The Epistle to the Hebrews is the only New Testament letter not introduced by the name of its author.该书信向希伯来人是唯一的新约圣经的信中没有提出的名称及其作者。 Traditionally, it has been ascribed to Saint Paul, but modern scholars suggest that it may have been written by another author, perhaps a disciple of Paul.传统上，它已被归因于圣保罗，但现代学者建议，它可能已被写的另一作者，也许弟子保罗。 The letter has a symbolic style and sustained argument that mark it as a Hellenistic work based on the Jewish tradition.信中有一个象征性的风格和持续的说法马克它作为一个希腊工作的基础上，犹太传统。 It was probably written between AD 60 and 90 to a general audience.这是可能的书面之间的广告在60到90 ，以一般的观众。
The epistle falls into two parts.该书信瀑布分为两部分。 In the first part, Jesus Christ is described as superior to Moses; he is seen as the high priest who replaces the Levitical priesthood and who establishes a new Covenant to be accepted by faith (chaps. 1 - 10). In the second part, the author gives counsel on persevering faithfully in the new covenant (chaps. 10 - 13).在第一部分，耶稣被描述为优于摩西，他是被视为高神父谁取代利神父，谁建立了一个新的国际公约所接受的信仰（第一章1 -1 0） 。在第二部分，作者赋予律师就锲而不舍地在新的盟约（第一章10 -1 3） 。 Christians are urged to follow the example of Old Testament heroes of faith. The epistle's teachings on the person of Christ have been important to theology.基督徒呼吁效法旧约英雄的信仰。书信的教诲，对人的基督已被重要的神学。
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Bibliography
参考书目
GW Buchanan, To
the Hebrews (1972); H Montefiore, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews
(1964); A Saphir, Epistle to the Hebrews (1983); RM Wilson, Hebrews
(1987).毛重布坎南，向希伯来人（ 1972年） ; h montefiore ，评论，对书信向希伯来人（ 1964年） ; saphir
，书信向希伯来人（ 1983年） ;室威尔逊，希伯来人（ 1987年） 。
Hebrews (Acts 6:1) were the Hebrew-speaking Jews, as distinguished from those who spoke Greek.希伯来人（的行为， 6时01分）分别为希伯来文为母语的犹太人，有别于那些谁以希腊。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
(1.) Its canonicity. （ 1 ）其canonicity 。 All the results of critical and historical research to which this epistle has been specially subjected abundantly vindicate its right to a place in the New Testament canon among the other inspired books.所有的结果的关键和历史的研究，这书信一直特别受到充分证明其权利的地方，在新约圣经佳能公司之间的其他灵感的书籍。 (2.) Its authorship. （ 2 ）其著作权。 A considerable variety of opinions on this subject has at different times been advanced.有相当不同的意见，对这个问题在不同时间被先进的。 Some have maintained that its author was Silas, Paul's companion.有些人坚持认为，其作者是西拉斯，保罗的同伴。 Others have attributed it to Clement of Rome, or Luke, or Barnabas, or some unknown Alexandrian Christian, or Apollos; but the conclusion which we think is best supported, both from internal and external evidence, is that Paul was its author.有的归因于它克莱门特的罗马，或卢克，或巴拿巴，或一些未知的亚历山大基督教，或apollos ;但结论，我们认为是最好的支持，无论从内部和外部的证据是，保罗是它的作者。 There are, no doubt, many difficulties in the way of accepting it as Paul's; but we may at least argue with Calvin that there can be no difficulty in the way of "embracing it without controversy as one of the apostolical epistles."有，毫无疑问，许多困难，在方式接受它作为保罗的，但我们至少可以说，与卡尔文说，不能有任何的困难的方式“拥抱它，没有争议，作为其中的apostolical书信” 。 (3.) Date and place of writing. （ 3 ）的日期和地点以书面形式。 It was in all probability written at Rome, near the close of Paul's two years' imprisonment (Heb. 13:19,24).这是在所有的书面概率在罗马，近结束时，郑明训的监禁两年（希伯来书13:19,24 ） 。
It was certainly written before the destruction of Jerusalem (13:10).这是当然的书面前销毁耶路撒冷（ 13:10 ） 。 (4.) To whom addressed. （ 4 ）向谁解决。 Plainly it was intended for Jewish converts to the faith of the gospel, probably for the church at Jerusalem.显然，它的用意是为犹太人转换的信仰福音，可能是为教会在耶路撒冷。 The subscription of this epistle is, of course, without authority.认购本书信，当然是未经授权。 In this case it is incorrect, for obviously Timothy could not be the bearer of it (13:23).在这种情况下，这是不正确，显然提摩太无法承载它（ 13时23分） 。 (5.) Its design was to show the true end and meaning of the Mosaic system, and its symbolical and transient character. （ 5 ） 。它的设计是为了显示真正的结束和意义，镶嵌系统，其象征意义和瞬态特性。 It proves that the Levitical priesthood was a "shadow" of that of Christ, and that the legal sacrifices prefigured the great and all-perfect sacrifice he offered for us.这证明了利神父是一个“影子” ，即基督，并认为，法律的牺牲prefigured的伟大和所有完美的牺牲，他为我们提供的。 It explains that the gospel was designed, not to modify the law of Moses, but to supersede and abolish it.它解释说，福音的目的是，不修改的法律，郑慕智，但以取代和废除。 Its teaching was fitted, as it was designed, to check that tendency to apostatize from Christianity and to return to Judaism which now showed itself among certain Jewish Christians.其教学安装，因为它是设计，检查的倾向apostatize从基督教并返回到犹太教，现在显示本身之间的某些犹太基督信徒。
The supreme authority and the transcendent glory of the gospel are clearly set forth, and in such a way as to strengthen and confirm their allegiance to Christ.最高权威和超越的荣耀，福音是明确提出，并以这样一种方式，以加强和确认他们的效忠基督。 (6.) It consists of two parts: (a) doctrinal (1-10:18), (b) and practical (10:19-ch. 13). （ 6 ） ，它由两部分组成： （一）理论（ 1-10:18 ） ， （ b ）和实际（ 10时19分通道13段） 。 There are found in it many references to portions of the Old Testament.有发现，在它多次提到的部分旧约。 It may be regarded as a treatise supplementary to the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians, and as an inspired commentary on the book of Leviticus.它可被视为一个伤寒补充到书信向罗马和加拉太书，并作为灵感的评论这本书的利未记。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
This will be considered under eight headings: (I) Argument; (II) Doctrinal Contents; (III) Language and Style; (IV) Distinctive Characteristics; (V) Readers to Whom it was Addressed; (VI) Author; (VII) Circumstances of the Composition; (VIII) Importance.这将被视为下8标题： （一）的说法; （二）理论的内容; （三）语言和风格; （四）特色鲜明; （五）读者对象是解决; （六）作者; （七）的情况下组成; （八）的重要性。
I. ARGUMENT一，论点
In the Oldest Greek manuscripts the Epistle to the Hebrews (pros Hebraious) follows the other letters to the Churches and precedes the pastoral letters.在最古老的希腊手稿的书信，以希伯来（利弊hebraious ）如下其他写信给教会和先导牧区的信件。 In the later Greek codices, and in the Syriac and Latin codices as well, it holds the last place among the Epistles of St. Paul; this usage is also followed by the textus receptus, the modern Greek and Latin editions of the text, the Douay and Revised Versions, and the other modern translations.在后来的希腊codices ，并在叙利亚和拉丁美洲codices以及，它拥有的最后的地方之间的书信圣保罗，这是使用也跟着由Web网站receptus ，现代希腊语和拉丁语版本的文字， douay和修订版本，以及其他现代翻译。
Omitting the introduction with which the letters of St. Paul usually begin, the Epistle opens with the solemn announcement of the superiority of the New Testament Revelation by the Son over Old Testament Revelation by the prophets (Hebrews 1:1-4).省略介绍与该意向书，圣保禄通常开始，书信，开放与庄严宣布的优越性，新约圣经的启示，由儿子旧约圣经的启示由先知（希伯来书1:1-4 ） 。 It then proves and explains from the Scriptures the superiority of this New Covenant over the Old by the comparison of the Son with the angels as mediators of the Old Covenant (i, 5-ii, 18), with Moses and Josue as the founders of the Old Covenant (iii, 1-iv, 16), and, finally, by opposing the high-priesthood of Christ after the order of Melchisedech to the Levitical priesthood after the order of Aaron (v, 1-x, 18).然后证明，并说明从圣经的优越性，这一新的盟约以上的老年人比较的儿子与天使作为调解人的旧盟约（一，五-二18 ） ，与摩西和josue作为创始人旧的盟约（三，一-四， 16 ） ，以及最后，反对高神父的基督后的顺序melchisedech ，以利神父后，为了艾伦（五， 1 - X的， 18 ） 。 Even in this mainly doctrinal part the dogmatic statements are repeatedly interrupted by practical exhortations.即使在这种理论的一部分，主要是教条式报表一再中断的实际嘱托。 These are mostly admonitions to hold fast to the Christian Faith, and warnings against relapse into the Mosaic worship.这些都是告诫，以坚守基督教信仰，并警告复发到马赛克的崇拜。 In the second, chiefly hortatory, part of the Epistle, the exhortations to steadfastness in the Faith (x, 19-xii, 13), and to a Christian life according to the Faith (xii, 14-xiii, 17), are repeated in an elaborated form, and the Epistle closes with some personal remarks and the Apostolic salutation (xiii, 18-25).在第二，主要是劝告，部分的书信，告诫坚定性，在信仰（十， 19 -十二，十三日） ，和一个基督徒的生活根据的信念（十二， 14 -第十三章， 17条） ，重复在一阐述的形式，和书信关闭与一些个人的言论和使徒的称呼（十三， 18-25 ） 。
II.二。 DOCTRINAL CONTENTS理论内容
The central thought of the entire Epistle is the doctrine of the Person of Christ and His Divine mediatorial office.中央的思想，整个书信是中庸的人是耶稣和他的神mediatorial办公室。 In regard to the Person of the Saviour the author expresses himself as clearly concerning the true Divine nature of Christ as concerning Christ's human nature, and his Christology has been justly called Johannine.在关于人的救世主，作者表示自己清楚，关于真实的神性基督为有关基督的人性，他christology一直公正所谓johannine 。 Christ, raised above Moses, above the angels, and above all created beings, is the brightness of the glory of the Father, the express image of His Divine nature, the eternal and unchangeable, true Son of God, Who upholdeth all things by the word of His power (i, 1-4).基督，上文提到的摩西，上述天使，并创造了上述所有的人，是亮度的光荣的父亲，表达的形象，他的神性，永恒的和一成不变的，真正的上帝的儿子，谁upholdeth一切事物所字，他的权力（一， 1月4日） 。 He desired, however, to take on a human nature and to become in all things like unto us human beings, sin alone excepted, in order to pay man's debt of sin by His passion and death (ii, 9-18; iv, 15, etc.).他预期，但是，采取对人的性质，并成为在所有事物一样，祂对我们人类，单单凭例外，在以支付人的债务，单由他的热情和死亡（二， 9月18日;四， 15等） 。 By suffering death He gained for Himself the eternal glory which He now also enjoys in His most holy humanity on His throne at the right hand of the Father (i, 3; ii, 9; viii, 1; xii, 2, etc.).由痛苦的死亡，他为自己获得永恒的荣耀，他现在还喜欢在他最神圣的人类对他的宝座，在右手的父亲（一，三;二，九;第八， 1 ;第十二， 2 ，等等） 。 There He now exercises forever His priestly office of mediator as our Advocate with the Father (vii, 24 sq.).在那里，他现在演习，他永远priestly办公室的调停人作为我们的主张与父亲（第七章， 24平方米） 。
This doctrine of the priestly office of Christ forms the chief subject-matter of the Christological argument and the highest proof of the pre-eminence of the New Covenant over the Old.这一学说的priestly办公室基督的形式行政事由叙述christological的论据和最高的证据前至高无上的新盟约超过旧。 The person of the High-priest after the order of Melchisedech, His sacrifice, and its effects are opposed, in an exhaustive comparison, to the Old Testament institutions.人的高神父后顺序melchisedech ，他的牺牲，其效果是反对，在一详尽的比较，以旧约机构。 The Epistle lays special emphasis on the spiritual power and effectiveness of Christ's sacrifice, which have brought to Israel, as to all mankind, atonement and salvation that are complete and sufficient for all time, and which have given to us a share in the eternal inheritance of the Messianic promises (i, 3; ix, 9-15, etc.).该书信奠定特别着重于精神动力和成效，基督的牺牲，这带来了以色列，向所有人类，赎罪和救赎是完整的和足够的所有时间，并已给我们的份额，在永恒的继承该弥赛亚的承诺（一，三;第九， 9月15日，等等） 。 In the admonitory conclusions from these doctrines at the end we find a clear reference to the Eucharistic sacrifice of the Christian altar, of which those are not permitted to partake who still wish to serve the Tabernacle and to follow the Mosaic Law (xiii, 9 sq.).在警示的结论，从这些理论在去年底我们找到一个明确的参考，以圣体圣事的牺牲，基督教的祭坛，其中，这些都是不容许参与谁仍想服务幕，并遵循镶嵌法（十三，九平方） 。
In the Christological expositions of the letter other doctrines are treated more or less fully.在christological的论述，该信的其他学说的待遇更多或更少充分。 Special emphasis is laid on the setting aside of the Old Covenant, its incompleteness and weakness, its typical and preparatory relation to the time of the Messianic salvation that is realized in the New Covenant (vii, 18 sq.; viii, 15; x, 1, etc.).特别强调的是会省览的设置预留旧盟约，其不完备性和软弱，其典型和筹备有关的时间的救世主拯救这是实现在新的盟约（第七章， 18平方米;第八， 15 ; X的1 ，等等） 。 In the same manner the letter refers at times to the four last things, the resurrection, the judgment, eternal punishment, and heavenly bliss (vi, 2, 7 sq.; ix, 27, etc.).在相同的方式信指，有时到最后四的东西，复活，判断，永恒的处罚，并天上的布利斯（六，第2 ，第7平方米;第九， 27 ，等等） 。 If we compare the doctrinal content of this letter with that of the other epistles of St. Paul, a difference in the manner of treatment, it is true, is noticeable in some respects.如果我们比较理论的内容，这封信与其他书信的圣保禄，不同的方式治疗，这是事实，值得注意的是，在某些方面。 At the same time, there appears a marked agreement in the views, even in regard to characteristic points of Pauline doctrine (cf. J. Belser, "Einleitung" 2nd ed., 571-73).在同一时间内，出现了显着的协议的意见，甚至在关于特征点宝莲学说（参看j. belser ， “ einleitung ”第二版， 571-73 ） 。 The explanation of the differences lies in the special character of the letter and in the circumstances of its composition.解释的分歧，关键在特殊字符的信中和在这种情况下其组成。
III.三。 LANGUAGE AND STYLE语言和风格
Even in the first centuries commentators noticed the striking purity of language and elegance of Greek style that characterized the Epistle to the Hebrews (Clement of Alexandria in Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", VI, xiv, n.2-4; Origen, ibid., VI, xxv, n. 11-14).即使是在第一世纪的评论家注意到，突出语言的纯洁性和优雅的希腊风格特点的书信，以希伯来（克莱门特在亚历山大在尤西比乌斯， “历史。传道书” ，六，十四， n.2 - 4 ;俄，同上，六，二十五， 12月31日11月14日） 。 This observation is confirmed by later authorities.这一观察也证实了后来当局。 In fact the author of the Epistle shows great familiarity with the rules of the Greek literary language of his age.事实上，作者的书信表明，伟大的熟悉规则，希腊文学的语言，他的年龄。 Of all the New Testament authors he has the best style.所有新约圣经的作者，他有最好的风格。 His writing may even be included among those examples of artistic Greek prose whose rhythm recalls the parallelism of Hebrew poetry (cf. Fr. Blass, "[Barnabas] Brief an die Hebraer". Text with indications of the rhythm, Halle, 1903).他的写作，甚至可能被列入其中的例子，希腊艺术散文的节奏，回顾并行希伯来语诗歌（参见神父。布拉斯， “ [巴拿巴]简短一死hebraer ” 。文本的迹象节奏，哈勒， 1903年） 。 As regards language, the letter is a treasure-house of expressions characteristic of the individuality of the writer.至于语言，这封信是一个珍惜所表达的特点，个性的作家。 As many as 168 terms have been counted which appear in no other part of the New Testament, among them ten words found neither in Biblical or classical Greek, and forty words also which are not found in the Septuagint.多达168条款已算中出现的任何其他部分的新约圣经，其中有10字，发现无论是在圣经或古典希腊，和40的话，也有没有发现，在septuagint 。 One noticeable peculiarity is the preference of the author for compound words (cf. E. Jacquier, "Histoire des livres du NT", I, Paris, 1903, 457-71; Idem in Vig., "Dict. de la Bible". III, 530-38).其中一个显着特点是偏好的作者为复合词（参见e.雅基耶， “史万livres杜新台币” ，我，巴黎， 1903年， 457-71 ;同上在vig ， “翻译字典德拉圣经” 。三， 530-38 ） 。 A comparison of the letter as regards language and style with the other writings of St. Paul confirms in general the opinion of Origen that every competent judge must recognize a great difference between them (in Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", VI, xxv, n. 11).比较信至于语言和风格与其他的著作圣保禄证实，在一般的意见，俄每一个称职的法官必须承认很大的差异，他们（在尤西比乌斯， “历史。传道书” ，六，二十五， 12月31日11 ） 。
IV.四。 DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS特色鲜明
Among other peculiarities we should mention:除其他的特殊性，我们应当提到：
The absence of the customary form of the Pauline letters.没有习惯形式的宝莲信。 The usual opening with the Apostolic greeting and blessing is entirely lacking; nor is there any clear evidence of the epistolary character of the writing until the brief conclusion is reached (xiii, 18-25).通常的开放与使徒的问候和祝福，是完全缺乏，也不是有任何明确的证据显示该epistolary性质的写作，直到简短的结论是，所达成的（十三， 18-25 ） 。 On this account some have preferred to regard the letter rather as a homily, but this is plainly incorrect.此帐户的一些宁愿把信，而不是作为一个讲道，但，这是赤裸裸地不正确。 According to the statement of the author it is an admonition and exhortation (logos tes karakleseos, xiii, 22), which, above all, presupposes a well-defined situation of an actually existing individual Church.根据该声明的作者，这是一警，自励，并劝告（标志工商业污水附加费karakleseos ，第十三， 22 ） ，其中，最重要的是，假定一个明确界定的情况，一，其实现有的个别教会。
The method of citing from the Old Testament.方法为由，从旧约。 The author in his instruction, demonstration, and exhortation draws largely from the copious treasures of the Old Testament.作者在他的指导，示范，并告诫提请主要是从大量的珍宝旧约。 All the citations follow the text of the Septuagint even where this varies from the Masoretic text, unless the citation is freely rendered according to the sense and without verbal exactness (examples, i, 6; xii, 20; xiii, 5).所有引用的后续文本的septuagint即使在这不同，从masoretic文本，除非引文是自由所提供的根据意识和口头的正确性（例如，我，六;第十二，第20条;第十三， 5 ） 。 In the other Pauline letters, it is true, quotations from the Old Testament generally follow the Greek translation even when the text varies, but the Apostle at times corrects the Septuagint by the Hebrew, and at other times, when the two do not agree, keeps closer to the Hebrew.在其他宝莲信件，这是事实，报价从旧约普遍遵循希腊语翻译，甚至当文本的不同，但在使徒时代的纠正septuagint由希伯来文，并在其他时候，当两个不同意，不断密切，以希伯来文。
In regard to the formula with which the citations are introduced, it is worthy of note that the expression "It is written", so commonly used in the New Testament, occurs only once in the Epistle to the Hebrews (x, 7).在考虑到的公式与引文介绍，这是值得注意的表达： “这是书面” ，所以常用在新约圣经，只发生一次是在书信向希伯来人（十， 7 ） 。 In this Epistle the words of Scripture are generally given as the utterance of God, at times also of Christ or the Holy Spirit.在这书信的话，经文是一般作为上帝的话语，有时还基督或圣灵。
V. READERS TO WHOM IT WAS ADDRESSED五，读者对象是处理
According to the superscription, the letter is addressed to "Hebrews".根据该superscription ，这封信是给“希伯来书” 。 The contents of the letter define more exactly this general designation.信函的内容界定更准确，这一般指定。 Not all Israelites are meant, but only those who have accepted the faith in Christ.并非所有的以色列人都意味着，但只有那些谁已接受的信念，在基督里。 Furthermore, the letter could hardly have been addressed to all Jewish Christians in general.此外，信中难以得到解决所有犹太人基督徒的一般问题。 It presupposes a particular community, with which both the writer of the letter and his companion Timothy have had close relations (xiii, 18-24), which has preserved its faith in severe persecutions, and has distinguished itself by works of charity (x, 32-35), which is situated in a definite locality, whither the author hopes soon to come (xiii, 19, 23).它假定某一特定社区，与双方的作者的信和他的同伴提摩太有密切的关系（十三， 18-24 ） ，其中保留了它的信心，严重的迫害，并尊敬自己的作品，慈善（十， 32-35段） ，这是坐落在一个明确的地方，着作者希望尽快来（ 13 ， 19 ， 23 ） 。 The place itself may also be inferred from the content with sufficient probability.的地方，本身也可以推断，从内容有足够的概率。 For although many modern commentators incline either to Italy (on account of xiii, 24), or to Alexandria (on account of the reference to a letter of Paul to the Alexandrians in the Muratorian Canon and for other reasons), or leave the question undecided, yet the entire letter is best suited to the members of the Jewish Christian Church of Jerusalem.虽然许多现代评论家倾向于要么意大利（帐户的第十三， 24 ） ，或以亚历山大（对帐户的参考信保向alexandrians ，在穆拉多利残卷佳能和其他原因） ，或离开的问题悬而未决，但整个这封信是最适合的成员犹太基督教教堂的耶路撒冷。 What is decisive above all for this question is the fact that the author presupposes in the readers not only an exact knowledge of the Levitical worship and all its peculiar customs, but, furthermore, regards the present observance of this worship as the special danger to the Christian faith of those addressed.什么是决定性的上述所有为这个问题的事实是，作者假定在读者不仅是一个确切的知识利的崇拜和所有其特有的习俗，但是，此外，对于目前的遵守，这崇拜，作为特别的危险，向基督教信仰者的处理。 His words (cf. particularly x, 1 sq.) may, if necessary, perhaps permit of another interpretation, but they indicate Jerusalem with the highest probability as the Church for which the letter is intended.他的话（参见尤其是X的一平方）五月，如有必要，或许许可证的另一种解释，但他们表明，耶路撒冷与最高的概率为教堂，其中的信是打算。 There alone the Levitical worship was known to all by the daily offering of sacrifices and the great celebrations of the Day of Atonement and of other feast-days.有单利崇拜的是大家都知道，由每日提供的牺牲和伟大的庆祝活动赎罪日和其他盛宴-天。 There alone this worship was continuously maintained according to the ordinances of the Law until the destruction of the city in the year 70.有单独的崇拜，这是继续保持根据该条例的法律，直至毁灭的城市在这一年70 。
VI.六。 AUTHOR作者
Even in the earliest centuries the question as to the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews was much discussed and was variously answered.即使在最早的百年至于作者的书信，以希伯来很多讨论，并于不同的回答。 The most important points to be considered in answering the inquiry are the following:最重要的一点要考虑在回答调查的是以下几点：
(1) External Evidence （ 1 ）外部证据
(a) In the East the writing was unanimously regarded as a letter of St. Paul. （一）在东方的写作被一致视为一个信圣保禄。 Eusebius gives the earliest testimonies of the Church of Alexandria in reporting the words of a "blessed presbyter" (Pantaenus?), as well as those of Clement and Origen (Hist. Eccl., VI, xiv, n. 2-4; xxv, n. 11-14).尤西比乌斯给出了最早的证词教会亚历山大在报道的话，一个“有福presbyter ” （潘泰诺斯？ ） ，以及那些克莱门特和奥利（ hist.传道书。 ，六，十四， 12月31日2月4日;二十五， 12月31日11月14日） 。 Clement explains the contrast in language and style by saying that the Epistle was written originally in Hebrew and was then translated by Luke into Greek.克莱门特解释，对比，在语言和风格说，这次书信写原本在希伯来语和当时由Luke翻译成希腊。 Origen, on the other hand, distinguishes between the thoughts of the letter and the grammatical form; the former, according to the testimony of "the ancients" (oi archaioi andres), is from St. Paul; the latter is the work of an unknown writer, Clement of Rome according to some, Luke, or another pupil of the Apostle, according to others.俄，另一方面，区分思想的文字和语法形式;前者，根据证词， “古人” （爱archaioi安德烈斯） ，是由圣保禄;后者则是工作的一未知的作家，克莱门特的罗马，据一些，卢克，或另一名学生的使徒，根据其他人。 In like manner the letter was regarded as Pauline by the various Churches of the East: Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Cappadocia, Mesopotamia, etc. (cf. the different testimonies in BF Westcott, "The Epistle to the Hebrews", London, 1906, pp. lxii-lxxii).在地的信被视为宝莲，由各个教会东：埃及，巴勒斯坦，叙利亚，卡帕多细亚，美索不达米亚平原，等（参见不同的证词，在高炉westcott ， “书信向希伯来人” ，伦敦， 1906 ，聚丙烯。 lxii - lxxii ） 。 It was not until after the appearance of Arius that the Pauline origin of the Epistle to the Hebrews was disputed by some Orientals and Greeks.但直到后的外观arius说，宝莲，原产地的书信，以希伯来是有争议的一些东方人和希腊人。 (b) In Western Europe the First Epistle of St. Clement to the Corinthians shows acquaintance with the text of the writing (chs. ix, xii, xvii, xxxvi, xlv), apparently also the "Pastor" of Hermas (Vis. II, iii, n.2; Sim. I, i sq.). （ b ）在西欧的第一书信圣克莱门特向哥林多前书显示，熟人与文的写作（ chs.第九，十二，十七，三十六， XLV ）号结论，显然也“牧师” hermas （ vis.二，三， n.2 ; SIM卡。我，我以建筑面积计） 。 Hippolytus and Irenaeus also knew the letter but they do not seem to have regarded it as a work of the Apostle (Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", xxvi; Photius, Cod. 121, 232; St. Jerome, "De viris ill.", lix).希波吕托斯和爱任纽也知道这封信，但他们似乎并不把它作为工作的使徒（尤西比乌斯， “历史。传道书” ，二十六; photius ，鳕鱼121 ， 232 ;圣杰罗姆， “德viris病患者“ ， lix ） 。 Eusebius also mentions the Roman presbyter Caius as an advocate of the opinion that the Epistle to the Hebrews was not the writing of the Apostle, and he adds that some other Romans, up to his own day, were also of the same opinion (Hist. Eccl., VI, xx, n.3).尤西比乌斯还提到了罗马presbyter caius作为倡导者认为，书信，以希伯来不是写作的使徒，他补充说，其他一些罗马人，直至他自己的一天，也同样的观点（ hist.传道书。 ，六，二十， n.3 ） 。 In fact the letter is not found in the Muratorian Canon; St. Cyprian also mentions only seven letters of St. Paul to the Churches (De exhort. mart., xi), and Tertullian calls Barnabas the author (De pudic., xx).事实上，这封信是没有发现，在穆拉多利残卷佳能;圣塞浦路斯也提到，只有7个字母的圣保禄向教堂（德告诫。沃尔玛，十一） ，和良呼吁巴拿巴作者（德pudic ，第XX ） 。 Up to the fourth century the Pauline origin of the letter was regarded as doubtful by other Churches of Western Europe.到第四世纪，宝莲，原产地的信被视为可疑的其他教会西欧。 As the reason for this Philastrius gives the misuse made of the letter by the Novatians (Haer., 89), and the doubts of the presbyter Caius seem likewise to have arisen from the attitude assumed towards the letter by the Montanists (Photius, Cod. 48; F. Kaulen, "Einleitung in die Hl. Schrift Alten und Neuen Testaments", 5th ed., Freiburg, 1905, III, 211).为理由，这philastrius给滥用了这封信由novatians （ haer. ， 89 ） ，并怀疑该presbyter caius似乎同样出现了从的态度，承担了对信由montanists （ photius ，鳕鱼。第48条;楼考伦， “ einleitung在模具hl 。 schrift alten und neuen testaments ” ，第5版，弗赖堡， 1905年，三， 211 ） 。
After the fourth century these doubts as to the Apostolic origin of the Epistle to the Hebrews gradually became less marked in Western Europe.后四世纪这些疑虑，以使徒原产地的书信，以希伯来逐渐成为较少，标志着在西欧国家。 While the Council of Carthage of the year 397, in the wording of its decree, still made a distinction between Pauli Apostoli epistoloe tredecim (thirteen epistles of Paul the Apostle) and eiusdem ad Hebroeos una (one of his to the Hebrews) (H. Denzinger, "Enchiridion", 10th ed., Freiburg, 1908, n. 92, old n. 49), the Roman Synod of 382 under Pope Damasus enumerates without distinction epistoloe Pauli numero quatuordecim (epistles of Paul fourteen in number), including in this number the Epistle to the Hebrews (Denzinger, 10th ed., n. 84).虽然安理会的迦太基的397年，在措辞，其法令，仍作了区分，泡利apostoli epistoloe tredecim （ 13书信的使徒保罗）和eiusdem广告hebroeos联合国协会（他的一个以希伯来） （每小时登青格， “ enchiridion ” ，第十版，弗赖堡， 1908年12月31日92岁12月31日49 ） ，罗马主教会议的382下，教宗达玛斯列举了无区别epistoloe泡利numero quatuordecim （书信保罗在14号码） ，包括在这个数量的书信，以希伯来（登青格，第十版， 12月31日84 ） 。 In this form also the conviction of the Church later found permanent expression.在这种形式也被定罪的教会后来发现永久的表达。 Cardinal Cajetan (1529) and Erasmus were the first to revive the old doubts, while at the same time Luther and the other Reformers denied the Pauline origin of the letter.枢机主教cajetan （ 1529 ）和伊拉斯谟的人是首先要振兴岁的疑虑，而在同一时间，路德和其他改革者否认宝莲，原产地的信。
(2) Internal Evidences （ 2 ）内部证据
(a) The content of the letter bears plainly the stamp of genuine Pauline ideas. （一）信的内容负有显然邮票真正的宝莲的想法。 In this regard it suffices to refer to the statements above concerning the doctrinal contents of the Epistle (see II).在这方面，它足以指以报表的上述有关理论的内容，该书信（见二） 。
(b) The language and style vary in many particulars from the grammatical form of the other letters of Paul, as in sufficiently shown above (see III). （ b ）语言和风格有所不同，在许多的细节，从语法形式的其他信件的保罗，在充分如上所示（见三） 。
(c) the distinctive characteristics of the Epistle (IV) favour more the opinion that the form in which it is cast is not the work of the author of the other Apostolic letters. （三）特色鲜明的书信（四）有利于更认为，以何种形式，这是投是不是工作的作者的其他使徒信。
(3) Most Probable Solution （ 3 ）最有可能的解决办法
From what has been said it follows that the most probable solution of the question as to the author is that up to the present time the opinion of Origen has not been superseded by a better one.从什么已经说了它如下认为最有可能解决这个问题，以作者的是，直至目前的时间的意见，俄并没有被取代由一个更好的1 。 It is, consequently, necessary to accept that in the Epistle to the Hebrews the actual author is to be distinguished from the writer.这是，因此，有必要接受，在书信向希伯来书的实际作者是有别于作家。 No valid reason has been produced against Paul as the originator of the ideas and the entire contents of the letter; the belief of the early Church held throughout with entire correctness to this Apostolic origin of the Epistle.没有正当理由，已制作完成对保罗作为发端的思想和整个信函的内容;信念，早期教会举行，整个整个的正确性，这使徒原产地的书信。
The writer, the one to whom the letter owes its form, had apparently been a pupil of the Apostle.作家，一个人的信中欠其形式，显然是学生的使徒。 It is not possible now, however, to settle his personality on account of the lack of any definite tradition and of any decisive proof in the letter itself.它是不可能的，现在，不过，为了解决他的个性对帐户的缺乏任何明确的传统和任何决定性的证据在信中本身。 Ancient and modern writers mention various pupils of the Apostle, especially Luke, Clement of Rome, Apollo, lately also Priscilla and Aquila.古代和现代作家提到的各种学生的使徒，尤其是卢克，克莱门特的罗马，阿波罗，最近也普里西拉和Aquila ） 。
VII.七。 CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE COMPOSITION的情况下组成
An examination both of the letter itself and of the earliest testimonies of tradition, in reference to the circumstances of its composition, leads to the following conclusions:考试都该信的本身和最早的证词传统，在参考的情况下它的组成，导致了下列结论：
(1) The place of composition was Italy (13:24), and more precisely Rome (inscription at end of the Codex Alexandrinus), where Paul was during his first imprisonment (61-63). （ 1 ）地点的组成是意大利（ 13时24分） ，以及更准确的罗马（题词在年底法典alexandrinus ） ，其中保罗在他第一次入狱（ 61-63 ） 。
(2) The date of its production should certainly be placed before the destruction of Jerusalem (70), and previous to the outbreak of the Jewish War (67), but after the death of James, Bishop of Jerusalem (62). （ 2 ）日期，其生产当然应该放在前销毁耶路撒冷（ 70 ） ，和前爆发的犹太战争（ 67 ） ，但去世后，詹姆斯，主教在耶路撒冷（ 62 ） 。 According to ch.据的CH 。 xiii, 19, 23, the Apostle was no longer a prisoner.十三， 19 ， 23 ，使徒不再是一个囚犯。 The most probable date for its composition is, therefore, the second half of the year 63 or the beginning of 64, as Paul after his release from imprisonment probably soon undertook the missionary journey "as far as the boundaries of Western Europe" (St. Clement of Rome, "I Epistle to the Corinthians", v, n. 7), that is to Spain.最有可能的日期为它的组成是，因此，今年下半年或63年初的64岁，正如保罗被释放后从监禁可能很快答应传教之旅“ ，据边界西欧的” （圣克莱门特的罗马， “我书信向哥林多前书” ，第五章， 12月31日7 ） ，即是到西班牙。
(3) The reason for its composition is probably to be found in the conditions existing in the Jewish Christian Church at Jerusalem. （ 3 ）的原因，它的组成可能是被发现在现有的条件，在犹太基督教教会在耶路撒冷。 The faith of the Church might fall into great danger through continued persecution by the Jews, who had put James, the head of the community to a violent death.信仰的教会可能落入很大的危险，通过继续迫害犹太人，谁把詹姆斯，主管社会暴力致死。 Precisely at this period the services in the temple were celebrated with great pomp, as under Albinus (62-64) the magnificent building was completed, while the Christian community had to struggle with extreme poverty.正是在此期间，服务在圣殿中被庆祝的伟大轻车简从，因为根据albinus （ 62-64 ）的宏伟建筑已完成，而基督教社会而奋斗的极端贫困。 The national movement which began shortly before the outbreak of the last Jewish war would increase the danger.全国运动开始不久，爆发前的最后一个犹太人的战争，会增加危险。 These circumstances might lead the Apostle to write the letter.这些情况下，可能会导致使徒写的信。
(4) The Apostle himself declares the aim of his writing to be the consolation and encouragement of the faithful (xiii, 22). （ 4 ）使徒自己宣称的目的，他必须以书面的安慰和鼓励的忠实（十三， 22 ） 。 The argument and context of the letter show that Paul wished especially to exhort to steadfastness in the Christian Faith and to warn against the danger of apostasy to the Mosaic worship.论点和内容，信中表明，保罗希望，特别是告诫，以坚定性，在基督徒的信仰和警告的危险叛教向花叶崇拜。
VIII.八。 IMPORTANCE的重要性
The chief importance of the Epistle is in its content of theological teaching.行政的重要性，该书信是在其内容的神学教学。 It is, in complete agreement with the other letters of St. Paul, a glorious testimony to the faith of the Apostolic time; above all it testifies to the true Divinity of Jesus Christ, to His heavenly priesthood, and the atoning power of His death.它是在完全一致的，与其他信件的圣保禄，光荣的见证的信念，使徒时间;高于一切，它证明了真正的神耶稣基督，他天上的神父，和atoning的权力，他的逝世。
Publication information Written by Leopold Fonck.出版的资料，撰写的利奥波德方克。 Transcribed by Judy Levandoski.转录由朱迪levandoski 。 Dedicated to Br.致力于溴。 Terance Thielen, TOR The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VII. terance蒂伦， Tor的天主教百科全书，量七。 Published 1910. 1910年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, June 1, 1910. nihil obstat ， 1910年6月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
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