Ecclesiastes is a book of wisdom writing in the Old Testament of the Bible.传道书是一本书的智慧，以书面形式在旧约的圣经。 Its title is a Greek form of the Hebrew Koheleth ("preacher" or "speaker").其标题是一个希腊的形式，希伯来文koheleth （ “布道者”或“议长” ） 。 The author poses as Solomon, the archetype of the biblical wise man, but the book was not written before 350 - 250 BC.作者对作为所罗门，原型圣经的智者，但是这本书不写前350 -2 50年。
Ecclesiastes is a philosophical essay on the meaning of human life.传道书是一个哲学论的意义，人的生命。 The author rejects all religious and ethical theories known to him, because they are contradicted by experience.作者拒绝所有宗教和伦理的理论被称为向他，因为他们是矛盾的经验。 He sees no divine plan in history, nature, or personal existence and argues that only relative satisfactions can be found in wealth, pleasure, family, friends, or work.他认为没有神的计划，在历史，性质，或个人的存在和认为，只有相对的满意度可以发现，在财富，快乐，家人，朋友，或工作。 The sole meaning of life is in living it fully by making the wisest possible choices.唯一的生命的意义是在生活，充分，使最明智的可能的选择。 The few religious consolations expressed are widely attributed to a pious commentator.少数宗教consolations所表达的广泛归因于一种虔诚的评论员文章。
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Ecclesiastes is a book of the Old Testament, in Hebrew called Qoheleth.传道书是一本书的旧约，在希伯来语所谓qoheleth 。 The English name is derived from a Greek term, roughly defined as "one who participates in or addresses an assembly," which appears in the title verse of the book in the earliest important Greek version of the Old Testament, the Septuagint.英文名称是来自希腊而言，大致界定为“一个谁参加在或地址一大会” ，这似乎在标题中诗的这本书在最早的重要希腊版本的旧约， septuagint 。 The Greek term is a rendering of the word Qoheleth, generally translated "preacher," although the precise meaning is not clear.对希腊来说，是一种渲染的Word qoheleth ，一般翻译“的布道者， ”虽然确切含义并不清楚。 Because Qoheleth identifies himself as "the son of David, king in Jerusalem" (1:1), by implication the Book of Ecclesiastes has been traditionally ascribed to the Israelite king Solomon.因为qoheleth确定自己是“儿子大卫，国王在耶路撒冷” （ 1:1 ） ，暗示这本书的传道书向来得益于向以色列人的所罗门王。
Ecclesiastes consists of 12 chapters containing a series of generally pessimistic reflections on the purpose and nature of life.传道书组成12章载有一系列普遍悲观的思考的目的和性质的生活。 The conclusion, stated at the very beginning of the work, is that "all is vanity" (1:2).结论，说明在开始的工作，是“所有，是虚荣” （ 1:2 ） 。 Pursue wisdom and wealth, cultivate pleasure, labor faithfully, deplore injustice and wickedness; the end is always the same, "vanity and a striving after wind" (4:4).追求智慧和财富，培育高兴，劳动，忠实地，感到遗憾，非正义和邪恶;月底总是相同的， “虚荣和努力后，风” （ 4时04分） 。 The coupling of this recurrent theme with assumptions that natural phenomena are cyclic (1:4-7, 3:1-8), and even preordained (3:15), leads the author to hedonistic, cynical doctrines (8:15-9:10, 12:1-8) so antithetical to the spirit of the earlier Old Testament books that the rabbis originally sought to suppress the book.耦合这个经常性的主题，与假设的自然现象是循环（ 1:4-7 ， 3:1-8 ） ，甚至钦点（ 3:15 ） ，导致作者的享乐主义，玩世不恭的理论（ 8:15-9 ： 10 ， 12:1-8 ） ，使对立的精神，较早的旧约圣经的书籍拉比原先要求制止这本书。 Its popularity and its ascription to Solomon, however, eventually secured Ecclesiastes a place in the third section, the Writings, of the Hebrew canon.其受欢迎程度和其归属，以索罗门，不过，最终担保传道书的地方，在第三部分，著作，希伯来文的佳能。
Modern scholarship now attributes the book to the 3rd century BC, at a time when the Jews were under the influence of various Greek philosophic systems, such as Epicureanism and Stoicism.现代奖学金的属性，现在这本书到公元前3世纪，在的时候，犹太人的影响下，各种希腊的哲学系统，如epicureanism生活俭朴。 Ecclesiastes is part of the Wisdom literature of the Old Testament, which includes the Books of Job and Proverbs.传道书的一部分，智慧文学的旧约，其中包括书籍的就业和谚语。
Ecclesiastes is the Greek rendering of the Hebrew Koheleth, which means "Preacher."传道书是希腊绘制koheleth希伯来文，意思是“布道者” 。 The old and traditional view of the authorship of this book attributes it to Solomon.旧的和传统的看法作者这本书的属性，它所罗门。 This view can be satisfactorily maintained, though others date it from the Captivity.这种观点可以保持令人满意的，虽然其他签署日期从圈养。 The writer represents himself implicitly as Solomon (1:12).作家代表自己含蓄地作为所罗门（ 1:12 ） 。 It has been appropriately styled The Confession of King Solomon.它已得到妥善式供认所罗门王的。 "The writer is a man who has sinned in giving way to selfishness and sensuality, who has paid the penalty of that sin in satiety and weariness of life, but who has through all this been under the discipline of a divine education, and has learned from it the lesson which God meant to teach him." “作者是谁，一名男子已罪在让位给自私和感性，谁付出了罚款单仲偕认为，在饱和厌战情绪的生活，但谁也透过这一切都被下的纪律的神的教育，并了解从它的教训，上帝的意思，教导他“ 。 "The writer concludes by pointing out that the secret of a true life is that a man should consecrate the vigour of his youth of God." “作者在结论中指出，秘密一个真正的生命是一名男子，应consecrate活力，他的青年上帝” 。 The key-note of the book is sounded in ch.关键注意到这本书是吹响了在CH 。 1:2, "Vanity of vanities! saith the Preacher, Vanity of vanities! all is vanity!" 1时02分， “虚荣的面盆！ saith该布道者，虚荣心的面盆！全部是虚荣” ！ ie, all man's efforts to find happiness apart from God are without result.即，一切人为的努力，找到幸福，除了上帝没有结果。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
(Septuagint èkklesiastés, in St. Jerome also CONCIONATOR, "Preacher"). （ septuagint èkklesiastés ，在圣杰罗姆也concionator ， “布道者” ） 。
General survey一般的调查
Ecclesiastes is the name given to the book of Holy Scripture which usually follows the Proverbs; the Hebrew Qoheleth probably has the same meaning.传道书的名称是考虑到这本书的圣经通常遵循谚语;希伯来语qoheleth可能具有相同的意义。 The word preacher, however, is not meant to suggest a congregation nor a public speech, but only the solemn announcement of sublime truths [hqhyl, passive nqhl, Lat.这个词的布道者，但是，并不意味着建议聚集，也没有一个公开演讲，但只有庄严宣布崇高的真理[ hqhyl ，被动nqhl ，拉脱维亚。 congregare, I (III) K., viii, 1, 2; bqhl, in publico, palam, Prov., v, 14; xxvi, 26; qhlh to be taken either as a feminine participle, and would then be either a simple abstract noun, præconium, or in a poetic sense, tuba clangens, or must be taken as the name of a person, like the proper nouns of similar formation, Esd., ii, 55, 57; corresponding to its use, the word is always used as masculine, except vii, 27]. congregare ，我（三） k. ，第八条， 1 ， 2 ; bqhl ，在publico ， palam ，省，第五，第14条;二十六， 26日; qhlh将要采取的不是作为一个女性participle ，便不是一个简单的抽象名词， præconium ，或在充满诗意的意义上说，大号clangens ，或必须采取作为的名称，一个人一样，专有名词类似的形成，公共服务电子化计划。第一，二， 55 ， 57 ;相应的其使用，这个词是始终用来作为男性，除第七， 27 ] 。 Solomon, as the herald of wisdom, proclaims the most serious truths.索罗门，作为先驱的智慧，宣布最严重的真理。 His teaching may be divided as follows.他的教学可划分如下。
Introduction导言
Everything human is vain (i, 1-11); for man, during his life on earth, is more transient than all things in nature (i, 1-7), whose unchangeable course he admires, but does not comprehend (i, 8-11).人类的一切是徒劳的（一， 1月11日） ;男子，他在地球上的生命，更是短暂的比一切事物的性质（一， 1月7日） ，其不可改变的，当然，他表示钦佩，但不理解（我， 8月11日） 。
Part I I部分
Vanity in man's private life (i, 12-iii, 15): vain is human wisdom (i, 12-18); vain are pleasures and pomp (ii, 1-23).虚荣心在人的私人生活（一， 12 -三， 15岁） ：徒劳的，是人类智慧（一， 12月18日） ;徒劳的是快乐和轻车简从（二， 1月23日） 。 Then, rhetorically exaggerating, he draws the conclusion: "Is it not better to enjoy life's blessings which God has given, than to waste your strength uselessly?"然后，修辞夸张，他得出结论： “这不是更好地享受生活的祝福，上帝给了，比浪费你的实力，不必要地” ？ (ii, 24-26). （第二组， 24-26 ） 。 As epilogue to this part is added the proof that all things are immutably predestined and are not subject to the will of man (iii, 1-15).作为尾声这部分是补充，证明所有的东西都是命中注定immutably和不受意志的男子（三， 1月15日） 。 In this first part, the reference to the excessive luxury described in 1 Kings 10 is placed in the foreground.在这第一部分，参考过度豪华中描述的1国王10是摆在最前面。 Afterwards, the author usually prefaces his meditations with an "I saw", and explains what he has learned either by personal observation or by other means, and on what he has meditated.之后，作者通常是前言，他meditations与一“我看到了” ，并解释什么，他了解到，无论是个人的观察或以其他方式，和对他meditated 。 Thus he saw:–因此，他认为： -
Part II第二部分
Sheer vanity also in civil life (iii, 16-vi, 6).纯粹的虚荣心，也在民事生活（三， 16 -六，六） 。 Vain and cheerless is life because of the iniquity which reigns in the halls of justice (iii, 16-22) as well as in the intercourse of men (iv, 1-3).徒劳的和cheerless是因为生活的不公正，其中普遍存在，在会堂司法（三， 16-22 ） ，以及在交往的男子（四， 1月3日） 。 The strong expressions in iii, 18 sqq., and iv, 2 sq., must be explained by the writer's tragic vein, and thus does credit to the writer, who, speaking as Solomon, deplores bitterly what has often enough happened in his kingdom also, whether through his fault or without his knowledge.强烈的表达在三， 18 sqq ，和第四， 2平方米的，必须加以解释，由作家的悲惨静脉，因此，是否信贷作家，谁的身份发言，索罗门，痛惜不已了什么，往往不够发生在他的王国此外，无论是通过他的错，还是他不知道。 The despotic rule of the kings was described in advance by Samuel and Solomon cannot be cleared of all guilt (see below).抗暴的国王，被称为在事先塞缪尔和索罗门无法清除所有有罪（见下文） 。 But even the best prince will, to his grief, find by experience that countless wrongs cannot be prevented in a large empire.但即使是最好的王子会，他的悲痛，找到的经验，无数的错误，不能阻止在一个大帝国。 Qoheleth does not speak of the wrongs which he himself has suffered, but of those which others sustained. qoheleth不说话的是非曲直，他自己也遭受了，但那些别人持续。 Another of life's vanities consists in the fact that mad competition leads many to fall into idleness (iv, 4-6); a third causes many a man through greed to shun society, or even to lose a throne because his unwisdom forbids him to seek the help of other men (iv, 7-16).另一种人生的面盆组成，在事实，即疯牛病的竞争，导致许多人陷入闲置（四， 4月6日） ;三分之一的原因很多，一名男子透过贪欲，以顺的社会，或什至失去宝座，因为他的unwisdom禁止他寻求帮助其他的男子（四， 7月16日） 。 Qoheleth then turns once more to the three classes of men named: to those who groan under the weight of injustice, in order to exhort them not to sin against God by murmuring against Providence, for this would be tantamount to dishonouring God in His temple, or to breaking a sacred vow, or to denying Providence (iv, 17-v, 8); in the same way he gives a few salutary counsels to the miser (v, 9-19) and describes the misery of the supposed foolish king (vi, 1-6). qoheleth ，然后轮流再次向3班的男子命名为：那些谁呻吟的重压下的不公正，在为了告诫他们不要单仲偕对上帝的murmuring对普罗维登斯，这便等于dishonouring上帝在他的庙，或打破一项神圣的誓言，或否定普罗维登斯（四， 17五， 8 ） ;在相同的方式，他提供了几个有益的律师向守财奴（五， 9月19日）和描述的苦难假定愚蠢的国王（六， 1月6日） 。 A long oratorical amplification closes the second part (vi, 7-vii, 30).长期演讲扩增结束的第二部分（六，七月七， 30 ） 。 The immutable predestination of all things by God must teach man contentment and modesty (vi, 7-vii, 1, Vulg.).永恒predestination所有的事情必须由上帝的教导男子知足和谦虚（六，七月七， 1 ， vulg ） 。 A serious life, free from all frivolity, is best (vii, 2-7, Vulg.).严重的生活，免受所有frivolity ，是最好的（七， 2月7日， vulg ） 。 Instead of passionate outbreaks (vii, 8-15), he recommends a golden mean (vii, 16-23).而不是激情的爆发（七，八月十五日） ，他建议中庸（七， 16-23 ） 。 Finally, Qoheleth inquires into the deepest and last reason of "vanity" and finds it in the sinfulness of woman; he evidently thinks also of the sin of the first woman, through which, against the will of God (30), misery entered the world (vii, 24-30).最后， qoheleth查询到最深切的和最后的原因， “虚荣” ，并认为在罪恶的女子，他显然也认为，该单的第一名女子，通过，反对将神的（ 30 ） ，苦难进入世界（七， 24-30 ） 。 In this part, also, Qoheleth returns to his admonition to enjoy in peace and modesty the blessings granted by God, instead of giving oneself up to anger on account of wrongs endured, or to avarice, or to other vices (iii, 22; v, 17 sq.; vii, 15).在这部分，同时， qoheleth回报他的警，自励，以享有在和平与谦虚的祝福，上帝所赋予的，而不是给自己最多的愤怒对帐户的是非曲直忍受，或以贪欲，或以其他罪恶（三， 22日; v ， 17平方米;第七章， 15条） 。
Part III第三部分
Part III begins with the question: "Who is as the wise man?"第三部分开始的问题： “谁是作为智者” ？ (In the Vulg. these words have been wrongly placed in chap. vii.) Qoheleth here gives seven or eight important rules for life as the quintessence of true wisdom. （在vulg 。这些话被错误地放置在第七章。 ） qoheleth在这里，让七，八年的重要规则，为生活的精髓，真正的智慧。 Submit to God's ("the king's") will (viii, 1-8).提交给上帝的（ “国王的” ）将（八， 1月8日） 。 If you observe that there is no justice on earth, contain yourself, "eat and drink" (viii, 9-15).如果你观察有没有正义在地球上，包含自己， “吃喝” （八，九月十五日） 。 Do not attempt to solve all the riddles of life by human wisdom; it is better to enjoy modestly the blessings of life and to work according to one's strength, but always within the narrow limits set by God (viii, 16-ix, 12.–In the Vulgate ad aliud must be dropped).不要尝试解决所有灯谜的生活人类的智慧，这是更好地享受温和的祝福生活和工作的根据之一的实力，但总是与狭隘的限制，所订的上帝（八， 16 -九， 12 。 -在武加大广告aliud必须下降） 。 In this "siege" of your city (by God) seek help in true wisdom (ix, 13-x, 3).在这“围困”你的城市（上帝）寻求帮助，在真正的智慧（九， 13 - X的， 3 ） 。 It is always most important not to lose your temper because of wrongs done to you (x, 4-15).它始终是最重要的不要失去自己的脾气，因为是非做给你（十， 4月15日） 。 Then follows the repetition of the adivce not to give oneself up to idleness; sloth destroys countries and nations, therefore work diligently, but leave the success to God without murmuring (x, 16-xi, 6).然后如下重复的adivce不给自己最多闲置;懒惰破坏了国家和民族的，因此，勤奋工作，但离开的成功，给上帝，没有murmuring （ X的16席， 6 ） 。 Even amid the pleasures of life do not forget the Lord, but think of death and judgment (xi, 7-xii, 8).甚至中快乐的生活，不要忘了主，但认为死亡和判断（十一，七至十二， 8 ） 。
In the epilogue Qoheleth again lays stress upon his authority as the teacher of wisdom, and declares that the pith of his teaching is: Fear God and keep the Commandments; for that is the whole man.在尾声qoheleth再次强调后，他的权力，作为教师的智慧，并宣布该髓他的教学是：恐惧上帝和保持诫命;因为这是整个男子。
In the above analysis, as must be expected, the writer of this article has been guided in some particulars by his conception of the difficult text before him, which he has set forth more completely in his commentary on the same.在上述的分析，作为必须预计，作者这篇文章已被引导在一些细节，他构想的困难在他面前的案文，他已提出了更完全在他的评论是相同的。 Many critics do not admit a close connection of ideas at all.很多批评，不承认一，紧密结合的思想在所有。 Zapletal regards the book as a collection of separate aphorisms which form a whole only exteriorly; Bickell thought that the arrangement of the parts had been totally destroyed at an early date; Siegfried supposes that the book had been supplemented and enlarged in strata; Luther assumed several authors. zapletal关于这本书作为一个单独的收集aphorisms形成整体，只有exteriorly ; bickell认为，安排部分已被完全摧毁，在早日;齐格弗里德支撑这本书已补充和扩大在各阶层;路德假设数作者。 Most commentators do not expect that they can show a regular connection of all the "sayings" and an orderly arrangement of the entire book.大多数评论家并不指望他们能够表明，经常连接的所有“的说法”和一个有秩序的安排，整本书。 In the above analysis an attempt has been made to do this, and we have pointed out what means may lead to success.在上述分析，已试图为此，我们已指出，用什么方法，可能导致成功。 Several parts must be taken in the sense of parables, eg what is said in ix, 14 sqq., of the siege of a city by a king.几个部分，必须采取的意识比喻，例如什么是说，在第九， 14 sqq 。 ，包围一个城市由一个国王。 And in viii, 2, and x, 20, "king" means God.并在第八，第2 ，和X ， 20 ， “国王”是指上帝。 It appears to me that iv, 17, is not to be taken literally; and the same is true of x, 8 sqq.看来，我认为四， 17 ，是不是将要采取的字面;也是一样的X ， 8 sqq 。 Few will hestitate to take xi, 1 sqq., figuratively.很少人会请访问采取喜，一sqq ，形象。 Chap.第一章。 xii must convince every one that bold allegories are quite in Qoheleth's style.第十二必须说服每一个大胆的寓言是相当在qoheleth的作风。 Chap.第一章。 iii would by very flat if the proposition, "There is a time for everything", carried no deeper meaning than the words disclose at first sight.三，将非常平坦，如果主张， “是有时间，一切” ，没有进行更深的意义比的话透露，在第一在望。 The strongest guarantee of the unity and sequence of thoughts in the book is the theme, "Vanitas vanitatum", which emphatically opens it and is repeated again and again, and (xii, 8) with which it ends.最强烈的保证，团结和序列的思想在这本书的主题是“ vanitas vanitatum ” ，强调开放，它是重复一而再，再而，和（十二， 8 ）与它的目的。 Furthermore, the constant repetition of vidi or of similar expressions, which connect the arguments for the same truth; finally, the sameness of verbal and rhetorical turns and of the writer's tragic vein, with its hyperbolical language, from beginning to end.此外，不断重复vidi或类似的表达，这连接的论据为同一真理;最后，雷同的口头和修辞轮流和作家的悲惨静脉，其hyperbolical语言，从开始到结束。
In order to reconcile the apparently conflicting statements in the same book or what seem contradictions of manifest truths of the religious or moral order, ancient commentators assumed that Qoheleth expresses varying views in the form of a dialogue.在以调和矛盾的声明显然是在同一本书或什么似乎矛盾的舱单真理的宗教或道德秩序，古代评论家假定qoheleth表示不同的看法，在形式的对话。 Many modern commentators, on the other hand, have sought to remove these discrepancies by omitting parts of the text, in this way to obtain a harmonious collection of maxims, or even affirmed that the author had no clear ideas, and, eg, was not convinced of the spirituality and immortality of the soul.许多现代的评论家，在另一方面，已设法消除这些差异，省略部分的文本中，在以这种方式取得一个和谐的收集格言，或什至肯定，作者没有明确的思路，例如，是不是信服的灵性和不朽的灵魂。 But, apart from the fact that we cannot admit erroneous or varying views of life and faith in an inspired writer, we regard frequent alterations in the text or the proposed form of a dialogue as poor makeshifts.但是，除了来自这样一个事实，我们不能承认错误的或不同的意见，生命和信仰在一个作家的灵感，我们认为，频繁的改动，在文本中或建议的形式进行对话，作为穷人makeshifts 。 It suffices, in my opinion, to explain certain hyperbolical and somewhat paradoxical turns as results of the bold style and the tragic vein of the writer.它足以在我看来，解释某些hyperbolical和有点似是而非轮流作为结果的大胆作风和悲惨的静脉作家。 If our explanation is correct, the chief reproach against Qoheleth–viz.如果我们的解释是正确的，行政的非议对qoheleth -即。 that against his orthodoxy–falls to the ground.这对他的正统-跌倒在地上。 For if iii, 17; xi, 9; xii, 7, 14, point to another life as distinctly as can be desired, we cannot take iii, 18-21, as a denial of immortality.如果三， 17人;席，九;第十二，七日，十四日，点到另一个生活明显可以预期的，我们不能采取三， 18日至21日，作为一个拒绝不死。 Besides, it is evident that in his whole book the author deplores only the vanity of the mortal or earthly life; but to this may be truly applied (if the hyperbolical language of the tragical mood is taken into consideration) whatever is said there by Qoheleth.此外，很显然，在他的整本书的作者表示遗憾，只有虚荣的致命或俗世的生活;但到这可能是真正的应用（如hyperbolical语言的悲剧情绪，是考虑到） ，无论是说，有由qoheleth 。 We cannot find fault with his comparing the mortal life of man and his death to the life and death of the beast (in vv. 19 and 21 rwh must always be taken as "breath of life").我们无法找到故障与他比较，凡人的生活，人与他的逝世，以生命和死亡的野兽（在维维。 19日和21日rwh必须始终被视为“呼气的生活” ） 。 Again, iv, 2 sq., is only a hyperbolical expression; in like manner Job (iii, 3) curses in his grief the day of his birth.再次，四，二平，只是一个hyperbolical表达;一样，在地就业（三， 3 ）诅咒在他的悲痛的日子，他的诞生。 True, some allege that the doctrine of immortality was altogether unknown to early intiquity; but even the Saviour (Luke 20:37) adduced the testimony of Moses for the resurrection of the dead and was not contradicted by his adversaries.诚然，一些指控说，学说不朽的是完全未知的早期intiquity ;但即使是救世主（路加福音20:37 ）引用的证词，郑慕智为复活的死者，并没有抵触他的对手。 And ix, 5 sq.和第九章， 5平方米 and 10, must be taken in a similar sense.和第10条，必须采取了类似的常识。 Now, in dooming all things earthly to destruction, but attributing another life to the soul, Qoheleth admits the spirituality of the soul; this follows especially from xii, 7, where the body is returned to the earth, but the soul to God.现在，在dooming所有的东西，尘世的破坏，但归因于另一个生命的灵魂， qoheleth承认灵性的灵魂，这如下特别是从十二，七，凡身体是返回地球，但灵魂，向上帝。
Sometimes Qoheleth also seems to be given to fatalism; for in his peculiar manner he lays great stress on the immutability of the laws of nature and of the universe.有时qoheleth似乎也考虑到宿命论;在他独特的方式，他都十分强调变通的法律性质和宇宙。 But he considers this immutability as dependent on God's will (iii, 14; vi, 2; vii, 14 sq.).但他认为这是不可改变作为依赖于上帝的意愿（三，第14条;六，第2节;第七， 14平方米） 。 Nor does he deny the freedom of man within the limits set by God; otherwise his admonitions to fear God, to work, etc. would be meaningless, and man would not have brought evil into the world through his own fault (vii, 29, Heb.) Just as little does he contest the freedom of God's decrees, for God is spoken of as the source of all wisdom (ii, 26; v, 5).也不否认他的自由，男子在设定的范围上帝，否则他告诫害怕上帝，工作等方面将毫无意义，和男子不会带来邪恶融入世界通过自己的故障（七， 29 ， heb ）正如小，他是否竞赛的自由，上帝的法令，上帝是谈到作为来源，所有的智慧（二， 26日;五， 5 ） 。 His views of life do not lead Qoheleth to stoical indifference or to blind hatred; on the contrary he shows the deepest sympathy with the misery of the suffering and earnestly deprecates opposition against God.他的看法的生活不会导致qoheleth ，以stoical的冷漠，或盲目仇恨;相反，他表明了深切的同情与悲哀的痛苦和认真deprecates反对上帝。 In contentment with one's lot, in the quiet enjoyment of the blessings given by God, he discerns the golden mean, by which man prevents the vagaries of passion.在知足与一的生活，在安静的享受的祝福所给予的上帝，他discerns中庸，其中男子阻止变幻莫测的激情。 Neither does he thereby recommend a kind of epicurism.也没有他，从而推荐了一种epicurism 。 For the ever-recurring phrase, "Eat and drink, for that is the best in this life", evidently is only a typical formula by which he recalls man from all kinds of excesses.为以往任何时候都经常性的短语， “吃饭，喝酒，因为这是最好的在这人生” ，显然只是一个典型的公式，其中他回忆男子从所有种过度。 He recommends not idle, but moderate enjoyment, accompanyied by incessant labour.他建议，不闲置，但温和的享受， accompanyied不断劳工。 Many persist in laying one charge at Qoheleth's door, viz., that of pessimism.许多坚持在铺设一负责人qoheleth的大门，即，即悲观。 He seems to call all man's efforts vain and empty, his life aimless and futile, and his lot deplorable.他似乎呼吁一切人为的努力徒劳的和空洞的，他的生命aimless和徒劳的，和他的很多遗憾。 It is true that a sombre mood prevails in the book, that the author chose as his theme the description of the sad and serious sides of life but is it pessimism to recognize the evils of life and to be impressed with them?这是事实，一个令人沮丧的情绪普遍存在在这本书中，作者选择了他作为主题，描述的悲哀和严重的，双方的生活，但是它的悲观认识到邪恶的生活，并留下深刻的印象，与他们呢？ Is it not rather the mark of a great and profound mind to deplore bitterly the imperfection of what is earthly, and, on the aother hand, the peculiarity of the frivolous to ignore the truth?是不是，而马克是一个伟大而深刻的心痛惜不已的缺陷是什么人间，并在该aother另一方面，特殊性的无聊无视事实真相？ The colours with which Qoheleth paints these evils are indeed glaring, but they naturally flow from the poetical-oratorical style of his book and from his inward agitation, which likewise gives rise to the hyperbolical language in the Book of Job and in certain psalms.颜色与qoheleth油漆这些邪恶确实突出，但他们自然流从诗学-演讲的作风，他的著作，并从他的外来搅拌，这同样会引起该hyperbolical语言在这本书中的就业和在某些诗篇。 However, Qoheleth, unlike the pessimists, does not inveigh against God and the order of the universe, but only man.不过， qoheleth ，不像悲观主义者，并不inveigh对上帝和秩序的宇宙，但只有男子。 Chap.第一章。 vii, in which he inquires into the last cause of evil, closes with the words, "Only this I have found, that God made man right, and he hath entangled himself with an infinity of questions [or phantasms]".第七，他在其中探讨了过去的事业邪恶，关闭与换句话说， “只有这样，我发现，神所作的男子的权利，他祂所纠缠自己与无限的问题[或phantasms ] ” 。 His philosophy shows us also the way in which man can find a modest happiness.他的哲学思想告诉我们，也该以何种方式男子能找到一个温和的幸福。 While severely condemning exceptional pleasures and luxury (chap. ii), it counsels the enjoyment of those pleasures which God prepares for every man (viii, 15; ix, 7 sqq.; xi, 9).同时，严厉谴责特殊的乐趣和豪华（第二章） ，律师享受这些乐趣上帝准备为每一个男人（八，十五;第九， 7 sqq 。 ;席， 9 ） 。 It does not paralyze, but incites activity (ix, 10; x, 18 sq.; xi, 1 sq.).它没有瘫痪，但煽动活动（九，十; X的18平方米;席， 1平方米） 。 It stays him in his afflictions (v, 7 sqq.; viii, 5; x, 4); it consoles him in death (iii, 17; xii, 7); it discovers at every step how necessary is the fear of God.它停留，他在他的苦难（五，七sqq 。 ;八，五; X的4 ） ;控制台他在死亡（三， 17人;十二， 7 ） ;它发现的每一步，如何在必要的，是上帝的恐惧。 But Qoheleth's greatest trouble seems to be his inability to find a direct, smooth answer to life's riddles; hence he so frequently deplores the insufficiency of his wisdom; on the other hand, besides wisdom, commonly so called, ie the wisdom resulting from man's investigations, he knows another kind of wisdom which soothes, and which he therefore recommends again and again (vii, 12, 20; Heb. viii, 1; ix, 17; xii, 9-14).但qoheleth的最大麻烦，似乎是他无法找到直接的，顺利的答案生命的灯谜，因此他经常感到痛惜的不足，他的智慧;另一方面，除了智慧，常见的所谓，即智慧，造成从人的调查，他知道另一种智慧，舒缓，并因此，他建议一而再，再而（七， 12 ， 20 ; heb第八， 1 ;第九， 17人;十二， 9月14日） 。 It is true, we feel how the author wrestles with the difficulties which beset his inquiries into the riddles of life; but he overcomes them and offers us an effective consolation even in extraordinary trials.这是事实，我们觉得如何作者wrestles与困难的困扰，他查询到灯谜的生活;但他克服了他们为我们提供了一个有效的安慰，即使在平凡的审判。 Extraordinary also must have been the occasion which led him to compose the book.不平凡的，也必须已之际，而导致他撰写这本书。 He introduces himself from the beginning and repeatedly as Solomon, and this forcibly recalls Solomon shortly before the downfall of the empire; but we know from the Scriptures that this had been prepared by various rebellions and had been foretold by the infallible word of the prophet (see below).他介绍了自己从一开始，并多次作为所罗门，这是强行回顾所罗门前不久的灭亡帝国;但我们知道，从圣经，这已编写了各种叛乱，并已预言，由犯错的话，先知（见下文） 。 We must picture to ourselves Solomon in these critical times, how he seeks to strengthen himself and his subjects in this sore trial by the true wisdom which is a relief at all times; submission to the immutable will of God, the true fear of the Lord, undoubtedly must now appear to him the essence of human wisdom.我们必须了解自己的所罗门在这些关键时刻，他如何旨在加强本人和他的课题在这喉咙痛审判的真正的智慧，这是一个救济在任何时候;提交给一成不变的，将上帝的，真正的敬畏耶和华，无疑是必须现在看来他的本质，人类的智慧。
As the inspired character of Ecclesiastes was not settled in the Fifth Œcumenical Council but only solemnly reaffirmed against Theodore of Mopsuestia, the faithful have always found edification and consolation in this book.作为启发的性质传道书没有得到解决，在第五œcumenical会，但只是庄严重申对西奥多的摩普绥提亚，忠实一直发现启迪和安慰，在这本书。 Already in the third century, St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, in his metaphrase, then Gregory of Nyssa, in eight homilies, later Hugh of St. Victor, in nineteen homilies, set forth the wisdom of Qoheleth as truly celestial and Divine.已经在第三个世纪，圣格雷戈里thaumaturgus ，在他的metaphrase ，然后格雷戈里的nyssa ，在8 homilies ，后来休圣维克多，在19 homilies ，所列的智慧qoheleth作为真正的天体和神圣。 Every age may learn from his teaching that man's true happiness must not be looked for on earth, not in human wisdom, not in luxury, not in royal splendour; that many afflictions await everybody, in consequence either of the iniquity of others, or of his own passions; that God has shut him up within narrow limits, lest he become overweening, but that He does not deny him a small measure of happiness if he does not "seek things that are above him" (vii, 1, Vulg.), if he enjoys what God has bestowed on him in the fear of the Lord and in salutary labour.每个年龄可能学习他的教学男子的真正幸福，绝不能找地球上，而不是在人类的智慧，而不是奢侈品，而不是在皇家的辉煌;很多苦难等待着每一个人，无论是在后果的不公正他人的，或者对他自己的激情;上帝已经关闭了他在狭窄的限制，以免他成为overweening ，但他并不否认他的一个小措施的幸福，如果他不“求大同，事情是他的上述” （七， 1 ， vulg 。 ） ，如果他喜欢什么上帝赐予的，他在敬畏耶和华，并在有益的劳工。 The hope of a better life to come grows all the stronger the less this life can satisfy man, especially the man of high endeavour.希望更美好的生活，来增加所有较强的越少，这能满足生活的男子，尤其是该名男子的高努力。 Now Qoheleth does not intend this doctrine for an individual or for one people, but for mankind, and he does not prove it from supernatural revelation, but from pure reason.现在qoheleth并不打算这一学说为某一个人或一个人，而是为人类，他并不能证明它从超自然的启示，但是，从纯粹理性。 This is his cosmopolitan standpoint, which Kuenen rightly recognized; unfortunately, this commentator wished to conclude from this that the book originated in Hellenistic times.这是他的大都会的立场，这kuenen正确地认识到;不幸的是，这评论员希望结束从这个这本书起源于希腊化时代。 Nowack refuted him, but the universal application of the meditations contained therein, to every man who is guided by reason, is unmistakable. nowack反驳他，但普遍应用的meditations所载的，每一个男人谁是指导的原因，是明确无误的。
The Author of the Book本书的作者
Most modern commentators are of the opinion that Qoheleth's style points not to Solomon, but to a later writer.最现代的评论家都认为， qoheleth的作风点不所罗门，但到以后的作家。 About this the following may be said:–关于此以下，可以说： -
(1) As a matter of fact, the language of this book differs widely from the language of the Proverbs. （ 1 ）作为一个问题，事实上，语言的不同，这本书广泛，从语言的谚语。 Some think that they have discovered many Aramaisms in it.有些人认为他们已经发现许多aramaisms在它。 What can we say on this point?–It cannot be gainsaid that Solomon and a great, if not the greatest part of his people understood Aramaic.我们又可以说，就这一点呢？ -不能gainsaid说，所罗门一个伟大的，如果不是最大的一部分，他的人民的理解阿拉姆语。 (We take the word here as the common name of the dialects closely related to the Biblical Hebrew.) Abraham and Sara, as well as the wives of Isaac and Jacob, had come from Chaldea; it is therefore probable that the language of that country was preserved, beside the language of Palestine, in the family of the Patriarchs; at any rate, in Moses' time the people still used Aramaic expressions. （我们采取这个词在这里，作为共同的名称方言密切相关的圣经希伯来语） 。亚伯拉罕和Sara ，以及作为妻子，以撒和雅各，来自新巴比伦王国;因此，这是有可能的语言，该国被保留，旁边的语言，巴勒斯坦，在家庭中的patriarchs ;无论如何，在摩西的时候人们还用阿拉姆语的表达。 They exclaim (Exodus 16:15) mn hwa while Moses himself once substituted the Hebrew mh-hwa; the name of the miraculous food, however, remained mn.他们惊叹（出埃及记16:15 ）锰郑慕智先生，而自己一旦取代希伯来文正华;的名称，奇迹般的食物，不过，仍然港元。 A large portion of David's and Solomon's empire was peopled by Arameans, so that Solomon reigned from the Euphrates to Gaza [I (III) K., v, 4, Heb.; II Sam.大部份的大卫和所罗门的帝国peopled由阿拉曼人，使所罗门在位幼发拉底河向加沙[我（三） k. ，五，四， heb 。 ;二，三。 (K.), x, 19; cf Gen., xv, 18]. （ k. ） ，第十条， 19条;比照上将，十五， 18 ] 。 He was conversant with the science of the "sons of the East" and exchanged with them his wisdom (1 Samuel 5:10-14, Hebrew).他熟识的科学“的儿子东” ，并与他们交换了他的智慧（ 1塞缪尔5:10-14 ，希伯来文） 。 But, as Palestine lay along the commercial routes between the Euphrates and Phœnecia, the Israelites, at least in the north of the country, must have been well acquainted with Aramaic.但是，正如巴勒斯坦奠定沿商业路线之间的幼发拉底河和phœnecia ，以色列人，至少在该国北部地区，必须已熟悉阿拉姆语。 At the time of King Ezechias even the officials of Jerusalem understood Aramaic (Isaiah 36:11; 2 Samuel 18:26, Hebrew).在当时的国王埃泽希亚什，甚至官员耶路撒冷的理解阿拉姆语（以赛亚书36:11 ; 2 ，黄秉槐18时26分，希伯来文） 。 Solomon could therefore assume, without hesitation, a somewhat Aramaic speech, if reason or mere inclination moved him.索罗门，因此可以假设，毫不迟疑地，有点阿拉姆语讲话，如果原因或纯粹的倾向，他提出的。 As a skilful writer, he may have intended, especially in his old age, and in a book whose style is partly oratorical, partly philosophical, partly poetical, to enrich the language by new turns.作为一个熟练的作家，他可能有打算，特别是在晚年，并在一本书，其风格是部分演讲，这部分是哲学，诗歌部分，以丰富的语言，新转折。 Goethe's language in the second part of "Faust" differs greatly from the first, and introduces many neologisms.歌德的语言，在第二部分的“浮士德”大大不同，从第一，并介绍了许多新词。 Now Solomon seems to have had a more important reason for it.现在，索罗门，似乎已更重要的原因。 As it lay in his very character to remove the barriers between pagans and Israelites, he may have had the conscious intention to address in this book, one of his last, not only the Israelites but his whole people; the Aramaic colouring of his language, then, served as a means to introduce himself to Aramaic readers, who, in their turn, understood Hebrew sufficiently.因为它奠定在他的性格非常消除壁垒之间的异教徒和犹太人，他可能有自觉的意图，以解决在这本书中，他的一个最后，不仅以色列人，但他整个人;阿拉姆语填色他的语言，然后，服务作为一种手段来推行自己的阿拉姆语的读者，谁，在他们反过来，理解希伯来语充分。 It is remarkable that the name of God, Jahweh, never occurs in Ecclesiastes, while Elohim is found thirty-seven times; it is more remarkable still that the name Jahweh has been omitted in a quotation (5:3; cf. Deuteronomy 23:22).值得注意的是，即以上帝的名义， jahweh ，从来没有发生在传道书，而罗欣发现37倍，这是更了不起的仍然是名称jahweh已遗漏了一报价（ 5时03分;比照申命记23 ： 22 ） 。 Besides, nothing is found in the book that could not be known through natural religion, without the aid of revelation.此外，没有发现在这本书不能被称为透过自然宗教，没有援助的启示。
(2) The Aramaisms may perhaps be explained in still another way. （ 2 ） aramaisms可能的解释仍是另一种方式。 We probably possess the Old Testament, not in the original wording and orthography, but in a form which is slightly revised.我们可能拥有的旧约，而不是在原来的措辞和拼写法，但在形式，这是略加修改。 We must unquestionably distinguish, it seems, between Biblical Hebrew as an unchanging literary language and the conversational Hebrew, which underwent constant changes.毫无疑问，我们必须区分，似乎之间的希伯来语圣经作为一个不变的文学语言和会话希伯来语，其中经历了不断的变化。 For there is no instance anywhere that a spoken language has been preserved for some nine hundred years so little changed in its grammar and vocabulary as the language of our extant canonical books.为不存在，例如在任何地方，一个口语一直保存一些九百年，所以变化不大，在其语法和词汇作为语言，我们现存的典型的书籍。 Let us, for an instance, compare the English, French, or German of nine hundred years ago with those languages in their present form.让我们为一个实例，比较英语，法语，或德语的九百年前，与这些语言在其目前的形式。 Hence it seems exceedingly daring to infer from the written Hebrew the character of the spoken language, and from the style of the book to infer the date of its composition.因此，似乎过于大胆的推断，从书面希伯来语的特点，口语，从作风，这本书来推断的日期其组成。 In the case of a literary language, on the other hand, which is a dead language and as such essentially unchangeable, it is reasonable to suppose that in the course of time its orthography, as well as single words and phrases, and, perhaps, here and there, some formal elements, have been subjected to change in order to be more intelligible to later readers.在该案件文学语言，另一方面，这是一个死亡的语言和作为这种基本上是一成不变的，是合理的假设认为，在这个过程中的时间，其拼写法，以及单一的单词和短语，以及，也许，在这里和那里，一些正规的内容，一直受到改变，以期得到更多的理解到后来的读者。 It is possible that Ecclesiastes was received into the canon in some such later edition.是有可能的传道书收到到佳能在一些如稍后版。 The Aramaisms, therefore, may also be explained in this manner; at any rate, the supposition that the time of the composition of a Biblical book may be deduced from its language is wholly questionable.该aramaisms ，因此，也可以解释，在这种方式;无论如何，假定的时候，组成一个圣经书可以推断，从它的语言是完全值得商榷。
(3) This is a fact admitted by all those critics who ascribe Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, portions of Isaias and of the Pentateuch, etc., to a later period, without troubling themselves about the difference of style in these books. （ 3 ） ，这是一个事实承认，所有那些批评谁归于传道书， canticle的canticles ，部分伊萨亚斯和该pentateuch等，到后期，没有困扰自己约的差异作风，在这些书籍。
(4) The eagerness to find Aramaisms in Ecclesiastes is also excessive. （ 4 ）渴望找到aramaisms在传道书也过高。 Expressions which are commonly regarded as such are found now and then in many other books.表现形式通常被视为如被发现，现在，然后在许多其他书籍。 Hirzel thinks that he has found ten Aramaisms in Genesis, eight in Exodus, five in Leviticus, four in Numbers, nine in Deuteronomy, two in Josue, nine in Judges, five in Ruth, sixteen in Samuel, sixteen in the Psalms, and several in Proverbs. hirzel认为他已发现10 aramaisms在成因，八在出埃及记，五在利未记，在4号码，九在申命记，两个在josue ，九在法官，五在罗思，在16萨穆埃尔， 16 ，在诗篇，和几个在谚语。 For this there may be a twofold explanation: Either the descendants of Abraham, a Chaldean, and of Jacob, who dwelt twenty years in the Land of Laban, and whose sons were almost all born there, have retained numerous Aramaisms in the newly acquired Hebrew tongue, or the peculiarities pointed out by Hitzig and others are no Aramaisms.这可能有两方面的解释：要么后裔，石礼谦， chaldean ，以及雅各布，谁花了二十年，在土地的寄存，其儿子，几乎所有在那里出生的，保留了许多aramaisms在新购置的希伯来语舌，或特殊性指出，由希齐格和其他人没有aramaisms 。 It is indeed astonishing how accurately certain critics claim to know the linguistic peculiarities of each of the numerous authors and of every period of a language of which but little literature is left to us.这实在是令人惊讶的是如何准确的某些批评者声称知道语言的特殊性，每年众多的作家和每一个时期的一种语言，这一点，但文学是留给我们的。 Zöckler affirms that almost every verse of Qoheleth contains some Aramaisms (Komm., p. 115); Grotius found only four in the whole book; Hengstenberg admits ten; the opinions on this point are so much at variance that one cannot help noticing how varying men's conception of an Aramaism is. zöckler申明，几乎每首诗的qoheleth包含一些aramaisms （ komm. ，第115页） ;格劳秀斯，发现只有4个在整本书;韩斯坦堡也承认，十;意见，在这一点上是这么多的差异之一，不能帮助注意到如何变男性的观一aramaism是。 Peculiar or strange expressions are at once called Aramaisms; but, according to Hävernick, the Book of Proverbs, also, contains forty words and phrases which are often repeated and which are found in no other book; the Canticle of Canticles has still more peculiarities.特有的或奇怪的表情，在一次所谓的aramaisms ;不过，据hävernick ，这本书的谚语，另外，包含40单词和短语，这是经常重复的，哪些是发现在没有其他书籍; canticle的canticles仍更多的特殊性。 On the contrary the Prophecies of Aggeus, Zacharias, and Malachias are without any of those peculiarities which are supposed to indicate so late a period.与此相反预言aggeus ，撒迦利亚，和玛拉基亚亚都没有任何这些特殊性，这是为了表明，这么晚一个时期。 There is much truth in Griesinger's words: "We have no history of the Hebrew language".有很多的真相在Griesinger的话： “我们没有历史的希伯来文” 。
(5) Even prominent authorities adduce Aramaisms which are shown to be Hebraic by clear proofs or manifest analogies from other books. （ 5 ） ，甚至突出当局援引aramaisms ，其中显示被hebraic明确的证据或舱单类比，从其他书籍。 There are hardly any unquestionable Aramaisms which can neither be found in other books nor regarded as Hebraisms, which perchance have survived only in Ecclesiastes (for a detailed demonstration cf. the present writer's Commentary, pp. 23-31).有几乎没有任何不容置疑的aramaisms这既不能被发现，在其他书籍也被视为hebraisms ， perchance了下来，只有在传道书（详细示范比照本作家的评注，第23-31 ） 。 We repeat here Welte's words: "Only the language remains as the principal argument that it was written after Solomon; but how fallacious in such cases is the merely linguistic proof, need not be mentioned after what has been said."我们在这里重复和Welte的话： “只有语言，仍然作为主要的论点，这是书面后，索罗门;谬误，但如何在这种情况下，仅仅是语言上的证据，不必提到什么后，一直说” 。
It is alleged that the conditions as described in Ecclesiastes do not agree with the time and person of Solomon.据指称，条件所描述的传道书不同意的时间和人所罗门。 True, the author, who is supposed to be Solomon, speaks of the oppression of the weak by the stronger, or one official by another, of the denial of right in the courts of justice (iii, 16; iv, 1; v, 7 sqq.; viii, 9 sq.; x, 4 sqq.).诚然，作者，谁应该是所罗门，讲压迫弱者，由更强大，或一正式由另一，剥夺的权利，在法院的司法（第III ，第16条;四，一;五， 7 sqq 。 ;第八，九平方米; X的4 sqq ） 。 Now many think that such things could not have happened in Solomon's realm.现在许多人认为这种事情不可能发生在所罗门的境界。 But it surely did not escape the wisdom of Solomon that oppression occurs at all times and with every people; the glaring colours, however, in which he describes them originate in the tragic time of the whole book.但它肯定是没有逃生的智慧，所罗门认为，压迫，发生在任何时候，与每个国家的人民;突出的颜色，不过，他在其中描述了他们起源于悲惨的时候，整本书。 Besides, Solomon himself was accused, after his death, of oppressing his people, and his son confirms the charge [I (III) K., xii, 4 and 14]; moreover, long before him, Samuel spoke of the despotism of the future kings [I Sam.此外，所罗门自己被指控，在他死后，压迫自己的人民，和他的儿子确认了负责[我（三） k. ，第十二章，第4和14 ] ;此外，只要在他面前，黄秉槐发言的专制的未来的国王[我心。 (K.), viii, 11 sq.]. （ k. ） ，第八章， 11平方米] 。 Many miss in the book an indication of the past sins and the subsequent repentance of the king or, on the other hand, wonder that he discloses the mistakes of his life so openly.许多小姐在这本书中显示，过去捷联惯导系统和随后的忏悔国王，或在另一方面，难怪他披露的错误，他的生命，使公开。 But if these readers considered vii, 27-29, they could not help sharing Solomon's disgust at women's intrigues and their consequences; if obedience towards God is inculcated in various ways, and if this (xii, 13) is regarded as man's sole destination, the readers saw that the converted king feared the Lord; in chap.但如果这些读者认为，第七， 27日至29日，他们不能帮助共享所罗门的厌恶妇女的阴谋和他们的后果;若服从对上帝是灌输以各种方式，如果今（十二，十三日）被视为是人的唯一的目的地，读者看到，改建的国王，恐怕上帝;在第一章。 ii sensuality and luxury are condemned so vigorously that we may regard this passage as a sufficient expression of repentance.二，性感和豪华受到谴责，因此，大力我们可以把这段话作为一个足够的表达悔改之意。 The openness, however, with which Solomon accuses himself only heightens the impression.公开，不过，与所罗门指责自己，只有加剧的印象。 This impression has at all times been so strong, precisely because it is the experienced, rich, and wise Solomon who brands the sinful aspirations of man as "vanity of vanities".这种印象已在所有的时代已如此强大，正是因为它是经验丰富的，丰富的，智慧的所罗门谁品牌罪孽深重的愿望男子为“虚荣的面盆” 。 Again, what Qoheleth says of himself and his wisdom in xii, 9 sqq., cannot sound strange if it comes from Solomon, especially since in this passage he makes the fear of the Lord the essence of wisdom.再次，什么qoheleth说，他本人和智慧，在第十二， 9 sqq ，可以不健全，奇怪的，如果它来自所罗门以来，特别是在此通过，使他敬畏耶和华的本质的智慧。 The passages iv, 13; viii, 10; ix, 13; x, 4, are considered by some as referring to historical persons, which seems to me incorrect; at any rate, indications of so general a nature do not necessarily point to definite events and persons.通道四， 13人;第八，第10条;第九，第13条; X的四，被认为是有些人在谈到历史人物，这在我看来，不正确;无论如何，迹象，所以一般的性质并不一定指向明确事件和人。 Other commentators think they have discovered traces of Greek philosophy in the book; Qoheleth appears to be now a sceptic, now a stoic, now an epicurean; but these traces of Hellenism, if existing at all, are nothing more than remote resemblances too weak to serve as arguments.其他评论家认为他们已经发现的痕迹，古希腊哲学在这本书中; qoheleth似乎是现在sceptic ，现在是一家stoic ，现在是一个伊壁鸠鲁;但这些痕迹，希腊，如果现有的一切，只不过是多偏远的相似之处，太弱作为论据。 Cheyne (Job and Solomon) sufficiently refuted Tyler and Plumptre.进益（就业和索罗门） ，足以反驳Tyler和plumptre 。 That iii, 12, is a linguistic Græcism, has not been proved, because the common meaning of ‘sh twb is retained by many commentators; moreover, in II Sam.这三， 12 ，是一种语言græcism ，已没有得到证实，因为共同的意思'的SH twb是保留许多评论家;此外，在二，三。 (K.), xii, 18, ‘sh r‘h means "to be sorry"; the verb, therefore, has about the same force as if we translated ‘sh twb by eû práttein. （ k. ） ，第十二章， 18 ， '的SH r'h手段“对不起” ;动词，因此，有大约相同的武力作为，如果我们翻译'的SH twb由eû práttein 。
As all the other internal proofs against the authorship of Solomon are not more convincing, we must listen to the voice of tradition, which has always attributed Ecclesiastes to him.正如所有其他的内部证明，对作者所罗门是不是更有说服力的，我们一定要听声音的传统，始终是由于传道书给他。 The Jews doubted not its composition by Solomon, but objected to the reception, or rather retention, of the book in the canon; Hillel's School decided definitely for its canonicity and inspiration.犹太人的质疑，而不是它的组成，由索罗门，但反对的酒会，或者更确切地说，保留，这本书在佳能;希勒尔的学校决定，肯定其canonicity和灵感。 In the Christian Church Theodore of Mopsuestia and some others for a time obscured the tradition; all other witnesses previous to the sixteenth century favour the Solomonic authorship and the inspiration.在基督教教会西奥多的摩普绥提亚和其他一些为一时间遮蔽的传统;所有其他证人前，以十六世纪赞成solomonic作者和灵感。 The book itself bears testimony for Solomon, not only by the title, but by the whole tone of the discussion, as well as in i, 12; moreover, in xii, 9, Qoheleth is expressly called the author of many proverbs.这本书本身证明为所罗门，而不是仅由所有权，而是由整个基调的讨论，以及在我12岁;此外，在第十二， 9 ， qoheleth是明确所谓的作者很多谚语。 The ancients never so much as suspected that here, as in the Book of Wisdom, Solomon only played a fictitious part.古人从来没有这么多，因为怀疑在这里，正如在这本书中的智慧，所罗门只起到一个虚构的一部分。 On the other hand, the attempt is made to prove that the details do not fit Solomon, and to contest his authorship with this single internal argument.在另一方面，企图作出证明的细节不适合所罗门，以及竞赛的作者，他与这个单一内部的论据。 The reasons adduced, however, are based upon textual explanations which are justly repudiated by others.原因引用，但是，基于文本的解释，这是公正，推翻了别人。 Thus Hengstenberg sees (x, 16) in the king, "who is a child", an allusion to the King of Persia; Grätz, to Herod the Idumæan; Reusch rightly maintains that the writer speaks of human experiences in general.因此，韩斯坦堡认为， （十， 16 ）在国王， “谁是孩子” ，暗指国王波斯; grätz ，希律该idumæan ; reusch正确地坚持认为，作家说，人类的经验，在一般。 From ix, 13-15, Hitzig concludes that the author lived about the year 200; Bernstein thinks this ridiculous and opines that some other historical event is alluded to.从九， 13日至15日，希齐格的结论是，作者居住约一年200 ;伯恩斯坦认为这种荒谬的和认为，其他一些历史事件，是暗示的。 Hengstenberg regards this passage as nothing more than a parable; on this last view, also, the translation of the Septuagint is based (it has the subjunctive; -élthe basile&ús, "there may come a king").韩斯坦堡在这方面获得通过，作为只不过是一个寓言;关于这个最后的检视，另外，翻译的septuagint是基于（它有语气; - élthe巴西勒＆ ús ， “有可能来一个国王” ） 。 As a matter of fact, Qoheleth describes only what has happened or may happen somewhere "under the sun" or at some time; he does not speak of political situations, but of the experience of the individual; he has in view not his people alone, but mankind in general.作为一个的问题，事实上， qoheleth介绍，只有发生了什么事或可能发生的某处“阳光下” ，或一段时间，他不说话的政治局势，但经验的个人，他在检视不是他的人，单，但人类的一般问题。 If internal reasons are to decide the question of authorship, it seems to me that we might more justly prove this authorship of Solomon with more right from the remarkable passage about the snares of woman (vii, 27), a passage the bitterness of which is not surpassed by the warning of any ascetic; or from the insatiable thirst of Qoheleth for wisdom; or from his deep knowledge of men and the unusual force of his style.如果内部原因是决定的问题，作者，在我看来，我们可能更公正地证明这一点，作者所罗门与更多的权利，从显着通过有关的圈套女子（第七章， 27条） ，一个通道的辛酸是不超过所警告的任何苦行;或从贪得无厌的渴求的qoheleth为智慧;或从他的深层知识的男子和不寻常的力量，他的风格。 Considering everything we see no decisive reason to look for another author; on the contrary, the reasons which have been advanced against this view are for the greatest part so weak that in this question the influence of fashion is clearly discernible.考虑一切，我们看不到有什么决定性的原因，寻找另一作者;相反，原因已针对先进的这种看法是最大的一部分，使薄弱，在这个问题上的影响，时装，显然是可辨。
The time of the composition of our book is variously set down by the critics who deny the authorship of Solomon.的时候，组成我们的书是不同的订下的批评谁否认作者所罗门。 Every period from Solomon to 200 has been suggested by them; there are even authorities for a later time; Grätz thinks that he has discovered clear proof that the book was written under King Herod (40-4 BC).每一个时期从所罗门200曾有人建议由他们;甚至还有当局稍后时间; grätz认为，他发现清楚地证明这本书的书面下，国王希律王（公元前40-4 ） 。 This shows clearly how little likely the linguistic criterion and the other internal arguments are to lead to an agreement of opinion.这清楚地表明，如何可能不大语言标准和其他内部的争论是导致一项协议的意见。 If Solomon wrote Ecclesiastes towards the end of his life, the sombre tone of the book is easily explained; for the judgments of God (1 Kings 11) which then came upon him would naturally move him to sorrow and repentance, especially as the breaking up of his kingdom and the accompanying misery were then distinctly before his eyes (see vv. 29 sqq.; 40).如果所罗门写道传道书在接近年底时他的生命，令人沮丧的语气这本书是很容易解释为上帝的判决（ 1国王11 ） ，然后来到后，他自然会提出他的悲伤和悔改，尤其是作为分手他的英国和陪同的苦难，然后明显之前，他的眼睛（见的VV 29 sqq 。 ; 40 ） 。 Amid the sudden ruin of his power and splendour, he might well exclaim, "Vanity of vanities!".中突然断送他的权力和辉煌，他很可能会惊叹， “虚荣的面盆！ ” 。 But as God had promised to correct him "in mercy" (2 Samuel 7:14 sq.), the supposition of many ancient writers that Solomon was converted to God becomes highly probable.但正如上帝已承诺为纠正他： “慈悲” （ 2塞缪尔7时14平方） ，假设许多古代作家认为，所罗门转化为上帝，成为极有可能。 Then we also understand why his last book, or one of his last, consists of three thoughts: the vanity of earthly things, self-accusation, and emphatic admonition to obey the immutable decrees of Providence.然后我们也明白为什么他最后一次书，或他的一名去年，共分三个思考：浮华的尘世的东西，自我的指控，并强调，警，自励，以服从，一成不变的法令，普罗维登斯。 The last was well suited to save the Israelites from despair, who were soon to behold the downfall of their power.最后是非常适合保存以色列人从绝望，谁被即将看哪下台，他们的权力。
There is an unmistakable similarity between Ecclesiastes and the Canticle of Canticles, not only in the pithy shortness of the composition, but also in the emphatic repetition of words and phrases, in the boldness of the language, in the obscure construction of the whole, and in certain linguistic peculiarities (eg the use of the relative s).有一个明确无误的之间的相似性传道书和canticle的canticles ，不仅在口诀短促的组成，而且在强调重复的单词和短语，在大胆的语言，在模糊建设的整体，在某些语言的特殊性（如利用相对） 。 The loose succession of sententious thoughts, however, reminds us of the Book of Proverbs, whence the epilogue (xii, 9 sqq.) expressly refers to Qoheleth's skill in parables.宽松的继承sententious的想法，不过，提醒我们这本书的谚语， whence该尾声（十二，九sqq ） 。明确提到qoheleth的技巧，在比喻。 In the old lists of Biblical books, the place of Ecclesiastes is between Proverbs and the Canticle of Canticles: Sept., Talmud (Baba Bathra, xiv, 2), Orig., Mel., Concil.在旧名单圣经的书籍，地点是传道书之间的谚语和canticle的canticles ： 9月，塔木德（巴巴bathra ，十四， 2 ） ，原始，梅尔， concil 。 Laodic., etc., also in the Vulgate. laodic 。等，此外，在武加大。 Its position is different only in the Masoretic Bible, but, as is generally admitted, for liturgical reasons.其立场是不同的，只有在masoretic圣经，但是，正如是普遍承认，对于礼仪的原因。
As to the contents, the critics attack the passages referring to the judgment and immortality: iii, 17; xi, 9; xii, 7; furthermore the epilogue, xii, 9 sqq., especially verses 13, 14; also some other passages.至于内容，批评者攻击的通道指的判断和不朽的：三， 17人;席，九;第十二，七;此外，尾声，十二，九sqq ，特别是韵文13日， 14日;也有一些其他的通道。 Bickell expressed the opinion that the folios of the original, while being stitched, were deranged and completely confused; his hypothesis found few advocates, and Euringer (Masorahtext des Qoheleth, Leipzig, 1890) maintains, in opposition to him, that books had not at that early date taken the place of rolls. bickell表示，认为folios的原，而被缝合，被错乱，完全混淆了，他的假说，发现数倡导者，和奥伊林格（ masorahtext万qoheleth ，莱比锡， 1890 ）保持，在反对他，书籍还没有在认为，早日采取的地方卷。 There is not sufficient evidence to assume that the text was written in verse, as Zapletal does.有没有足够的证据，假设，案文写的诗，作为zapletal是否。
Owing to its literalism, the translation of the Septuagint is frequently unintelligible, and it seems that the translators used a corrupt Hebraic text.由于其literalism ，翻译的septuagint经常费解的是，它似乎是翻译用了一个腐败hebraic文本。 The Itala and the Coptic translation follow the Septuagint.该名单和科普特翻译按照septuagint 。 The Peshito, though translated from the Hebrew, is evidently also dependent on the text of the Septuagint.该peshito ，虽然翻译从希伯来文，显然是还依赖于文字的septuagint 。 This text, with the notes of Origen, partly forms the Greek and Syriac Hexapla.这一案文，注释，俄，部分形式，希腊和叙利亚hexapla 。 The Vulgate is a skilful translation made by Jerome from the Hebrew and far superior to his translation from the Greek (in his commentary).该武加大是一个熟练的翻译所作的杰罗姆从希伯来文和远优于他的翻译从希腊（在他的评注） 。 Sometimes we cannot accept his opinion (in vi, 9, he most likely wrote quid cupias, and in viii, 12, ex eo quod peccator).有时，我们不能接受他的意见（在第六，九，他最有可能写了块cupias ，并在第八， 12 ，当然雇佣条例和peccator ） 。 (See the remnants of the Hexapla of Origen in Field, Oxford, 1875; a paraphrase of the Greek text in St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Migne, X, 987.) The Chaldean paraphrast is useful for controlling the Masoretic text; the Midrash Qoheleth is without value. （见残余的hexapla的奥利在外地，牛津， 1875年;段的希腊文字在圣格雷戈里thaumaturgus ，米涅，第十， 987 。 ） chaldean paraphrast是有用的控制masoretic文本;米德拉士qoheleth是没有任何价值。 The commentary of Olympiodorus is also serviceable (seventh century, M., XCIII, 477) and Œcumenius, "Catena" (Verona, 1532).评olympiodorus也是维修（第七世纪，米， xciii ， 477 ）和œcumenius ， “ catena ” （维罗纳， 1532年） 。 A careful translation from the Hebrew was made about 1400 in the "Græca Veneta" (ed. Gebhardt, Leipzig, 1875).仔细翻译从希伯来语作了关于1400年在“ græca veneta ” （编gebhardt ，莱比锡， 1875 ） 。
Publication information Written by G. Gietmann.出版信息的书面由G. gietmann 。 Transcribed by WGKofron.转录由wgkofron 。 With thanks to St. Mary's Church, Akron, Ohio The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume V. Published 1909.与感谢圣玛丽教堂，美国俄亥俄州阿克伦城天主教百科全书，货量五出版的1909年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909. nihil obstat ， 1909年5月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.的Remy lafort ，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰米farley ，大主教of New York所
Bibliography参考书目
In the Latin Church important commentaries were written, after the time of Jerome on whom many depend, by BONAVENTURA, NICOL, LYRANUS, DENYS THE CARTHUSIAN, and above all by PINEDA (seventeenth cent.), by MALDONATUS, CORNELIUS A LAPIDE, and BOSSUET.在拉丁美洲教会重要的评论，写的，经过的时候，杰罗姆对其中的许多依赖，波纳文图拉， nicol ， lyranus ，丹尼斯该carthusian ，及以上所有由帕尼达（第十七。 ） ，由maldonatus ，利乌斯一拉辟特的哥尼流， bossuet 。
Modern Catholic commentaries: SCHÄFER (Freiburg im Br., 1870); MOTAIS (Paris, 1876); RAMBOUILLET (Paris, 1877); GIETMANN (Paris, 1890); ZAPLETAL (Fribourg, Switzerland, 1905).现代天主教评论： schäfer （弗赖堡即时通讯溴， 1870 ） ; motais （巴黎， 1876 ） ;朗布依埃（巴黎， 1877 ） ; gietmann （巴黎， 1890 ） ; zapletal （ Fribourg ，瑞士， 1905年） 。
Protestant commentaries: ZÖCKLER, tr.新教评论： zöckler ，的TR 。 TAYLOR (Edinburgh, 1872); BULLOCK, in Speaker's Comment.泰勒（爱丁堡， 1872 ） ;布洛克，在发言者的意见。 (London, 1883); Cambridge Bible (1881); WRIGHT, (London, 1883); LEIMDÖRFER, (Hamburg, 1892); SIEGFRIED (Göttingen, 1898); WILDEBOER (Freiburg im Br., 1898). （伦敦， 1883 ） ;剑桥圣经（ 1881 ） ;赖特（伦敦， 1883 ） ; leimdörfer ， （汉堡， 1892 ） ;齐格弗里德（德国哥廷根， 1898 ） ; wildeboer （弗赖堡即时通讯溴， 1898年） 。
ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题：
Name and Authorship.名称和作者署名。
Date.日期。
Contents.内容。
Name and Authorship.名称和作者署名。
The name "Ecclesiastes"-literally, "Member of an Assembly," often thought to mean (after Jerome) "Preacher"-is the Septuagint rendering of the Hebrew "Ḳohelet," apparently as an intensive formation from the root "ḳahal," with which such forms as the Arabic "rawiyyah" (professional reciter) have been compared.命名为“传道书” ，从字面上看， “会员大会” ，往往以为是指（后杰罗姆） “布道者”是septuagint绘制希伯来文“ ḳohelet ， ”很明显，作为一个密集的形成，从根本上“ ḳahal ”与这种形式作为阿拉伯语“ rawiyyah ” （专业reciter ）已经比较。 The Hebrew word is given by the author of the book as his name, sometimes with the article (xii. 8, and probably vii. 27), but ordinarily without it: similar license is allowed in Arabic in the case of some common nouns used as proper names.希伯来文的字是由本书的作者，因为他的名字，有时与文章（ xii. 8 ，并可能七。二十七日） ，但通常没有它：类似的许可，是允许在阿拉伯语，在案件的一些常见名词的使用作为专有名称。 The author represents himself as the son of David, and king over Israel in Jerusalem (i. 1, 12, 16; ii. 7, 9).作者代表自己的儿子大卫，和国王对以色列在耶路撒冷（一1 ， 12 ， 16 ;二，七，九） 。 The work consists of personal or autobiographic matter, with reflections on the purpose of life and the best method of conducting it.工作构成的个人或自传的事，与思考的目的，生命和最好的方法进行。 These, the author declares, were composed by him as he increased in wisdom, were "weighed," studied" corrected, expressed in carefully chosen phrases, and correctly written out (xii. 9, 10), to be taught to the people.这些，作者宣布，组成由他，因为他增加了智慧，是“权衡” ，研究“更正，表示在经过小心选择，词组，正确的书面列（ xii.九日，十日） ，以教导人民的。
The fact of the author describing himself in the foregoing style, together with his statements concerning the brilliancy of his court and his studies in philosophy (i. 13-17, ii. 4-11), led the ancients to identify him with Solomon; and this identification, which appears in the Peshiṭta, Targum, and Talmud (compare 'Er. 21b; Shab. 30a), passed unquestioned till comparatively recent times.事实上，作者描述自己在前述的作风，加上他的声明关于辉煌他的法庭和他的研究在哲学（一， 13日至17日，二， 4月11日） ，导致古人以确定他与所罗门;这鉴定，它会出现在peshiṭta ，尔，和塔木德（比较'呃。第二十一期乙;的Shab 。 30A条） ，通过质疑，直至较近期的时代。 The order of the Solomonic writings in the canon suggested that Ecclesiastes was written before Canticles (Rashi on BB 14b); whereas another tradition made their composition simultaneous, or put Ecclesiastes last (Seder 'Olam Rabbah, ed. Ratner, p. 66, with the editor's notes).该命令的solomonic著作在佳能建议，传道书是书面前canticles （ rashi对BB心跳14b ） ;而另一个传统，其组成的同时，或把传道书昨（ seder '的OLAM安曼，教育署。拉特纳，第66页，编者注） 。 The fact that Kohelet speaks of his reign in the past tense (i. 12) suggested that the book was written on Solomon's death-bed (ib.).事实上， kohelet谈到他的统治，在过去的紧张（一12 ）建议说，本书是写在所罗门的死亡床（ ib. ） 。 Another way of accounting for it was to suppose that Solomon composed it during the period in which he was driven from his throne (Giṭ. 68b), a legend which may have originated from this passage.另一种方式的会计处理，这是假设索罗门组成，它在该段期间，他被逐出他的宝座（ giṭ. 68b ） ，一个传说可能源于此通过。 The canonicity of the book was, however, long doubtful (Yad. iii. 5; Meg. 7a), and was one of the matters on which the school of Shammai took a more stringent view than the school of Hillel; it was finally settled "on the day whereon R. Eleazar b. Azariah was appointed head of the assembly."该canonicity的这本书，不过，只要怀疑（ yad.三，五;梅格。 7 A ）条，及之一，在哪些事项上对学校的沙麦采取了更严格的检视，比学校的希勒尔;这是最后解决“对天whereon r.埃莱亚萨乙亚撒利雅被任命为团长的大会” 。 Endeavors were made to render it apocryphal on the ground of its not being inspired (Tosef., Yad. ii. 14; ed. Zuckermandel, p. 683), or of its internal contradictions (Shab. 30b), or of a tendency which it displayed toward heresy-that is, Epicureanism (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, viii. 68b); but these objections were satisfactorily answered (see S. Schiffer, "Das Buch Ḳohelet," Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1884).努力发了言，使猜测它在地面上其不被启发（ tosef. ，亚得二。 14 ;海关。楚克曼德尔， 683页） ，或其内部矛盾（ shab. 30 B ） ，或一个趋势它显示对异端-那就是epicureanism （ pesiḳ. ，教育署。布伯，第八章。 68b ） ;但是，这些反对令人满意的答案（见第不来梅“之buch ḳohelet ， ”法兰克福-对- -主要， 1884 ） 。 It was assumed that Solomon had taken the name "Ḳohelet," just as he had taken the name "Agur" (Prov. xxx. 1), as a collector (see, further, Eppenstein, "Aus dem Ḳohelet-Kommentar des Tanchum Jeruschalmi," Berlin, 1888); and probably the Septuagint rendering represents a theory that the name contained an allusion to I Kings viii.它的假设是所罗门采取了名称为“ ḳohelet ， ”正如他已采取的名称“阿古尔” （ Prov 。三十。 1 ） ，作为一个收藏家（见，此外，埃彭施泰因， “澳大利亚DEM的ḳohelet - kommentar万tanchum jeruschalmi “柏林， 1888 ） ;和可能septuagint渲染三个代表理论的名称载一提到王八。 1, where Solomon is said to have gathered an assembly. 1 ，所罗门是说，有聚集一大会。
Date.日期。
As to the age of the work, there is an indication of the latest date at which it could have been written in the fact that Ben Sira repeatedly quotes or imitates it (Ecclus. [Sirach] xxvii. 26, from Eccl. x. 8, verbatim [comp. LXX.]; xviii. 5, from Eccl. iii. 14, inverted, probably for metrical reasons; xxx. 21, from Eccl. xi. 10; xxxiv. 5b, from Eccl. v. 9; xiii. 21, 22, after Eccl. ix. 16; xxxvii. 14, after Eccl. vii. 19; xxxiv. 1, after Eccl. v. 11; comp. "The Wisdom of Ben Sira," ed. Schechter and Taylor, Introduction, pp. 13 et seq., and p. 26, note 2).至于年龄的工作，有迹象显示，根据最新的日期，它可以一直写的事实，即本特希拉多次报价或模仿它（ ecclus. [西拉奇]二十七。 26日，来自传道书。十八，逐字[可比。 lxx 。 ] ;十八。 5 ，从传道书三。 14 ，倒置，可能是测量的原因;三十。 21 ，从传道书。十一。 10 ;三十四。第5 B ，从传道书。五，九;第十三。 21 ， 22 ，后传道书第九。 16 ;三十七。 14 ，后传道书七。 19 ;三十四。一日后，传道书。诉11人;可比“的智慧，本缺陷” ，教育署。 Schechter已和泰勒，导言，第13条及以下各条，和第26页，注2 ） 。 Since Ben Sira declares himself a compiler from the Old Testament (xxiv. 28), whereas Ecclesiastes claims originality (xii. 9, 10), it seems certain, in the case of close agreement between the two books, that Ben Sira must be the borrower.自本特希拉宣布自己是一个编译器从旧约（ xxiv. 28日） ，而传道书索赔的原创性（ xii. 9 ， 10 ） ，似乎可以肯定，在该案件密切之间的协议，两本书，这本特希拉必须是借款人。 This fact gives some date about 250 or 300 BC as the latest possible for the composition of the book in its present form; for this repeated borrowing implies that Ben Sira regarded it as part of his canon, which would scarcely contain any works that had been produced in his lifetime.这一事实给出了一些日期约250或公元前300年，作为最新的可能组成的这本书以其目前的形式;为此多次借款意味着本特希拉把它作为的一部分，他的佳能公司，这将几乎不包含任何工程已制作在他的一生。 With this fact the nature of Ben Sira's language, as preserved in Talmudic quotations, agrees; for such decided Neo-Hebraisms as ("business"), ("lest"), and ("authorize") are not found in Ecclesiastes, though, had they been in vogue in the author's time, he would have had constant occasion to employ them.这一事实的性质，本缺陷的语言，作为保存在talmudic的报价，同意;这种决定新hebraisms （ “业务” ） ， （ “ ，生怕” ） ，和（ “授权” ）中未发现传道书，虽然，他们一直在时尚，在作者的时间，他将有不断之际，以聘请他们。 He uses instead (vii. 16, 17; also used in the Phenician Eshmunazar inscription), and .他用的不是（ vii. 16 ， 17 ;也用在该phenician eshmunazar题词） ，以及。 Though allusions to Ecclesiastes arenot common in the New Testament, Matt.虽然典故，以传道书arenot共同在新约圣经，马特。 xxiii.二十三。 23, RV, "These ye ought to have done, and not to have left the other undone," seems clearly a reminiscence of Eccl. 23 ，风疹病毒， “这些业应该有这样做，而不是已离开其他有所不为” ，似乎显然是一个怀旧的传道书。 vii.七。 18. 18 。 It is therefore necessary to reject all theories that bring the book down to a date later than 250 BC, including that of Graetz, who regarded it as Herodian - in which he is followed by Leimdörfer (Erlangen, 1891), who makes Simeon ben Shetaḥ the author - and that of Renan, who places it somewhere before 100 BC These theories are largely based on conjectural interpretations of historical allusions, which, though often attractive, are not convincing.因此，这是要拒绝所有的理论，使这本书下降至一个日期不迟于250年，包括对格雷茨，谁把它作为herodian -在他之后是l eimdörfer（埃尔兰根， 1 891） ，谁使西美昂奔s hetaḥ作者-即任南，谁的地方，它的某处前1 00年这些理论主要是基于臆测的解释，历史典故，这虽然往往有吸引力，是没有说服力。 The Grecisms supposed to be found in the book are all imaginary (for instance, has no connection with该grecisms是为了发现在这本书中，都是虚构的（例如，没有结合 the phrase "under the sun," which occurs so frequently, is also found in the Eshmunazar and Tabnith inscriptions, not later than 300 BC, as the equivalent of "on earth"), and the suppositions as to borrowings from Greek philosophy which some have professed to detect are all fallacious (See Ad. Lods; "L'Ecclésiaste et la Philosophie Grecque," 1890).短语“在阳光下， ”发生这么频繁，亦发现，在eshmunazar和tabnith题字，不得迟于公元前300年，相当于“地球上” ） ，以及假设，以借款的希腊哲学的一些有professed检测都是谬误（见广告。 lods “ ; l' ecclésiaste等香格里拉哲学grecque ， ” 1890 ） 。 On the other hand, there is much in the language which, with the present knowledge of Hebrew, one should be disposed to regard as characteristic of a comparatively late period.在另一方面，有很多在语言，以目前的知识希伯来语，一应予以处置，把为特征的一个比较后期。 H. Grotius, in the sixteenth century, collected about a hundred words and phrases of this sort occurring in the book; but several apparent modernisms may represent usages which must have been introduced into Palestine at an early period (eg,每小时格劳秀斯，在十六世纪，收集到约100单词和短语这一类的发生在这本书中，但几个明显的modernisms可能代表的惯例，必须有被引入巴勒斯坦在早期期间（例如， for , and the abstracts in , both from Assyrian), or words which may have been largely used in ancient times (eg,为，并在摘要，无论从亚述人） ，或换言之，这可能已被主要用于在远古时代（例如， "to correct," also Assyrian); and even in the case of some idioms which seem especially characteristic of late Hebrew, the likeliest account is that they were preserved through long ages in remote dialects (s