samaritans, the name "Shechem" could not be repeatedly used in a popular tale of this character for the city whose people wrought deliverance for Jerusalem and for the sanctuary of the Jews.因为感觉犹太人对撒玛利亚会，名称为“ shechem ”不能重复使用的一本畅销的故事，此字为城市的人民带来解脱，为耶路撒冷和圣殿的犹太人。 The original form of "Betylua" (Greek, Βαιτουλουα, etc.; Latin, "Bethulia," whence the modern usage) is quite uncertain.原来形式的“ betylua ” （希腊语， βαιτουλουα等;拉丁语， “伯夙利亚， ” whence现代用法）是相当的不确定性。 The favorite = "House of God," is not improbable.最喜欢= “众议院神” ，是不是难以琢磨的。
Literary and Religious Importance.文学和宗教的重要性。
Judith is certainly one of the very best extant specimens of old Jewish story-telling, and forms a worthy companion-piece to Tobit, which it surpasses in vividness of style.朱迪思无疑是其中一个很最好的标本，现存的旧犹太人讲故事，形成了一个值得同伴一块来Tobit回归，它超越了在生动的风格。 Its author introduces a considerable variety of material, but all in due proportion; everything is subordinated to the main action, and the interest never flags.它的作者介绍了一种相当不同的材料，但所有在适当的比例;一切服从于主体的行动，和利益永远的旗帜。 The principal scenes are painted very vigorously, and a striking picture is often sketched in a few words (comp. x. 10, 18; xiii. 13; xiv. 6).主要场景是画非常积极，一个鲜明的图片往往是在勾画出几句话（ comp.十， 10月， 18岁;十三，第13条;第十四6段） 。 The poem in the closing chapter is a fine composition, plainly the work of no ordinary writer.诗在闭幕章是一个很好的组合，显然是工作不是一般的作家。 The book has a distinctly religious trend, and is well calculated to inspire both patriotism and piety.这本书有一个明显的趋势，宗教，以及计算是激发双方的爱国主义和虔诚。 For the history of the Jewish religion, however, it contributes little of importance.为犹太人历史宗教，但是，它有助于一点的重要性。 Views and doctrines which have nothing to do with the progress of the story are not introduced.意见和理论无关，与进展的故事，不是介绍。
Original Language; Versions.原文;版本。
As most students of the book have recognized, it was originally written in Hebrew.由于大部分的学生，这本书都承认，它本来是写在希伯来文。 The standard Greek version bears the unmistakable marks of a translation from this language.标准希腊版本负有明确无误的马克的翻译从这个语言。 The idioms are those of classical Hebrew; and yet the dialect in which the book is composed is plainly a living one.成语是那些古典希伯来语;然而，方言在这本书组成，是一宗不折不扣的生活之一。 The diction is fresh and vigorous, and not noticeably reminiscent of the canonical Old Testament.文字是新鲜和活力，并没有明显的令人联想起典型旧约。
The wide-spread popularity of the story is attested, as in the case of Tobit, by the existence of a number of separate recensions; these do not, however, diverge very widely from one another.广泛蔓延的受欢迎程度的故事，是核签，如在案件Tobit回归，存在的一些单独的recensions ;这些不这样做，不过，发散非常广泛，从1 。 Three Greek forms have been preserved: (1) the standard text, found in most manuscripts (including the principal uncials) and given in all the printed editions; in all probability the recension which most nearly represents the original form of the story; (2) a somewhat corrected and "improved" recension, represented by Codex 58 (Holmes and Parsons) and by the Old Latin and Syriac versions; and (3) a text closely related to the preceding, found in Codices 19 and 108. 3希腊表格已保存： （ 1 ）的标准文本，发现在大多数的手稿（包括主要uncials ）和给予在所有印刷版;在所有的概率该recension ，其中最近，代表了原故事; （ 2 ）有点纠正和“改善” recension ，所代表的食品法典委员会第58条第（霍姆斯和帕森斯）和由旧拉丁美洲和叙利亚的版本;及（ 3 ）一个文本密切相关的前，发现在codices 19和108 。 The Old Latin translation exists in several divergent forms.旧拉丁美洲翻译中存在的几个不同的形式。 The Vulgate version was made by Jerome (according to his own testimony hastily and with considerable freedom) from an Aramaic text.该武加大版本是由Jerome （据他自己的证词，匆匆和具有相当的自由）由1阿拉姆语文字。 It gives the narrative in a form which is both much abridged and plainly secondary.它使叙事的形式，这既是许多删节和显然是次要的。
The several Hebrew versions of Judith are all comparatively recent, and are quite worthless for the criticism of the book.几个希伯来语版本的朱迪思都是比较最近，是相当不值钱，为的批评，这本书。 Two of these are given in Jellinek, "BH" i. 2这些都是由于在耶利内克， “波黑”一。 130-141, ii. 130-141 ，二。 12-22; another is published by Gaster in "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch." 12月22日;另一个是发表在胃“的进程。 SoC的。 bibl 。拱” 。 xvi.十六。 156-163. 156-163 。 These are all free adaptations of the story, very much abridged.这些都是免费的改编的故事，十分简略。
Author and Date.作者和日期。
The author of Judith beyond question lived and wrote in Palestine.作者朱迪思毫无疑问，生活和中写道，巴勒斯坦。 He was a Jew, not a Samaritan, and probably dwelt near Shechem.他是犹太人，而不是一个撒玛利亚，大概花了近shechem 。 From the manner and frequency of the mention of Dothan (iii. 9 [?]; "Dothaim," iv. 6; vii. 3, 18; viii. 3)-if the Greek text can be trusted-it might perhaps be conjectured that his home was there.从方式和频率提及的Dothan （ iii. 9 [ ？ ] “ ; dothaim ， ”四六;七。三， 18岁;八。 3 ） -如果希腊文字可以信任-这或许是猜测他家有。 From the prominence given in the book to the ceremonial law, many have drawn the conclusion that its author was a Pharisee; but this is hardly a safe conclusion.从突出在这本书中，以礼节性的法律，许多人都得出结论，认为其作者是一个pharisee ;不过，这是很难一个安全的结论。 All that can be inferred with certainty is, that the punctilious performance of rites and ceremonies was popularly recognized at that time as characteristic of the extreme type of "holiness" demanded by the story for its heroine.所有可以推断，与可以确定的是，该执的表现，仪式和典礼是普遍公认的在那个时间为特征的极端类型的“成圣”所要求的故事，其主人公。 There is nowhere in the story any hint that its writer would have recommended such punctiliousness as desirable for the Jews in general, any more than the admiring Christian biographers of Simeon Stylites appear to think that it would be well for the people to follow his example.有没有在这个故事有任何迹象表明，其作者将已提出建议，例如punctiliousness作为可取的犹太人在一般，任何较令人钦佩的基督教传记作者的西蒙stylites似乎认为这会以及为人民群众跟随他的榜样。 As for the tale invented to deceive Holofernes (xi. 12-16), it is of course not necessary to suppose that even such a saint as Judith would have regarded this transgression of the Law, in a time of distress, as a grievous sin.至于发明的故事，欺骗何乐弗尼（ xi. 12月16日） ，这当然是没有必要假设，即使这样一个圣作为朱迪思会认为这侵的法律，在一个时间的困扰，作为一个严重的单仲偕。
Possible Date of Composition.可能的日期组成。
The tale of Judith, as has already been observed, is not given any genuine historical setting; nor is it likely that its author himself connected it with any particular time.的故事，尤迪特，正如已经观察到，是没有获得任何真正的历史背景;也不是可能，其作者自己的连接，它与任何特定的时间。 The names, Jewish and Persian, of his principal characters he selected with the freedom which belongs to any popular narrator.姓名，犹太教和波斯，他的主要特征，他选择了与新闻自由属于任何流行的叙述者。 There is nothing in the book which gives any direct clew to its date, or any precise indication of the circumstances of the Jews at the time when it was written.有没有在这本书中，让任何直接的线索，以它的日期，或任何确切的迹象的情况下，犹太人在的时候，这是书面。 The passage iii.通过三。 8 is plainly a reminiscence of the measures taken by Antiochus Epiphanes.八是一宗不折不扣的回忆所采取的措施安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯。 It may also fairly be urged that the glorification of Shechem in this transparent way is much more easily conceivable after 120 BC, when John Hyrcanus took and humbled the city, than before that date, when it was a perpetual thorn in the side of the Jews.它也可能公平敦促美化shechem在这透明的方式，是更为容易可以想象，后120年，当约翰hyrcanus了和谦卑的城市，超过该日期前，当这是一个永恒的眼中钉，在一侧的犹太人。 On the other hand, the character of the Hebrew in which the book is written (see above) favors a comparatively early date.另一方面，关于性质的希伯来文，在这本书是写（见上文） ，主张一个比较早日实现。 One would probably not be far out of the way in placing it near the beginning of the first century BC The book is first quoted by Clement of Rome (Ep. I. ad Corinth., c. 55), near the end of the first century of the common era.一可能不会远出的方式，把它附近开始的公元前一世纪本书是第一所引述的克莱门特的罗马（ ep.一广告科林斯，长55 ） ，近年底第一世纪共同的时代。
Crawford Howell Toy, Charles C. Torrey克劳福德霍维尔玩具，查尔斯长利松
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书， 1901年至1906年之间出版的。
Bibliography:参考书目：
The principal commentaries are those by Fritzsche, 1853, Ball in the Speaker's Commentary, 1888, and Scholz.主要的评论是那些由fritzsche ， 1853年，球在发言者的评论， 1888年， scholz 。 2d ed., 1896; Löhr translates the book in Kautzsch's Apokryphen; Nestle contributes helpful notes on the text in his Marginalien und Materialien, 1893; see also Gaster, in Hastings, Dict.二维版， 1896年; löhr翻译这本书在kautzsch的apokryphen ;雀巢有助于帮助注意到，就案文在他的marginalien und materialien ， 1893年;也见胃，在海斯汀，翻译字典。 Bible; Porter, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc.圣经;波特，在进益及黑色， encyc 。 Bibl.TCCT bibl.tcct
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