The Epistles of John are three letters in the New Testament of the Bible traditionally ascribed to Saint John the apostle.该书信约翰是三封信，在新约圣经的圣经传统归因于圣约翰使徒。 They are classed with the General, or Catholic, Epistles because they are addressed to a general readership rather than to specified churches or individuals.他们被归类与一般，或天主教，书信，因为他们是给一般读者，而非指定的教堂或个人。 The first epistle bears no clue to its authorship, but in the other two epistles the author calls himself "the elder."第一书信承担任何线索，其著作权，但在其他两个书信的作者，自称“老” 。 The three letters were probably written in the Roman province of Asia (western Anatolia) toward the end of the 1st century.三封信可能写的罗马省亚洲（西部安那托利亚）对年底的第一世纪。
The first epistle should probably be understood as a general pamphlet written to churches in Anatolia. Its message is about life, meaning eternal life, life in fellowship with God through faith in Jesus Christ. The book was written to give a series of standards by which people can know that they possess eternal life. Two features stand out in the series of tests.第一书信或许应被理解为一般的小册子，写信给教会，在安那托利亚。 讯息是关于生命，意思是永恒的生命，生活在团契与上帝的信仰在耶稣基督。这本书的书面给予了一系列的标准，其中人民可以知道他们拥有永恒的生命。两个特征，站出来，在一系列的测试。 First, the validity of the Incarnation is affirmed against those who claimed special knowledge (see Docetism; Gnosticism) and denied that Christ came in the flesh (1 John 4:2 - 3).第一， 有效性的化身，是肯定，对那些声称谁的专业知识（见docetism ;诺斯底主义）并否认基督来在肉体（ 1约翰4点02分-三） 。 The second feature of the test is love. The true follower of Christ is to love as Christ loved (1 John 2:6; 4:7 - 12, 19).第二个特征测试是爱。 真正跟随基督的爱是作为基督的爱（ 1约翰2时06分; 4时07 -1 2日， 1 9日） 。
The second epistle, the shortest book of the Bible, is a note to a church addressed as the "elect lady."第二书信，在最短的书，圣经，是一个注意：要一所教堂解决“选出夫人” 。 In this letter the message of 1 John is applied to a local church situation. The people are warned about teachers with special knowledge. They are encouraged to be hospitable toward one another.在这封信的讯息，约翰一，是适用于一个地方教会的情况。 人民群众是警告，教师的专业知识。鼓励他们好客，对1 。 The third epistle is a personal word to Gaius, a follower of the truth. He is encouraged to show kindness to traveling believers who pass his way.第三书信是个人的Word来勇士穆裘，追随者的真相， 他感到鼓舞，显示爱心，以旅行的信徒谁通过他的方式。
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Bibliography
参考书目
WE Vine, Epistles
of John (1970).我们藤蔓，书信约翰（ 1970年） 。
The First Epistle of John, the fourth of the catholic or "general" epistles.第一书信约翰，四分之一的天主教或“一般”的书信。 It was evidently written by John the evangelist, and probably also at Ephesus, and when the writer was in advanced age.这是很明显的书面约翰的传道者，也可能在以弗所，当作家是在先进的年龄。 The purpose of the apostle (1:1-4) is to declare the Word of Life to those to whom he writes, in order that they might be united in fellowship with the Father and his Son Jesus Christ.目的使徒（ 1:1-4 ）是要申报的话，生活的那些人，他写道，为了使他们可能会在美国与金的父亲和他的儿子耶稣基督。 He shows that the means of union with God are, (1) on the part of Christ, his atoning work (1:7; 2:2; 3:5; 4:10, 14; 5:11, 12) and his advocacy (2: 1); and (2), on the part of man, holiness (1:6), obedience (2:3), purity (3:3), faith (3:23; 4:3; 5:5), and love (2:7, 8; 3:14; 4:7; 5:1).他表明，该联盟的方式与上帝， （ 1 ）对部分基督，他atoning工作（ 1时07分; 2时02分; 3时05分; 4时10分，第14条; 5点11 ， 12 ）和他的宣传（ 2 ： 1 ） ;及（ 2 ） ，对部分人，成圣（ 1:6 ） ，服从（ 2:3 ） ，纯度（ 3时03分） ，信仰（ 3时23分; 4:3 ; 5 ： 5 ） ，爱（ 2点07分， 8 ; 3时14分; 4时07分; 5:1 ） 。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
The Second Epistle of John is addressed to "the elect lady," and closes with the words, "The children of thy elect sister greet thee;" but some would read instead of "lady" the proper name Kyria.第二书信约翰是给“选举夫人” ，并关闭与换言之， “孩子们你的妹妹，选出迎接你; ” ，但有些人会读而不是“夫人”适当的名称kyria 。 Of the thirteen verses composing this epistle seven are in the First Epistle.该13诗撰写此书信7顷在第一次书信。 The person addressed in commended for her piety, and is warned against false teachers.人解决在赞扬她的虔诚，并警告，对虚假的教师。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
The Third Epistle of John is addressed to Caius, or Gaius, but whether to the Christian of that name in Macedonia (Acts 19: 29) or in Corinth (Rom. 16:23) or in Derbe (Acts 20:4) is uncertain.第三书信约翰是给caius ，或勇士穆裘，但是否基督教这一名称在马其顿（行为19 ： 29 ）或在科林斯（罗马书16时23分）或在derbe （ 20时04分行为）是不确定的。 It was written for the purpose of commending to Gaius some Christians who were strangers in the place where he lived, and who had gone thither for the purpose of preaching the gospel (ver. 7).这是书面为目的的赞扬，以勇士穆裘一些基督徒谁被陌生人的地方，他住，谁已经thither为目的，宣扬福音（ ver. 7 ） 。 The Second and Third Epistles were probably written soon after the First, and from Ephesus.第二次和第三次书信大概书面后不久，首先，从以弗所。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
The second
epistle of John is addressed to whom?第二书信约翰是给谁呢？ The word "lady" in the Greek is Kyria,
which may be translated as a proper name, and perhaps in this case it should be
so understood.字， “小媳妇” ，在希腊是kyria ，这可能是翻译作为一个适当的名称，也许在这种情况下，应如此理解。
Kyria was a common name among the
Greeks and refers here, it may be, to some notable saint in the neighborhood of
Ephesus, to which John ministered in his old age.
kyria是一项共同的名称之间的希腊人和是指在这里，它可能，一些显着的圣在附近的以弗所，而约翰ministered在他的晚年。 The letter is brief, for the writer is
soon to make a visit to this sister in Christ and to speak with her face to face
(12).这封信简短的，作者是尽快使访问这位妹妹在基督和发言，与她面对面（ 12 ） 。
And mark the central fact of that truth which consititutes love, the confession that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh.和马克，中央的事实真相，其中consititutes爱，供认说，耶稣基督是来了，肉中刺。 This strikes at the Jew's denial of Jesus, certainly, but also how can Christian Science, which denies the material body confess this?这罢工在犹太人的拒绝耶稣，当然，而且还如何能基督教科学，否认物质的机构承认，这个呢？ Changing the language again to conform to the Revised Version, we see that they are the deceivers and the anti-Christ in spirit who fail to confess that He "cometh in the flesh."改变语言再次，以符合经修订的版本，我们看到他们是deceivers和反基督的精神，谁不承认，他“来了，在肉体” 。 It is Christ's second coming John has in mind as truly as His first coming.这是基督的第二次来John已在心目中真正作为他的首次到来。 In the light of the above consider the warning in verse 8.在鉴于上述考虑，警告在诗8 。 There is danger of believers losing something which belongs to them.有危险的信徒失去了一些属于他们。 That something which belongs to them.一些属于他们。 That something is "a full reward."一些是“全面报酬” 。 Compare Luke 19:15-27; I Corinthians 3:11-15; 2 Peter I: 21; 1 Corinthians 3:11-15; 2 Peter 1: them?比较路加福音19:15-27 ;哥林多前书3:11-15 ; 2彼得： 21个;哥林多前书3:11-15 ; 2 ，黄匡源1 ：他们呢？ See Matthew 16:27; Revelation 22:12.看到马修16时27分;启示22时12分。
Does not the comparison of these passages bear out verse 7 as rendered by the Revised Version?不比较这些通道，承担了诗的7所提供的修订版本？ What is it to transgress as given in verse 9?它是什么，以超越为给在诗九？ By the "doctrine of Christ" is not meant merely the things He taught while in the flesh, but the whole doctrine concerning Him, ie, the whole of the Old and New Testaments.由“中庸基督受难记”是没有意思的事情，只是他教的同时，在肉体，但整个学说关于他的，即整个新旧约。 To deny the truth concerning Christ is to deny His first and HIs second coming, and He who denies this "hath not God."否认真理，关于基督是否认自己的第一次和他第二次来，和他谁否认这“祂所不是上帝” 。 He may speak much of the "Father," but he only has the Father who has the Son.他说话不多，可能的“父亲” ，但他不仅具有父亲谁拥有的儿子。 To have the One you must have the Other, (9).有一个你必须有其他， （ 9 ） 。 Observe how strenuous we should be in maintaining this doctrine (v. 10).观察如何艰苦，我们应该在维护这一学说（五10 ） 。
The command "receive him not into your house," is relative.指挥“收到他不要到你的房子， ”是相对的。 It means not that we are to deny him meat and shelter altogether, if he be in need of them, but that we are not to fellowship him as a brother.这意味着我们不是要否认他的肉和住房共有，如果他在需要他们，但我们是不是金，他是一个弟弟。 Even our personal enemies we are to bless and pray for, if they hunger we are to feed them and if they thirst give them drink.即使我们个人的敌人，我们要祝福和祈祷，如果他们饥饿，我们养活他们，如果他们渴，给他们喝。 But those who are the enemies of God by being enemies of His truth, we are to have nothing to do with in the capacity of fellow-Christians.但那些谁是真主的敌人的敌人，被他的真理，我们有完全没有与在能力研究员基督徒。 We must not aid them in their plans or bid them God speed.我们绝不能帮助他们，在他们的计划或竞标他们上帝的速度。 How would such a course on our part involve us (II)?如何将这种课程对我们的一部分，涉及到我们（二） ？
The apostle closes with that allusion to his visit already referred to, and a greeting from Kyria's elect sister.使徒关闭与典故，以他的访问已经提到，和问候，从kyria的选出的妹妹。 Did this mean her sister in the flesh or only in the faith?这意味着她的妹妹在肉体或只在信仰？ And in this last case was it the apostle's wife?并在这最后一例是使徒的妻子？
Questions 1. 问题 1 。 How may we translate "lady" and to whom may it refer?我们如何可以翻译“茶花女”和向谁可能是指？ 2. 2 。 Can you discover in the text the four points under the "Salutation"?您可以发现在文本中的四点根据“称呼” ？ 3. 3 。 What is the message of this letter?是什么讯息，此信？ 4. 4 。 What is Christian love?什么是基督的爱呢？ 5. 5 。 What is its central fact?什么是它的中央事实？ 6. 6 。 Who are spiritual anti-Christs?谁是精神的反基督？ 7. 7 。 Have you examined the parallel scriptures on the subject of "reward"?你有研究平行经文关于这一主题的“报酬” ？ 8. 8 。 What is meant by the "doctrine of Christ"?是什么意思“的教义基督”呢？ 9. 9 。 Explain "receive him not into your house."解释“收到他不要到您家” 。
Gaius is a name frequently alluded to by Paul, but whether this were the same individual as any of those is problematical.勇士穆裘是一个名称，经常提到的保罗，但是否这是同一个人，因为任何这些是问题， 。 In any event he seems to have been a convert of John (v. 4).在任何事件，他似乎已皈依约翰（五4 ） 。 Another form of the name is Caius and this was a very common name indeed.另一种形式的名称是caius这是一个非常普遍的名称。 What distinction in spiritual things is ascribed to Gaius (2)?有什么区别，在精神的东西，是归因于勇士穆裘（ 2 ） ？ His soul was prospering even if his bodily health and his business were not, but the apostle is interested in other things as well.他的灵魂，是繁荣，即使他的身体健康和他的业务没有，但使徒是有兴趣在其他事情。 The Christian should be careful of his health, and it is compatible with a deep spiritual life that he should have a sucessful business.基督教要小心他的健康，这是兼容了深刻的精神生活，他应该有一个sucessful业务。
As to the Christian character of Gaius, three particulars are named: (1) He possessed the truth (3).以基督教的性质勇士穆裘， 3详情被命名为： （ 1 ）他拥有的真相（ 3 ） 。 (2) He walked in the truth, ie, his life and conduct measured up to the light he had received from God, (3, 4). （ 2 ）他走在真理，即他的生活和进行测量到轻，他收到了来自上帝， （ 3 ， 4 ） 。 (3) As walking in the truth he was "careful to maintain good works," especially in the distribution of his means (5, 6). （ 3 ）作为走在真理，他是“谨慎地保持良好的工程” ，特别是在分配他的手段（五日，六日） 。 It is noticeable that his "faithfulness" in this regard is mentioned.值得注意的是，他的“忠诚”在这方面是提及。 It was not a spasmodic thing on his part, but a steady flow of grace through him.它不是一个痉挛性的事，他的一部分，但源源不断的宽限期，通过他。 His breadth of disposition is also mentioned since his giving was not limited to those he knew but extended to those he did not know (5).他的广度处置是也提到，自他给予，并不限于这些，他知道，但扩展到那些他不知道（ 5 ） 。 Some recipients of his bounty are referred to in verse 6, and a journey mentioned toward the expense of which he was contributing (6).有些受助人他的悬赏是指在诗六，旅程中提到对牺牲他的贡献（ 6 ） 。 All this is very realistic, and brings the life of the church in the first century "up to date" as we sometimes say.所有这是非常现实，使教会生活中的第一个世纪“直至目前为止”有时我们说。 One or two facts are given concerning the recipients of Gaius' gifts equally honoring to them, (7).一个或两个的事实是，鉴于有关人士勇士穆裘'礼物同样尊重他们， （ 7 ） 。 Look at the motive of their journey, "His Name's sake," and at the Gentiles," ie, the heathen.看动机，他们的征途上， “他的名字，而” ，并在外邦人“ ，也就是说， heathen 。
Whatever the journey was, they might have been assisted in it pecuniarily by those who were not actuated by a love for His name, but their conscience would not permit them to receive such aid.无论旅程，他们可能已经协助它在pecuniarily这些谁没有驱动爱他的名字，但他们的良心不会允许他们接受这样的援助。 How valuable this example.如何宝贵的这个例子。 And what a close relationship it bears to the teaching of the second epistle about fellowshipping with heretics.什么密切的关系，它负有向教学第二书信约fellowshipping与异端。 How should such loyal and self-denying workers as these be treated in the church, and why (8)?应如何如忠诚和自我否定，因为这些工人的待遇在教会里，为什么（ 8 ） ？ The Worldly Character of Diotrephes Here we have another type of the professing Christian in the worldly character of Diotrephes, 9-11.世俗的性质丢特腓在这里，我们有另一种类型的自称基督教在世俗的性质丢特腓， 9月11日。 What seems to have been his besetting sin (9)?什么似乎已困扰他的单仲偕（ 9 ） ？ How this experience of John recalls that of Paul in the churches of Corinth, Galatia and Thessalonica?如何在这方面的经验约翰回忆说，保罗在教会的科林斯，加拉太和塞萨洛尼卡？ In what manner did John intend to deal with him (10)?以何种方式没有约翰打算处理他（ 10 ） ？
Does this recall anything similar in apostolic authority on Paul's part?这是否记得任何类似在使徒保罗的权威的一部分？ How does verse 10 reveal the worldiness and insincerity of Diotrephes?如何韵文10揭示worldiness和诚意的丢特腓？ What an awfully overbearing, autocratic, unholy man he must have been!什么是非常霸道，专制，非神圣的男子，他必须已！ How did he get into the church?如何，他进入教会？ What advice is given Gaius in verse 11?有什么意见，是鉴于勇士穆裘在韵文11呢？ How does this testify to the relation between faith and works?如何，这是否证明之间的关系的信仰和工程？ What opposite kind of example is set before him in verse 12?相反的是什么样的例子是设置前，他在新诗12呢？ How many kinds of witnesses testify to the Christian character of Demetrius?有多少种证人作证，以基督教的性质demetrius ？ One can not help wondering if this were the Demetrius of Acts 19.一，不能不禁要问，如果这是该demetrius的行为19 。 Such trophies of grace are by no mean unusual, Paul was such an one.这种奖杯的宽限期是由没有不寻常的意味，保罗是这样一个一。 Note the similarities in the conclusions of this epistle and the one previously considered (13, 14), suggesting that they may have been penned at the same time.注意相似的结论，这书信和一个以前被认为（ 13 ， 14 ） ，表明它们可能已被写在同一时间内。
The Scofield Bible has an interesting note here, saying that "historically, this letter marks the beginning of that clerical assumption over the churches in which the primitive church order disappeared. It also reveals the believers' resource in such a day. John addresses this letter not to the church, but to a faithful man in the church for the comfort of those who were standing fast in the primitive simplicity. Second John conditions the personal walk of a Christian in a day of apostasy; and Third John the personal responsibility in such a day of the believer as a member of the local church."该斯科菲尔德圣经有一个有趣的注意：在这里，他说： “从历史上看，此信标志着文书假设超过教会在其中的原始教会秩序消失，它也揭示了信徒'的资源，在这样的一天。约翰地址本信不是教会，而是要忠实男子在教堂舒适的那些谁站在快速在原始简单。秒约翰条件的个人步行的一名基督信徒在天叛教;第三约翰的个人责任，在这种一天的信徒作为一个成员，地方教会“ 。
Questions 1. 问题 1 。 Analyze the Christian character of Gaius.分析基督教的性质勇士穆裘。 2. 2 。 What two features marked his faithfulness?什么显着的两个特点，他的忠诚呢？ 3. 3 。 Tell something of the character of the two other men named.告诉一些性格的另外两名男子命名。 4. 4 。 What epoch does this epistle mark?是什么划时代的，这是否书信马克？ 5. 5 。 Distinguish between second and third John.区分第二次和第三次约翰。
Three canonical books of the New Testament written by the Apostle St. John.三个典型的帐簿，新约圣经所写的使徒圣约翰。
The subject will be treated under the following heads:这一主题将治疗根据以下元首：
FIRST EPISTLE第一书信
I. Authenticity一，真实性
II.二。 Canonicity canonicity
III.三。 Integrity完整性
IV.四。 Author作者
V. Time and Place五，时间和地点
VI.六。 Destination and Purpose目的和宗旨
VII.七。 Argument论据
SECOND EPISTLE第二书信
THIRD EPISTLE第三书信
FIRST EPISTLE第一书信
I. Authenticity一，真实性
A. External evidence答：外部证据
The very brevity of this letter (105 verses divided into five chapters) and the lateness of its composition might lead us to suspect no traces thereof in the Apostolic Fathers.非常简洁的本信（ 105诗分为五个章节）和晚，它的组成可能导致我们怀疑没有痕迹，因此在使徒的父亲。 Such traces there are, some unquestionable.这样的痕迹，有一些不可置疑的。 St. Polycarp (AD 110-117, according to Harnack, whose chronology we shall follow in this article) wrote to the Philippians: "For whosoever confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the Flesh is Antichrist" (c. vi; Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, 304).圣polycarp （公元110-117 ，根据哈纳克，其年代，我们应遵循在这方面的文章）写信给philippians ： “凡confesseth不是耶稣基督是来在肉体是antichrist ” （长六;芬克， “ patres apostolici ” ，我， 304 ） 。 Here is an evident trace of I John, iv, 2-3; so evident that Harnack deems this witness of Polycarp conclusive proof that the first Epistle and, consequently, the Gospel of John were written toward the end of the reign of Trajan, ie not later than AD 117 (cf. Chronologie der Altchristlichen Litteratur, I, 658).这里是一个明显的痕迹约翰一，四， 2月3日，因此，显而易见，哈纳克认为这是见证polycarp决定性的证据，证明第一次书信，因此，约翰福音写对年底时期的图拉真，即不得迟于广告117 （参见chronologie明镜altchristlichen litteratur ，我， 658 ） 。 It is true that Polycarp does not name John nor quote word for word; the Apostolic Fathers cite from memory and are not wont to name the inspired writer whom they cite.这是事实polycarp并不名称约翰也引述逐字逐句;使徒父亲举从内存中并没有wont名称灵感的作家他们举。 The argument from Polycarp's use of I John is strengthened by the fact that he was, according to Irenæus, the disciple of St. John.论据从polycarp使用的约翰是加强了一个事实，即他是，根据irenæus ，门徒圣约翰。 The distinctively Johannine phrase "come in the Flesh" (en sarki eleluthota) is also used by the Epistle of Barnabas (v, 10; Funk, op. cit., I, 53), which was written about AD 130.该鲜明johannine短语“来，在肉” （中文sarki eleluthota ）亦是所用的书信巴拿巴（五，十;芬克，前引书，我53岁） ，这是写关于广告130 。 We have it on the authority of Eusebius (Hist. eccl., V, xx) that this First Epistle of John was cited by Papias, a disciple of John and fellow of Polycarp (AD 145-160).我们已经将它的权威，尤西比乌斯（ hist.传道书，第五，第XX ）表示，这首书信约翰是所列举的帕皮亚，弟子约翰和研究员polycarp （公元145-160 ） 。 Irenæus (AD 181-189) not only cites I John ii, 18, and v, 1 but attributes the citation to John the Lord's disciple ("Adv. Hær." 3, 16; Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", V, viii). irenæus （公元181-189 ） ，不仅引用了约翰二世， 18 ，和V ，一但属性引用约翰主的门徒（ “副hær ” 。 3 ，第16条;尤西比乌斯， “历史。传道书。 ” ，第五章，第八节） 。 The Muratorian Canon (AD 195-205) tells the story of the writing of John's Gospel consequent upon a revelation made to the Apostle Andrew, and adds: "What wonder, then, that John so often in his letters gives us details of his Gospel and says of himself, etc."该穆拉多利残卷佳能（公元195-205 ）故事讲述的写作约翰的福音后，一个启示，作出使徒，黄宏发，并补充说： “有什么怀疑，那么，约翰，所以往往在他的信给我们的详情，他的福音并说他自己，等“ 。 -- here I John. -我在这里约翰。 i, 1, is quoted.一，一，是引述。 St. Clement of Alexandria (AD 190-203) quotes v, 3, with his usual indubitable accuracy, and expressly assigns the words to John ("Pædag.", III, xi; Kirch. Comm., ed. I, p. 281).圣克莱门特在亚历山大（公元190-203 ）寻获五，三，与他一贯的indubitable的准确性，并明确指定的话约翰（ “ pædag ” ，第三，第十一; kirch 。通讯，教育署，我页281 ） 。 Tertullian (AD 194-221, according to Sunday) tells us that John, in his Epistle, brands as Antichrist those who deny that Christ is come in the flesh (De Præscrip. 33), and clearly attributes to "John the author of the Apocalypse" several passages of the First Epistle (cf. "Adv. Marc.", III, 8, and V, 16, in PL, II, 359 and 543; "Adv. Gnost.", 12, in PL, II, 169; "Adv. Prax.", 15, in PL, II, 196).特土良（公元194-221 ，根据周日）告诉我们，约翰，在他的书信，品牌antichrist那些谁否认基督是来在肉体（德præscrip 。 33 ） ，并明确属性，以“约翰的作者之一启示“的几个通道的第一书信（参见”副马克“ ，三，八，和V ， 16 ，在临时立法会，二， 359和543 ; ”副gnost “ ， 12 ，在临时立法会，二， 169 ; “副普拉克斯” ， 15 ，在临时立法会，二， 196 ） 。
B. Internal evidence B.内部证据
So striking is the internal evidence in favour of common authorship of the Gospel and First Epistle of John, as to be almost universally admitted.因此，突出的是内部的证据，在赞成的共同作者的福音和第一书信约翰，至于被几乎普遍承认。 It cannot be by accident that in both documents we find the ever-recurring and most distinctive words light, darkness, truth, life, and love; the strictly Johannine phrases "to walk in the light", "to be of the truth", "to be of the devil", "to be of the world", "to overcome the world", etc. Only such erratic and sceptical critics as Holtzmann and Schmiedel deny the forcefulness of this argument from internal evidence; they conclude that the two documents come from the same school, not from the same hand.它不能由意外，在这两份文件，我们找到以往任何时候都经常性和最鲜明的字轻，黑暗，真理，生命，爱情;严格johannine三句“走在轻” ， “要的真相” ， “来的魔鬼” ， “要的世界” ， “克服世界”等，只有这样的不稳定和持怀疑态度的批评者作为holtzmann和schmiedel否定力量的这种说法来自内部的证据，他们得出结论认为，两文件来自同一所学校，而不是从相同的手。
II.二。 Canonicity canonicity
The foregoing citations, the fact that there never was any controversy or doubt among the Fathers in the matter of the canonicity of the First Epistle of John, the existence of this document in all the ancient translations of the New Testament and in the great uncial manuscripts (Sinaitic, Alexandrian, etc.) -- these are arguments of overwhelming cumulative force to establish the acceptance of this letter by the primitive Church as canonical Scripture, and to prove that the inclusion of the First Epistle of John in the Canon of Trent was only a conciliar acceptance of an existing fact -- the feet that the letter had always been among the Homologoumena of Holy Writ.前述引文，事实上从来没有被任何争议或疑问，其中的父亲在这件事的canonicity的第一书信约翰，存在这个文件在所有古代翻译的新约圣经，并在伟大的uncial手稿（西乃半岛，亚历山大等） -这是压倒一切的论点，累积的力量，以确定接受此信由原始的教会，作为典型的经文，并证明列入第一书信约翰在佳能公司的遄达是只有conciliar接受现有的事实-英尺该信一直之间的h omologoumena圣地的令状。
III.三。 Integrity完整性
The only part of the letter concerning the authenticity and canonicity whereof there is serious question is the famous passage of the three witnesses: "And there are three who give testimony (in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost. And these three are one. And there are three that give testimony on earth): the spirit, and the water, and the blood: and these three are one" (1 John 5:7-8).唯一的一部分，信中涉及的真实性和canonicity whereof存在着严重的问题是著名的通过该三名证人： “有三个谁提供证词（在天上，父亲，总之，和圣灵。和这些3顷1 。和有三个，让地球上的证词） ：精神，和水，和血：这三个一“ （ 1约翰5:7-8 ） 。 Throughout the past three hundred years, effort has been wade to expunge from our Clementine Vulgate edition of canonical Scripture the words that are bracketed.在整个过去三百年，已努力韦德删除从我们的克莱门汀武加大版的典型圣经的话是方括号内。 Let us examine the facts of the case.让我们看看案件事实的。
A. Greek Manuscripts答：希腊手稿
The disputed part is found in no uncial Greek manuscripts and in only four rather recent cursives -- one of the fifteenth and three of the sixteenth century.有争议的部分是发现在没有uncial希腊语手稿和在只有4个，而不是最近cursives之一-第十五届和3的1 6世纪。 No Greek epistolary manuscript contains the passage.没有希腊epistolary手稿包含通过。
B. Versions乙版本
No Syriac manuscript of any family -- Peshito, Philoxenian, or Harklean -- has the three witnesses; and their presence in the printed Syriac Gospels is due to translation from the Vulgate.没有叙利亚的手稿任何家庭-p eshito， p hiloxenian，或h arklean-有三名证人;它们的存在，在印刷叙利亚福音，是由于翻译从武加大。 So too, the Coptic manuscripts -- both Sahidic and Bohairic -- have no trace of the disputed part, nor have the Ethiopic manuscripts which represent Greek influence through the medium of Coptic.也是如此，科普特手稿-双方s ahidic和b ohairic-没有踪影，有争议的部分，也有衣索比亚的手稿，其中所代表的希腊的影响，通过授课的科普特。 The Armenian manuscripts, which favour the reading of the Vulgate, are admitted to represent a Latin influence which dates from the twelfth century; early Armenian manuscripts are against the Latin reading.亚美尼亚的手稿，有利于读的武加大，是承认，代表了拉美的影响，其中的日期从12世纪早期亚美尼亚手稿是对拉丁美洲读。 Of the Itala or Old Latin manuscripts, only two have our present reading of the three witnesses: Codex Monacensis (q) of the sixth or seventh century; and the Speculum (m), an eighth or ninth century manuscript which gives many quotations from the New Testament.该名单或旧拉丁美洲手稿，只有两间有我们现在读的三名证人：食品法典委员会monacensis （ q ）的的第六或第七世纪;和speculum （米） ，第八或第九世纪的手稿，让许多的报价从新约圣经。 Even the Vulgate, in the majority of its earliest manuscripts, is without the passage in question.即使武加大，在大多数最早的手稿，是没有通过的问题。 Witnesses to the canonicity are: the Bible of Theodulph (eighth century) in the National Library of Paris; Codex Cavensis (ninth century), the best representative of the Spanish type of text: Toletanus (tenth century); and the majority of Vulgate manuscripts after the twelfth century.证人向canonicity是：圣经的theodulph （八世纪）在国家图书馆巴黎;法典cavensis （第九世纪） ，最好的代表，西班牙类型的文字： toletanus （十世纪） ;和广大武加大手稿后12世纪。 There was some dispute as to the canonicity of the three witnesses as early as the sixth century: for the preface to the Catholic Epistles in Codex Fuldensis (AD 541-546) complains about the omission of this passage from some of the Latin versions.是有一些争议，向canonicity的三名证人，早在六世纪：为序天主教书信在食品法典委员会fuldensis （公元541-546 ）抱怨遗漏这段话从一些对拉丁美洲的版本。
C. The Fathers三，父亲
(1) Greek Fathers, until the twelfth century, seem one and all to have had no knowledge of the three witnesses as canonical Scripture. （ 1 ）希腊的父亲，直到12世纪，似乎是一个和所有有没有知识的三名证人，作为典型的经文。 At times they cite verses 8 and 9 and omit the disputed portions of verses 7 and 8.有时，他们举出的诗8和第9和省略了有争议的部分诗第7和第8 。 The Fourth Lateran (AD 1215), in its decree against Abbot Joachim (see Denzinger, 10th ed., n. 431) quotes the disputed passage with the remark "sicut in quibusdam codicibus invenitur".第四次拉特兰（公元1215年） ，在其法令，对住持约阿希姆（见登青格，第十版， 12月31日431 ）报价有争议的通过与这句话的“ sicut在quibusdam codicibus invenitur ” 。 Thereafter, we find the Greek Fathers making use of the text as canonical.此后，我们发现，希腊的父亲利用文本作为典型。
(2) The Syriac Fathers never use the text. （ 2 ）叙利亚父亲从来不使用的文字。
(3) The Armenian Fathers do not use it before the twelfth century. （ 3 ）亚美尼亚父亲不要使用它之前，第十二世纪。
(4) The Latin Fathers make much earlier use of the text as canonical Scripture. （ 4 ）拉丁美洲的父亲作出更早使用的文字作为典型的经文。 St. Cyprian (third century) seems undoubtedly to have had it in mind, when he quotes John, x, 30, and adds: "Et iterum de Patre et Filio et Spiritu Sancto scriptum est -- Et hi tres unum sunt" (De Unitate Ecclesiæ, vi).圣塞浦路斯（三世纪）看来，无疑是有它考虑到，当他引述约翰，第十， 30 ，并补充说： “等again 。帕特雷德等filio等spiritu sancto scriptum预测-等高科技t resu num必须遵守” （德unitate ecclesiæ ，六） 。 Clear also is the witness of St. Fulgentius (sixth century, "Responsio contra Arianos" in PL, LXV, 224), who refers to the above witness of St. Cyprian.明确的，也是证人圣尔根提乌（第六世纪， “ responsio孔特拉arianos ”在临时立法会， lxv ， 224 ） ，谁是指上述证人圣塞浦路斯。 In fact, outside of St. Augustine, the Fathers of the African Church are to be grouped with St. Cyprian in favour of the canonicity of the passage.事实上，在外界的圣奥古斯丁，父亲的非洲教会，以分组与圣塞浦路斯在赞成的canonicity的通过。 The silence of the great and voluminous St. Augustine and the variation in form of the text in the African Church are admitted facts that militate against the canonicity of the three witnesses.沉默的伟大和大量的圣奥古斯丁和变化，在形式的案文是在非洲教会承认的事实，妨碍了canonicity的三名证人。 St. Jerome (fourth century) does not seem to know the text.圣杰罗姆（第四世纪）似乎并不知道文字。 After the sixth century, the disputed passage is more and more in use among the Latin Fathers; and, by the twelfth century, is commonly cited as canonical Scripture.之后，第六世纪，通过有争议的是，越来越多的在使用当中，拉丁美洲的父亲，以及由12世纪，是普遍引用，作为典型的经文。
D. Ecclesiastical Documents四教会文件
Trent's is the first certain ecumenical decree, whereby the Church established the Canon of Scripture.特伦特的是第一某些合一法令，即教会建立了佳能的经文。 We cannot say that the decree of Trent on the Canon necessarily included the three witnesses.我们不能说法令特伦特对佳能一定包括三名证人。 For in the preliminary discussions signs that led up to the canonizing of "the entire books with all their parts, as these have been wont to be read in the Catholic Church and are contained in the old Latin Vulgate", there was no reference whatsoever to this special part; hence this special part is not canonized by Trent, unless it is certain that the text of the three witnesses has "been wont to be read in the Catholic Church and is contained in the old Latin Vulgate".为在初步讨论的迹象，导致到canonizing “整个图书与所有及其零部件，因为这些已wont可以阅读在天主教教会，并载于旧拉丁语武加大” ，没有提到去这一个特殊的一部分，因此这个特别的部分是不是由特伦特册封的，除非可以肯定的是，案文的三名证人“被wont可以阅读在天主教教会，并载于旧拉丁语武加大” 。 Both conditions must be verified before the canonicity of the text is certain.两个条件必须核实前canonicity的案文是肯定的。 Neither condition has as yet been verified with certainty; quite the contrary, textual criticism seems to indicate that the Comma Johanninum was not at all times and everywhere wont to be read in the Catholic Church and is not contained in the original old Latin Vulgate.没有条件尚未核实的确定性;相反，考据学似乎表明，逗号johanninum并非在任何时候，到处wont可以阅读在天主教教会，是不包含在原来的旧拉丁语武加大。
However, the Catholic theologian must take into account more than textual criticism; to him the authentic decisions of all Roman Congregations are guiding signs in the use of the Sacred Scripture, which the Church and only the Church has given to him as the Word of God.不过，天主教神学家必须考虑到以上的考据学;向他的真确的决定，所有的罗马教会是指导的迹象，在使用神圣的经文，教会只有教会给他，作为上帝的话。 He cannot pass over the disciplinary decision of the Holy Office (13 January, 1897), whereby it is decreed that the authenticity of the Comma Johanninum may not with safety (tuto) be denied or called into doubt.他无法通过以上纪律处分的决定，罗马教廷办公室（ 1897年1月13日） ，即它是命令的真实性逗号johanninum未必与安全（ tuto ）无可否认，或所谓的成疑问。 This disciplinary decision was approved by Leo XIII two days later.这个纪律处分的决定，批准了利奥十三两天后。 Though his approval was not in forma specifica, as was Pius X's approval of the Decree "Lamentabili", all further discussion of the text in question must be carried on with due deference to this decree.虽然他的批准，不是在形式上的specifica ，正如碧岳X的批准，该法令“ lamentabili ” ，所有进一步的讨论案文的问题，必须进行对与因听从了这项法令。 (See "Revue Biblique", 1898, p. 149; and Pesch, "Prælectiones Dogmaticæ", II, 250.) （见“杂志biblique ” ， 1898年，第149页; pesch ， “ prælectiones dogmaticæ ” ，第二章， 250 ） 。
IV.四。 Author作者
It was of chief moment to determine that this letter is authentic, ie, belongs to the Apostolic age, is Apostolic in its source, and is trustworthy.这是行政的时刻，以确定此信是真实的，即属于使徒年龄，是使徒在其来源，是可以信赖的。 Among those who admit the authenticity and canonicity of the letter, some hold that its sacred writer was not John the Apostle but John the Presbyter.当中谁承认的真实性和canonicity的信中，有人认为其神圣的作家是不是使徒约翰，但约翰presbyter 。 We have traced the tradition of the Apostolic origin of the letter back to the time of St. Irenæus.我们已追查的传统，使徒的起源信回的时候，圣irenæus 。 Harnack and his followers admit that Irenæus, the disciple of Polycarp, assigns the authorship to St. John the Apostle; but have the hardihood to throw over all tradition, to accuse Irenæus of error in this matter, to cling to the doubtful witness of Papias, and to be utterly regardless of the patent fact that throughout three centuries no other ecclesiastical writer knows anything at all of this John the Presbyter.哈纳克和他的追随者承认irenæus ，弟子的polycarp ，指派作者以圣若望宗徒，但有hardihood把所有的传统，指责irenæus的误差在这件事，不放可疑的见证帕皮亚，并须完全不管专利的事实，在整个三个世纪没有其他教会作家知道什么这一切，约翰presbyter 。 The doubtful witness of Papias is saved for us by Eusebius ("Hist. eccl." III, xxxix, Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, p. 350): "And if any one came my way who had been a follower of the elders, I enquired the sayings of the elders -- what had Andrew, or what had Peter said, or what Philip, or what Thomas or James, or what John (he ti Ioannes) or Matthew or any one else of the disciples of the Lord; and what were Aristion and John the elder, the disciples of the Lord, saying?"可疑的见证帕皮亚保存为我们尤西比乌斯（ “历史。传道书” 。三，第39届，方克， “ patres apostolici ” ，我， 350页）说： “如果任何一个来到我的方式，谁已追随者长者，我询问的说法的长者-黄宏发了什么，或什么彼得说，或有什么弘，或有什么托马斯或詹姆斯，或有什么约翰（他钛若望）或马修或任何其他人的门徒主;什么亚里斯提安和约翰老，弟子的主，说“ ？ (a te Apistion kai ho presbuteros Ioannes, oi tou kuriou mathetai legousin). （一德apistion启何presbuteros若望，爱头kuriou mathetai legousin ） 。 Harnack insists that Eusebius read his sources thoroughly; and, on the authority of Eusebius and of Papias, postulates the existence of a disciple of the Lord named John the Elder, who was distinct from John the Apostle; and to this fictitious John the Elder assigns all the Johannine writings.哈纳克坚持认为，尤西比乌斯读他的消息来源，彻底，以及对权威的尤西比乌斯和帕皮亚，假设存在一个门徒的主，任命John老，谁是有别于约翰使徒;这个虚构的约翰老指派所有johannine著作。 (See Geschichte der Altchristliche Litteratur, II, i, 657.) With all Catholic authors, we consider that either Eusebius alone, or Papias and Eusebius, erred, and that Irenæus and the rest of the Fathers were right, in fact we lay the blame at the door of Eusebius. （见历史馆明镜altchristliche litteratur ，二，我， 657 ）与所有天主教作家，我们认为，无论是尤西比乌斯单，或帕皮亚和尤西比乌斯，犯错，并irenæus和其余的父亲是正确的，事实上，我们奠定了归咎在大门尤西比乌斯。 As Bardenhewer (Geschichte der Altkirchlichen Literatur, I, 540) says, Eusebius set up a straw man.作为巴登黑韦尔（历史馆明镜altkirchlichen文学，我， 540 ）说，尤西比乌斯成立了秸秆的男子。 There never was a John the Elder.有从未是一个老约翰。 So think Funk (Patres Apostolici, I, 354), Dr. Salmon (Dictionary of Christian Biography, III, 398), Hausleiter (Theol. Litteraturblatt, 1896), Stilting, Guerike, and others.因此，认为芬克（ patres apostolici ，我， 354 ） ，博士，鲑鱼（字典基督教传，三， 398 ） ， hausleiter （ theol. litteraturblatt ， 1896 ） ， stilting ， guerike ，和其他人。
Eusebius is here a special pleader.尤西比乌斯是在这里特别辩护士报。 He opposes the millennium.他反对的千年。 Wrongly fancying that the Apocalypse favours the Chiliasts, he assigns it to this John the Elder and tries to rob the work of its Apostolic authority, the clumsiness of expression of Papias gives occasion to Eusebius in proof of the existence of two disciples of the Lord named John.错误fancying认为启示有利于chiliasts ，他分配到这个老约翰，并试图剥夺其工作的使徒管理局， clumsiness的表达帕皮亚给予机会，尤西比乌斯在证明存在着两个弟子的主命名约翰。 To be sure, Papias mentions two Johns -- one among the Apostles, the other in a clause with Aristion.可以肯定的是，帕皮亚提及两个约翰-其中使徒，在其他的条款与亚里斯提安。 Both are called elders; and elders here (presbuteroi) are admitted by Eusebius to be Apostles, since he admits that Papias got information from those who had met the Apostles (substituting ton apostolon for ton presbuteron; see Hist. eccl., III, xxxix, 7).都是所谓的长者;和长老在这里（ presbuteroi ）是由尤西比乌斯承认，要使徒，因为他也承认，帕皮亚得到的资料，从这些谁会见了使徒（以吨为apostolon吨presbuteron ;见历史。传道书，第III ，第39届， 7 ） 。 Hence it is that Papias, in joining John with Aristion, speaks of John the Elder and not of Aristion the Elder; Aristion was not an elder or Apostle.因此，它是帕皮亚，在参加约翰与亚里斯提安，谈到约翰老而不是亚里斯提安老;亚里斯提安是不是一个老或传道者。 The reason for joining the Aristion with John at all is that they were both witnesses of the present to Papias, whereas all the Apostles were witnesses of the past generation.原因加入亚里斯提安与约翰在所有的是，他们都是证人现在到帕皮亚，而所有的使徒被证人过去的一代。 Note that the second aorist (eipen) is used in regard to the group of witnesses of the past generation, since there is question of what they had said, whereas the present (legousin) is used in regard to the witnesses of the present generation, ie Aristion and John the Elder, since the question is what they are now saying.请注意，第二aorist （ eipen ）是在使用方面，该集团的证人过去的一代，既然有回答了什么是他们说，而目前（ legousin ）是用来在考虑到证人的现在这一代，即亚里斯提安和约翰老，因为问题是什么，他们现正说。 The Apostle John was alive in the time of Papias.使徒约翰还活着，在时间的帕皮亚。 He and he alone can be the elder of whom Papias speaks.他和他单独可以老，其中帕皮亚发言。 How is it, then, that Papias mentions John twice?如何是，那么，帕皮亚提到约翰两次？ Hausleiter conjectures that the phrase he ti Ioannes is a gloss (Theol. Litteraturblatt, 1896). hausleiter猜测认为，这句话他钛若望是一个光泽（ theol. litteraturblatt ， 1896 ） 。 It is likelier that the repetition of the name of John is due to the clumsiness of expression of Papias.这是说，可能是重复的名称，约翰是由于该clumsiness的表达帕皮亚。 He does not mention all the Apostles, but only seven; though he undoubtedly means them all.他没有提及的所有使徒，但只有七;虽然他无疑是他们所有。 His mention of John is quite natural in view of the relation in which he stood to that Apostle.他提到约翰是很自然的在观的关系，他在其中为这个使徒。 After mention of the group that were gone, he names the two from whom he now receives indirect information of the Lord's teaching; these two are the disciple Aristion and John the Apostle.之后，遑论该集团共走了，他的名字两个人，他现在获得的间接信息的主的教学;这两个是弟子亚里斯提安和约翰使徒。
V. Time and Place五，时间和地点
Irenæus tells us the letter was written by St. John during his stay in Asia (Adv. Hær., III, i). irenæus告诉我们，这封信是写的圣约翰逗留期间，在亚洲（ adv. hær ，三，我） 。 Nothing certain can be determined in this matter.没有一定的可确定在这件事。 The arguments are probable in favour of Ephesus and also for the last few years of the first century.论据是有可能在赞成以弗所，也为过去几年的第一个世纪。
VI.六。 Destination and Purpose目的和宗旨
The form is that of an encyclical letter.形式是一个通谕的信。 Its destination is clearly the churches which St. John evangelized, he speaks to his "little children", "beloved", "brethren", and is affectionate and fatherly throughout the entire letter.它的目的地显然是教堂，其中圣约翰evangelized ，他说，他“小孩子” ， “心爱” ， “兄弟” ，是有情和慈父在整个信。 The purpose is identical with the purpose of the Fourth Gospel -- that his children may believe in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and that believing may have life eternal in His name (1 John 5:13; John 20:31).其目的是一致的目的，第四福音-即他的孩子们可能会认为在耶稣基督，上帝的儿子，并相信可能有永恒的生命在他的名字（ 1约翰5点1 3分;约翰2 0时3 1分） 。
VII.七。 Argument论据
A logical analysis of the letter would be a mistake.逻辑分析该信将是一个错误。 The thought is built up not analytically but synthetically.思想是建立起来的不是，但综合分析。 After a brief introduction, St. John works up the thought that God is Light (i, 5); so, too, should we walk in the light (i, 7), keep from sin (i, 6-ii, 6), observe the new commandment of love (ii, 7), since he that loves is in the light and he that hates is in darkness (ii, 8-iii).经过短暂的介绍，圣约翰工程了，认为上帝是光（一， 5 ） ;的话，太，我们应该走在轻（一， 7 ） ，继续由单仲偕（一，六-二，六） ，观察新的诫命的爱情（二， 7 ） ，因为他认为爱是在轻，他说，讨厌是在黑暗中（二， 8 -三） 。 Then follows the second leading Johannine thought that God is Love (iii-v, 12).然后如下第二领导johannine认为，天主是爱（三-五， 12 ） 。 Love means that we are sons of God (iii, 1-4); Divine sonship means that we are not in sin (iii, 4-13), that we love one another (iii, 13-44), that we believe in Jesus Christ the Son of God (iv, 5, 6); for it was love that impelled God to give us His only Son (iv, 7-v, 12).爱意味着我们是神的儿子（三， 1月4日） ;神sonship手段，我们不是在单仲偕（三， 4月13日） ，我们彼此相爱（三， 13-44 ） ，我们认为在耶稣基督是神的儿子（四，五，六） ;因为它是爱情促使上帝给我们，他唯一的儿子（四，七-五， 12 ） 。 The conclusion (v, 13-end) tells the reader that the purpose of the letter is to inculcate faith in Jesus Christ, since this faith is life eternal.结论（五， 13 -完）告诉读者的目的，该信的是，灌输信念，在耶稣基督，因为这个信念是永恒的生命。 In this conclusion as well as in other parts of the letter, the same salient and leading Johannine thoughts recur to defy analysis.在这样的结论，以及在其他部分的信，同时突出和领导johannine思想再次发生违抗分析。 John had two or three things to say; he said these two or three things over and over again in ever varying form.约翰有两个或三件事，说;他说，这些两个或三个以上的东西，和一次又一次的在任何时候都不同的形式。
SECOND EPISTLE第二书信
These thirteen verses are directed against the same Docetic errors and germs of Gnosticism which St. John strives to uproot in his Gospel and First Epistle.这些13诗是针对同一docetic错误和细菌的诺斯替教，其中圣约翰努力铲除在他的福音和第一书信。 Harnack and some others, who admit the canonicity of the Second and Third Epistles, assign them to the authorship of John the Elder; we have shown that this John the Elder never existed.哈纳克和其他一些，谁承认canonicity的第二次和第三次书信，分配到作者约翰老年人;我们已经表明，这是老约翰根本不存在。 The authenticity of this second letter is attested by very early Fathers.真实性，这第二封信是核签很早就父亲。 St. Polycarp ("Phil.", VII, i; Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, 304) cites rather II John, 7, than I John, 4.圣polycarp （ “菲尔” ，第七章，我;芬克， “ patres apostolici ” ，我， 304 ）濒危物种贸易公约，而不是二，约翰， 7 ，比我约翰， 4 。 St. Irenæus expressly quotes II John, 10, as the words of "John the Disciple of the Lord".圣irenæus明确引号二约翰， 10 ，作为的话， “约翰的门徒的上帝” 。 The Muratorian Canon speaks of two Epistles of John.该穆拉多利残卷佳能谈到两个书信约翰。 St. Clement of Alexandria speaks of the larger Epistle of John; and, as a consequence, knows at least two.圣克莱门特在亚历山大谈到较大的书信约翰，以及作为一个后果，也知道至少有两个。 Origen hears witness to the two shorter letters, which "both together do not contain a hundred lines" and are not admitted by all to be authentic.奥利听到的见证，两个较短的信件，其中“两一起不包含100线” ，并且不承认所有，以真实可信。 The canonicity of these two letters was long disputed.该canonicity的这两封信是长期有争议的。 Eusebius puts them among the Antilegomena.尤西比乌斯使他们之间的antilegomena 。 They are not found in the Peshito.他们没有发现，在peshito 。 The Canon of the Western Church includes them after the fourth century; although only Trent's decree set the question of their canonicity beyond the dispute of such men as Cajetan.佳能的西方教会，包括他们的后四世纪;虽然只有特伦特的法令订定的问题，他们canonicity超越了争端这样的男人cajetan 。 The Canon of the Eastern Church, outside that of Antioch, includes them after the fourth century.佳能的东部教会，外界的安提阿，包括他们的后四世纪。 The style and manner of the second letter are very like to those of the first.作风和方式的第二个字母是非常想那些第一。 The destination of the letter has been much disputed.目的地的信件已很多争议。 The opening words are variously interpreted -- "The ancient to the lady Elect, and her children" (ho presbuteros eklekte kuria kai tois teknois autes).开头语是不同的解释-“古代向夫人当选，和她的孩子” （何p resbuterose klektek uria启t oist eknoisa utes） 。 We have seen that the elder means the Apostle.我们已经看到，老手段，使徒。 Who is the lady elect?谁是夫人当选？ Is she the elect Kyria?是她选出kyria ？ The lady Eklekte?夫人eklekte ？ A lady named Eklekte Kyria?一位名为eklekte kyria ？ A lady elect, whose name is omitted?一位选出，其名称是遗漏了？ A Church?一所教堂？ All these interpretations are defended.所有这些表述辩护。 We consider, with St. Jerome, that the letter is addressed to a particular church, which St. John urges on to faith in Jesus Christ, to the avoidance of heretics, to love.我们认为，与圣杰罗姆，该信是针对某一特定的教会，其中圣约翰敦促对信仰在耶稣基督，以避免异端，爱。 This interpretation best fits in with the ending to the letter -- "The children of thy sister Elect salute thee."这个解释最适合在与结局的信-“孩子们你的妹妹，选出你致敬” 。
THIRD EPISTLE第三书信
Fourteen verses addressed to Gaius, a private individual. 14诗给勇士穆裘，个人。 This Gaius seems to have been not an ecclesiastic but a layman of means.这勇士穆裘似乎已不是一个教会，但门外汉的手段。 He is praised by John for his hospitality to visiting brethren (verses 2-9).他誉为是由约翰为他的热情接待来访的兄弟（诗2-9 ） 。 The Apostle then goes on: "I had written perhaps to the church; but Diotrephes, who loveth to have the pre-eminence among them, doth not receive us" (verse 9).使徒接着说： “我已致函也许教会，但丢特腓，谁loveth有预先的地位，其中doth没有收到我们” （诗9 ） 。 This Diotrephes may have been the bishop of the Church.这丢特腓可能已被主教的教会。 He is found fault with roundly, and Demetrius is set up for an example.他是发现故障与全面， demetrius是成立一个例子。 This short letter, "twin sister", as St. Jerome called it, to the second of John's letters, is entirely a personal affair.这短短的信， “孪生姐妹” ，圣杰罗姆，称它，到第二个约翰的信件，完全是个人的事。 No doctrine is discussed.没有理论讨论。 The lesson of hospitality, especially of care for the preachers of the Gospel is insisted on.的教训，招待费，尤其是照顾，为宣扬福音的是，坚持。 The earliest certain recognition of this letter as Apostolic is by St. Denis of Alexandria (third century).最早的某些承认将此信作为使徒，是由圣德尼亚历山德里亚（三世纪） 。 Eusebius refers to the letters called "the second and third of John, whether these chance to belong to the evangelist or to someone else with a name like to his" ("Hist. eccl.", III xxv; Schwartz, II, 1, p. 250).尤西比乌斯是指以信所谓的“第二次和第三次的约翰，不论这些机会属于该传播者或给别人使用一个名称一样，他” （ “历史。传道书” ，三，二十五;施瓦茨，二，一，页250 ） 。 The canonicity of the letter has already been treated.该canonicity该信已接受治疗。 The greeting and ending of this letter are internal evidence of composition by the author of the previous Johannine letter.贺卡和结束此信是内部的证据，组成由作者先前johannine信。 The simple and affectionate style, the firmness of the rebuke of Diotrephes are strictly Johannine.很简单，和有情的作风，坚定的指责丢特腓是严格johannine 。 Nothing certain is known as to time and place of writing; but it is generally supposed that the two small letters were written by John towards the end of his long life and in Ephesus.没有什么可以肯定的是，被称为向的时间和地点以书面形式，但人们普遍假定，这两个小信的书面约翰在接近年底时他的寿命长，在以弗所。
Publication information Written by Walter Drum.出版信息的书面沃尔特鼓。 Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.转录由恩尼stefanik 。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.天主教百科全书，货量八。 Published 1910. 1910年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. nihil obstat ， 1910年10月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
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