The Book of Joel, a prophetic book of the Old Testament of the Bible, derives its name from the prophet Joel.这本书约珥，先知书，旧约的圣经，源于它的名字从先知的Joel 。 Nothing other than his name is known about the prophet.没有其他比他的名字是众所周知的关于先知。 The date of composition was probably between 400 and 350 BC, although some scholars place it much earlier (9th - 7th century BC).日期的组成可能是之间的400和350年，虽然一些学者的地方，它大大提前（第九-公元前7世纪） 。 The book falls into two sections.这本书分为两个部分。 The first (1:1 - 2:17) gives an account of a plague of locusts and a drought that ravaged Judah as a symbol of divine judgment.第一（ 1:1 -2 :17）给出了一个帐户，一个蝗灾和干旱蹂躏的犹大作为一个象征神圣的判断。 The second (2:18 - 3:21) promises the gift of the spirit of the Lord for the entire population and declares final judgment on all nations, with protection and fertility for Judah and Jerusalem.第二（ 2点18分-3时2 1分）承诺的礼物的精神，主为整个人口，并宣布最终判决对所有国家，与保护和生育率为犹大和耶路撒冷。 The passage on the outpouring of God's Spirit (2:28 - 32) is cited in Saint Peter's Pentecost sermon in Acts 2:17 - 21.通过对源源不断的上帝的精神（ 2点28分-3 2） ，是引用的圣彼得大教堂的讲道，在圣灵降临节的行为， 2点1 7分- 21 。
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Joel, Jehovah is his God.约珥，耶和华是他的上帝。 (1.) The oldest of Samuel's two sons appointed by him as judges in Beersh eba (1 Sam. 8:2). （ 1 ）最古老的黄秉槐的两个儿子由他委任的法官在beersh除武器外的一切（ 1萨姆。 8:2 ） 。 (See VASHNI.) (2.) A descendant of Reuben (1 Chr. 5:4,8). （见vashni ） （ 2 ）的后代，流便（ 1人权委员会。 5:4,8 ） 。 (3.) One of David's famous warriors (1 Chr. 11:38). （ 3 ）之一大卫的著名的勇士（ 1人权委员会。 11时38分） 。 (4.) A Levite of the family of Gershom (1 Chr. 15:7, 11). （ 4 ）利的家人革舜（ 1人权委员会。 15时07分， 11 ） 。 (5.) 1 Chr. （ 5 ） 1人权委员会。 7:3. 7时03分。 (6.) 1 Chr. （ 6 ） 1人权委员会。 27:20. 27:20 。 (7.) The second of the twelve minor prophets. （ 7 ）第二次的12小先知。 He was the son of Pethuel.他的儿子pethuel 。 His personal history is only known from his book.他的个人历史，是唯一已知的从他的著作。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
Joel was probably a resident in Judah, as his commission was to that people.约珥可能是一个居住在犹大，因为他的委员会是为了人民。 He makes frequent mention of Judah and Jerusalem (1:14; 2:1, 15, 32; 3:1, 12, 17, 20, 21).他经常提到犹大和耶路撒冷（ 1时14分; 2点01 ， 15 ， 32 ; 3点01 ， 12 ， 17 ， 20 ， 21 ） 。 He probably flourished in the reign of Uzziah (about BC 800), and was contemporary with Amos and Isaiah.他大概在蓬勃发展时期uzziah （约公元前800 ） ，并于当代与阿莫斯和以赛亚书。 The contents of this book are, (1.) A prophecy of a great public calamity then impending over the land, consisting of a want of water and an extraordinary plague of locusts (1:1-2:11).的内容，这本书， （ 1 ）一的预言，一个伟大的公共灾难，然后即将超过土地，构成一个想要的水和不平凡的蝗灾（ 1:1-2:11 ） 。 (2.) The prophet then calls on his countrymen to repent and to turn to God, assuring them of his readiness to forgive (2:12-17), and foretelling the restoration of the land to its accustomed fruitfulness (18-26). （ 2 ） 。先知，然后再呼叫他的同胞悔改，并把上帝，保证他们的，他愿意原谅（ 2:12-17 ） ，并预告恢复土地其习惯结实（ 18-26 ） 。 (3.) Then follows a Messianic prophecy, quoted by Peter (Acts 2:39). （ 3 ） ，然后如下一弥赛亚的预言，所引述的彼得（使徒2时39分） 。 (4.) Finally, the prophet foretells portents and judgments as destined to fall on the enemies of God (ch. 3, but in the Hebrew text 4). （ 4 ）最后，先知预示portents和判断，作为注定要跌倒在真主的敌人（ ch. 3 ，但在希伯来文文本4 ） 。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
The text of this lesson except the questions is taken from the author's "Synthetic Bible Studies."案文这个教训，除了问题所采取的是从作者的“合成圣经研究” 。 Joel was probably the earliest of the prophets whose writings have descended to us.约珥可能是最早的先知，其著作也下降到我们。 His personal history is unknown further than the bare statement, 1:1.他个人的历史是未知的进一步比裸声明， 1:1 。 His field of labor was presumably Judah rather that Israel, the southern rather than the northern kingdom, because of allusions to the center of public worship which was at Jerusalem, 1:9, 13, 14, 2:15, and because of non-allusions to Israel distinctively.他领域的工党大概是犹大，而是以色列，南部，而非北部的英国，由于典故的该中心的公共崇拜，这是在耶路撒冷， 1点09 ， 13 ， 14 ， 2时15分，而且由于非典故向以色列鲜明。 Such places as 2:27, and 3:16 are thought to mean Israel as inclusive of Judah, ie, the whole united nation.这些地方作为2时27分， 3时16分被认为是指以色列的包容性的犹大，即整个联合国。 Although it is assumed, that Joel was the earliest of the prophets, yet the evidence is inferential rather than direct.虽然这是假设，即约珥是最早的先知，但证据的推理，而不是直接。
He is presumably earlier than Amos who is known to have prophesied somewhere about the close of the eighth century BC, because he seems to be quoted by Amos 5:16-18.他是想来早阿莫斯谁是已知有预言某处约密切的公元前8世纪，因为他似乎是引述阿摩司5:16-18 。 He also refers to the same heathen nations as Amos 3:4-6, and to the same physical scourges as prevalent in the land, 1:4, 17, 20.他还指同一heathen联合国作为阿莫斯3:4-6 ，并以相同的物理洪水猛兽，作为中普遍存在的土地， 1点04 ， 17 ， 20 。 (Compare the marginal references to Amos.) （比较边缘的提述，阿莫斯） 。
Questions 1. 问题 1 。 What chronological relation does Joel bear to the other prophets?什么时间顺序的关系是否的Joel承担向其他先知？ 2. 2 。 To which kingdom were his messages sent?其中英国是他寄出的邮件？ 3. 3 。 What proof is there of this?什么证明是有这个？ 4.四。 What future blessings are predicted for Israel?什么样的未来祝福，预测为以色列？ 5. 5 。 When was the prophecy of 2:28-32 partially fulfilled?当是的预言2:28-32部分履行？
The son of Phatuel, and second in the list of the twelve Minor Prophets.儿子phatuel ，和第二次在清单中的12小先知。 Nothing is known of his life.什么是已知他的生活。 The scene of his labours was the Southern Israelite Kingdom of Juda, and probably its capital Jerusalem, for he repeatedly refers to temple and altar.现场他的劳动力是英国南部的以色列人的juda ，并可能为其首都的耶路撒冷，因为他一再指庙宇和祭坛。 The frequent apostrophes to the priests (1:9, 13-14; 2:17) also lead to the inference that Joel himself was of priestly descent.频繁撇号向神父（ 1时09分， 13日至14日; 2时17分）也导致该推断的Joel自己的priestly后裔。
CONTENTS OF JOEL内容的Joel
The seventy-three verses of this small book, in the Massoretic text of the Old Testament, are divided into four, and in the Septuagint and Vulgate into three, chapters, the second and third chapters of the Massoretic text forming one chapter, the second in the Septuagint and Vulgate.该73韵文本小书，在该massoretic文旧约，分为四个，并在septuagint和武加大分为三个章节，第二和第三章的massoretic文本形成一章，第二在septuagint和武加大。
The contents of the Prophecy of Joel may be regarded, taken altogether, as a typical presentation in miniature of the chief themes of prophetic discourse: sombre warnings of the judgment of Jahweh, intended to rouse the people from the existing moral lethargy, and joyful, glowingly expressed tidings of Jahweh's work of salvation, designed to keep alive the faith in the coming of the Kingdom of God.内容预言约珥可能被视为，采取完全，作为一个典型的简报中的缩影，行政的主题，先知的话语：严峻的警告，判断jahweh ，打算振奋人从现有的道德嗜睡，和欢乐，畅谈表示福音的jahweh的工作救恩，旨在永葆信念，在未来的上帝的王国。 These two fundamental thoughts seem to be united, as the misfortunes of the judgment are a process of purification to prepare the people for the reception of salvation, and are in reality only one aspect of the Divine work of redemption.上述两个基本的想法似乎是美国，作为雪上加霜的判断是一个净化的过程中作好准备，人们为接待救赎，并在现实中只有一个方面的神圣工作的赎回权。 In the first main division of the Book of Joel (1:2-2:17) the prophecies are threatenings of the day of judgment; the prophecies in the second division, which embraces the rest of the book (2:18-3:21), are consolatory descriptions of the day of grace.在第一主科书约珥（ 1:2-2:17 ）预言是threatenings的审判的日子;预言，在第二次表决，其中包含了其余的图书（ 2:18-3 ： 21 ） ，是consolatory说明该天的宽限期。 The first section is further divided into two discourses on the judgment: Chapter 1:2-20, describes a terrible scourge, a plague of locusts, with which the Prophet's land had been visited; these pests had so completely devoured the fields that not even the material for the meat- and drink-offerings existed.第一部分是进一步分为两个论述，关于判断：第一章1:2-20 ，介绍了一种可怕的祸害，蝗灾，与先知的土地已被访问;这些害虫已完全吞噬的领域，甚至不材料为肉类及醉酒的产品存在。 For this reason the priests are to utter lamentations and to ordain a fast.基于这个原因，祭司是完全悲叹，并ordain快速。 Chapter 2:1-17, repeats the same thought more emphatically: all these plagues are only the forerunners of still greater scourges in the day of the Lord, when the land of the Prophet shall become a wilderness.章2:1-17 ，重复同样的思想，更强调：所有这些困扰，只是先行者的更大的灾祸在主日，当土地的先知，应成为一个荒野。 The people must, therefore, return to Jahweh, and the priests must entreat the Lord in the holy place.人民群众因此，必须返回到jahweh ，和司铎必须恳求上帝，在神圣的地方。 the prophecies in the second section are also divided into two discourses: in 2:18-32, the Lord is appeased by the repentance of the nation and gives the blessing of bounteous harvests.预言，在第二部分也分为两个论述：在2:18-32 ，耶和华是姑息由悔改的民族，并给出了祝福bounteous丰收。 Just as in the earlier part the failure of the harvests was a type and foreshadowing of the calamity in the day of judgment, so now the plenty serves as an illustration of the fullness of grace in the kingdom of grace.正如在先前的部分失败的收获是一个类型和铺垫的灾难，在审判的日子，所以现在有很多作为的一个例子丰满的宽限期，在英国的宽限期。 The Lord will pour out His Spirit upon all flesh, and all who call upon His name shall be saved.主倾诉他的精神后，所有的肉，谁所有，并呼吁他的名字应被保存。 In chapter 3:1-21, the redemption of Israel is, on the other hand, a judgment upon the heathen nations: the Lord will take vengeance, in the four quarters of the earth, upon those who tyrannized over His people, upon the Philistines, Phoenicians, Edomites, and Egyptians, for the nations are ripe for the harvest in the valley of Josaphat.在第一章3:1-21 ，赎回以色列是，在另一方面，判决后， heathen联合国：主会采取报复，在四个季度地球后，这些谁tyrannized超过他的人民，后非利士人，腓尼基人， edomites ，埃及人，为联合国的时机已经成熟收获，在山谷约萨法特。
LITERARY AND THEOLOGICAL CHARACTER OF JOEL文学和神学性质的Joel
Examined as to logical connexion, the four discourses of Joel show a closely united, compact scheme of thought.审查，以合乎逻辑的Connexion公司，四论述，约珥显示，紧密团结，紧凑的计划的思路。 In regard to form they are a Biblical model of rhetorical symmetry.在形式方面，他们是一个圣经模型修辞对称性。 The law of rhetorical rhythm, which as law of harmony regulates the form of the speeches, also shows itself, particularly, in the regular alternation of descriptions in direct or indirect speech, as in the sections given in the first or third person, and in the apostrophes in the second person singular and plural.法律修辞学的节奏，作为法律的和谐规范的形式发言，也表明本身，特别是在定期轮岗说明在直接或间接的讲话，作为在该路段由于在第一或第三人，并在该撇号在第二次人的单数和复数。 The first two speeches are alike in construction: 2:1-11 resembles 1:2-12, and 2:12-17, is like 1:13-20.首两项的发言是完全一样的，在建设： 2:1-11类似于1:2-12 ， 2:12-17 ，是想1:13-20 。 Also in the latter two speeches there is a verbal similarity along with the agreement in thought; cf.此外，在后者的两次讲话是有口头的相似性，随着该协议在思想;比照。 in 3:17 and 2:27, the like expression.在3时17分和2点27分，想表达的。 The language of Joel is full of colour, rhetorically animated, and rhythmic.语文约珥是充满肤色，修辞动画和节奏。 The passages from 1:13 sq., and 2:17, are still used in the Liturgy of the Church during Lent.通道从1点13平方米， 2时17分，仍在使用在礼仪中的教会在贷出。 His prophecy of the pouring out of the spirit upon all flesh (2:28-32) was afterwards adopted as the first Biblical text of the first Apostolic sermon (Acts 2:16-21).他的预言，浇注出来的精神，所有的肉（ 2:28-32 ）后，通过作为第一圣经文本的第一使徒讲道（行为2:16-21 ） 。 Joel's discourses of the day of judgment, and of the abundance of grace which Jahweh in the fullness of time shall bestow from Sion form one of the most beautiful pages in the eschatology of the Prophets.约珥的话语当日的判断，和丰富的宽限期，其中jahweh在丰满的时间应赐给由Sion的形式之一，最美丽的页面，在末世的先知。 Some of his fiery pictures seem even to have been borrowed by the writer of the Apocalypse of the New Testament (cf. Joel 3:13, and Apocalypse 14:15).他的一些火热的图片，甚至似乎已被借来的，由作家的启示新约圣经（参见约珥3时13分，与启示14时15分） 。
The swarm of locusts, which has so frequently received a symbolical interpretation, is no apocalyptic picture; neither is it a description of the progress of a hostile army under the figure of the imaginary advance of locusts.群蝗虫，其中有这么频繁收到了象征性的解释，是没有世界末日的图片;也不是一个描述的进展，敌对军队下的数字，虚提前蝗虫。 The passages in 2:4-7, "They shall run like horsemen . . . like men of war they shall scale the wall", make it absolutely certain that a hypothetical swarm of locusts was not taken as a symbol of a hostile army, but that, on the contrary, a hostile army is used to typify an actual swarm of locusts.通道在2:4-7 ， “他们应运行一样，骑手。 。 。男人一样的战争，他们将攀登长城” ，使它绝对肯定的是，一个假设性的蝗虫群没有考虑作为一个象征，敌对军队，但是，与此相反，敌对军队是用来典型的实际群蝗虫。 Consequently, Joel refers to a contemporary scourge, and in the rhetorical style of prophecy passes from this to the evils of the day of judgment.因此，约珥是指一种当代的祸害，并在修辞风格的预言，通过从这个向邪恶的审判日。
DATE OF THE PROPHECY OF JOEL日期预言约珥
The most difficult problem in the investigation of Joel is the date, and the many hypotheses have not led to any convincing result.最困难的问题，在调查的Joel是日期，和许多假设，并没有使任何令人信服的结果。 The first verse of the book does not convey, as other prophetic books do, a definite date, nor do the discourses contain any references to the events of the period, which might form a basis for the chronology of the Prophet.首诗的书籍没有转达，正如其他的预言书，一个明确的日期，也没有话语包含任何的提述的事件期间，这可能形成一个基础的时序先知。 General history took no notice of plagues of locusts which were of frequent occurrence, and it is an arbitrary supposition to interpret the swarm of locusts as the Scythian horde, which, according to Herodotus (I, 103 sqq.; IV, i), devastated the countries of Western Asia from Mesopotamia to Egypt between the years 630-620 BC The Book of Joel has been variously ascribed to nearly all the centuries of the prophetic era.一般历史，没有采取任何通知，瘟疫蝗虫，其中的频繁发生，这是一个任意的假设来解释群蝗虫作为scythian horde ，据希罗多德（一， 103 sqq 。 ;四，我） ，破坏该西亚各国从美索不达米亚到埃及之间的公元前630-620年这本书约珥已不同程度归因于几乎所有世纪的预言的时代。 Rothstein even goes so far as to assign the discourses to various dates, an attempt which must fail on account of the close connexion between the four addresses. rothstein ，甚至到目前为止，作为转让的话语，以各种日期，企图失败，必须对帐户的关闭Connexion公司之间的四个地址。 The early commentators, in agreement with Jerome, placed the era of composition in the eighth century BC; they took Joel, therefore, as a contemporary of Osee and Amos.早期的评论家，在协议与杰罗姆，放在时代的组成，在公元前8世纪，他们采取的Joel ，因此，作为一个当代的osee和Amos 。 In justification of this date they pointed out that Joel is placed among the twelve Minor Prophets between Osee and Amos; further, that among the enemies of Juda the book does not mention the Assyrians, who were anathematized by each Prophet from the time they appeared as a power in Asia.在的理由，在此日期后他们指出，约珥是放在当中， 12小先知之间的osee和Amos ;进一步，当中的敌人juda这本书没有提到亚述人，谁被anathematized每个先知，从时间，他们似乎作为权力在亚洲。 However, in a book of three chapters not much weight can be attached to an argument from silence.然而，在一本书的3个章节没有太大的重量可以附在一个论点，从沉默。 Those also who agree in placing the book before the Exile do not agree in identifying the king in whose reign Joel lived.这些谁也同意在把书之前，流亡不同意在确定国王在其统治的Joel生活。 The assignment to the period of King Josias is supported by the fact that Joel takes for his theme the day of the Lord, as does the contemporary Prophet Sophonias; to this may be added that the anathema upon the Egyptians may be influenced by the battle of Mageddo (608 BC).转让时期的国王josias是支持的事实，即约珥需为他的主题是主日，作为是否当代先知sophonias ;这可能是补充说，诅咒后，埃及人可能影响战役默基多（ 608 BC ）的。 Later commentators assign the book to the period after the Exile, both because chapter iii assumes the dispersal of the Jews among other nations, and because the eschatology of Joel presupposes the later period of Jewish theology.后来评论家转让书之后的时期流亡，既因为第三章假设疏散犹太人之间的其他国家，因为末世约珥假定后期犹太神学。 It is, however, impossible for Joel to have been a contemporary of the Prophet Malachias, because of the manner in which the former looks upon the priests of his period as perfect leaders and mediators for the nation.然而，它不可能的Joel已被当代的先知玛拉基亚亚，因为以何种方式前期待后，司铎，他期完善领导和调解员，为民族。 None of the chronological hypotheses concerning Joel can claim to possess convincing proof.没有时间顺序假说有关的Joel可以声称拥有令人信服的证据。
Publication information Written by Michael Faulhaber.出版信息的书面迈克尔冯哈伯。 Transcribed by Thomas J. Bress.转录由托马斯j. bress 。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.天主教百科全书，货量八。 Published 1910. 1910年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. nihil obstat ， 1910年10月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
Bibliography参考书目
See the introductions to the Scriptures of CORNELY, VIGOUROUX, GIGOT, DRIVER, CORNILL, and STRACK.看到介绍圣经的cornely ， vigouroux ， gigot ，司机， cornill ， strack 。 For special questions: PEARSON, The Prophecy of Joel (Leipzig, 1885); SEBÖK, Die syrische Uebersetzung der XII kleinen Propheten (Leipzig, 1887); KESSNER, Das Zeitalter des Propheten Joel (Leipzig, 1888); SIEVERS, Alttest.特殊问题：皮尔森，预言的Joel （莱比锡， 1885 ） ; sebök模具syrische uebersetzung明镜第十二kleinen propheten （莱比锡， 1887 ） ; kessner ，之zeitalter万propheten的Joel （莱比锡， 1888 ） ; sievers ， alttest 。 Miscellen (Leipzig, 1907). miscellen （莱比锡， 1907年） 。 Commentaries on Joel.--Catholic: SCHOLZ (Würzburg, 1885); KNABENBAUER (Paris, 1886); VAN HOONACKER (Paris, 1908); Protestant: SMITH (London, 1897); DRIVER (Cambridge, 1898); ADAMS (London, 1902); NOWACK (2nd ed., Göttingen, 1903); MARTI (Tübingen, 1904); EISELEN (New York, 1907); ORELLI (3rd ed., Munich, 1908).评注的Joel .--天主教： scholz （维尔茨堡， 1885 ） ; knabenbauer （巴黎， 1886 ） ;车hoonacker （巴黎， 1908 ） ;新教：史密斯（伦敦， 1897 ） ;司机（剑桥， 1898 ） ;亚当斯（伦敦， 1902 ） ; nowack （第二版，哥廷根， 1903 ） ;马蒂（蒂宾根大学， 1904 ） ; eiselen （纽约， 1907 ） ;我认为奥利尼（第三教育署，慕尼黑， 1908年） 。 Further bibliography in commentaries.进一步书目在评论。
ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题：
-Biblical Data: -圣经的数据：
§ 1. § 1 。 Duplicate Character.重复的性格。
-Critical View:关键的看法：
§ 2. § 2 。 Date of the Book:日期这本书：
Reasons for the Time of Joash.原因的时候，乔阿什。
Reasons for the Time of Josiah.原因的时候，乔赛亚。
Objections to Post-Exilic Date.反对后exilic日期。
The Plague of Locusts.该蝗灾。
§ 3. § 3 。 Theory of the Origin of Joel in Two Different Parts Written at Different Times:理论的起源约珥在两个不同的部分，写在不同的时代：
Difference of Back-ground.不同的回地面。
Reasons for the Division.理由是为记名表决。
Reasons for Later Composition.原因稍后组成。
§ 4. § 4 。 Theory of the Revision of an Older Book in a Later Period:理论修订旧的图书在以后的时期：
-Biblical Data: -圣经的数据：
The prophecies of the Book of Joel are divided into two parts, comprising respectively (1) ch.预言这本书约珥是分为两部分组成，分别为（ 1 ）的CH 。 i.我。 2-ii. 2 -二。 17 and (2) ch. 17日和（ 2 ）的CH 。 ii.二。 18-iv. 18 -四。 21. 21 。 The contents of the first part may be summarized as follows: The prophet at the beginning calls the attention of the elders and of all the inhabitants of the land to a coming event the like of which has never been seen, a terrible visitation by locusts (i. 2-7), which will be coincident with a famine, and which will together reduce the entire land to the bitterest misery (i. 10-12, 16-20).内容的第一部分，可归纳如下：先知在开始呼吁关注长者及所有居民的土地，一来事件一样，其中从来没有过的，一个可怕的探视由蝗虫的（一， 2月7日） ，将同步与饥荒，并会减低整个土地给bitterest苦难（一10-12 ， 16-20 ） 。 The prophet exhorts the people to fast, to pray, and to mourn (i. 13 et seq., ii. 1-12 et seq.).先知劝告人民，以快速，祈祷，悼念（一13等法律，二， 1月12日等法律） 。 In this double visitation the prophet perceives the approach of the "day of the Lord" (i. 15), which is to be ushered in by a terrible affliction (ii. 2-11) unless the people become truly repentant (ii. 12-17).In the second part it is first related how the people did actually bring about a gracious change in God's plans by obeying the prophet's injunctions (ii. 18); this is followed by Yhwh's answer to the prayer of the people (ii. 19 et seq.); then there is the promise of relief from famine through abundant rains and through a marvelous fruitfulness, after which the spirit of prophecy is to be poured out over all flesh, and the day of the Lord will draw near, accompanied by terrifying signs in heaven and earth.在这双重探视先知感觉到的做法“主日” （一15 ） ，这是要迎来了一个可怕的疾病（ ii. 2月11日） ，除非人民成为真正的忏悔（ ii. 12 -17 ） 。在第二部分，它首先是有关如何的人，其实带来了亲切的变化，在上帝的计划，服从先知的禁制令（ ii. 18 ） ;这是其次yhwh的答案祈祷的人（二19条及以下各条） ;然后是有承诺的救济饥荒，通过丰富的暴雨和通过一个精彩的结实后，其中的精神，预言是要倾注了超过所有的肉，和主日将以此为近，伴随着可怕的迹象，在天地。 These terrors, however, are not for the Jews, who will be rescued in the day of judgment because they called on the Lord, but for their enemies (iii. 1-5).这些恐怖的，不过，是不是为犹太人，谁将会救出，在审判的日子，因为他们所谓的对基督，但对于他们的敌人（ iii. 1月5日） 。 At the time of the change in the fate of Judah and Jerusalem the Lord will gather all nations into the valley of Jehoshaphat (see Jehoshaphat, Valley of), there to be destroyed through the fulfilment of the divine judgment of wrath (iv. 11-13), because they have plundered the treasuries of the Lord and have sold the sons of Judah and of Jerusalem to the sons of the Grecians (iv. 5-8).在时间的变化，在命运的犹大和耶路撒冷的耶和华将聚集所有国家进入山谷的有约沙法（见杰霍沙法特，山谷） ，有被摧毁，通过履行神圣的判断，愤怒的（ iv. 11 - 13 ） ，因为他们掠夺国库勋爵，并已售出的儿子犹大和耶路撒冷的儿子的grecians （ iv. 5-8 ） 。 God will be a refuge for His people (iv. 16); strangers will no longer pass through Jerusalem (iv. 17); the soil of Judah will become exceedingly fruitful, and a fountain will even water the valley of Shittim (ie, the unfruitful Jordan valley), whereas Egypt and Edom will be changed into a wilderness on account of the evil they have done to Judah (iv. 18-19).上帝将是一个避难所，为他的人民（ iv. 16 ） ;陌生人将不再通过耶路撒冷（ iv. 17条） ;土壤犹大将变得极其富有成果的，和喷泉，甚至会水谷什亭（即， unfruitful约旦谷地） ，而埃及和益登科技将改为旷野对帐户的邪恶，他们所做的犹大（ iv. 18-19 ） 。
§ 1. § 1 。 Duplicate Character.重复的性格。
-Critical View:关键的看法：
That Joel consists of two parts appears from ii.说的Joel包括两部分，似乎从二。 18, which, if the rules of Hebrew syntax are applied, must be construed as a narrative reporting the change of God's attitude subsequent to the exhortation to repentance. 18 ，如果规则希伯来语语法的应用，必须被视为叙述性报告的变化，上帝的态度，随后向告诫悔改之意。 Only through a misunderstanding of the method of Hebrew narrative will the demand be urged, in opposition to this construction, that such a report should necessarily include the story of the actual accomplishment of penitence.只有通过一种误解，该方法的希伯来语叙事的需求将敦促，在反对这项建设，这样一份报告应包括一定的故事，实际完成忏悔。 Stylistic carelessness is very usual in Hebrew narrative; and the act of penitence is left to be supplied by the reader from the context-ie, in this instance from the prophetical exhortation to repentance (the accomplished penitence must be supplied between verses 17 and 18).文体不小心是很平常希伯来文的叙述;和行为忏悔，是留给供应读者从上下文-即，在这方面，例如从prophetical劝告悔改（完成忏悔，必须提供与诗17和18条） 。 On the other hand, neither the interpretation of the imperfects in verse 17 as jussives nor even the reading of the consecutive imperfects (, etc.) as simple historical imperfects (, etc.) justifies the following translation approved by De Wette, Baudissin, and others: "Then will Yhwh be jealous for His land and will protect His people; and Yhwh will speak and say to His people," etc. In this rendering, which is inadmissible on linguistic grounds, the words following verse 17 appear as a promise connected with the foregoing petition for a return to favor, and the prophecy of Joel would then form a consecutive whole.在另一方面，无论是解释该imperfects在韵文17 jussives甚至也不该读的连续imperfects （等） ，简单的历史imperfects （等）的理由如下翻译核准德wette ，鲍迪辛，其他： “那么将yhwh被嫉妒他的土地，并会保护他的人民; yhwh会发言，并说他的人民”等在这方面渲染，这是不可接受的对语言的理由，换句话说以下韵文17显示为一个承诺与前述的请愿书为恢复青睐，并预言约珥便形成一个连续的整体。 But even the acceptance of this theory would not remove the difficulties in the way of fixing the time of Joel's prophecy.但是，即使接受这个理论，将无法移除的困难的方式订定的时间约珥的预言。
§ 2. § 2 。 Date of the Book:日期这本书：
§ 2. § 2 。 Date of the Book:日期这本书：
Theory of a Pre-Exilic Period: (a) According to the formerly generally accepted opinion, Joel wrote in the beginning of the reign of King Joash (836-797 BC), and was therefore the oldest prophet to leave a book of prophecies.理论的前exilic时期： （一）根据以前普遍接受的意见，约珥中写道，开始统治国王乔阿什（公元前836-797 ） ，因此，最古老的先知离开一本书的预言。 This theory of an early date of composition was, above all, strongly supported by the fact that no mention is made of the Assyrians.这一理论的早日组成的是，上述所有，大力支持的事实，并没有提到了亚述人。
The beginning of the reign of Joash was urged in view of the failure of the book to refer to or to name the Damascus Syrians, who, according to II Kings xii.开始统治乔阿什敦促在鉴于失败的这本书提及或名称，大马士革，叙利亚，谁，根据二王十二。 18 et seq., seriously threatened Jerusalem under Joash (comp. Hazael). 18条及以下各条，严重威胁着耶路撒冷下乔阿什（ comp.哈薛） 。
Reasons for the Time of Joash.原因的时候，乔阿什。
In further support of this theory stress was laid on the absence of any reference to the king, which would point to the period of the minority of Joash, while the predominance of the priestly influence led to the conclusion that Joash, at the beginning of his reign, was under the influence of the high priest Jehoiada.在进一步支持这一理论强调，奠定了对没有任何参考国王，这将指向时期的少数，约阿施，而占主导地位的priestly的影响，导致的结论是，约阿施，在开始时，他统治，是影响下，大司祭耶何耶大。 Another point of agreement in favor of this date was the hostility shown to the Israelites by the nations, mentioned in iv.另一点的协议，主张在此日期是敌意，表现出要对以色列人由联合国，所提到的四。 (AV iii.) 4, 19, which was made to refer to the rebellion of the Edomites under King Jehoram of Judah (849-842 BC), on which occasion the Arabs and the Philistines plundered Jerusalem (II Chron. xxi. 8 et seq., 16 et seq.; comp. § 3, below). （影音三） 4日， 19日，这是作出指叛乱的edomites下，国王jehoram的犹大（公元前849-842 ） ，对其中的场合阿拉伯人和非利士人掠夺耶路撒冷（二慢性。二十一，八等以下各段， 16条及以下各条。 ;可比。 § 3 ，下文） 。
Reasons for the Time of Josiah.原因的时候，乔赛亚。
(b) König places the composition of the book at a much later date, but still in the pre-exilic period; namely, in the time of King Josiah, or in the period immediately following. （二）柯尼希地方组成的这本书在更晚的日期，但仍然在会前exilic期，即在的时候，国王乔赛亚，或在期后立即。 His reasons are these: The form of the prophecies is too finished to date from the beginning of the prophetic style of writing; indeed, the linguistic character is that of about the seventh century BC Moreover, the contents reflect the time of Josiah, because it was then that the great famine occurred which Jeremiah (Jer. xiv. 2-6) describes in a similar way to Joel.他的理由是：形式的预言是太完成迄今为止从一开始就预言文风;事实上，语言的特点是，约七世纪公元前此外，内容反映的时候，乔赛亚，因为它当时，大饥荒发生的耶利米（ jer.十四2-6 ）描述了类似的方法的Joel 。 Finally, the mention of the Egyptians points to the last years of Josiah (or else those immediately following), referring to Josiah's campaign against the Egyptians.最后，提到埃及人点，以过去几年的乔赛亚（否则，那些在紧接） ，指的乔赛亚的运动，对埃及人。 The fact that neither the Assyrians nor the Babylonians are alluded to militates against König's dating, since all the other pre-exilic prophets, from Amos to Jeremiah, recognize God's judgment, which is to fall on His people precisely in the extension of the Assyrian and, later, of the Babylonian empire.事实上，无论是亚述人，也不是巴比伦人是提到militates对柯尼希的约会，因为所有其他前exilic先知，从阿莫斯以耶利米，承认上帝的判断，这是属于他的人正是在延长亚述和后来，巴比伦帝国。
Theory of a Post-Exilic Period: This theory was first, and in the beginning rather hesitatingly, brought forward by Vatke; since then it has been adopted by Merx (who takes the book for a midrash written after 445 BC), by Stade, Kuenen, Wellhausen, Wildeboer, Nowack, Kautzsch, Duhm, Oort, Cornill, and others.理论后exilic时期：这一理论是在首位，并开始，而不是hesitatingly ，提出vatke ;自那时以来，它已通过merx （谁需要这本书为米德拉士书面后， 445 BC ）的，由比赛， kuenen ，浩， wildeboer ， nowack ， kautzsch ， duhm ，奥尔特， cornill ，和其他人。 The last named scholar, holding the book to be a compendium of late Jewish eschatology, places it in the year 400 BC, because Jerusalem at that time not only was inhabited, but had a temple (i 14, ii 15), as well as a wall (ii. 9), which would indicate a period after Nehemiah.最后命名的学者，持这本书是一个汇编晚犹太末世，它的地方，在公元前400年，耶路撒冷，因为在那个时候，不仅是居住，但有一个庙（我14 ，二15 ） ，以及一墙（ ii. 9 ） ，这将表明，一个时期后，尼希米记。 But he overlooks the fact that the walls mentioned in the text are certainly those of the houses within the city.但他忽略了一个事实，就是墙壁中提到的文本，当然这些房子内部的城市。 Of all that has been adduced in support of the post-exilic theory, only passages like iv.所有已提出在支持后exilic理论，只有通道，像四。 (AV iii.) 17 really have any weight. （影音三） 17真的有任何的重量。 The statement, "Then shall Jerusalem be holy, and there shall no strangers pass through her any more," indicates a city that had been destroyed-a fate that befell Jerusalem only under Nebuchadnezzar (see further § 3, below).On the other hand, iv.声明说， “然后应予以耶路撒冷圣地，并有应没有陌生人通过她的任何更多的， ”表明，这个城市已被摧毁一个命运降临耶路撒冷，只有在布恰德内扎尔（见进一步§ 3 ，下文） 。对其他另一方面，四。 (AV iii.) 1 can not be appealed to, since the words do not mean, as was formerly believed, "to bring back the captivity"-which would indeed lead to the presupposition that deportation of the inhabitants of Judea and Jerusalem had preceded-but more correctly "to turn the fate." （影音三）一，不能呼吁，因为换言之，并不意味着，作为前身认为， “带回圈养” ，这的确会导致预设认为，驱逐出境的居民朱迪亚和耶路撒冷之前-但更正确地“把命运” 。
Objections to Post-Exilic Date.反对后exilic日期。
The other reasons advanced for the post-exilic theory are not very plausible.其他原因为先进后exilic理论不是很合理。 Thus the fact that the king is not mentioned is not remarkable, since the king is likewise not mentioned in Nahum and Habakkuk.因此，事实上，国王是不会提及的是，不显着，因为国王是同样没有提及在nahum和哈巴谷。 If silence of this sort is of weight, it ought to be considered just as decisive against a post-exilic dating if the governor and high priest were not mentioned in a work.如果保持沉默，这个排序是有份量，它必须考虑正如决定性的打击后exilic约会如果总督和大祭司中没有提到的工作。 Neither is the absence of any mention of the high places and their cult beside the Temple at Jerusalem remarkable, since Isaiah and, before him, Amos recognize only the Temple at Jerusalem as the habitation of God; and Isaiah, unlike Amos and Hosea, even polemizes against other places of worship.两者都不是没有任何提及高的地方和他们的邪教旁边的庙在耶路撒冷显着，自以赛亚书，并在他面前，阿莫斯认识到，只有庙在耶路撒冷作为居住的上帝;以赛亚书，不像阿摩司书和何西阿，即使polemizes对其他礼拜场所。 When, however, Joel in i.当，不过，在一的Joel 9 speaks of the discontinuance of the meat-and drink-offerings as a calamity, and in i. 9谈到停止肉类和酒后产品作为一场浩劫，并在一。 13 et seq. 13条及以下各条。 calls on the priests to fast in consequence, this should not be considered as proof of any high regard for the ritual, an attitude so utterly foreign to the pre-exilic period.要求有关司铎在快速的后果，这不应该被视为证明任何高度重视仪式，态度，因此，完全陌生的前exilic时期。 Isaiah also mentions the meat-offering (Isa. i. 13), and Amos emphasizes the observance of the Sabbath (Amos viii. 5); and when the pre-exilic prophets reject the external worship of God, they do so only in so far as it tends to represent the whole of man's religious life and to displace entirely the true inner relationship to God (obedience).以赛亚书还提到肉类提供（以赛亚一13 ） ，和Amos强调遵守安息日（阿莫斯八。 5 ） ;时，前exilic先知，拒绝外部崇拜上帝，他们这样做，只有在这样到目前为止，因为它往往代表整个人的宗教生活，并完全取代真正的内在关系，以上帝（服从） 。 On the other hand, the appointment of a fast on the occasion of exceptional afflictions is found in the narratives of the Book of Kings (I Kings xxi. 9; comp. II Chron. xx. 3).在另一方面，任命一个快速对之际，特殊疾病被发现在该说明这本书的国王（王二十一。九月;可比。二，慢性。 XX条3款） 。 It has justly been pointed out that the way in which Joel, by dint of his prophetic office, gives, as it were, higher commands to the priests, does not at all agree with the position which the priesthood occupied during the time of the Persians and later.它公正，有人指出，以何种方式的Joel ，凭借他的预言办公室，给人，因为它有较高的命令到神父，并不都同意的立场神职人员被占领期间的时候，波斯人后来。 The post-exilic composition of the book can least of all be proved from the mention of the "elders" (see especially i. 14, where, however, is accusative, not vocative), since Joel does not speak of them as official persons, but connotes by "old men" only the most respected of the people.后exilic组成的这本书至少可以证明，所有从再提“长者” （见，尤其是一14 ，然而， accusative ，而不是呼） ，自约珥不说话，他们作为官方人士，但内涵，由“老男人”只有最受人尊敬的人。 The post-exilic theory, moreover, far from removing difficulties, gives rise to various additional ones of a serious nature.后exilic理论，此外，到目前为止，从消除困难，带来了各种额外的性质严重。 In the first place, the acceptance of the post-exilic theory of composition necessitates the wholly improbable hypothesis that the prophet in i.摆在首位，接受后exilic理论的组成必须完全琢磨的假设，即先知在一。 1 et seq. 1等法律。 places himself at the end of time and speaks to the generation of the last day.地方自己在去年底的时间和发言一代的最后一天。 Since there is no announcement of the final day, the conclusion is natural that the opening address of the book was intended for the contemporaries of the speaker; but, if so, the apocalyptic interpretation of the opening words becomes impossible, and this negatives one of the most weighty arguments in favor of the late date of composition.由于没有公布的最后一天，结论是很自然的开幕词这本书的用意是为同时代的议长;不过，如果是的话，世界末日的解释开放的话成为不可能的，而且这底片之一最有份量的论点，有利于后期的日期组成。 It must be noticed, moreover, that no mention of a future judgment is made until after iii.必须看到，此外，并没有提及未来的判断是作出后，才三。 1 (AV ii. 28), for which reason the nations hostile to Israel are not mentioned until then (eg, in iv. [AV iii.] 2). 1 （房室二。二十八日） ，由于这个原因，各国敌视以色列没有提及，直到当时的（例如，在四， [的AV三。 ] 2 ） 。
The Plague of Locusts.该蝗灾。
Another difficulty arises when, for the sake of the post-exilic theory, the locusts are taken to mean not real but "apocalyptic locusts"; that is, such as the fantasy of the prophet has invented to illustrate the final judgment.另一个困难出现时，为了后exilic理论，蝗虫被采取的意思，但不是真正的“世界末日蝗虫” ，即是如幻想先知发明说明的最后判决。 But the plague of locusts is represented as actually having begun; the prophet describes it without indicating that it is to be expected in the future; and he therefore exhorts his countrymen, who have suffered this affliction with him, to lamentation and repentance.但蝗灾的代表，作为其实有开始;先知描述它没有说明，这是可以预料在未来，因此他敦促他的同胞，谁遭受痛苦，这与他， lamentation和悔改之意。 Moreover, by "locusts" is not meant, as some have held, the mounted army of a human enemy, for there is nothing in the description to indicate anything else than a real plague of locusts.此外， “蝗虫”是不是象有些国家举行，展开军一个人的敌人，是没有在描述中显示，超过其他任何一个真正的蝗灾。 If it were true that by them the prophet intended horsemen of the enemy, there would result the incongruity of comparing an army of horses and riders to heroes and warriors (ii. 4. et seq.).如果它确实是由他们的先知打算骑兵的敌人，将会有结果不一致的比较，军队马匹和骑士的英雄和勇士（ ii. 4 。等法律） 。 When the swarms of locusts are called "northern" () in ii.当成群的蝗虫被所谓的“北方” （ ）在第二组。 20, it is indeed most natural to think of an army coming from the north, because locusts in Palestine always come from the south. 20 ，这实在是最自然想到的军队来自北方，因为蝗虫，在巴勒斯坦始终来自南方。 Whereas it is not unreasonable to argue that the locusts here described might have been driven into Palestine by a northeast wind from the Syrian desert (so Volck), this theory, in face of the more natural explanation of , appears only a makeshift.而这并非是不合理的争辩说，蝗虫，在这里所描述的可能已打入巴勒斯坦东北风从叙利亚沙漠（使volck ） ，这个理论，在面对更自然的解释，似乎只是一个临时凑合。 But the difficulty disappears with the hypothesis next to be considered.但困难消失，与假设未来加以考虑。
§ 3. § 3 。 Theory of the Origin of Joel in Two Different Parts Written at Different Times:理论的起源约珥在两个不同的部分，写在不同的时代：
Difference of Back-ground.不同的回地面。
The theory that ch.理论的CH 。 iii.-iv. (AV ii. 28-iii.) are to be separated from i.-ii. （影音二， 28 -三）要脱离i.-ii. was first brought forward by Rothstein in the German translation of Driver's "Introduction to the Old Testament," Berlin, 1896 (p. 333).首次提出rothstein ，在德语翻译的司机的“引进来，以旧约圣经” ，柏林， 1896年（第333号） 。 He starts out with the fact that the general assumptions in the two parts are wholly different: in ch.他开始与一个事实，就是一般的假设，在这两个部分是完全不同：在CH 。 i.我。 et seq.等法律。 people and state (Judah) appear in unimpaired integrity; the evil of the day is a terrible plague of locusts together with an all-devouring drought; in the passages where the relation to other nations is characterized, there is no trace of a distressing condition brought about, in a political sense, by the enemy (ii. 17; comp. ib. 19b).人民和国家（犹大）出现在受到损害的完整性;邪恶的一天是一个可怕的蝗灾连同所有吞噬干旱;通道，在那里与其他国家的特点是，有没有追查一个令人痛心的条件所带来的，在政治意义上说，由敌人（ ii. 17日;可比。兴业。 19B条） 。 On the other hand, in iii.在另一方面，在三。 et seq.等法律。 (AV ii. 28 et seq.) the whole historical background is a political one; a reference to the time of need indicated in i. （影音二， 28日等及以下各段） ，整个的历史背景，是一个政治问题;提及的时候，需要表示，在一 1 et seq. 1等法律。 is not to be discovered (no more so in ii. 18); moreover, the people, at least a very large part of them, are in exile; the judgment from which they are to be saved according to i.是不是被发现（没有更多，所以在二， 18 ） ;此外，人，至少有一个非常大的部分，都是在流亡;判断，从他们所要储存，根据一 et seq.等法律。 has long since come to pass; and Jerusalem is already trodden down and desecrated by Gentiles.长期以来，由于来通过;和耶路撒冷是已走过下跌和亵渎的，由外邦人。 Finally, it must be added that a large number of passages in iii.最后，必须补充大量的通道，在三。 (ii. 28 et seq.) are wholly lacking in originality (with the exception of iv. [iii.] 9 et seq., where probably fragments of a vigorous original have been preserved). （ ii. 28条及以下各条）是完全缺乏原创性（除四。 [三]九等法律，哪里可能片段大力原已保存） 。 Rothstein concludes from this that ch. rothstein得出结论，从这个社区会堂。 i.我。 and ii.第一和第二。 were written by Joel during the minority of King Joash; that, on the other hand, ch.写的Joel在少数国王乔阿什;指出，在另一方面，社区会堂。 iii.三。 (ii. 28 et seq.) and iv. （ ii. 28等以下各段）及四。 (iii.) date from a postexilic period, and were written by an author whowas lacking in originality, so that he connected his elaboration with the older prophecy in ch. （ iii. ）日期从postexilic期间，和写作者whowas ，缺乏原创性，使他连他的拟订与老年人的预言，在CH 。 i.我。 and ii., as is the recognized case with Obadiah, verses 10-21 (with which section many parallels are found in Joel iii. et seq. [ii. 28 et seq.]) and 1-9.第一和第二，由于是公认的情况下与俄巴底亚书，诗10月21日（与第许多相似之处是，发现在约珥三。等法律。 [二28等法律。 ] ）和1-9 。 This author, however, who for his part regards the plague of locusts announced in ch.此作者的，不过，谁对他的一部分，对于蝗灾宣布，在CH 。 ii.二。 as a symbolic reference to the inroad of hostile hordes, also wrote ii.作为一个象征性的参考，向inroad敌对的一大群，也写二。 20, in which place he expressly chose expressions which would lead one to think of the "northern" army (ie, the army of heathen which had already entered the country) together with the swarms of locusts which he interprets symbolically. 20 ，在这种地方，他明确选择的表达会导致一想， “北”军队（即，军队heathen已进入该国的）联同群的蝗虫，他解释象征。 In the same way ii.在同样的方式二。 10-11 (or else only 11a) originated from the same hand, since these verses give the impression that the author meant powerful armies rather than locusts. 10月11日（或其他人，只有11 A款）源自相同的，另一方面，由于这些诗给人的印象是作者的意思强大的军队，而不是蝗虫。
Reasons for the Division.理由是为记名表决。
When, on the other hand, it is objected (by Baudissin, in "Einleitung in die Bücher des Alten Testaments," 1901, p. 499) that in this way the difficulties attendant on the time determination are by no means removed, since the reasons for and against a pre-exilic date apply to both halves of the book, it must still be recognized (as Baudissin himself admits) that the difficulties of the pre-exilic theory are greater in the second part.当，另一方面，这是反对（鲍迪辛，在“ einleitung在模具bücher万alten testaments ， ” 1901年，页499 ）表示，在这样的困难，服务员就时间，决心是绝不拆除，自原因及对前exilic日期适用于两部分图书，它仍必须承认（作为鲍迪辛自己承认）的困难，前exilic理论是更大的，在第二部分。 Moreover, it can not be admitted that the reasons which could justify the acceptance of the pre-exilic theory are found almost entirely in the second part only.此外，它不能承认的原因，可能的理由接受前exilic理论是发现几乎完全是在第二部分只。 The placing of the prophecy in the opening period of King Joash's reign, which rested on the identification of the hostilities mentioned in iv.配售的预言，在开放期间的国王乔阿什的统治地位，休息，就确定的敌对行动中提到的四。 (iii.) 4 et seq. （ iii. ） 4等法律。 with the revolt of the Edomites under Jehoram, will, however, have to be abandoned.与反抗的edomites下jehoram ，意志，不过，必须予以摒弃。 The difficulty arises that these descriptions apply even less to a post-exilic period than to the time of King Joash (see below).困难的出现，这些说明适用，甚至更低后exilic期比的时候，国王乔阿什（见下文） 。 At any rate the prophetic character of ch.在任何率预言性质的CH 。 i.我。 and ii., in contrast to the apocalyptic character, which actually begins with iii.第一和第二，在对比了世界末日的性格，这实际上始于三。 1 (ii. 28), is alone sufficient (as is also emphasized by Baudissin) to justify the chronological determination of the two parts. 1 （ ii. 28个） ，单是足够的（如还强调，由鲍迪辛）的理由顺序测定的两部分。 Furthermore, the oratorical attitude, the vigorous language, and the originality of expression and of illustrations-of which the picture of being spread out like the morning upon the mountain is found only in Joel (ii. 2)-speak for the older date of composition of the first part.此外，演讲的态度，有力的语言，和原创性的表达和插图-其中的图片被传播出来一样，今天上午后山发现只有在约珥（ ii. 2 ）发言为老年人日期组成的第一部分。 It is wrong to suppose that the perfection of form of this prophecy indicates that it was not written in the first period of prophetical composition, because, in the face of the song of Deborah and of the elegies on Saul and Jonathan, the possibility of perfection of form in the period in which Joel wrote can not be denied; just as in other literatures also the first poetical writings have always been preceded by a longer stage of poetic development.这是错误的假设完善的形式，这个预言指出，这是不写在第一期prophetical组成的，因为在面对这首歌的德博拉和该elegies对娑罗双树和乔纳森，完善的可能性形式在这段期间，其中的Joel写道不能否认的;正如在其他的文献，也是第一诗学著作一直之前有一个较长的阶段，诗的发展。 Whether or not Joel really prophesied under Joash, or is to be placed only shortly before Amos, is irrelevant, if one separates ch.是否或不约珥真的预言下，约阿施，或者是放在只能在短期内之前，阿莫斯，是不相干的，如果一分开的CH 。 iii.三。 and iv.及四。 and at the same time ii.并在同一时间，二。 4, 11, which are based on the early theory.四日，十一日，是基于早期的理论。 In favor of the time shortly before Amos, Baudissin has suggested, not without justice, that also in Amos a plague of locusts together with a drought is mentioned as a divine punishment (Amos iv. 6-9; comp. vii. 1-6), and that in this book, as also in Joel iv.在赞成的时间不久之前，阿莫斯，鲍迪辛建议，而不是没有正义，这也是在阿莫斯一蝗灾加上干旱提到作为一个神圣的处罚（阿莫斯四。 6月9日;可比。七， 1月6日） ，并且在这本书，这也是在约珥四。 (iii.) 4 et seq. （ iii. ） 4等法律。 (if this passage as well as iv. [iii.] 9 et seq. also dates from an older prophecy), there is a complaint concerning the delivery of captured slaves (Amos i. 6, 9) which, in spite of single variations, makes it easy to suppose that the same event is here meant, namely, the killing of the Judeans at the time of the revolt of Edom against Judah under Jehoram (comp. Amos i. 11 and Joel iv. [iii.] 19). （如果此通道，以及四， [三]九等法律。日期也从旧的预言） ，有一宗有关交付被抓获的奴隶（阿莫斯一，六，九日） ，其中，尽管有单一的变化，让您轻松假设同一事件是在这里的意思，即杀害的judeans在时间的反抗益登对犹大下jehoram （ comp.阿莫斯一11和Joel四。 [三] 19 ） 。 The mention of the "sons of the Grecians" (in iv. [iii.] 6, if this still belongs to the older part) can hardly be taken as a proof against this theory (although it has been brought forward to prove a very late date of composition), since there is no reason why Greeks should not have been mentioned in an early pre-exilic period.提到“儿子的grecians ” （在四， [三] 6 ，如果这仍属于较旧的部分）也难以被视为一个证明，对这一理论的（尽管它已经提出了要证明一个非常晚的日期组成） ，由于是没有理由的希腊人不应该已经提到，在一月初前exilic时期。
Reasons for Later Composition.原因稍后组成。
On the other hand, the fact that most of the data pointing to a post-exilic composition are found in the second half of the book, after ch.在另一方面，事实上，大部分的数据指出后exilic组成，发现在下半年这本书，之后的CH 。 iii.三。 (ii. 28), speaks for the later composition of ch. （ ii. 28 ） ，说话后组成的CH 。 iii.三。 and iv.及四。 (ii. 28-iii.). （ ii. 28 -三） 。 This is assumed on the following grounds: Only Judah is expressly mentioned, whereas the idea seems to be to connote both Judah and Israel (thus ch. iv. [iii.] 2; but not so in ii. 27); also because in the description of the approaching day of judgment for the nations and the glorification of God's people there is no reference to Ephraim; finally, above all, because in iv.这是假设基于下列理由：只有犹大是明确提及，而想法似乎是，以内涵都犹大和以色列（因此你四。 [三] 2 ;但并非如此，在二27条） ;也因为在描述即将到来的审判的日子，为国家和颂扬上帝的人是没有参考ephraim ;最后，上述所有，因为在四。 (iii.) 17, as has already been remarked, not only the destruction of Jerusalem is presupposed, but also the dispersion of God's people, Israel, among the nations, and the division of Israel's land. （ iii. ） 17 ，正如已经说过，不仅破坏耶路撒冷是假定，而且还分散上帝的人，以色列，各国之间，和分工以色列的土地。
As to the question concerning the prophetic sources of the respective passages, it is probably easier to derive the passages iii.至于问题有关的预言的来源各自的通道，它可能是更容易获得通道三。 5 (ii. 32) from Obadiah, verse 17; iv. 5 （ ii. 32 ）由俄巴底亚书，诗17日;四。 (iii.) 18 from Ezek, xlvii. （ iii. ） 18从ezek ，四十七。 1 et seq.; and iv. 1等法律。 ;和第四。 (iii.) 16 from Amos i. （ iii. ） 16日从阿莫斯一 2-all of them in a part which gives the impression of a dull and barren style of writing-than to suppose these passages in Joel to have been original. 2 -他们都在一个部分，给人的印象是一个沉闷和贫瘠的文风-比假设在这些通道的Joel已被原。 For these reasons the supposition that iii.出于这些理由，假定三。 and iv.及四。 (ii. 28-iii.) were written in a post-exilic period seems to offer the easiest solution of the difficulty. （ ii. 28 -三）写在后exilic期间，似乎提供了最容易的解决办法的困难。
§ 4. § 4 。 Theory of the Revision of an Older Book in a Later Period: The division of the book into two parts convinces Baudissin (lcp 499) that such a revision must have taken place.理论修订旧的图书在以后的时期：分工，这本书分为两部分说服鲍迪辛（ LCP的499 ） ，这样的修改必须有发生。 He considers the description of the judgment of the nations with its reference to the scattering of Israel, the division of the land of Yhwh, and the passing of strangers through Jerusalem as additions of the reviser.他认为描述的判断，国家与它的参考散射以色列，分工的土地yhwh ，并通过陌生人通过耶路撒冷作为增补的审校。 But the theory leaves open the possibility that single parts of the second half of the book may have belonged to the original composition and were incorporated in the compilation of the later writer, directly or else with certain changes to suit the times.但理论留下了一种可能性，即单一的部分，下半年的这本书可能有属于原来的组成和被纳入在汇编后作家，直接或其他与某些改变，以适应时代。 In view of this, and of the further supposition, first suggested by Rothstein, that the second author made changes and additions also in the first part, there is little difference between the two theories.有见及此，和进一步的假设，首先提出由rothstein ，即第二作者作出修改和补充，也在第一部分，有一点，两者的理论。 Moreover, it is possible to agree with Baudissin that the original writing does not need to have originated in the Persian period.此外，它是有可能的同意鲍迪辛认为原来的写作并不需要有起源于波斯时期。 It is indeed advisable to place its composition as late as the time of the Ptolemies, since then the mention of Egypt might refer to the war in Egypt.这实在是可取的地方，它的组成迟的时候，该ptolemies ，自那时以来，提到埃及，可能是指战争在埃及。
Emil G. Hirsch, Victor Ryssel埃米尔g.赫希，维克托ryssel
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书， 1901年至1906年之间出版的。
Bibliography:参考书目：
Commentaries: Hitzig, in Kommentar zu den Kleinen Propheten, 1838 (new ed. by J. Steiner, 1881, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch); Keil, in Biblischer Kommentar, 3d ed., 1888; Orelli, in Strack and Zoeckler, Kurzgefasster Kommentar, 2d ed., 1888; J. Wellhausen, Die Kleinen Propheten (transl. with notes in Skizzen und Vorarheiten, part v.), 1892; W. Nowack, in Handkommentar, 1897; B. Pusey, The Minor Prophets, 1888; FW Farrar, The Minor Prophets, Their Lives and Times, in Men of the Bible series, 1890; KA Credner, Der Prophet Joel, Uebersetzt und Erklärt, 1831; E. Meier, Der Prophet Joel, Neu Uebersetzt und Erklärt; Aug. Wünsche, Die Weissagung des Propheten Joel, 1872 (gives a complete bibliography on Joel to 1872); Adalbert Merx, Die Prophetie des Joel und Ihre Ausleger, 1879; Beck, Die Propheten Micha und Joel, Erklärt, ed.评论：希齐格，在kommentar祖书斋kleinen propheten ， 1838年（新教育署。由J.施泰纳， 1881年，在kurzgefasstes exegetisches handbuch ） ; Keil公司，在biblischer kommentar ，三维版， 1888年;我认为奥利尼，在strack和zoeckler ， kurzgefasster kommentar ，二维版， 1888年的J.浩，模具kleinen propheten （ transl.与债券在skizzen und vorarheiten ，第五部分） ， 1892年;瓦特nowack ，在handkommentar ， 1897年;乙pusey ，轻微的先知， 1888年;又一城farrar ，轻微的先知，他们的生命和时代性，在官兵圣经系列， 1890年;嘉安克雷德纳，明镜先知的Joel ， uebersetzt und erklärt ， 1831年; e.德梅尔，德先知的Joel ，神经uebersetzt und erklärt ;八月wünsche模具weissagung万propheten的Joel ， 1872 （给人一个完整的书目上的Joel到1872年） ; adalbert merx ，模具prophetie万的Joel und ihre ausleger ， 1879年;贝克，模具propheten米莎und的Joel ， erklärt ，教育署。 Lindemeyer, 1898; Ant.林德迈尔， 1898年;蚂蚁。 Scholz, Commentar zum Buche des Propheten Joel, 1885; Eugéne le Savoureux, Le Prophète Joel: Introduction, Critique, Traduction, et Commentaire, 1888; WWL Pearson, The Prophecy of Joel: Its Unity, Its Aim, and the Age of Its Composition, i. scholz ， commentar zum buche万propheten的Joel ， 1885年; eugéne乐萨武勒，乐prophète乔埃：导言，批判， traduction ，等评注， 1888年; wwl皮尔逊，预言乔埃：它的统一，其目的，和年龄其组成，一。 885; Grätz, Joel, Breslau, 1872; EG Hirsch, The Age of Joel, in Hebraica, New York, 1879; Kessner, Das Zeitalter des Propheten Joel, 1888; G. Preuss, Die Prophetie Joels, 1889; H. Holzinger, Sprachcharakter und Abfassungszeit des Buches Joel, in Stade's Zeitschrift, ix. 885 ; grätz的Joel ，布雷斯劳， 1872年;例如，赫希，年龄约珥，在hebraica ，纽约， 1879年; kessner ，之zeitalter万propheten的Joel ， 1888年; g. preuss ，模具prophetie joels ， 1889年;每小时holzinger ， sprachcharakter und abfassungszeit万buches的Joel ，在比赛的zeitschrift ，第九章。 89-131; GB Gray, The Parallel Passages in Joel in Their Bearing on the Question of Date, in The Expositor, 1893, Supplement, pp. 89-131 ; GB的灰色，平行通道，在约珥在其轴承上的问题，迄今为止，在该expositor ， 1893年，补充，聚丙烯。 208 et seq.; JC Matthes, in Theologisch Tijdschrift, xix. 208条及以下各条。 ; ， JC matthes ，在theologisch tijdschrift ，十九。 34-66, 129-160; xxi. 34-66 ， 129-160 ;二十一。 357-381; AB Davidson, in The Expositor, March, 1888; Volck, Der Prophet Joel, in Herzog-Plitt, Real-Encyc. 357-381 ;抗体戴维森，在expositor ， 3月， 1888年; volck ，明镜先知的Joel ，在赫尔佐格- plitt ，实时encyc 。 ix.九。 234-237; Robertson Smith and Driver, Joel, in Encyc. 234-237 ;罗伯逊史密斯和司机的Joel ，在encyc 。 Brit.EGHV Ry. brit.eghv瑞。
ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题：
-1. -1 。 Biblical Data:圣经的数据：
-Critical View:关键的看法：
-1. -1 。 Biblical Data:圣经的数据：
The superscription of the second book of the so-called Minor Prophets names as the author of the book "Joel, the son of Pethuel."该superscription的第二本书的那些所谓小先知的名字作为本书的作者“的Joel ，儿子pethuel ” 。 Further historical record is wanting.进一步的历史纪录，是希望。 It is even impossible to get an idea of the prophet's personality from the contents of his book, because, in correspondence with its partly oratorical, partly visionary style, all personal traits have been omitted.更是不可能得到的思想，先知的个性，从内容，他的著作，因为，在函授与部分演讲，部分有远见的作风，所有的个人特质已经省略。 Only this can be concluded from his writing, that he was a Judean and that at the time of his prophetical activity he lived in Jerusalem.只有这样，可以得出这样的结论，从他的写作，他是朱迪亚和在的时候，他prophetical活动，他住在耶路撒冷。 On the other hand, imaginative suppositions try to prove from passages like Joel i.在另一方面，富有想象力的假设尝试，以证明从通道一样的Joel一 9, 13; ii. 9 ， 13 ;二。 17 that he belonged to the tribe of Levi. 17日，他属于部落的Levi 。
-Critical View:关键的看法：
The name "Joel" was quite common, being borne by the first-born son of Samuel (I Sam. viii. 2), and by prominent Levites of the time of David (I Chron. vi. 18 et seq.) and of Hezekiah (II Chron. xxix. 12).名称“的Joel ”是相当普遍，正在承担的第一出生的儿子，黄秉槐（我心。八。 2 ） ，以及突出的利的时候，朱（我慢性。六， 18条及以下各条。 ）和hezekiah （二慢性。二十九。 12 ） 。 "Joel" means "Yhwh is God" (comp. Ps. l. 1; Jer. xxii. 24); it is, therefore, the transposed form of . “的Joel ”是指“ yhwh是上帝” （ comp.的PS 。属一;哲。 22 。 24 ） ;因此，这是该调换的形式。 In the face of this clearly recognizable and wholly appropriate meaning of the name, it is not necessary to suppose (with Baudissin) that it is the jussive of (= "may He [ie, God] prove"); nor (with Nestle) that it is the participle of , which, corresponding to the proper names or (Arabic, "wa'il") occurring often in the Sinaitic inscriptions, is supposed to mean "strong-willed."在面对这清楚地识别和完全适当的含义的名称，这是没有必要假设（与鲍迪辛） ，这是jussive （ = “ 5月，他[即，上帝]证明” ） ;也不（雀巢）这是participle ，其中，相应的适当名称或（阿拉伯文， “ wa'il ” ）的发生往往是在西乃半岛碑文，是指“意志坚定” 。 The fact that is found also as a Phenician proper name (see "CIS" 132), proves nothing against the most natural interpretation of the name.事实是，还发现作为一个phenician适当的名称（见“独联体” 132章） ，证明并不反对最自然的解释的名称。
What non-Biblical sources tell of the prophet belongs to the realm of fable.什么非圣经的来源告诉的先知属于境界寓言。 According to pseudo-Epiphanius (ii. 245), Joel was from the town Bethor of the tribe of Reuben; but according to the Syrian pseudo-Epiphanius, the true reading is "Bet Me'on" (to be read instead of ), the place mentioned in the Mesha inscription (line 9) as Moabitic, but which, according to Josh.根据伪埃皮法尼乌斯（ ii. 245 ） ，约珥是从城市bethor该部落的流便;但据叙利亚伪埃皮法尼乌斯，真正的阅读是“打赌me'on ” （读，而非） ，地方提到，在苗沙题词（ 9号线）作为moabitic ，但是，据乔什。 xiii.十三。 17, originally belonged to Reuben. 17日，原本属于流便。
Victor Ryssel, Emil G. Hirsch, M. Seligsohn维克托ryssel ，埃米尔g.赫希，米seligsohn
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书， 1901年至1906年之间出版的。
Bibliography:参考书目：
See bibliography under Joel, Book of.V.见书目下的Joel ，预订of.v. Ry.瑞。 2. 2 。 Eldest son of Samuel and father of Heman the singer (I Sam. viii. 2; I Chron. vi. 18 [AV vi. 33]).长子和萨穆埃尔的父亲张奕歌手（我心。八。二，我慢性。六。 18 [的AV六。 33 ] ） 。 His name is omitted in I Chron.他的名字是遗漏在I慢性。 vi.六。 13 (AV vi. 28); the word (= "and the second one"), corrupted into , is erroneously supposed to be the name given by the chronicler to