Conscience is the awareness that an action conforms to or is contrary to one's standards of right and wrong (Acts 23:1; 1Tim 1:5; Heb. 13:18).良心是意识的行动符合或违背了一个人的标准，正确与错误的（行为23时01分; 1tim 1时05分; heb 。 13时18分） 。 Important New Testament passages that deal with conscience are Rom.新约圣经的重要通道，处理与良知光盘。 2:14,15 and 1Cor. 2:14,15和哥林多前书。 8:10. 8时10分。 The New Testament stresses the need of having a good conscience toward God.新约圣经强调需要有一个良好的良心，对上帝的。
Conscience is the capacity for moral judgment (moral awareness).有良知的是能力，道德判断（道德意识） 。 Evidence of appeals to conscience to determine right from wrong date from ancient times. Such appeals have been adopted by all religious traditions, in which conscience is always related to the acceptance of the divine will.证据上诉的良知，以确定的权利，从错误的日期从远古时代。 这类上诉已通过了所有的宗教传统，在这种良知始终是关系到接受神的意志。 As such, conscience has been explained popularly as the voice of God inwardly directing a person to do right. 这样，良心已被普遍解释为上帝的声音，内心指挥一个人这样做的权利。
| BELIEVE 相信 Religious 宗教 Information 信息 Source 来源 web-site 网址： |
| Our List of 1,000 Religious Subjects 我们所列出的1000名宗教科目 |
| E-mail 电子邮箱 |
A widely accepted explanation of conscience stems from the depth psychology of Sigmund Freud, according to which a form of conscience, the Superego, is a product of the unconscious activity of the underlying instinctive reality.广泛接受的解释，有良知的茎从深度心理学的弗洛伊德，根据其中的一种形式，良知，超，是一种产品的无意识活动背后的本能的现实。 Some psychologists have identified conscience with an expression of values or guilt feelings.一些心理学家已经确定的良心与表达的价值观，还是有罪的感受。 Others regard conscience as learned reaction to stimuli.其他方面的良心，据了解，对刺激的反应。 One of the tasks of Ethics is to determine the nature and function of conscience and to explain why divergence exists both within and between cultures in what conscience says one must do.其中一项任务，伦理是要确定的性质和功能的良知和解释为何存在的分歧，内部和国家之间的文化在什么良心说，一个必须做的事。
Richard H. Popkin理查德每小时波普金
Bibliography
参考书目
Bier, WC, ed.,
Conscience: Its Freedom and Limitations (1971); Carmody, J., Reexamining
Conscience (1982); Kroy, Michael, The Conscience: A Structural Theory (1974);
Nelson, C. Ellis, ed., Conscience: Theological and Psychological Perspective
(1973); Reik, Theodor, Myth and Guilt (1970); Stuart, Grace, Conscience and
Reason (1951). bier ，厕所，教育署，有良知的：它的自由和限制（ 1971年） ;卡莫迪女士， ，复查的良心（ 1982年） ;
kroy ，迈克尔，有良知的：一个结构性的理论（ 1974年） ;纳尔逊，长埃利斯，教育署。 ，良心：神学和心理的角度来看（ 1973年） ; reik
，西奥多，神话和内疚（ 1970年） ;斯图尔特，宽限期，良心和原因（ 1951年） 。
Conscience is that faculty of the mind, or inborn sense of right and wrong, by which we judge of the moral character of human conduct.良心是学院的头脑，或天生的责任感，正确与错误的，其中我们的法官品德的人的行为。 It is common to all men.这是共同的所有男性。 Like all our other faculties, it has been perverted by the Fall (John 16:2; Acts 26:9; Rom. 2:15).像我们所有其他学院，它已被扭曲所下降（约翰16时02分; 26:9的行为;光碟。 2时15分） 。 It is spoken of as "defiled" (Titus 1:15), and "seared" (1 Tim. 4:2).这是发言的“ defiled ” （提图斯1时15分） ，和“ seared ” （ 1添。 4:2 ） 。 A "conscience void of offence" is to be sought and cultivated (Acts 24:16; Rom. 9:1; 2 Cor. 1:12; 1 Tim. 1:5, 19; 1 Pet. 3:21). “良心无效的罪行” ，就是要寻求和培育（ 24:16行为;光碟。 9:1 ; 2 ，肺心病。 1时12分;一添。 1时05分，第19条;一宠物。 3时21分） 。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
The word is derived from the Latin conscientia, which is a compound of the preposition con and scio, meaning "to know together," "joint knowledge with others," "the knowledge we share with another."这个词是来自拉丁美洲conscientia ，这是一个复合介词结论和斯西奥，意思是“知道一起” ， “联合知识与他人一起， ”他说： “我们的知识分享与另一” 。 It stems from the same root as consciousness, which means "awareness of."它源于同根，作为意识，即“意识” 。 Conscience is an awareness restricted to the moral sphere.良心是一个认识仅限于道德领域的合作。 It is a moral awareness.这是一个道德觉悟。 The Greek equivalent in the NT is syneidesis, a compound of syn, "together," and eidenai, "to know," that is, to know together with, to have common knowledge together with someone.在希腊，相当于在新界的是syneidesis ，复合的SYN “ ，两者合计， ” eidenai ， “知道” ，也就是知道一起，有共同的知识，再加上有人。 The German Gewissen has the same meaning.德国的gewissen具有相同的意义。 The prefix ge expresses a collective idea, the "together with," and wissen is "to know."前缀戈表示一个集体的概念， “连同” ， wissen是“知道” 。
The Babylonians, like the Hebrews, identified conscience with the heart.巴比伦人一样，希伯来，确定了良心与心脏。 The Egyptians had no specific word for conscience but recognized its authority, as is evident from the Book of the Dead.埃及人没有具体字的良心，但也承认它的权威，作为由此可见，这本书的人死亡。 The early Greeks and Romans personified conscience and depicted it as fiendish female demons called Erinyes and Furies respectively.早期的希腊人和罗马人人格化的良知和描绘它作为凶恶的女魔所谓erinyes和furies分别。
The word syneidesis or "conscience" appears thirty times in the NT, nineteen times in the writings of Paul, five times in Hebrews, three times in the letters of Peter, twice in Acts, and once in the Gospel of John, although the correctness of the latter reading (8:9) has been questioned.字syneidesis或“良心”似乎是30倍，在NT中， 19倍，在著作中，郑明训， 5倍，在希伯来人的3倍，在信黄匡源，两次在行为，一次是在约翰福音，虽然是正确的关于后者读（ 8时09分）已受到质疑。
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) （ elwell福音事工促进会，字典）
I. THE NAME一，名称
In English we have done with a Latin word what neither the Latins nor the French have done: we have doubled the term, making "conscience" stand for the moral department and leaving "consciousness" for the universal field of objects about which we become aware.在英语，我们所做的与拉丁词是什么，无论是拉丁美洲，也不是法国人做的：我们已增加一倍，任期， “良知”的立场，道德署和离开“意识”为普遍领域的物体约，我们知道。 In Cicero we have to depend upon the context for the specific limitation to the ethical area, as in the sentence: "mea mihi conscientia pluris est quam omnium sermo" (Att., XII, xxviii, 2).在西塞罗我们要取决于上下文的具体限制的道德领域，如在一句： “多边环境协定关于我类别conscientia pluris预测怎么omnium sermo ” （ att. ，十二，二十八， 2 ） 。 Sir W. Hamilton has discussed how far we can be said to be conscious of the outer objects which we know, and how far "consciousness" ought to be held a term restricted to states of self or self-consciousness.主席先生瓦特汉密尔顿已讨论了如何到目前为止，我们可以说是意识到外的物体，我们知道，并有多远“意识” ，必须举行了任期限制，以国家的自我或自我意识。 (See Thiele, Die Philosophie des Selbstbewusstseins, Berlin, 1895.) In the two words Bewusstsein and Gewissen the Germans have made a serviceable distinction answering to our "consciousness" and "conscience". （见蒂勒，模具哲学万selbstbewusstseins ，柏林， 1895年）在这两个词bewusstsein和gewissen德国作出了维修的区别，回答我们的“意识”和“良知” 。 The ancients mostly neglected such a discrimination.古人大多忽略了这样一个歧视。 The Greeks often used phronesis where we should use "conscience", but the two terms are far from coincident.希腊人常用的phronesis我们也应该使用“良心” ，但是这两个名词是远远同步。 They also used suneidesis, which occurs repeatedly for the purpose in hand both in the Old and the New Testament.他们还用suneidesis ，反复出现，以便在手，无论是在旧的和新约圣经。 The Hebrews had no formal psychology, though Delitzsch has endeavoured to find one in Scripture.希伯来人没有正式的心理学，虽然delitzsch一直努力找到一个在经文。 There the heart often stands for conscience.有心脏往往主张的良心。
II.二。 ORIGIN OF CONSCIENCE IN THE RACE AND IN THE INDIVIDUAL原产地的良心在比赛中和在个人
Of anthropologists some do and some do not accept the Biblical account of man's origin; and the former class, admitting that Adam's descendants might soon have lost the traces of their higher descent, are willing to hear, with no pledge of endorsing, what the latter class have to say on the assumption of the human development even from an animal ancestry, and on the further assumption that in the use of evidences they may neglect sequence of time and place.人类学家和一些做一些不接受圣经的帐户人的原产地;和前级，承认亚当的子孙可能很快失去了的痕迹，他们的更高的后裔，是愿意听，没有承诺的赞同，后者工人阶级必须说，对假设的人类发展，甚至从动物祖先，并就进一步假设，在使用的证据，他们可能忽略了序列的时间和地点。 It is not maintained by any serious student that the Darwinian pedigree is certainly accurate: it has the value of a diagram giving some notion of the lines along which forces are supposed to have acted.这是不保持任何严重的学生认为，达尔文谱系无疑是准确的：它的价值，一个图表提供一些概念线路沿势力是为了办事。 Not, then, as accepting for fact, but as using it for a very limited purpose, we may give a characteristic sketch of ethical development as suggested in the last chapter of Dr. LT Hobhouse's "Morals in Evolution".不是，那么，作为接受为事实，但用它作为一个非常有限的目的，我们可能会给予一个特点，示意图道德发展的建议，在最后一章博士审裁处霍布豪斯的“道德在演变” 。 It is a conjectural story, very like what other anthropologists offer for what it is worth and not for fully certified science.这是一个臆测的故事，非常想什么其他的人类学家提供什么，这是值得和不充分认证的科学。 Ethics is conduct or regulated life; and regulation has a crude beginning in the lowest animal life as a response to stimulus, as reflex action, as useful adaptation to environment.道德是行为或规管的寿命;和规例有原油开始在最低动物的生命作为回应的刺激，作为反射行动，作为有益的适应环境。 Thus the amoeba doubles itself round its food in the water and lives; it propagates by self-division.因此，变形虫双打本身一轮的粮食在水和生命;宣传自我记名表决。 At another stage in the animal series we find blind impulses for the benefit of life and its propagation taking a more complex shape, until something like instinctive purpose is displayed.在另一个阶段，在动物系列，我们找到盲目冲动为造福生命和其繁殖考虑一个更复杂的形状，直到像是本能的目的是显示。 Useful actions are performed, not apparently pleasurable in themselves, yet with good in the sequel which cannot have been foreseen.有用的行动表现，显然是不愉快的在自己的，但与良好的续集，其中不能有预见的。 The care of the animal for its young, the provision for the need of its future offspring is a kind of foreshadowed sense of duty.照顾动物，为它的青年，提供需要其未来的后代是一种预示意义上的责任。 St. Thomas is bold to follow the terminology of Roman lawyers, and to assert a sort of morality in the pairing and the propagating of the higher animals: "ius naturale est quod natura omnia animalia docuit".圣托马斯是大胆跟进的名词术语，罗马的律师，并断言，一种道德的配对和宣传的更高的动物： “学生联合会naturale预测和自然OMNIA公司animalia docuit ” 。 (It is the natural law which nature has taught all animals.--"In IV Sent.", dist. xxxiii, a. 1, art. 4.) Customs are formed under the pressures and the interactions of actual living. （这是自然法则，其中的性质，告诉所有的动物.-- “在四，发送” ，区三十三，答： 1 ，艺术4 。 ）海关下形成的压力和相互作用的实际生活。 they are fixed by heredity, and they await the analysis and the improvements of nascent reason.他们是固定的，由遗传，他们等待的分析与改进新生的原因。 With the advent of man, in his rudest state--however he came to be in that state, whether by ascent or descent--there dawns a conscience, which, in the development theory, will have to pass through many stages.与来临男子，在他的rudest国家-但是，他后来被在该国，无论是上升或后裔-有即将来临的良心，这在发展理论，将不得不通过许多阶段。 At first its categories of right and wrong are in a very fluid condition, keeping no fixed form, and easily intermixing, as in the chaos of a child's dreams, fancies, illusions, and fictions.在第一，其类别的正确和错误是在一个非常流体条件下，保持并没有固定的形式，并轻松intermixing ，在混乱中一个孩子的梦，中意，幻想，和小说。 The requirements of social life, which becomes the great moralizer of social action, are continually changing, and with them ethics varies its adaptations.的要求，社会生活，成为伟大moralizer社会行动，是不断变化的，并与他们不同，其伦理的修改。 As society advances, its ethics improves.作为社会的进步，其道德有所改善。 "The lines on which custom is formed are determined in each society by the pressures, the thousand interactions of those forces of individual character and social relationship, which never cease remoulding until they have made men's loves and hates, their hopes and fears for themselves and their children, their dread of unseen agencies, their jealousies, their resentments, their antipathies, their sociability and dim sense of mutual dependence all their qualities good and bad, selfish and sympathetic, social and anti-social." “线路上，自定义，是形成有决心在每一个社会的压力，千年的相互作用，这些力量的个性和社会的关系，从来没有停止改造，直到他们取得了男子的爱和恨，他们的希望和恐惧，为自己和他们的子女，他们的恐惧看不见的机构，他们的妒忌，他们的不满，他们antipathies ，他们的社交和黯淡的意识，相互依存的所有素质，有好有坏，自私和同情，社会和反社会“ 。 (Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 262.) The grasp of experience widens and power of analysis increases, till, in a people like the Greeks, we come upon thinkers who can distinctly reflect on human conduct, and can put in practice the gnothi seauton (know thyself), so that henceforth the method of ethics is secured for all times, with indefinite scope left for its better and better application. （业务同上，第二卷， 262页） 。掌握的经验，扩大和权力分析的增加，到，在一个人一样，希腊人，我们来后的思想家，谁可以明显反映了对人类的行为，并能付诸表决在实践中gnothi seauton （知道你自己） ，因此，今后的方法，伦理是有担保为所有的时代，与无限期的范围，留给它的更好和更出色的应用。 "Here we have reached the level of philosophical or spiritual religions, systems which seek to concentrate all experience in one focus, and to illuminate all morality from one centre, thought, as ever, becoming more comprehensive as it becomes more explicit". “我们在这里已达到的水平，哲学或宗教的精神，系统，旨在集中所有的经验，在重点之一，照亮了所有道德从一个中心，思想，与以往一样，成为更全面的，因为它变得更为明确” 。 (ibid., p. 266.) （同上，第266 ） 。
What is said of the race is applied to the individual, as in him customary rules acquire ethical character by the recognition of distinct principles and ideals, all tending to a final unity or goal, which for the mere evolutionist is left very indeterminate, but for the Christian has adequate definition in a perfect possession of God by knowledge and love, without the contingency of further lapses from duty.什么是说，比赛是适用于个人，作为他的习惯规则获得道德品格所承认，具有鲜明的原则和理想，所有趋向最后的统一或目标，其中仅evolutionist是左非常不确定，但对于基督教有足够的定义，在一个完美的藏有上帝的知识和爱，没有应急的进一步失误，从税。 To come to the fullness of knowledge possible in this world is for the individual a process of growth.来丰满的知识有可能在这个世界上是为个别的过程增长。 The brain at first has not the organization which would enable it to be the instrument of rational thought: probably it is a necessity of our mind's nature that we should not start with the fully formed brain but that the first elements of knowledge should be gathered with the gradations of the developing structure.大脑在第一次没有组织，这将使它是文书的理性思考：也许这是一个必要性，我们的脑海的性质，我们不应该开始与完全形成脑，但第一要素的知识，应当收集与该等级的发展结构。 In the morally good family the child slowly learns right conduct by imitation, by instruction, by sanction in the way of rewards and punishments.在道义上良好的家庭孩子慢慢学会了正确的行为模仿，由指示，由制裁的方式，兑现奖惩。 Bain exaggerates the predominance of the last named element as the source whence the sense of obligation comes, and therein he is like Shaftesbury (Inquiry, II, n. 1), who sees in conscience only the reprover.贝恩夸大的优势最后命名的元素作为源whence的意识，义务来了，和他有一样是沙夫茨伯里（调查，二， 12月31日1 ） ，谁可以看到，在良心的，只有reprover 。 This view is favoured also by Carlyle in his "Essay on Characteristics", and by Dr. Mackenzie in his "Manual of Ethics" (3rd ed., III, 14), where we read: "I should prefer to say simply that conscience is a feeling of pain accompanying and resulting from our non-conformity to principle."这种观点是赞成，也由凯雷在他的“散文的特点” ，及博士麦肯齐在他的“道德手册” （第三教育署，三， 14 ） ，我们在那里写着： “我要喜欢说简单，就是良心是一种感觉疼痛陪同并导致从我们的非符合原则“的共识。 Newman also has put the stress on the reproving office of conscience.纽曼也有把应力对谴责办公室的良心。 Carlyle says we should not observe that we had a conscience if we had never offended.卡莱尔说，我们不应该看到，我们有一个有良知的，如果我们从来没有冒犯。 Green thinks that ethical theory is mostly of negative use for conduct.绿皮书认为，道德理论的大多是负面的使用行为。 (Prolegomena to Ethics, IV, 1.) It is better to keep in view both sides of the truth and say that the mind ethically developed comes to a sense of satisfaction in right doing and of dissatisfaction in wrongdoing, and that the rewards and the punishments judiciously assigned to the young have for their purpose, as Aristotle puts it, to teach the teachable how to find pleasure in what ought to please and displeasure in what ought to displease. （绪论伦理，四， 1 ）最好是保持在检视双方的真相，并说心在道德上发展来的感觉满意，在这样做的权利和不满的不法行为，并指出，奖励和处罚明智地分配给年轻人有他们的目的，正如亚里士多德的说法，教导teachable如何寻找乐趣在什么应该请和不满在什么应该不悦。 The immature mind must be given external sanctions before it can reach the inward.不成熟的心目中必须得到外部的制裁，才可以达到抵港。 Its earliest glimmering of duty cannot be clear light: it begins by distinguishing conduct as nice or as nasty and naughty: as approved or disapproved by parents and teachers, behind whom in a dim way stands the oft-mentioned God, conceived, not only in an anthropomorphic, but in a nepiomorphic way, not correct yet more correct than Caliban's speculations about Setebos.其最早的荧的责任不能明确的轻：它一开始就区分进行遮遮掩掩，或作为讨厌和顽皮：批准或拒绝的家长和教师的背后，谁在一个暗淡的方式主张人们经常提到上帝，构思，不仅在一拟，但在nepiomorphic的方式，不正确的，但更正确的，比卡利的猜测，关于天卫十九。 The perception of sin in the genuine sense is gradually formed until the age which we roughly designate as the seventh year, and henceforth the agent enters upon the awful career of responsibility according to the dictates of conscience.观感单仲偕在真正的意义是逐步形成，直到我们的时代，大致指定为第七个年头，和今后的代理人进入后，可怕的职业生涯的责任，根据支配的良心。 On grounds not ethical but scholastically theological, St. Thomas explains a theory that the unbaptized person at the dawn of reason goes through a first crisis in moral discrimination which turns simply on the acceptance or rejection of God, and entails mortal sin in case of failure.理由是没有道德，但scholastically神学，圣托马斯解释了理论，即unbaptized人在即将进入的原因通过的第一个危机，道德歧视，原来简单的接受或拒绝上帝，并带来致命的单仲偕在案件的失败。 (I-II:89:6) （一至二： 89:6 ）
III.三。 WHAT CONSCIENCE IS IN THE SOUL OF MAN?什么良心，是在灵魂男子？
It is often a good maxim not to mind for a time how a thing came to be, but to see what it actually is.它往往是一个很好的格言：不介意今后一个时期如何一件事情来，但看看它实际上是。 To do so in regard to conscience before we take up the history of philosophy in its regard is wise policy, for it will give us some clear doctrine upon which to lay hold, while we travel through a region perplexed by much confusion of thought.这样做在关于良知之前，我们采取了哲学史在其方面是明智的政策，它将给我们一些明确的学说时所奠定举行，而我们的旅行，通过一个地区的困惑了许多混乱的思路。 The following points are cardinal:以下几点是枢机主教：
The natural conscience is no distinct faculty, but the one intellect of a man inasmuch as it considers right and wrong in conduct, aided meanwhile by a good will, by the use of the emotions, by the practical experience of living, and by all external helps that are to the purpose.自然的良心，没有明显的教职，但一个理智的一名男子，因为它认为正确与错误的行为，资助，同时由一个良好的意愿，通过使用情绪，由实际经验的生活，和所有的外部帮助是所要达到的目的。
The natural conscience of the Christian is known by him to act not alone, but under the enlightenment and the impulse derived from revelation and grace in a strictly supernatural order.自然的良知，基督教是已知的由他的行为并不孤单，但下的启示和冲动来自启示和宽限期，在严格的超自然的秩序。
As to the order of nature, which does not exist but which might have existed, St. Thomas (I-II:109:3) teaches that both for the knowledge of God and for the knowledge of moral duty, men such as we are would require some assistance from God to make their knowledge sufficiently extensive, clear, constant, effective, and relatively adequate; and especially to put it within reach of those who are much engrossed with the cares of material life.作为该命令的性质，这并不存在，但可能已经存在，圣托马斯（一至二： 109:3 ）教导我们，无论是知识的上帝和知识，在道义上有责任，男人如我们将需要一些援助，从神，使自己的知识不够广泛，清晰，不断的，有效和相对充足;特别是把它达到那些谁得多engrossed与关怀的物质生活。 It would be absurd to suppose that in the order of nature God could be debarred from any revelation of Himself, and would leave Himself to be searched for quite irresponsively.这将是荒谬的假设在该命令的性质，上帝可能被禁止的任何启示他自己，并会离开自己被搜查，相当irresponsively 。
Being a practical thing, conscience depends in large measure for its correctness upon the good use of it and on proper care taken to heed its deliverances, cultivate its powers, and frustrate its enemies.作为一个实际的事，良心在很大程度上取决于它的正确性后，用好它，并在适当的照顾，采取听取其deliverances ，培养其权力，并阻挠它的敌人。 Even where due diligence is employed conscience will err sometimes, but its inculpable mistakes will be admitted by God to be not blameworthy.即使在尽职调查是受雇的良心，有时会犯错，但其inculpable失误将被接纳上帝不会责备。 These are so many principles needed to steady us as we tread some of the ways of ethical history, where pitfalls are many.这些都是有这么多的原则，所需要的稳定我们在胎面的一些方法的道德的历史，那里有很多的陷阱。
IV.四。 THE PHILOSOPHY OF CONSCIENCE CONSIDERED HISTORICALLY哲学的良知考虑历史
(1) In pre-Christian times （ 1 ）在会前基督教时代
The earliest written testimonies that we can consult tell us of recognized principles in morals, and if we confine our attention to the good which we find and neglect for the present the inconstancy and the admixture of many evils, we shall experience a satisfaction in the history.最早的书面证词，我们可以征询告诉我们，公认的原则，在道德，如果我们只限于我们注意的好，我们找到和忽视，为目前inconstancy和外加剂的许多邪恶，我们会的经验，满意在历史上。 The Persians stood for virtue against vice in their support of Ahura Mazda against Ahriman; and it was an excellence of theirs to rise above "independent ethics" to the conception of God as the rewarder and the punisher.波斯人主张德治打击卖淫，在他们的支持，阿胡拉马自达对ahriman ;这是一个卓越的他们超越“独立道德”的概念，上帝的作为rewarder和punisher 。 They even touched the doctrine of Christ's saying, "What doth it profit a man if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"他们甚至感动的教义基督的话说： “什么doth它的利润一名男子，如果他获得整个世界，失去自己的灵魂” ？ when to the question, what is the worth of the whole creation displayed before us, the Zend-Avesta has the reply: "the man therein who is delivered from evil in thought, word, and deed: he is the most valuable object on earth."当这个问题，什么是值得的整个创作展示在我们面前的，的Zend - avesta已答复： “该名男子，所以谁是交付从邪恶的思想，总之，和契约：他是最有价值的物体在地球上“ 。 Here conscience was clearly enlightened.这里的良心，显然是开明的。 Of the moral virtues among the Persians truthfulness was conspicuous.该道德之间的波斯人的真实性是突出。 Herodotus says that the youth were taught "to ride and shoot with the bow", and "to speak the truth".希罗多德说，青年教授“共度时艰，并拍摄与低头” ， “讲真话” 。 The unveracious Greeks, who admired the wiles of an Odysseus, were surprised at Persian veracity (Herodotus, I, 136, 138); and it may be that Herodotus is not fair on this head to Darius (III, 72).该unveracious希腊人，谁钦佩威尔斯的一奥德修斯，惊讶地波斯语的真实性（希罗多德，我， 136 ， 138 ） ;和可能是希罗多德是不公平的就这头大流士（三， 72岁） 。 The Hindus in the Vedas do not rise high, but in Brahminism there is something more spiritual, and still more in the Buddhist reform on its best side, considered apart from the pessimistic view of life upon which its false asceticism was grounded.该印度教徒，在吠陀不上升高，但在brahminism有一些更精神，更在佛教改革就其最好的方面，除了考虑从悲观的看法的生活后，其虚假的禁欲主义是接地。 Buddhism had ten prohibitive commandments: three concerning the body, forbidding murder, theft, and unchastity; four concerning speech, forbidding lying, slander, abusive language, and vain conversation; and three concerning the mind internally, covetousness, malicious thoughts, and the doubting spirit.佛教戒律10望而却步：三有关机构，禁止谋杀，盗窃，不贞洁; 4有关讲话，禁止说谎，诽谤，粗言秽语，并妄图会话;和3有关铭记在国内， covetousness ，恶意的想法，和怀疑精神。 The Egyptians show the workings of conscience.埃及人显示运作的良心。 In the "Book of the Dead" we find an examination of conscience, or rather profession of innocence, before the Supreme Judge after death.在“图书的死亡： ”我们发现，考试的良心，或者更确切地说，专业的无罪推定，前最高法院法官后死亡。 Two confessions are given enunciating most of the virtues (chap. cxxv): reverence for God; duties to the dead; charity to neighbours; duties of superiors and subjects; care for human life and limb; chastity, honesty, truthfulness, and avoidance of slander; freedom from covetousness.二招供，给出了阐述，大部分的美德（第一章cxxv ） ：崇敬上帝;职责，向遇难者;慈善邻居;职责，上级和科目;照顾人的生命和肢体;贞节，诚实，真，和避免诽谤;免于covetousness 。 The Assyro-Babylonian monuments offer us many items on the favourable side; nor could the people whence issued the Code of Hammurabi, at a date anterior to the Mosaic legislation by perhaps seven hundred years, be ethically undeveloped.该assyro -巴比伦古迹，为我们提供了许多项目上的有利的一面;也不能whence人民发出的汉穆拉比法典，在日期前向花叶立法也许七百年，予以道义上欠发达。 If the Code of Hammurabi has no precepts of reverence to God corresponding with the first three Commandments of the Mosaic Law, at least its preface contains a recognition of God's supremacy.如果汉穆拉比法典没有戒律敬畏上帝，与相应的头三个诫命的镶嵌法，至少在其序言中包含了承认上帝的优势。 In China Confucius (c. 500 BC), in connection with an idea of heaven, delivered a high morality; and Mencius (c. 300 BC) developed this code of uprightness and benevolence as "Heaven's appointment".在中国孔子（长西元前500年） ，他涉嫌与一理念的天堂，发表了高尚的道德追求;和孟子（长公元前300年）已开发此代码的血性和善，作为“天堂的任命” 。 Greek ethics began to pass from its gnomic condition when Socrates fixed attention on the gnothi seauton in the interests of moral reflection.希腊伦理开始通过其gnomic条件时，苏格拉底固定注意对gnothi seauton在利益的道德反思。 Soon followed Aristotle, who put the science on a lasting basis, with the great drawback of neglecting the theistic side and consequently the full doctrine of obligation.随后亚里士多德，谁把科学就在持久的基础上，与伟大的缺点，而忽略了有神论的一面，并因此充分学说的义务。 Neither for "obligation" nor for "conscience" had the Greeks a fixed term.既不是“义务” ，也不是为“良知”了希腊人一个固定的任期。 Still the pleasures of a good conscience and the pains of an evil one were well set forth in the fragments collected by Stobaeus peri tou suneidotos.仍然是快乐，一个良好的良知和痛苦的邪恶一人，以及所提出的碎片所收集的斯托贝斯围头suneidotos 。 Penandros, asked what was true freedom, answered: "a good conscience" (Gaisford's Stobaeus, vol. I, p. 429). penandros ，问什么是真正的自由，回答说： “一个良好的良心” （ gaisford的斯托贝斯，第一卷， 429页） 。
(2) In the Christian Fathers （ 2 ）在基督教的父亲
The patristic treatment of ethics joined together Holy Scripture and the classical authors of paganism; no system was reached, but each Father did what was characteristic.教父的治疗伦理一起圣经和古典作家的异教;没有一个制度是达成，但每次父亲是什么特点。 Tertullian was a lawyer and spoke in legal terms: especially his Montanism urged him to inquire which were the mortal sins, and thus he started for future investigators a good line of inquiry.良是一名律师，以法律条款：尤其是他的montanism敦促他调查，其中致命的罪过，因此他开始为今后的调查员一个很好的路线调查。 Clement of Alexandria was allegoric and mystic: a combiner of Orientalism, Hellenism, Judaism, and Christianity in their bearing on the several virtues and vices.克莱门特在亚历山大是寓言和神秘：一个合成的东方，希腊，犹太教，基督教在其轴承上的几个优点和缺点。 The apologists, in defending the Christian character, dwelt on the marks of ethical conduct.该辩护士，在捍卫基督教的性格，谈到了该商标的道德行为。 St. Justin attributed this excellence to the Divine Logos, and thought that to Him, through Moses, the pagan philosophers were indebted (Apol., I, xliv).圣贾斯汀归因于这个卓越的神圣标志，并认为他说，通过摩西，异教的哲学家负债（ apol. ，我XLIV ）号决议。 Similarly Origen accounted for pre-Christian examples of Christian virtue.同样，俄占前基督教的例子，基督教的美德。 As a Roman skilled in legal administration St. Ambrose was largely guided by Latin versions of Greek ethics, as is very well illustrated by his imitation in style of Cicero's "De Officiis", which he made the title of his own work.作为一个熟练的在罗马的法律，政府当局圣，刘汉铨，主要是为指导，拉丁美洲版本的希腊伦理，这是很好的说明了他在模仿的作风，西塞罗的“时点officiis ” ，这是他取得的标题，他自己的工作。 He discusses honestum et utile (I, ix); decorum, or to prepon as exhibited in Holy Scripture (x); various degrees of goodness, mediocre and perfect, in connection with the text, "if thou wilt be perfect" (xi); the passions of hot youth (xvii).他讨论了honestum等utile （一，九） ;礼仪，或以prepon作为展出的圣经（ x ）的;不同程度的善，平庸和完善，他们涉嫌与文字， “如果你枯萎病是完美的” （十一） ;激情热青年（十七） 。
Subsequent chapters dwell on the various virtues, as fortitude in war and its allied quality, courage in martyrdom (xl, xli).以后各章纠缠于各种美德，作为坚忍不拔的战争及其专职质量，勇气，在殉难（四十，四十一） 。 The second book opens with a discussion of beatitude, and then returns to the different virtues.第二本书打开与讨论beatitude ，然后返回到不同的美德。 It is the pupil of St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, who is, perhaps, the most important of the Fathers in the development of the Christian doctrine of conscience, not so much on account of his frequent discourses about moral subjects, as because of the Platonism which he drank in before his conversion, and afterwards got rid of only by degrees.这是瞳孔圣，刘汉铨，圣奥古斯丁，谁是，也许最重要的父亲在发展基督教的教义良心，没有这么多的帐户，他频繁的论述，关于道德科目，因为该柏拉图，他在喝之前，他的转换，然后摆脱只有程度的影响。 The abiding result to the Scholastic system was that many writers traced their ethics and theology more or less to innate ideas, or innate dispositions, or Divine illuminations, after the example of St. Augustine.该守法的结果，以学术系统是许多作家追查他们的道德和神学更多或更少，以固有的观念，或先天处分权，或神圣的灯饰，后的例子，圣奥古斯丁。 Even in St. Thomas, who was so distinctly an Aristotelean empiricist, some fancy that they detect occasional remnants of Augustinianism on its Platonic side.即使在圣托马斯，谁是如此明显的一aristotelean经验主义者，一些花式，他们偶然发现遗留下来的奥古斯丁主义就其柏拉图式的一面。 Before leaving the Fathers we may mention St. Basil as one who illustrates a theorizing attitude.在离去前的父亲，我们可能提圣罗勒作为一个谁说明了理论的态度。 He was sound enough in recognizing sin to be graver and less grave; yet in the stress of argument against some persons who seemed to admit only the worst offenses against God to be real sins, he ventured without approving of Stoic doctrine, to point out a sort of equality in all sin, so far as all sin is a disobedience to God (Hom. de Justitia Dei, v-viii).他是不够健全，在认识到单要严重和严重不足;然而，在应力的反对，有些人谁似乎承认，只有最严重的犯罪对上帝要有真正的捷联惯导系统，他没有冒险审批stoic学说，指出一个排序在平等的所有单，直至目前为止，所有单是一个抗命，向上帝（ hom.德justitia dei ，第五至第八） 。 Later Abelard and recently Dr. Schell abused this suggestion.后来阿贝拉尔和博士最近夏伟滥用这项建议。 But it has had no influence in any way like that of St. Augustine's Platonism, of which a specimen may be seen in St. Bonaventure, when he is treating precisely of conscience, in a passage very useful as shedding light on a subsequent part of this article.但它已没有影响，以任何方式一样的圣奥古斯丁的柏拉图，其中标本可以看出，在圣文德，当他是治疗正是良心，在一个通道非常有用，因为揭示对随后的一部分此文章。 Some habits, he says, are acquired, some innate as regards knowledge of singulars and knowledge of universals.一些习惯，他说，被收购，一些先天至于知识singulars和知识的共性。 "Quum enim ad cognitionem duo concurrant necessario, videlicet praesentia cognoscibilis et lumen quo mediante de illo judicamus, habitus cognoscitivi sunt quodammodo nobis innati ratione luminis animo inditi; sunt etiam acquisiti ratione speciei"--"For as two things necessarily concur for cognition, namely, the presence of something cognoscible, and the light by which we judge concerning it, cognoscitive habits are in a certain sense innate, by reason of the light wherewith the mind is endowed; and they are also acquired, by reason of the species." “ quum enim广告cognitionem两人concurrant necessario ， videlicet praesentia cognoscibilis等管腔的现状， mediante德illo judicamus ，习性cognoscitivi必须遵守quodammodo的意识innati理由luminis animo inditi ;必须遵守不错acquisiti理由speciei ” -“因为两件事一定会同意为认知，即，在场的一些cognoscible ，并根据其中关于我们法官， cognoscitive习惯是在一定意义上天生的，因鉴于wherewith心目中是得天独厚;他们还收购了，原因物种“ 。 ("Comment. in II Lib. Sent.", dist. xxxix, art. 1, Q. ii. Cf. St. Thomas, "De Veritate", Q. xi, art. 1: "Principia dicuntur innata quae statim lumine intellectus agentis cognoscuntur per species a sensibus abstractas".--Principles are called innate when they are known at once by the light of the active intellect through the species abstracted from the senses.) Then comes the very noticeable and easily misunderstood addition a little later: "si quae sunt cognoscibilia per sui essentiam, non per speciem, respectu talium poterit dici conscientia esse habitus simpliciter innatus, utpote respectu upote respectu hujus quod est Deum amare et timere; Deus enim non cognoscitur per similitudinem a sensu, immo `Dei notitia naturaliter est nobis inserta', sicut dicit Augustinus"--"if there are some things cognoscible through their very essence and not through the species, conscience, with regard to such things, may be called a habit simply innate, as, for example, with regard to loving and serving God; for God is not known by sense through an image; rather, 'the knowledge of God is implanted in us by nature', as Augustine says" ("In Joan.", Tract. cvi, n. 4; "Confess.", X, xx, xxix; "De Lib. Arbitr.", I, xiv, xxxi; "De Mor. Eccl.", iii, iv; "De Trin.", XIII, iii, vi; "Joan. Dam. de Fide", I, i, iii). （ “发表评论。在二库。寄出。 ” ，区第39届，第1条，问：第二。比照圣托马斯， “德veritate ” ，问：十一，第1条： “原理dicuntur innata quae statim lumine intellectus agentis cognoscuntur ％种sensibus abstractas “ .--原则是所谓的先天，当他们知道一旦由鉴于积极的智慧，通过物种的抽象，从感官） ，然后来了非常明显和容易误解的，除了有点迟： “硅quae必须遵守cognoscibilia每穗essentiam ，非％ speciem ， respectu talium poterit dici conscientia esse习性simpliciter innatus ， utpote respectu upote respectu hujus和预测deum阿玛尔等timere ; deus enim非cognoscitur每similitudinem一意义上， immo ` dei notitia naturaliter预计参加的意识inserta ' ， sicut dicit奥古斯丁“ -”如果有一些事情c ognoscible通过他们的本质，而不是通过物种，良心，对于这类事情，可称为一种习惯，只是天生的，因为，举例来说，对于爱好和服务上帝;上帝是不知道的意识，通过形象，而是'知识的上帝是植入在我们的性质' ，作为奥古斯丁说： “ （ ”在琼“ ，道。 CVI的， 12月31日4 ; “招供” ，第十，第XX号决议; “德库。 arbitr ” ，我，十四，三十一; “时点铁道部。传道书” ，三，四; “时点trin ” ，十三，三，六“ ;琼。大坝。真正的德” ，我，我，三） 。 We must remember that St. Bonaventure is not only a theologian but also a mystic, supposing in man oculus carnis, oculus rationis and oculus contemplationis (the eye of the flesh, the eye of reason, and the eye of contemplation); and that he so seriously regards man's power to prove by arguments the existence of God as to devote his labour to explaining that logical conviction is consistent with faith in the same existence (Comm. in III Sent., dist. xxiv, art. 1, Q. iv).我们必须紧记，圣文德不单是一个神学家，但也是一个神秘的，假设在男子眼睛carnis ，眼睛rationis和眼睛contemplationis （眼肉，眼睛的原因，和眼睛的沉思） ;和他因此，认真把人的权力，以证明由论点的存在，上帝把他的劳工，以解释说，合乎逻辑的信念是一致的信念，在相同的存在（ comm.在三，发送，区24条第1 ，问：四） 。 All these matters are highly significant for those who take up any thorough examination of the question as to what the Scholastics thought about man having a conscience by his very nature as a rational being.所有这些问题都是非常重要的对于谁承担任何彻底检查的问题，以什么scholastics想过男子有良心，他非常的性质，作为一个理性的。 The point recurs frequently in Scholastic literature, to which we must next turn.这一点经常复发，在学术文献，这是我们必须在明年好转。
(3) In Scholastic times （ 3 ）在学术上的时代
It will help to make intelligible the subtle and variable theories which follow, if it be premised that the Scholastics are apt to puzzle readers by mixing up with their philosophy of reason a real or apparent apriorism, which is called Augustinianism, Platonism, or Mysticism.这将有助于使理解的微妙和可变理论的后续，如果它的前提是，该scholastics很容易益智读者混合与他们的哲学的原因，一个真正的或明显的先验论，这是所谓的奥古斯丁主义，柏拉图，或神秘主义。
As a rule, to which Durandus with some others was an exception, the Schoolmen regarded created causes as unable to issue in any definite act unless applied or stimulated by God, the Prime Mover: whence came the Thomistic doctrine of proemotio physica even for the intellect and the will, and the simple concursus of the non-Thomists.作为一项规则，其中durandus与另一些是一个例外， schoolmen把创建原因未能问题，在任何明确的法令，除非申请或刺激的上帝，总理提出： whence而来的thomistic学说proemotio物理，甚至为智力和意志，以及简单的竞合的非thomists 。
Furthermore they supposed some powers to be potential and passive, that is, to need a creative determinant received into them as their complement: of which kind a prominent example was the intellectus possibilis informed by the species intelligibilis, and another instance was in relation to conscience, the synteresis.此外，他们假定的一些权力，以潜在的和被动的，即是需要创造性的决定性因素收到到他们作为其补充：哪种一个突出的例子是intellectus possibilis通知物种intelligibilis ，和另一个实例是在有关的良心， synteresis 。 (St. Thomas, De Verit., Q. xvi, art. 1, ad 13.) （圣托马斯岛，德verit ，问：第十六届，第1条，广告13 ） 。
First principles or habits inherent in intellect and will were clearly traced by St. Thomas to an origin in experience and abstraction; but others spoke more ambiguously or even contradictorily; St. Thomas himself, in isolated passages, might seem to afford material for the priorist to utilize in favour of innate forms.第一原则或习惯，固有的智力，并会追查清楚，由圣托马斯，以1原产地在经验和抽象的;但其他人以更含糊其辞，甚至自相矛盾;圣托马斯自己，在孤立的通道，似乎负担材料为priorist利用在赞成的先天形式。 But the Thomistic explanation of appetitus innatus, as contrasted with elicitus, saves the situation.但thomistic解释appetitus innatus ，作为对比，与elicitus ，节省了有关情况。
Abelard, in his "Ethics", or "Nosce Teipsum", does not plunge us into these depths, and yet he taught such an indwelling of the Holy Ghost in virtuous pagans as too unrestrictedly to make their virtues to be Christian.阿贝拉尔，在他的“伦理” ，或“ nosce teipsum ” ，不投身到我们这些深处，但他教导这样一个留置的圣灵在良性异教徒过于不受限制地做出自己的优点，被基督教。 He placed morality so much in the inward act that he denied the morality of the outward, and sin he placed not in the objectively disordered deed but in contempt for God, in which opinion he was imitated by Prof. Schell.他把道德的这么多，在外来的行为，他否认了道德的离港，单仲偕和他放在而不是在客观上紊乱的契约，但在蔑视上帝，在其中的意见，他是模仿教授夏伟。 Moreover he opened a way to wrong opinions by calling free will "the free judgment about the will".此外，他开设了一个方法，错误的意见，要求自由意志“自由裁量关于将” 。 In his errors, however, he was not so wholly astray as careless reading might lead some to infer.在他的错误，不过，他没有那么完全误入歧途，不小心读可能会导致一些推断。 It was with Alexander of Hales that discussions which some will regard as the tedious minutiae of Scholastic speculation began.这是与亚历山大黑尔斯的讨论，其中有些人会视为繁琐的细节在学术上的投机活动开始。 The origin lay in the introduction from St. Jerome (in Ezech., I, Bk. I, ch. 1) of the term synteresis or synderesis.原产地奠定在引言中从圣杰罗姆（在ezech 。 ，我，交通银行，我的CH 。 1 ）的任期synteresis或synderesis 。 There the commentator, having treated three of the mystic animals in the Prophecy as symbolizing respectively three Platonic powers of the soul -- to epithumetikon (the appetitive), to thumikon (the irascible), and to logikon (the rational) -- uses the fourth animal, the eagle, to represent what he calls sunteresis.有评论家，治疗3个神秘的动物在预言，作为象征，分别3柏拉图式的权力的灵魂-e pithumetikon（ a ppetitive） ， t humikon（ i rascible） ，并l ogikon（理性） -使用第四动物，鹰，代表什么，他呼吁sunteresis 。 The last, according to the texts employed by him to describe it, is a supernatural knowledge: it is the Spirit Who groans in man (Romans 8:26), the Spirit who alone knows what is in man (1 Corinthians 2:11), the Spirit who with the body and the soul forms the Pauline trichotomy of I Thess., v, 23.最后，根据该文本雇用他来形容，是一种超自然的知识：它是精神，谁的呻吟在男子（罗马书8时26分） ，精神，谁知道什么，仅是在男子（ 1哥林多前书2时11分） ，谁的精神与身体和灵魂形式宝莲三分法的I thess 。 ，五， 23 。 Alexander of Hales neglects this limitation to the supernatural, and takes synteresis as neither a potentia alone, nor a habitus alone but a potentia habitualis, something native, essential, indestructible in the soul, yet liable to be obscured and baffled.亚历山大黑尔斯忽略了这个限制，以超自然，并synteresis作为既不是潜在的单，也不是单靠习性，但潜在的habitualis ，本土的东西，必要的，在坚不可摧的灵魂，然而，被遮蔽和莫名其妙。 It resides both in the intelligence and in the will: it is identified with conscience, not indeed on its lower side, as it is deliberative and makes concrete applications, but on its higher side as it is wholly general in principle, intuitive, a lumen innatum in the intellect and a native inclination to good in the will, voluntas naturalis non deliberativa (Summa Theologica I-II:71 to I-II:77).它居住的，无论是在情报，以及在会：这是确定的有良知的，而不是事实上，就其下侧，因为它是审议和作出的具体应用，但其较高的一面，因为这是全总在原则上，直观，管腔innatum在智力和本土的倾向，良好的意志， voluntas naturalis非deliberativa （总结theologica第一项和第二项： 71 ，以一至二： 77 ） 。 St. Bonaventure, the pupil, follows on the same lines in his "Commentarium in II Sent."圣文德，瞳孔，如下就同一线在他的“ commentarium在二，发送” 。 (dist. xxxix), with the difference that he locates the synteresis as calor et pondus in the will only distinguishing it from the conscience in the practical intellect, which he calls an innate habit--"rationale iudicatorium, habitus cognoscitivus moralium principiorum"-- "a rational judgment, a habit cognoscitive of moral principles". （ dist. XXXIX ）号，与差异，他找到synteresis作为calor等pondus ，在将只区分它从良心在实际的智慧，他呼吁天生的习惯-“理i udicatorium，习性c ognoscitivusm oraliump rincipiorum” - -“理性的判断，一种习惯， c ognoscitive的道德原则” 。 Unlike Alexander he retains the name conscience for descent to particulars: "conscientia non solum consistit in universali sed etiam descendit ad particularia deliberativa" --"conscience not only consists in the universal but also descends to deliberative particulars".不像亚历山大，他保留了名称为有良知的后裔详情： “ conscientia非solum consistit在universali的SED不错descendit广告particularia deliberativa ” -“良心，不仅存在于世界，但也降，以审议详情” 。 As regards general principles in the conscience, the habits are innate: while as regards particular applications, they are acquired (II Sent., dist xxxix, art. 1, Q; ii).至于一般性的原则，良心，习惯是天生的：而至于特别申请，他们是后天（二发送，距离第39届，第1条， q ;二） 。
As forming a transition from the Franciscan to the Dominican School we may take one whom the Servite Order can at least claim as a great patron, though he seems not to have joined their body, Henry of Ghent.作为过渡，形成了从济向多米尼加学校，我们可能会采取一人servite ，以便至少可以索赔作为一个伟大的靠山，但他似乎没有加入自己的身体，亨利的根特。 He places conscience in the intellect, not in the affective part--"non ad affectivam pertinet"--by which the Scholastics meant generally the will without special reference to feeling or emotion as distinguished in the modern sense from will.他地方的良心，在智力，而不是在情感的一部分-“非广告a ffectivamp ertinet” -其中sc holastics的意思，通常会在没有特别提到的感觉或情感作为杰出的一所现代意义上从会。 While Nicholas of Cusa described the Divine illumination as acting in blind-born man (virtus illuminati coecinati qui per fidem visum acquirit), Henry of Ghent required only assistances to human sight.而尼古拉斯的库萨形容神的光照担任代理在盲出生的男子（ virtus illuminati coecinati qui每fidem观察者acquirit ） ，亨利的根特只需要协助人类在望。 Therefore he supposed:因此，他假定：
an influentia generalis Dei to apprehend concrete objects and to generalize thence ideas and principles; 1 influentia generalis dei逮捕的具体对象和概括再思想和原则;
a light of faith;一轻的信仰;
a lumen speciale wherewith was known the sincera et limpida veritas rerum by chosen men only, who saw things in their Divine exemplars but not God Himself;一腔speciale wherewith被称为该sincera等limpida Veritas的rerum所选择的男人，只有，谁看到的东西，在他们神圣的典范，而不是上帝;
the lumen gloriæ to see God.管腔gloriæ看见上帝。
For our purpose we specially note this: "conscientia ad partem animae cognitivam non pertinet, sed ad affectivam"--"conscience belongs not to the cognitive part of the mind, but to the affective" (Quodlibet., I, xviii).我们的目的，我们特别注意这点： “ conscientia广告partem animae cognitivam非pertinet ，广告的SED affectivam ” -“良心属于不认知的一部分头脑，但对情感” （ q uodlibet.，我十八） 。 St. Thomas, leading the Dominicans, places synteresis not in the will but in the intellect, and he applies the term conscience to the concrete determinations of the general principle which the synteresis furnishes: "By conscience the knowledge given through synteresis is applied to particular actions".圣托马斯，领导多米尼加，地方synteresis而不是在将，但在智力，他适用于任期的良心，具体测定的一般原则，其中synteresis提供了： “有良知的知识，透过synteresis应用，特别是行动“ 。 ("De Verit.", Q. xvii, a. 2.; Cf. Summa Theologica, Q. lxxix, a. 13; "III Sent.", dist. xiv, a. 1, Q. ii; "Contra Gent.", II, 59.) Albertus agrees with St. Thomas in assigning to the intellect the synteresis, which he unfortunately derives from syn and hoerere (haerens in aliquo) (Summa Theol., Pt. II, Q. xcix, memb. 2, 3; Summa de Creaturis, Pt. II, Q. lxix, a. 1). （ “时点verit ” ，问：十七，答： 2 。 ;比照总结theologica ，问： lxxix ，答： 13人; “三派” ，区第十四答： 1 ，问：第二“ ;孔特拉根特“第一，二， 59 ） 。阿尔伯图斯同意圣托马斯在指派智力有关synteresis ，这是他不幸的是来自的SYN和hoerere （ haerens在aliquo ） （总结theol ，铂。二，问： xcix ， memb 。 2 ， 3 ;总结德creaturis ，铂。二，问： lxix ，答： 1 ） 。 Yet he does not deny all place to the will: "Est rationis practicae . . . non sine voluntate naturali, sed nihil est voluntatis deliberativae (Summa Theol., Pt. II, Q. xcix, memb. 1). The preference of the Franciscan School for the prominence of will, and the preference of the Thomistic School for the prominence of intellect is characteristic. (See Scotus, IV Sent., dist. xlix, Q. iv.) Often this preference is less significant than it seems. Fouillée, the great defender of the idée force-- idea as the active principle--allows in a controversy with Spencer that feeling and will may be involved in the idea. Having shown how Scholasticism began its research into conscience as a fixed terminology, we must leave the matter there, adding only three heads under which occasion was given for serious errors outside the Catholic tradition:但他并不否认所有地方的意志： “预测rationis practicae 。 。 。非正弦voluntate naturali ， nihil预测的SED voluntatis deliberativae （总结theol ，铂。二，问： xcix ， memb 1款） 。偏好的方济各学校为突出的意愿，及偏好的thomistic学校的突出特点是智力。 （见司各脱，四发送，区。 xlix ，问：四）这往往是优先的重要性不亚于似乎。 fouillée ，伟大的后卫的主要概念的力量-的想法，作为积极的原则-允许在一个争议与S p encer的这种感觉，并会可能参与了这一想法。表现出如何士林开始其研究的良心，作为一个固定的术语，我们必须离开的事，只增加三国元首的场合下，给予严重的错误以外的天主教会传统的：
While St. Augustine did excellent service in developing the doctrine of grace, he never so clearly defined the exact character of the supernatural as to approach the precision which was given through the condemnation of propositions taught by Baius and Jansenius; and in consequence his doctrine of original sin remained unsatisfactory.而圣奥古斯丁没有优良的服务，在发展学说的宽限期，他从来没有这样明确的确切性质，超自然，以精密的做法，这是由于通过谴责命题老师baius和jansenius ;和后果，在他的学说原罪仍然不理想。 When Alexander of Hales, without distinction of natural and supernatural, introduced among the Scholastics the words of St. Jerome about synteresis as scintilla conscientia, and called it lumen innatum, he helped to perpetuate the Augustinian obscurity.当亚历山大黑尔斯，毫无区别地的自然和超自然的，介绍了各scholastics的话，圣杰罗姆约synteresis作为scintilla conscientia ，并呼吁它管腔innatum ，他帮助永久奥古斯丁不了了之。
As regards the intellect, several Scholastics inclined to the Arabian doctrine of intellectus agens, or to the Aristotelean doctrine of the Divine nous higher than the human soul and not perishable with it.至于智力，几个scholastics倾向阿拉伯主义intellectus agens ，或向aristotelean学说的神圣臭氧办事处高于人的灵魂，不容易腐坏的与它。 Roger Bacon called the intellectus agens a distinct substance.罗杰培根所谓intellectus agens一个独特的物质。 Allied with this went Exemplarism, or the doctrine of archetypic ideas and the supposed knowledge of things in these Divine ideas.盟军与这一过程持续了exemplarism ，或学说archetypic的思路和假定的知识的东西，在这些神圣的想法。 [Compare the prolepseis emphutoi of the Stoics, which were universals, koinai ennoiai]. [比较prolepseis emphutoi的stoics ，这是共性， koinai ennoiai ] 。 Henry of Ghent distinguished in man a double knowledge: "primum exemplar rei est species eius universalis causata a re: secundum est ars divina, continens rerum ideales rationes" --"the first exemplar of a thing is universal species of it caused by the thing: the second is the Divine Art containing the ideal reasons (rationes) of things" (Theol., I, 2, n. 15).亨利在根特尊敬的男子双重知识： “ primum典范瑞预测物种eius universalis causata重新： secundum预测亚美尼亚救济协会divina ， continens rerum ideales rationes ” -“第一典范的事是普遍性的物种，它引起的事：二是神圣的艺术含有理想的原因（ rationes ）的东西“ （ theol. ，我， 2 ， 12月31日15 ） 。 Of the former he says: "per tale exemplar acquisitum certa et infallibilis notitia veritatis est omnino impossibilis"--"through such an acquired exemplar, certain and infallible knowledge of truth is utterly impossible" (n. 17); and of the latter: "illi soli certam veritatem valent agnoscere qui earn in exemplari (aeterno) valent aspicere, quod non omnes valent"--"they alone can know certain truth who can behold it in the (eternal) exemplar, which not all can do" (I, 1, n. 21;).对前者，他说： “每个故事的典范acquisitum certa等infallibilis notitia veritatis预测omnino impossibilis ” -“通过这样一个收购的典范，一定和犯错的知识，真理是根本不可能的” （ 1 2月3 1日1 7条） ;以及后者： “ illi 。 Soli certam veritatem价agnoscere qui收入在exemplari （ aeterno ）价aspicere ，和非义务价” -“他们便可以知道某些真理，谁可以看哪，它在（永恒）的典范，这并非所有可以做的” （我，一， 12月31日21个; ） 。 The perplexity was further increased when some, with Occam, asserted a confused intuition of things singular as opposed to the clearer idea got by the process of abstraction: "Cognitio singularis abstractiva praesupponit intuitivam ejusdem objecti"--"abstractive cognition of a singular presupposes intuitive cognition of the same object" (Quodlib., I, Q. xiii).困惑是进一步增加，当一些， occam ，断言混乱的直觉的东西，奇异作为反对以清晰的概念，得到的过程中的抽象： “文理singularis abstractiva praesupponit intuitivam ejusdem objecti ” -“抽象的认知奇异假定直观认识同一个对象“ （ quodlib. ，我问：十三） 。 Scotus also has taught the confused intuition of the singulars.司各脱也有教导的混乱直觉的singulars 。 Here was much occasion for perplexity on the intellectual side, about the knowledge of general principles in ethics and their application when the priority of the general to the particular was in question.这里是很多的场合，困惑，对智力方面，有关知识的一般原则，在道德和他们的申请时的优先次序一般到特别是在质询。
The will also was a source of obscurity.该会亦是一个来源，不了了之。 Descartes supposed the free will of God to have determined what for conscience was to be right and what wrong, and he placed the act of volition in an affirmation of the judgment.笛卡尔假定的自由意志上帝决定了什么，为良心，是正确的和什么是错误的，他把该法的意志在一肯定的判断。 Scotus did not go thus far, but some Scotists exaggerated the determining power of Divine will, especially so as to leave it to the choice of God indefinitely to enlarge a creature's natural faculties in a way that made it hard to distinguish the natural from the supernatural.司各脱没有去，因此至目前为止，但有些scotists夸大决定的权力，神将，特别是使离开它的选择，上帝的无限放大一造物的自然院系的方式作出，它很难区分自然从超自然。 Connected with the philosophy of the will in matters of conscience is another statement open to controversy, namely, that the will can tend to any good object in particular only by reason of its universal tendency to the good.与哲学有关的事宜将在良心的是另一项声明，公开的争论，即认为可以将倾向于任何良好的对象，尤其是只因为它是普遍的趋势向好。 This is what Alexander of Hales means by synteresis as it exists in the will, when he says that it is not an inactive habit but a habit in some sense active of itself, or a general tendency, disposition, bias, weight, or virtuality.这是什么亚历山大黑尔斯的手段synteresis作为它存在于会时，他说，这不是一个无效的习惯，但习惯在一定意义上活跃的本身，或一般的趋势，处置，偏见，体重，或虚拟。 With this we might contrast Kant's pure noumenal will, good apart from all determinedly good objects.与此相反，我们可能康德的纯粹的本体会，好，除了所有毅然好对象。
Anti-Scholastic Schools反学术学校
The history of ethics outside the Scholastic domain, so far as it is antagonistic, has its extremes in Monism or Pantheism on the one side and in Materialism on the other.历史上的道德以外的学术网域，直至目前为止，因为它是对立的，有其极端的，在一元论或泛神论对一个方面和在唯物论对其他。
Spinoza斯宾诺莎
Spinoza is a type of the Pantheistic opposition.斯宾诺莎是一个类型的pantheistic反对。 His views are erroneous inasmuch as they regard all things in the light of a fated necessity, with no free will in either God or man; no preventable evil in the natural course of things; no purposed good of creation; no individual destiny or immortality for the responsible agent: indeed no strict responsibility and no strict retribution by reward or punishment.他的观点都是错误的，因为他们把所有的东西，根据一个注定的必要性，没有自由意志，无论是上帝的或人为的;没有预防的邪恶，在自然的事情;没有专用良好的创作;没有个人的命运，或为永生负责代理人：事实上，没有严格的责任和没有严格的报复奖励或处罚。 On the other hand many of Spinoza's sayings if lifted into the theistic region, may be transformed into something noble.在另一方面，许多斯宾诺莎的说法，如果解除到有神论区域，还可能转化为高尚的东西。 The theist, taking up Spinoza's phraseology in a converted sense, may, under this new interpretation, view all passionate action, all sinful choice, as an "inadequate idea of things", as "the preference of a part to the detriment of the whole", while all virtue is seen as an "adequate idea" taking in man's "full relation to himself as a whole, to human society and to God".该theist ，占用了斯宾诺莎的用语在一部经改装的意义上说， 5月，根据这项新的解释，检视所有激情的行动，所有罪孽深重的选择，作为一个“不够的理念的东西” ，作为“偏爱的一部分，从而损害整个“ ，而所有的美德是被看作是”足够的思想， “以在人的”全面的关系，以自己作为一个整体，对人类社会，并以神之名“ 。 Again, Spinoza's amor Dei intellectualis becomes finally, when duly corrected, the Beatific Vision, after having been the darker understanding of God enjoyed by Holy men before death, who love all objects in reference to God.再次，斯宾诺莎的奥马尔dei intellectualis成为最后，当适当的纠正， beatific视野后，一直是黑暗的认识上帝所享有的神圣的男子死亡前，谁爱的所有对象参考上帝。 Spinoza was not an antinomian in conduct; he recommended and practiced virtues.斯宾诺莎是不是一个antinomian的行为;他建议，实行的美德。 He was better than his philosophy on its bad side, and worse than his philosophy on its good side after it has been improved by Christian interpretation.他好过他的哲学就其坏的一面，不如他的哲学思想就其好的一面后，已有所改善，由基督教的解释。
Hobbes霍布斯
Hobbes stands for ethics on a Materialistic basis.霍布斯主张伦理对物质基础。 Tracing all human action to self-love, he had to explain the generous virtues as the more respectable exhibitions of that quality when modified by social life.追查所有人权的行动，自爱，他曾解释慷慨的美德，作为更受人尊敬的展览，质量时，改性的社会生活。 He set various schools of antagonistic thought devising hypotheses to account for disinterested action in man.他设置不同的学校，对立的思想，制定假设，以帐户为无私的行动，在男子。 The Cambridge Platonists unsatisfactorily attacked him on the principle of their eponymous philosopher, supposing the innate noemata to rule the empirical aisthemata by the aid of what Henry More called a "boniform faculty", which tasted "the sweetness and savour of virtue".剑桥platonists欠佳袭击了他对等原则，他们eponymous哲学家，假设先天noemata议事规则的实证aisthemata由什么样的援助，唐英年更被称为“ boniform学院” ，尝到了“甜头和体验以德治国” 。 This calling in of a special faculty had imitators outside the Platonic School; for example in Hutcheson, who had recourse to Divine "implantations" of benevolent disposition and moral sense, which remind us somewhat of synteresis as imperfectly described by Alexander of Hales.这要求在一个特别的学院模仿以外的柏拉图式的学校;例如在hutcheson ，谁求助于神“ implantations ”仁政处置和道德意识，这提醒我们，有点synteresis作为不完善所描述的亚历山大黑尔斯。 A robust reliance on reason to prove ethical truth as it proved mathematical truths, by inspection and analysis, characterized the opposition which Dr. Samuel Clarke presented to Hobbes.强劲的依赖的原因，以证明道德真理，因为它证明了数学真理，由检查和分析，其特点是在野党，其中博士，黄秉槐克拉克提交给霍布斯。 It was a fashion of the age to treat philosophy with mathematical rigour; but very different was the "geometrical ethics" of Spinoza, the necessarian, from that of Descartes, the libertarian, who thought that God's free will chose even the ultimate reasons of right and wrong and might have chosen otherwise.这是一个时尚的年龄对待哲学与数学的严谨，但非常不同的是“几何伦理”斯宾诺莎， necessarian ，从笛卡尔，自由，谁认为上帝的自由意志的选择，甚至最终的原因的权利和错误的，并有可能选择，否则。 If Hobbes has his representatives in the Utilitarians, the Cambridge Platonists have their representatives in more or less of the school of which TH Green is a leading light.如果霍布斯有他的代表，在utilitarians ，剑桥platonists有他们的代表在更多或更少的学校，其中次绿色是一家领先的轻。 A universal infinite mind seeks to realize itself finitely in each human mind or brain, which therefore must seek to free itself from the bondage of mere natural causality and rise to the liberty of the spirit, to a complete self-realization in the infinite Self and after its pattern.一个普遍的无限铭记旨在实现本身有限，在每个人的心或脑，因此，必须设法摆脱的枷锁仅仅是自然的因果关系，并上升到自由的精神，以一个完整的自我实现，在无限的自我和之后，其模式。 What this pattern ultimately is Green cannot say; but he holds that our way towards it at present is through the recognized virtues of European civilization, together with the cultivation of science and art.什么这个模式，最终是绿色不能说，但他认为，我们对目前它是通过公认的美德，欧洲文明的，再加上培养科学和艺术。 In the like spirit GE Moore finds the ascertainable objects that at present can be called "good in themselves" to be social intercourse and æsthetic delight.在类似的精神，葛穆尔认定，核实的对象，目前可被称为“好，在自己是”被社会交往和æsthetic喜悦。
Kant康德
Kant may stand midway between the Pantheistic and the purely Empirical ethics.康德的立场，可能会中途之间的pantheistic和纯粹的实证道德。 On the one side he limited our knowledge, strictly so called, of things good to sense-experiences; but on the other he allowed a practical, regulative system of ideas lifting us up to God.对一个方面，他有限的知识，严格所谓的，事物的好感知经验;但另一方面，他允许一个实际，调节系统的想法，我们解除了上帝。 Duty as referred to Divine commands was religion, not ethics: it was religion, not ethics, to regard moral precepts in the light of the commands of God.当提到神的命令是宗教，没有道德的：它是宗教，没有道德，把道德的信条，在根据该命令，上帝的。 In ethics these were restricted to the autonomous aspect, that is, to the aspect of them under which the will of each man was its own legislator.在伦理，这些被限制的自主方面，即是要方面，他们根据该会的每名男子被自己的立委。 Man, the noumenon, not the phenomenon, was his own lawgiver and his own end so far as morality went: anything beyond was outside ethics proper.男子，本体，而不是现象，是他自己的lawgiver和他自己年底至今，作为道德到：任何超出以外的道德正确的。 Again, the objects prescribed as good or forbidden as bad did not enter in among the constituents of ethical quality: they were only extrinsic conditions.再次，对象明一样好或坏，禁止没有进入，在各组别的道德素质：他们只是外在条件。 The whole of morality intrinsically was in the good will as pure from all content or object of a definite kind, from all definite inclination to benevolence and as deriving its whole dignity from respect for the moral law simply as a moral law, self-imposed, and at the same time universalized for all other autonomous individuals of the rational order.整个道德在本质上是在良好的意志为纯从所有的内容或对象的一个明确的实物，从所有明确的倾向，善，作为其产生的整体尊严不受尊重的道德法律是不是仅仅作为一个道德律，自我强加的，并在同一时间，普遍化的所有其他自主的个人的理性秩序。 For each moral agent as noumenal willed that the maxim of his conduct should become a principle for all moral agents.每个道德代理人作为本体意志表示，格言，他的行为应该成为一个原则，为所有的道德代理人。 We have to be careful how in practice we impute consequences to men who hold false theories of conscience.我们要小心，如何在实践中我们意指后果男子谁举行谬论的良心。 In our historical sketch we have found Spinoza a necessarian or fatalist; but he believed in effort and exhortation as aids to good life.在我们的历史素描我们发现斯宾诺莎一necessarian或fatalist ;但他认为，在努力和告诫，作为艾滋病美好的生活。 We have seen Kant assert the non-morality of Divine precept and of the objective fitness of things, but he found a place for both these elements in his system.我们所看到的康德断言，非道德的神圣的信条和目标，健身的东西，但他发现的地方，这些元素都在他的系统。 Similarly Paulsen gives in the body of his work a mundane ethics quite unaffected by his metaphysical principles as stated in his preface to Book II.同样的保尔森，让身体在他工作的一世俗伦理相当不受他的形而上的原则，正如他在序言中第二册。 Luther logically might be inferred to be a thorough antinomian: he declared the human will to be enslaved, with a natural freedom only for civic duties; he taught a theory of justification which was in spite of evil deeds; he called nature radically corrupt and forcibly held captive by the lusts of the flesh; he regarded divine grace as a due and necessary complement to human nature, which as constituted by mere body and soul was a nature depraved; his justification was by faith, not only without works, but even in spite of evil works which were not imputed.路德在逻辑上可推定为是一个彻底的antinomian ：他宣称人类将要被奴役，一个天然的自由，不仅对公民的职责;他教的理论的理由是，尽管邪恶的事迹，他所谓的性质，从根本上舞弊及强行关押由lusts的肉;他认为，神圣的恩典作为一个适当和必要的补充，以人性，作为所构成的仅仅是身体与灵魂是一个性质的腐化，他的理由是由信仰，不仅没有工程，但即使在尽管邪恶的工程不被扣抵。 Nevertheless he asserted that the good tree of the faith-justified man must bring forth good works; he condemned vice most bitterly, and exhorted men to virtue.不过他声称，好树的信念-合理的男子，必须带出好的作品;他谴责副最强烈，并告诫官兵的美德。 Hence Protestants can depict a Luther simply the preacher of good, while Catholics may regard simply the preacher of evil.因此，新教徒可以描绘路德只是布道者良好，而天主教徒可能认为很简单的布道者邪恶的。 Luther has both sides.路德已经双方。
V. CONSCIENCE IN ITS PRACTICAL WORKING五，良心在其实际工作
The supremacy of conscience至高无上的良心
The supremacy of conscience is a great theme of discourse.至高无上的良心，是一个伟大的主题话语。 "Were its might equal to its right", says Butler, "it would rule the world". “它可能等于其权利” ，巴特勒说， “这将统治世界” 。 With Kant we could say that conscience is autonomously supreme, if against Kant we added that thereby we meant only that every duty must be brought home to the individual by his own individual conscience, and is to this extent imposed by it; so that even he who follows authority contrary to his own private judgment should do so on his own private conviction that the former has the better claim.与康德，我们可以说，良心是独立自主的最高权力机构，如果我们对康德的补充，从而使我们的意思，只是每个工作地点必须被绳之以法在家中的个人，他自己个人的良知，是这所施加的程度;所以，即使他谁如下管理局相反，他自己私人的判断应该这样做对自己私人的信念，即前者具有较好的索赔。 If the Church stands between God and conscience, then in another sense also the conscience is between God and the Church.如果教会的立场之间的上帝和良心，那么从另一个意义上讲，也是良心之间，上帝和教会。 Unless a man is conscientiously submissive to the Catholic Church his subjection is not really a matter of inner morality but is mechanical obedience.除非一个人是认真顺从，以天主教教会他屈从，是不是一个真正的问题，党内道德，但是机械服从。
Conscience as a matter of education and perfectibility作为一个有良知的问题，教育和完善
As in all other concerns of education, so in the training of conscience we must use the several means.如同在所有其他的关注，教育，所以在训练的良心，我们必须使用几种手段。 As a check on individual caprice, especially in youth, we must consult the best living authorities and the best traditions of the past.作为一个检查就个别随想曲，特别是在青年，我们必须征询最好的生活当局和优良传统的过去。 At the same time that we are recipient our own active faculties must exert themselves in the pursuit with a keen outlook for the chances of error.在同一时间，我们是受援国自己的积极院系必须发挥自己的追求与渴望前景的机会的错误。 Really unavoidable mistakes will not count against us; but many errors are remotely, when not proximately, preventable.真的无可避免的错误，将不会对我们不利，但许多错误是远端，当不proximately ，可以预防的。 From all our blunders we should learn a lesson.从我们所有的失误，我们应该从中汲取教训。 The diligent examiner and corrector of his own conscience has it in his power, by long diligence to reach a great delicacy and responsiveness to the call of duty and of higher virtue, whereas the negligent, and still more the perverse, may in some sense become dead to conscience.勤劳的检验和校正自己的良心，已在他的权力，长期的努力，达到一个伟大的美食和响应号召，责任和较高的美德，而疏忽，还有更多的倒行逆施，可能在一定意义上成为死亡的良心。 The hardening of the heart and the bad power to put light for darkness and darkness for light are results which may be achieved with only too much ease.硬化的心脏和坏的权力，把光明和黑暗的黑暗轻的结果是可能实现的只有太多的缓解。 Even the best criteria will leave residual perplexities for which provision has to be made in an ethical theory of probabilities which will be explained in the article PROBABILISM.即使是最好的准则将离开残余的困惑其中规定必须作出在一个道德理论的概率会解释，在文章中probabilism 。 Suffice it to say here that the theory leaves intact the old rule that a man in so acting must judge that he certainly is allowed thus to act, even though sometimes it might be more commendable to do otherwise.足以说明在这里指出，理论叶片完整，旧的规则，一名男子在这样做时必须法官说，他肯定是不允许，因此采取行动，即使有时可能更值得称道的做，否则。 In inferring something to be permissible, the extremes of scrupulosity and of laxity have to be avoided.在推断一些被允许的，极端的scrupulosity和懈怠都必须避免。
The approvals and reprovals of conscience审批和reprovals良心
The office of conscience is sometimes treated under too narrow a conception.办公室的良心，有时是治疗下，过于狭窄的概念。 Some writers, after the manner of Socrates when he spoke of his doemon as rather a restrainer than a promoter of action, assign to conscience the office of forbidding, as others assign to law and government the negative duty of checking invasion upon individual liberty.一些作家，后的方式苏格拉底时，他谈到了他的doemon作为，而不是一比一restrainer启动的行动，分配给有良知的办公室禁止，正如其他人指派给法律和政府的负的责任，检查入侵后，个人自由。 Shaftesbury (Inquiry II, 2, 1) regards conscience as the consciousness of wrongdoing, not of rightdoing.沙夫茨伯里（调查二， 2 ， 1 ）关于良心的意识，行为，而不是rightdoing 。 Carlyle in his "Essay on Characteristics" asserts that we should have no sense of having a conscience but for the fact that we have sinned; with which view we may compare Green's idea about a reasoned system of ethics (Proleg., Bk. IV, ch. ii, sect. 311) that its use is negative "to provide a safeguard against the pretext which in a speculative age some inadequate and misapplied theories may afford our selfishness rather than in the way of pointing out duties previously ignored".卡莱尔在他的“论特色”的断言，我们应该有没有安全感的有良知的，但事实上，我们罪;与看法，我们可能比较绿皮书的思想作出合理的制度伦理（ proleg. ，交通银行。四，的CH ， A节。 311 ） ，它的使用是否定的“提供一个保障，以免为借口，而在一个投机时代的一些不足和误用理论可能负担不起，我们的自私而不是在道路上指出，以前忽略的职责” 。 Others say t