Jude is a short book of the New Testament of the Bible, consisting of 25 verses.裘德是一个短期的书，新约圣经的圣经，构成25韵文。 The author is commonly believed to have been the Apostle Jude (or Thaddaeus).作者普遍认为，已使徒犹大书（或thaddaeus ） 。 However, as verse 17 implies that the Apostles are already dead, the authorship and date of composition are uncertain.不过，正如诗17意味着使徒已经死亡，作者和日期组成的不确定性。 The book may have been written as late as AD 100.这本书可能已被书面迟广告100 。
The text is a warning to its recipients against teachers promoting doctrines leading to immorality. Some scholars suggest that the teachers were proponents of Gnosticism.案文是一个警告，其受助人对教师的领导，促进理论，以不道德的。一些学者认为，教师的倡议者，诺斯替教。 A distinctive characteristic of this letter is its use of citations from the Assumption of Moses and the Book of Enoch, works classified as Pseudepigrapha.鲜明的特点，这封信是其使用的引文的假设，摩西和这本书的尹万良，工程列为pseudepigrapha 。
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Among the
apostles there were two who bore this name,其中使徒有两个谁承担这个名称，
The author was "Judas, the brother of James" the Less (Jude 1), called also Lebbaeus (Matt. 10:3) and Thaddaeus (Mark 3:18).作者是“犹大，兄弟詹姆斯”少（裘德1 ） ，所谓的还lebbaeus （ matt. 10时03分）和thaddaeus （马克3时18分） 。 The genuineness of this epistle was early questioned, and doubts regarding it were revived at the time of the Reformation; but the evidences in support of its claims are complete.真实性，这是早期的书信质疑，并怀疑它恢复在时间的改革，但证据，以支持其索赔的完成。 It has all the marks of having proceeded from the writer whose name it bears.它的所有马克有从作家的名字，它事关。 There is nothing very definite to determine the time and place at which it was written.有没有非常明确的确定时间和地点，在它的书面。 It was apparently written in the later period of the apostolic age, for when it was written there were persons still alive who had heard the apostles preach (ver. 17).它显然是写在后期使徒时代，因为当这是有书面的人还活着，谁听到了使徒鼓吹（ ver. 17 ） 。 It may thus have been written about AD 66 or 70, and apparently in Palestine.它可能因此已书面关于广告66或70 ，显然是在巴勒斯坦。 The epistle is addressed to Christians in general (ver. 1), and its design is to put them on their guard against the misleading efforts of a certain class of errorists to which they were exposed.该书信，是给基督徒在一般（ ver. 1 ） ，其设计是向对他们防范误导的努力，一定阶级的errorists向他们暴露无遗。
The style of the epistle is that of an "impassioned invective, in the impetuous whirlwind of which the writer is hurried along, collecting example after example of divine vengeance on the ungodly; heaping epithet upon epithet, and piling image upon image, and, as it were, labouring for words and images strong enough to depict the polluted character of the licentious apostates against whom he is warning the Church; returning again and again to the subject, as though all language was insufficient to give an adequate idea of their profligacy, and to express his burning hatred of their perversion of the doctrines of the gospel."作风的书信，是一个“慷慨激昂的invective ，在浮躁旋风，其中作者是匆匆一直以来，收集的例子后，例如神圣的复仇就ungodly ; heaping epithet后， epithet ，打桩的形象后，形象，而且，正如它，劳苦字和图片强烈，足以描绘污染性质的licentious叛教者的人，他是警告教会;返回一而再，再而这一主题，虽然所有语言是不够的给予足够的思想，他们的放荡，和来表达自己的燃烧的仇恨，他们的歪曲教义的福音“ 。 The striking resemblance this epistle bears to 2 Peter suggests the idea that the author of the one had seen the epistle of the other.醒目的相似性，这书信熊2彼得建议的设想，即作者一看到书信的其他。 The doxology with which the epistle concludes is regarded as the finest in the New Testament.该doxology与该书信的结论被视为是最优秀的，在新约圣经。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
The writer of Jude, evidently not an apostle, calls himself a "servant of Jesus Christ and brother of James."作者裘德，显然不是一个使徒，自称“公仆耶稣基督的兄弟詹姆斯” 。 Which James?其中詹姆斯？ There were two whose brother he might have been, the son of Alpheus and the brother of our Lord, and the general opinion is in favor of the last-named.有两个他的兄弟，他可能已经，儿子alpheus和兄弟我们的主，和一般的看法是，在有利于最后的命名。
1. 1 。 The first division is the salutation, 1, 2.第一部是称呼， 1 ， 2 。 Notice the Revised Version: "them that are called, beloved in God the Father, and kept for Jesus Christ."公告修订版本： “他们说，被称为，在敬爱的圣父，并不断为耶稣基督” 。 Why kept for Him?为什么一直为他？ How much this suggests as to HIs coming glory and the part believers will take in it?有多少这表明，作为他未来的光荣和部分信徒会采取什么呢？
2. 2 。 The object follows, 3, 4.对象如下， 3 ， 4 。 What is that object as stated in verse 3?是什么物件如在诗三？ Notice that according to the Revised Version the faith delivered to the saints was delivered "once for all."通知指出，根据修订版的信念，交付给圣人发表“一旦所有” 。 "Faith" here is to be taken in the sense of that body of Christian doctrine which forms the substance of the truth concerning "our common salvation." “信念”在这里是将要采取的意识，该机构的基督教教义，其中形式的实质真相，关于“我们共同的救赎” 。 It is used synonymously with "Gospel."这是用同义词与“福音” 。 This was delivered to the body of the church, at the beginning of its history as a complete revelation in itself (Revelation 22:18, 19).这是交付给机构的教会，开始了其历史上作为一个完整的启示，在本身（启示22时18分， 19 ） 。 It is a sacred deposit to be preserved in its integrity, defended and earnestly contended for.这是一个神圣的押金予以保留，在其完整性，捍卫和认真有争议的。 The necessity for this defense is seen in verse 4.的必要性这一防御被认为是在诗4 。 "Foreshadowed" in that verse should be "forewritten," ie, the false teachers referred to had been predicted as coming in among the flock. “预示”在这首诗应该是“ forewritten ” ，也就是说，虚假的教师提到已经预言，作为未来在之间的羊群。 Our Lord had spoken of them, and so had all His apostles.我们的主曾谈到他们，等了他的所有使徒。 The nature and outcome of their teaching as suggested by "lasciviousness" is particularly noticeable.的性质和结果，他们的教学所提出的“ lasciviousness ”是尤为显着。
4. 4 。 the description of the teachers follows, (8-13).描述的教师如下， （ 8月13日） 。 Observe in verse 8 that they not only defile the flesh but speak evil of dignitaries, by which may be meant both civil and ecclesiastical superiors.观察在韵文8他们不仅defile ，肉中刺，但发言邪恶的贵宾，其中可能意味着双方民间和教会的上司。 And there is a strange illustration in verse 9, that throws light on the burial of Moses recorded in Deuteronomy.有一个奇怪的例子在诗九，全光照对埋葬摩西记录在申命记。 Why that mystery?为什么神秘呢？ Why should God have buried Moses, and kept the place a secret?为什么要上帝埋摩西，保持了一个秘密的地方呢？ Why should Satan have desired possession of that body?为什么要撒旦有理想的藏有该机构？ Did his fore-knowledge of what should take place on the Mount of Transfiguration (Mt. 17) have aught to do with it?他的前列知识什么样的地方，应采取对山变形（山17 ）有aught ，以用它做呢？ And further, shall we say with some, that Moses in the flesh is to be one of the two witnesses named in Revelation 11, and did Satan seek thus to frustrate God's purposes concerning the last days?此外，我们应说一些，郑慕智在肉体是一个两个证人的点名的启示11 ，和撒但寻求从而妨碍上帝的目的，关于最后的日子呢？ And then the contention of Michael, how that brings to mind the teaching in Daniel concerning him as the prince that stands for Israel!然后争论迈克尔，如何使我想起教学中的丹尼尔有关他作为王子对于主张以色列！
What a bearing all this has on the teachings of the New Testament about the dominions, and principalities and powers of the air (see Ephesians 6).什么影响这一切就教导新约圣经有关dominions ， principalities和权力的空气（见以弗所书6 ） 。 Further analysis of these teachers is afforded in verse 11.进一步分析这些教师是给予的诗11 。 With what three Old Testament individuals, each conspicuous for his self-willed and rebellious spirit, are they compared?与三旧约个人，每一个突出的为他的自我意志和反抗精神，他们比较呢？ How strange that such could have any standing in the Christian church were it not that we discover their successors at the present day.如何奇怪的是，这种可以有任何常务委员会，在基督教教堂，如果不是，我们发现他们的继承人目前天。 Read verse 12 in the Revised Version.读韵文12在修订版本。 "Spots in your feasts of charity," should be "hidden rocks in your love-feasts." “点，在您的节日慈善， ”应该是“隐藏的岩石在您的爱的节日” 。
These "love-feasts" were the Christian gatherings on the first day of the week for the "breaking of bread," and the presence of such would-be leaders in those assemblies suggested the perils of hidden rocks to mariners.这些“爱宴”基督教聚会，就在第一天的周为“打破了面包， ”存在着这种将要的领导人在这些集会的建议危险的隐患岩石水手。 What care were required to avoid disastrous contact with them.有什么需要照顾，以避免灾难性的与他们接触。 "Feeding themselves without fear," should be, "Shepherds that without fear feed themselves." “喂养自己没有恐惧， ”应该是“牧羊人说，没有恐惧养活自己” 。 It is characteristic of the heretical teacher that he is thinking of himself rather than the flock.它的特点是邪教的老师，他是思想自己，而不是一群。 Six terse descriptions of these teachers may be given as follows: Visionary, 8, 9; Ignorant, 10, 11; Deceptive, 12, 13; Ungodly, 14, 15; Selfish, 16-18; Schismatic, 19.六简洁的描述，这些教师可考虑如下：有远见的， 8 ， 9 ;无知， 10日， 11日;欺骗性，十二，十三; ungodly ， 14日， 15日;自私的， 16日至18日;裂， 19 。
5. 5 。 The description of the teachers is followed by a reference to the foreknowledge of them (14-16).描述的教师是其次的参考向foreknowledge他们（ 14-16 ） 。 There is a quotation from Enoch in verse 14, on which we say a word.有一个报价，从尹万良在韵文14 ，对我们说几句话。
There is an apocryphal book in which it is found, but it is thought to have been of a later date than Jude, and that its author probably quoted from our epistle.有一种猜测本书，它是发现，但它被认为是已的稍后日期比犹大书，其作者可能是引述从我们的书信。 How interesting to learn that Enoch, before the deluge, had his mind carried out in the Spirit to the Second Coming of Christ!有趣的是如何得知尹万良，前洪水，他心中进行，在精神，以第二次来的基督！ And how perfectly his words agree with the later prophets, concerning that event!以及如何完全同意他的话与后来先知，关于这一事件！ The True Church in Contrast.真正的教会在反差。
6. 6 。 The reference to the false teachers gives way to a description of the true church in sharp contrast with the false (17-25).参考，以虚假的教师给予方法的说明，真正的教会形成鲜明对比的与虚假（ 17-25 ） 。 It begins with a caution (17-19).它开始与谨慎（ 17-19 ） 。 To which of the apostles is he here referring, do you think?哪一个使徒，是他在这里所指的，你觉得呢？ How does he describe these ungodly persons who have found their way into the visible Church?他如何描述这些ungodly人谁发现了他们的方式，纳入有形的教会呢？ That word "sensual" is in the margin of the Revised Version, "natural" or "animal."这个词的“感性”是在边缘的修订版本， “天然”或“动物” 。
It is a case of unregenerated Christians with whom the Church is still plentifully supplied.这是一个案件unregenerated基督徒与谁教会仍然是丰富的供应。 The caution is followed by an exhortation (20, 21).谨慎其次是一告诫（ 20日， 21日） 。 "Build," "pray," "keep," "look," are the four corner posts defining the possessions of the Christian life. “建设” ， “祈祷” ， “保持” ， “你看， ”是四个角落的职位，确定财产的基督徒生活。 What is peculiar about the exhortation to pray?什么是奇怪告诫祈祷？ In Romans 8 we have revealed that the Holy Spirit prays in us, but here we are to pray in Him.在罗马8月我们已透露，圣灵在我们的祈祷，但在这里我们要祈祷，在他的。 Are these contradictory teachings?这些矛盾的教诲呢？ Is it not true that the Holy Spirit is our life, and also our spiritual atmosphere?它是不真确的圣灵是我们的生活，也是我们的精神气氛呢？ In what are we to keep ourselves according to this exhortation?在什么是我们要保持自己根据这个劝告呢？ Does this mean God's love to us or our love to Him?这是否意味着上帝的爱向我们或我们爱他吗？ How better can we keep ourselves in His love to us, and the consciousness of our love to Him than by building ourselves up on our most holy faith, and praying in the Holy Spirit?如何更好地，我们才能保持自己在他的爱对我们来说，和意识我们的爱，他比自己建设起来对我们最神圣的信仰，祈祷在圣灵？
What do you suppose is meant by "looking for the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ unto eternal life"?你有什么假设的意思是“寻找摆布我们的主耶稣基督所不欲，永恒的生命” ？ In the light of the previous teaching about the appearing of His glory, may it not refer to that?在根据以往教学中出现的有关他的荣耀，可能它不是指呢？ The exhortation is followed by instruction concerning soul-winning (22, 23).告诫其次是关于教学的灵魂，获奖（ 22日， 23日） 。 The Greek text, especially in verse 23, is obscure, but the teaching calls for compassion on our part, and an effort to save the sinner while hating the sin.希腊的文字，特别是在新诗23日，是模糊的，但教学要求同情心，对我们的一部分，并努力挽救罪人，而恨罪。
7. 7 。 The benediction and ascription follow.该benediction和归属的后续。 What two things is God able to do for believers in His Son?什么两件事是上帝能够做到为信徒在他的儿子呢？ No wonder that we should ascribe unto Him through Jesus Christ "glory and majesty, dominion and power throughout all ages."无怪乎，我们应该归于祂透过耶稣基督“的光荣与女王陛下，统治和权力，在整个不分年龄人人共享的” 。 Supplemental Jude is particularly a Scripture for these times, and has been called "a preface to Revelation," as it shows the drift of the apostasy which makes the awful judgment of the book to be necessary.裘德的补充，尤其是一经文为这些倍，并已被称为“序的启示” ，因为它显示了漂移的叛教使得可怕的判断，这本书是必要的。
RV Miller points out how it refers to all the more important articles of the Christian faith.风疹病毒米勒指出，如何它是指所有的文章，更重要的基督教信仰。 (a), The Trinity, inasmuch as we have God the Father, (v. 1), Jesus Christ the Son, in several verses, and the Holy Spirit (v. 20); (b), the Deity of Christ, Who in half a dozen verses is called LORD; (c), the historicity of the Old Testament, whose miraculous events are used to illustrate the teaching and give point to the warnings as though they were actual occurrences (vv. 5-11); (d), the existence and power of a personal Satan against whom even the archangel himself dare not bring a railing accusation (v. 9); (e), the existence of angels and spirits (vv. 6, 7); (f), the certainty and fearfulness of future retribution (vv. 6, 7, 13;; (g), the Second Coming of Christ (vv. 14, 15). （一） ，三位一体，因为我们有上帝的父亲， （五1 ） ，耶稣基督的儿子，在一些诗，和圣灵（五20 ） ; （ b ）项，神基督的，谁半个世纪以来，十几个诗，是所谓的上帝; （三） ，历史性的旧约，其奇迹般的事件是用来说明教学，并给予点到警告，虽然他们的实际发生（ vv. 5月11日） ; （ d ）中，存在和权力，个人撒旦的人，甚至天使自己不敢带栏杆的指控（五9 ） ; （五） ，存在天使和烈酒（ vv. 6 ， 7 ） ; （六） ，确定性和恐惧未来的报应（ vv.六，七，十三; ; （ g ）项，第二次来基督（ vv. 14日， 15日） 。
Questions 问题
1. 1 。 How is the author of this epistle distinguished from some others?又是怎样的作者，这书信有别于其他一些呢？ 2. 2 。 Name the seven main divisions of it.名称七项主要分歧。 3. 3 。 How is "Faith" (v. 3), to be understood?如何是“信念” （五3 ） ，可以理解呢？ 4. 4 。 What different ideas are suggested by the "mystery" in verse 9?有什么不同的意见是所提出的“谜”在新诗九？ 5. 5 。 What was said in the lesson about verse 14?什么是说，在诗的教训，约14呢？ 6. 6 。 Name the four corner posts of the Christian life?名称四个角落的职位基督徒生活的呢？ 7. 7 。 What makes this epistle particularly applicable to, or useful in, these days?是什么使这一书信特别适用，或有用的，这些天来？ 8. 8 。 What seven important articles of the Christian faith does it emphasize?什么七的重要文章的基督教信仰是否强调？
The present subject will be treated under the following heads:目前这一主题，将治疗根据以下元首：
I. The Author and the Authenticity of the Epistle:一，作者和真实性的书信：
(1) Jude in the Books of the New Testament; （ 1 ）裘德在书籍的新约圣经;
(2) Tradition as to the Genuineness and the Canonicity of the Epistle; （ 2 ）传统的以真实性和canonicity的书信;
(3) Difficulties Arising from the Text; （ 3 ）带来的困难，从文本;
(4) The Relation of Jude to the Second Epistle of St. Peter; （ 4 ）的关系，裘德给第二书信的圣彼得大教堂;
(5) Vocabulary and Style; （ 5 ）词汇和文体;
II.二。 Analysis of the Epistle;分析的书信;
III.三。 Occasion and Object;场合和对象;
IV.四。 To Whom Addressed;向谁处理;
V. Date and Place of Composition.五，日期和地点组成。
I. THE AUTHOR AND THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE一，作者和真实性的书信
(1) Jude in the Books of the New Testament （ 1 ）裘德在书籍的新约圣经
In the address of the Epistle the author styles himself "Jude, the servant of Jesus Christ and brother of James".在施政报告的书信的作者自称“裘德，仆人耶稣基督的兄弟詹姆斯” 。 "Servant of Jesus Christ" means "apostolic minister or labourer". “仆人耶稣基督” ，就是“使徒的部长或杂工” 。 "Brother of James" denotes him as the brother of James kat exochen who was well-known to the Hebrew Christians to whom the Epistle of St. Jude was written. “兄弟詹姆斯”是指他的兄弟詹姆士吉exochen谁是众所周知的，以希伯来文基督徒的人书信圣裘德写。 This James is to be identified with the Bishop of the Church of Jerusalem (Acts 15:13; 21:18), spoken of by St. Paul as "the brother of the Lord" (Gal. i, 19), who was the author of the Catholic Epistle of St. James.这詹姆斯是要确定与主教教会的耶路撒冷（使徒15时13分; 21时18分） ，口语由圣保禄“的兄弟主” （ gal. ，我19 ） ，谁是作者天主教书信的圣雅各福群会。 and is regarded amongst Catholic interpreters as the Apostle James the son of Alpheus (St. James the Less).和被认为是天主教会之间的口译使徒詹姆斯的儿子alpheus （圣雅各福群会以较低者为准） 。 This last identification, however, is not evident, nor, from a critical point of view, does it seem beyond all doubt.这个最后的鉴定，但并不明显，也从一个关键的角度来看，是否似乎毋庸置疑。 Most Catholic commentators identify Jude with the "Judas Jacobi" ("Jude, the brother of James" in the DV) of Luke, vi, 16, and Acts, i, 13 -- also called Thaddeus (Matthew 10:3: Mark 3:18) -- referring the expression to the fact that his brother James was better known than himself in the primitive Church.最天主教评论家确定裘德与“犹大的Jacobi ” （ “裘德，兄弟詹姆斯： ”在的DV ）的卢克，六，十六，和行为，我13 -也称为项（马太1 0时0 3分：马克3 ： 18 ） -指的表达这一事实，即他的弟弟詹姆斯更好地了解自己在较原始的教会。 This view is strongly confirmed by the title "the brother of James", by which Jude designates himself in the address of his Epistle.这种观点是强烈的证实，题目是“的兄弟詹姆士” ，其中裘德指定自己的地址，他的书信。 If this identification is proved, it is clear that Jude, the author of the Epistle, was reckoned among the Twelve Apostles.如果这个鉴定证明，这是明确表示，犹大书，作者的书信，被忽视，其中十二使徒。 This opinion is most highly probable.这个意见是最极有可能。 Beyond this we find no further information concerning Jude in the New Testament, except that the "brethren of the Lord", among whom Jude was included, were known to the Galatians and the Corinthians; also that several of them were married, and that they did not fully believe in Christ till after the Resurrection (1 Corinthians 9:5; Galatians 1:10; John 7:3-5; Acts 1:14).超越这个我们觉得没有进一步的消息有关裘德在新约圣经，除了“兄弟的主” ，其中裘德被列入，被称为向加拉太书和哥林多前书，也有几个，其中已婚，和他们没有完全相信，在基督里，直至复活之后（ 1哥林多前书9时05分;加拉太1时10分;约翰7:3-5 ;行为1时14分） 。 From a fact of Hegesippus told by Eusebius (Hist. eccl., III, xix, xx, xxii) we learn that Jude was "said to have been the brother of the Lord according to the flesh", and that two of his grandsons lived till the reign of Trajan (see, however, BRETHREN OF THE LORD).从一个事实hegesippus告诉尤西比乌斯（ hist.传道书，三，十九，二十，二十二）我们得知裘德是说： “已的兄弟勋爵根据，肉中刺” ，及他的两个孙子住到图拉真统治（见，不过，兄弟的主） 。
(2) Tradition as to the Genuineness and the Canonicity of the Epistle The Epistle of Jude is one of the so-called antilegomena; but, although its canonicity has been questioned in several Churches, its genuineness has never been denied. （ 2 ）传统的以真实性和canonicity的书信了书信的裘德是一个以所谓antilegomena ;不过，虽然其canonicity一直质疑，在几个教堂，其真实性，从来没有被拒绝。 The brevity of the Epistle, the coincidences between it and II Peter, and the supposed quotation from apocryphal books, created a prejudice against it which was gradually overcome.简短的书信，巧合之间，它和二黄匡源，并假定报价从猜测书籍，创造了偏见，它是逐步克服。 The history of its acceptance by the Church is briefly as follows:历史上其接受由教会是简略如下：
Some coincidences or analogies exist between Jude and the writings of the Apostolic Fathers -- between Barnabas, ii, 10, and Jude, 3, 4; Clemens Romanus, Ep.有些巧合或类比之间存在的裘德和著作使徒的父亲-之间的巴拿巴，二，十，和裘德， 3 ， 4 ;克莱门斯罗麦纳斯，的E P。 xx, 12; lxv, 2, and Jude, 25; Ep. XX条， 12条; lxv ， 2 ，和裘德，第25条;的EP 。 ad Polyc., iii 2; iv, 2, and Jude, 3.广告polyc ，三，二;四， 2 ，和裘德， 3 。 20, Mart. 20 ，沃尔玛。 Polyc., xx, and Jude, 24 sq. polyc ， XX条，和裘德， 24平方米 It is possible, though not certain, that the passages here noted were suggested by the text of Jude.那是可能的，虽然不能肯定，认为通道，在这里指出，人所提出的案文裘德。 The similarity between "Didache" ii, 7 and Jude, 22 sq., does not seem to be accidental, whilst in Athenagoras (about AD, 177), "Leg.", xxiv, and in Theophilus of Antioch (d. about 183), "Ad Autol."之间的相似性“ didache ”二，第七条和裘德， 22平方米，似乎并不被偶然的，虽然在那哥拉（约广告， 177 ） ， “腿” ， 24条，并在西奥菲勒斯安提（四约183 ） ， “广告autol ” 。 II, xv, there is a clear reference to Jude, 6 and 13 respectively.二，十五，有一条清晰的参考裘德， 6及13条分别。
The earliest positive reference to the Epistle occurs in the Muratorian Fragment, "Epistola sane Judæ et superscriptæ Joannis duae in catholica [scil. Ecclesia] habentur."最早积极的参考向书信是发生在穆拉多利残卷片段， “ epistola理智judæ等superscriptæ joannis duae在catholica [ scil 。教会] habentur ” 。 The Epistle was thus recognized as canonical and Apostolic (for it is Jude the Apostle who is here meant) in the Roman Church about 170.该书信，因此确认为典型和使徒（因为这是裘德使徒谁是这里的意思） ，在罗马教会约有170个。 At the end of the second century it was also accepted as canonical and Apostolic by the Church of Alexandria (Clement of Alexandria, "Pæd.", III, viii, followed by Origen), and by the African Church of Carthage (Tertullian).在去年底的第二个世纪也有人接纳为典型和使徒由教会的亚历山大（克莱门特在亚历山大， “ pæd ” ，三，八，其次是俄） ，以及由非洲教会的迦太基（良） 。 At the beginning of the third century the Epistle was universally accepted except in the primitive East Syrian Church, where none of the Catholic Epistles were recognized, nor the Apocalypse.在开始的第三个世纪的书信被普遍接受的，除非在原始的东方叙利亚教会，那里没有天主教书信被承认，也没有启示。
This remarkably wide acceptance, representing as it does the voice of ancient tradition, testifies to the canonicity and the genuineness of Jude.这显着广泛的接受，因为它的声音，古老的传统，证明了该canonicity和真实性裘德。 During the third and fourth centuries doubt and suspicion, based on internal evidence (especially on the supposed quotation from the Book of Henoch and the "Assumption of Moses"), arose in several Churches.在第三和第四世纪的疑虑和猜忌，基于内部的证据（特别是在假定的报价从预订的过敏性和“假设的摩西” ） ，出现在几个教堂。 However the prejudice created against the deuterocanonical Jude was soon overcome, so that the Epistle was universally accepted in the Western Church at the very beginning of the fifth century (see CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT).不过，偏见，创造了对次经裘德是尽快克服，所以说，书信是公认的在西方教会在开始的第五世纪（见佳能的新约圣经） 。
In the Eastern Church Eusebius of Cæsarea (260-340) placed Jude among the antilegomena or the "disputed books, which are nevertheless known and accepted by the greater number" (Hist. Eccl., II xxiii; III, xxv); he incorporated all the Catholic Epistles in the fifty copies of the Bible which at the command of Constantine, he wrote for the Church of Constantinople.在东部教会尤西比乌斯的cæsarea （ 260-340 ）放在裘德之间的antilegomena或“有争议的书籍，这是众所周知，不过和接受更大的数目” （ hist.传道书。第一，二，二十三;三，第二十五） ;他纳入所有天主教书信，在50份圣经，其中在命令的君士坦丁，他写道：对于教会君士坦丁堡。 St. Athanasius (d. 387) and St. Epiphanius (d. 403) placed Jude among the canonical and Apostolic writings.圣亚他那修（四第387号）和圣埃皮法尼乌斯（四403 ）放在裘德之间的典型和使徒的著作。 Junilius and Paul of Nisibis in Constantinople (513) held it as mediæ auctoritatis. junilius和保罗的尼西比斯在君士坦丁堡（ 513 ）举行，它作为mediæ auctoritatis 。 However, in the sixth century the Greek Church everywhere considered Jude as canonical.然而，在六世纪的希腊教会，到处考虑裘德作为典型。
The recognition of Jude in the Syriac Church is not clear.承认裘德，在叙利亚教会并不明确。 In Western Syria we find no trace of Jude in the fifth century.在西方叙利亚，我们找不到踪影，裘德在五世纪。 In Eastern Syria the Epistle is wanting in the oldest Syriac version, the Peshito, but it is accepted in the Philoxenian (508) and Heracleon (616) versions.在东区叙利亚有关的书信，是要在最古老的叙利亚文版本， peshito ，但它是在接受该philoxenian （ 508 ）和heracleon （ 616 ）版本。 Except among the Syriac Nestorians, there is no trace of any ecclesiastical contradiction from the beginning of the sixth century till the Council of Trent, which defined the canonicity of both the proto- and deutero-canonical books of the New Testament.除其中叙利亚nestorians ，是没有任何的痕迹教会的矛盾，从一开始的六世纪到会特伦特，其中界定了canonicity双方的原型和deutero -典型的帐簿，新约圣经。
(3) Difficulties Arising from the Text （ 3 ）带来的困难，从文本
The wording of verse 17 -- which some critics have taken as an evidence that the Epistle was written in the second century -- does not imply that the recipients of the Epistle had, in a period that was past, received oral instructions from all the Apostles, nor does it imply that Jude himself was not an Apostle.的措辞，韵文17 -其中一些批评者已采取作为的证据表明，书信写在第二个世纪-并不意味着受助人的书信了，在一个时期，这是过去，收到的口头指示，从所有使徒，也不意味着裘德自己是不是一个使徒。 The text ton apostolon implies only that several of the Apostles had predicted to the readers that such "mockers" as are described by the writer would assail the Faith; it is not separation in time, but distance of place, that leads Jude to refer to the scattered Apostles as a body.文本吨apostolon意味着只有几个使徒们曾预测，以飨读者，这种“ mockers ”所描述的是作者将assail的信念，这是不分离的时间，但距离的地方，导致裘德参考分散的使徒作为一个机构。 Nor does he exclude himself from this body, he only declares that he was not one of those prophesying Apostles.他也不排除自己从这个机构，他只宣布说，他不是那些prophesying使徒。 The author of II Peter, who often ranks himself among the Apostles, uses a similar expression ton apostolon humon (3:2), and certainly does not mean to imply that he himself was not an Apostle.作者彼得，谁往往自己的队伍之间的使徒，采用了类似的表达吨apostolon humon （ 3:2 ） ，当然，并不等于暗示他自己是不是一个使徒。
Many Protestant scholars have maintained that the false teachers denounced in Jude are Gnostics of the second century.许多新教的学者都认为，虚假教师谴责在裘德是gnostics的第二个世纪。 But, as Bigg rightly says: "It is not really a tenable view" (op. cit. infra).但是，正如bigg正确地说： “这是不是一个真正站得住脚的观点” （业务创新科技署署长。红外线） 。 St. Jude does not give any details about the errors denounced in this short letter any more than does St. Peter, and there is no ground for identifying the false teachers with any of the Gnostic sects known to us.圣犹大书没有给予任何细节，有关的错误谴责，在这短短的信任何以上是否圣彼得，并没有地面识别虚假教师与任何的教派gnostic我们所知的。 There is nothing in the references made to false doctrines that obliges us to look beyond the Apostolic times.有没有任何的提述，作出虚假的理论，迫使我们期待超越了使徒时代。
The use made of apocryphal writings, even if proved, is not an argument against the Apostolicity of the Epistle; at most it could only invalidate its canonicity and inspiration.使用了猜测的著作，即使证明，它不是一个论点，对apostolicity的书信;最多也只能作废其canonicity和灵感。 Verse 9, which contains the reference concerning the body of Moses, was supposed by Didymus ("Enarr. in Epist. Judæ" in PG, XXXIX, 1811 sqq.), Clement of Alexandria (Adumbr. in Ep. Judæ), and Origen (De Princ., III, ii, 1), to have been taken from the "Assumption of Moses", which is unquestionably anterior to the Epistle of Jude.诗九，其中载有参考有关机构的摩西，是假定由didymus （ “ enarr 。在epist 。 judæ ”在pg ，第39届， 1811 sqq ） ，克莱门特在亚历山大（ adumbr.在的EP 。 judæ ） ，以及俄（德原理，三，二， 1 ） ，已采取了从“假设的摩西” ，这是毫无疑问前向书信的裘德。 Jude may possibly have learned the story of the contest from Jewish tradition.裘德可能学到的故事竞赛，从犹太传统。 But, at any rate, it is evident that Jude does not quote the "Assumption" as a written authority, and still less as a canonical book.但是，在任何率，很显然，裘德不引用“假设”作为书面授权，更作为一个典型的书。
As regards the prophecy of vv.至于预言的VV 。 14 sq., many Catholic scholars admit it to be a loose and abbreviated citation from the apocryphal Book of Henoch, i, 1, 9, which existed a century before St. Jude wrote. 14平方米，许多天主教学者承认它是一个松散的和略引文从猜测书的过敏性，我1日， 9日，其中存在一个世纪之前，圣裘德写道。 But here again St. Jude does not quote Henoch as a canonical book.但在这里再次圣裘德并不引述过敏性作为一个典型的书。 There is nothing strange, as Plumptre remarks (op. cit. infra, 88), in Jude making use of books not included in the Hebrew Canon of the Old Testament, "as furnishing illustrations that gave point and force to his counsels. The false teachers, against whom he wrote, were characterized largely by their fondness for Jewish fables, and the allusive references to books with which they were familiar, were therefore of the nature of an argumentum ad hominem. He fought them, as it were, with their own weapons."有没有什么奇怪的是，作为plumptre的言论（业务创新科技署署长。红外线， 88 ） ，在裘德利用的书籍不包括在希伯来文佳能的旧约圣经“ ，作为提供插图了点，并迫使他的律师。虚假教师，对谁，他写道，特点，主要是由他们的偏爱犹太寓言，以及allusive参考书籍与他们熟悉的，因此，对危险的性质的一argumentum广告hominem ，他打了他们，因为它被，与他们的自己的武器“ 。 He merely intends to remind his readers of what they know.他只是打算提醒他的读者是什么，他们知道。 He does not affirm or teach the literary origin of the apocryphal book, such is not his intention.他不肯定或教导文学起源的猜测书籍，例如是不是他的原意。 He simply makes use of the general knowledge it conveys, just as the mention of the dispute between Michael and the Devil is but an allusion to what is assumed as being known to the readers.他只是利用一般知识传达，正如提及之间的争端迈克尔和魔鬼，但一提到什么是假设作为众所周知，以飨读者。 By no means, therefore, does either of the passages offer any difficulty against the canonicity of the Epistle, or against the Catholic doctrine of inspiration.绝不因此，没有任何一个通道提供任何困难，对canonicity的书信，或对天主教教义的启示。
(4) The Relation of Jude to the Second Epistle of St. Peter （ 4 ）的关系，裘德给第二书信圣彼得
The resemblance as to thought and language between Jude and II Peter, ii, is quite sufficient to make it certain that one of the two writers borrowed from the other: the hypothesis that both writers borrowed from a common document must be put aside, as having no support whatsoever.该相似性，以思维与语言之间的裘德和二黄匡源，二，是相当足够，使某些之一，两位作家借来的，从其他：假设双方作家借来的，从一个共同文件，必须放下，有不支持的话。 The question remains: Which of the two Epistles was the earlier?问题仍然是：哪两个书信是较早前？ The priority of II Peter, as well as the priority of Jude, has found strong advocates, and much has been written about this intricate question.优先次序，二黄匡源，以及作为优先考虑的裘德，已发现的强烈主张，并已有不少的书面关于此错综复杂的问题。 The following arguments, however, lead to the conclusion that the Epistle of Jude was the earlier of the two:以下的论点，但是，导致得出的结论是书信的裘德是较早两个：
It is not uncommon for St. Peter to throw a light on the more obscure passages of the Epistle of Jude, or to interpret the more difficult passages.这是并不鲜见的圣彼得投掷轻就较模糊通道的书信的裘德，或解释更加困难的通道。 At one time he puts them in a shorter form or uses more general terms; at another, while adducing in general the same arguments, he adds a new one or omits one or another used in Jude.在同一时间，他使他们在较短的形式或使用更多的一般条款;另一个，而adducing在一般相同的论点，他增加了新的一个或省略一个或另一个用于在裘德。 This shows that St. Peter had probably read the Epistle of St. Jude.这表明，圣彼得大教堂，大概是阅读书信圣裘德。 Compare especially II Peter, ii, 12, with Jude, 10.比较特别是二，黄匡源，二，十二，与裘德， 10 。 This may also be confirmed not only by II Peter, i, 17, compared with Jude, 13 -- where St. Peter doubles Jude's comparison and puts more strength into it, whilst Jude has more similitudes -- but also by comparing the style of both, for, whereas the style of Jude is always the same, that of St. Peter differs somewhat from his usual way of writing, and the reasons for this change seem to be the matter he writes about and the influence of the Epistle of St. Jude.这也可能得到证实，不仅二，黄匡源，我， 17 ，相比与裘德， 13 -圣彼得双打裘德的比较，并提出更多的力量投入，而裘德有更多s imilitudes-但也比较作风两者，为，而作风裘德总是相同，即圣彼得有点不同，从他一贯的方式写作，这种情况的原因的变化似乎是这个问题，他写道约和影响的书信圣。裘德。
Finally, is more probable that St. Peter has embodied in his work the text of Jude's Epistle than that Jude should have included in his writing only a part of St. Peter's Epistle.最后，是更可能的圣彼得已体现在他工作的文本裘德的书信比犹大书应当包括在他的写作只是一部分圣彼得的书信。 If Jude wrote later than Peter and found the same state of things, why did he omit the remaining questions, eg the doubts about the parousiæ?如果裘德写道不迟于黄匡源，并发现同一国家的事情，他为什么要省略的遗留问题，如怀疑态度parousiæ ？ Or why should he, in order to combat the same heretics, give only a summary of St. Peter's Epistle, omitting entirely the strongest arguments?或为什么要他，为了打击同异端，只简要圣彼得的书信，完全省略了最强的论据呢？
(5) Vocabulary and Style （ 5 ）词汇和文体
The vocabulary of Jude proves that the author was a Jew, saturated with the Old Testament, using Hebraisms, yet acquainted with the koine dialektos -- the "common dialect".词汇裘德证明，作者是犹太人，饱和与旧约，使用hebraisms ，但熟悉与koine dialektos -“共同的方言” 。 Thirteen words found in Jude do not occur elsewhere in the New Testament. 13换言之，发现在裘德不会发生在其他地方，在新约圣经。 Some words of the new Christian dialect appear in Jude as well as in the Pauline Epistles, but literary affinity or direct quotation cannot be proved.一些的话，新的基督教方言出现在裘德，以及在宝莲，书信，但文学的亲和力或直接报价不能得到证实。 The style, although sometimes poetical, always evinces the severe and authoritative tone of a man of Apostolic rank, held in high honour.风格，虽然有时诗，始终表现出的严峻性和权威性的语气一名男子的使徒的职级，举行了高荣誉。
II.二。 ANALYSIS OF THE EPISTLE分析的书信
(a) Exordium （一） exordium
Address and good wishes (vv. 1-2), occasion and purpose of the Epistle (3-4).地址和良好的祝愿（ vv. 1-2 ） ，场合和宗旨的书信（ 3-4 ） 。
(b) First Part （二）第一部分
He inveighs against the pseudo-teachers; describes their life and errors (5-16).他inveighs反对伪教师;介绍了他们的生命和错误（ 5月16日） 。 They will be severely punished, as is evident from the severe punishment of the unbelieving Israelites in the desert (5), of the wicked angels (6), and of the inhabitants of Sodom (7).他们将受到严厉惩罚，这是显而易见的，从严厉的惩罚不信的以色列人在沙漠中（ 5 ） ，邪恶天使（ 6 ） ，和居民所多玛（ 7 ） 。 He mentions their wicked teaching and life (8), and opposes the modesty of Michael the Archangel (9) to their pride (10).他提到他们的邪恶的教学和生活（ 8 ） ，和坚决反对，谦虚的迈克尔天使（ 9 ） ，以他们的骄傲（ 10 ） 。 He foretells for the heretics the punishment of Cain, Balaam, and the sons of Core, for they have imitated their errors (11-3).他预示着为异端的惩罚该隐，巴兰，和儿子的核心，因为他们有模仿他们的错误（ 11月3日） 。 Enoch has already prophesied the judgment of God upon them (14-6).尹万良已经预言的判断上帝后，他们（ 14-6 ） 。
(c) Second Part （三）第二部分
He exhorts the faithful (17-23).他敦促忠实（ 17-23 ） 。 They must remember the teaching of the Apostles, by whom they had been warned of the coming of such heretics (17-19).他们必须记住，教学的使徒，他们已提出警告，未来这类异端（ 17-19 ） 。 They must maintain the Faith, keep themselves in the love of God, and wait for life everlasting (20-21).他们必须保持信念，保持自己在上帝的爱，等待生命的永恒（ 20-21 ） 。 What their behaviour should he towards Christians that have in any way fallen away (22-23)什么他们的行为应他对基督徒有以任何方式，惟距离（ 22-23 ）
(d) Epilogue （四）尾声
A most beautiful doxology (24-25).一个最美丽的doxology （ 24-25 ） 。
III.三。 OCCASION AND OBJECT场合和对象
Occasion际
The Epistle was occasioned by the spread of the dogmatico-moral errors amongst the Hebrew Christians; pseudo-doctors "are secretly entered in", who abuse Christian liberty to give themselves over to intemperance; moreover "denying the only sovereign Ruler, and our Lord Jesus Christ" (4).该书信是因蔓延的dogmatico道德的错误之一，希伯来语基督徒;伪医生“是在秘密进入” ，谁滥用基督教的自由，让自己给intemperance ，而且“否定只有主权的统治者，和我们的主耶稣基督“ （ 4 ） 。
Object对象
Jude's intention was to caution his readers, the Hebrew Christians, against such depraved teaching, and to exhort them to keep faithfully the teaching of the Apostles.裘德的用意是提醒他的读者，希伯来文的基督徒，对这种腐化的教学，并告诫他们保持忠实教学的使徒。
IV.四。 TO WHOM ADDRESSED向谁解决
The dedicatory address runs as follows: tois en Theo patri hegapemenois kai Iesou Christo teteremenois kletois (to them that are beloved in God the Father, and preserved in Jesus Christ, and called).该奉献的地址运行如下： tois英文西奥patri hegapemenois启iesou克里斯托teteremenois kletois （向他们表示是在敬爱的圣父，并保存在耶稣基督，并呼吁） 。 Which are the kletoi, or "called", becomes manifest from the context.这是kletoi ，或“所谓的” ，成为体现从上下文。 They are not all the Christians of the whole Christian world, but those of a particular Church (vv. 3, 4, 17, 22).他们是不是所有的基督徒整个基督教世界，但那些某一教会（ vv. 3 ， 4 ， 17 ， 22 ） 。 Several commentators think that St. Jude's Epistle was addressed to the same churches of Asia Minor to which St. Peter's Epistle was written.若干评论家认为，圣裘德的书信是给同一教会的亚洲未成年人，其中圣彼得的书信写。 This opinion, according to these commentators, is to be held because in both Epistles the same errors are condemned, and also because Jude (v. 17) appears to have known II Peter, and shows that the prophecy of the Prince of the Apostles has been verified.这个意见，根据这些评论家，是将要举行的，因为在双方书信同样的错误受到谴责，而且还因为裘德（五17 ）似乎已众所周知，二，黄匡源，并表明，该预言王子使徒已得到证实。 But we have already proved that the second argument is of no value (see above I, 4); as for the first, there are two objections:但我们已证明，第二个论点是没有价值的（见上文，我4 ） ;至于第一，有两个反对意见：
the errors condemned in the Epistle of St. Jude and in II Peter may have spread in countries outside Asia Minor; we find in Jude several reasons for believing that the Epistle was addressed, not to the Gentile Christians of Asia Minor, but to the Hebrew Christians of Palestine or of a neighbouring country.错误的谴责，在书信的圣犹大书，并在二黄匡源可能有蔓延的国家，亚洲以外的未成年人;我们发现在裘德几个原因相信该书信处理，而不是向詹蒂莱基督徒小亚细亚，但对希伯来语巴勒斯坦的基督徒，或邻近国家。
V. DATE AND PLACE OF COMPOSITION五，日期和地点的组成
Date日期
It is difficult to state the exact time at which St. Jude wrote his Epistle.这是困难的国家的确切时间在哪个圣犹大书，他写的书信。 But the doctrines against which he inveighs, and the looseness of morals or the so-called antinomismus, seem to indicate the end of the Apostolic age.但理论对他inveighs ，和松动的道德或所谓的antinomismus ，似乎表明，年底使徒年龄。 Jude seems on the other hand to have written before AD 70; otherwise in vv.裘德似乎在另一方面，有书面前70的广告，否则在维维。 5-7 he would have spoken of the destruction of Jerusalem. 5月7日，他将发言的破坏耶路撒冷。 In those verses St. Jude mentions the different punishments of prevaricators, and therefore in this exhortation to Hebrew Christians he could not have passed over in silence so dire a calamity.在这些诗圣犹大书提到不同的处分prevaricators ，因此，在这告诫希伯来语的基督徒，他无法通过以上的沉默，使可怕的灾难。 Moreover we have shown that the Epistle of St. Jude was written before II Peter, which latter was probably written AD 64 (65).此外，我们已经表明，该书信圣裘德写前二黄匡源，其中后者是可能的书面广告64 （ 65 ） 。 Therefore St. Jude must have written shortly before 64 (65).因此，圣犹大书必须有书面前不久， 64 （ 65 ） 。
Place of Composition地点组成
Here we can only guess, but we prefer the opinion that the Epistle was written in Palestine, and probably in Jerusalem.在这里，我们只能猜测，但我们宁愿认为，书信写在巴勒斯坦，并可能在耶路撒冷。
Publication information Written by A. Camerlynck.出版的资料，写的答：卡梅兰克。 Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.转录由恩尼stefanik 。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.天主教百科全书，货量八。 Published 1910. 1910年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. nihil obstat ， 1910年10月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
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