Primitive religion is a name given to the religious beliefs and practices of those traditional, often isolated, preliterate cultures which have not developed urban and technologically sophisticated forms of society.原始宗教是一种名义给予的宗教信仰和做法，那些传统的，往往是孤立， preliterate文化，而没有发达城市的先进形式的社会。 The term is misleading in suggesting that the religions of those peoples are somehow less complex than the religions of "advanced" societies.一词，是具误导性的暗示宗教这些国家的人民都有点不太复杂的，比宗教的"先进"的社会。 In fact, research carried out among the indigenous peoples of Oceania, the Americas, and sub Saharan Africa have revealed rich and very complex religions, which organize the smallest details of the people's lives.事实上，在所进行的研究当中，土著人民的大洋洲，美洲和撒哈拉以南非洲国家已经发现了丰富的和非常复杂的宗教，其中组织最小的细节的人的生活。
The religions of archaic cultures - the cultures of the Paleolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic ages - are also referred to as primitive.宗教古老文化-文化的旧石器时代， m esolithic，和新石器时代的年龄-也被称为原始的。 The available evidence for prehistoric religions is so limited as to render any reconstruction highly speculative.现有的证据，为史前宗教是如此有限，因为他们提供任何重建高度投机。 Scholars such as Mircea Eliade, however, have emphasized the importance of contemporary fieldwork in recapturing a sense of the religious life of early humankind.学者如的主要原因eliade ，但是，都强调重视当代田野中夺回责任感宗教生活的早期人类。
Since the 17th century in the Western world scholars have speculated on the problem of the beginnings of human culture by making use of the empirical data collected about religious belief and practice among the non European cultures of the New World, Africa, Australia, the South Pacific, and elsewhere. 17世纪以来在西方世界学者纷纷揣测这个问题的起源，人类文明所利用的实证资料收集的有关宗教的信仰与实践之间的非欧洲文化的新的世界，非洲，澳洲，南太平洋和其他地方。 Religion thus became one of the areas of study that shaped current ideas about the origins of human consciousness and institutions.宗教因而成为一个领域的研究认为，目前形成的思路起源人的意识和体制。 Religion, both as a human experience and as an expression of that experience, was viewed as a primitive model of human consciousness, most clearly seen in primitive cultures.宗教，无论是作为一个人的经验，并以此表达对这一经验，被看成是一个原始的模型，人类意识的，最清楚地看到，在原始文化。 It is significant that the first systematic treatise in the discipline of Anthropology, Edward B Tylor's Primitive Culture (1871), had "Religion in Primitive Culture" as its subtitle, and that the first person to be appointed to a professorial chair of social anthropology in Britain was Sir James Frazer, author of the monumental study of comparative folklore, magic, and religion, The Golden Bough.这是很重要的是，第一次系统论述该学科的人类学，爱德华b tylor的原始文化（ 1871 ） ， "宗教在原始文化"为题，并认为第一人，被指定为教授主持的社会人类学英国爵士弗雷泽，作者的气壮山河的研究比较民俗学，魔术，和宗教的自由，黄金bough 。
| BELIEVE 相信 Religious 宗教 Information 资讯 Source 源 web-site 网址： |
| Our List of 1,000 Religious Subjects 我们所列出的1000名宗教科目 |
| E-mail 电子邮箱 |
An opposing interpretation of primitive religion comes from an experimental and psychological approach to the data.另一种相反的解释，原始宗教，来自实验和心理的态度来处理数据。 RH Codrington's study The Melanesians (1891), in which he described the meaning of Mana as a supernatural power or influence experienced by the Melanesians, has provided a basis for other scholars to explain the origin and interpretation of primitive religion as rooted in the experience by primitive peoples of the dynamic power of nature.铑科德林顿的研究美拉尼西亚人（ 1891年） ，他在其中所描述的含义的Mana作为一个超自然的力量或影响，经历了由美拉尼西亚人，提供了一个基础，为其他学者解释的起源与诠释原始宗教作为植根于体验原始民族的动态自然的力量。 The most prominent interpreter of this point of view was the English anthropologist Robert R Marett.最突出的诠释者这个角度来看，是英语人类学家罗伯特marett 。 Variations of this theory may be seen in the works of Lucien Levy - Bruhl, who distinguished between a logical and prelogical mentality in analyzing the kind of thinking that takes place through this mode of experience, and the writings of Rudolf Otto, who described the specific religious meaning of this mode of human consciousness.变异的这一理论可以看出，在工程的吕西安征费-b ruhl，区分逻辑和p relogical心态剖析种思维考虑通过这种模式的经验，并著作鲁道夫奥托，他描述了具体宗教含义这种模式的人的意识。
Another intellectual - rationalist approach to primitive religion is exemplified by Emile Durkheim, who saw religion as the deification of society and its structures.另一种智慧-理性的态度，以原始宗教的例子是埃米尔涂尔干，他们认为宗教作为神化的社会及其结构。 The symbols of religion arise as "collective representations" of the social sphere, and rituals function to unite the individual with society.象征宗教的出现，因为"集体交涉"的社会领域，和礼仪功能，以凝聚个人与社会。 Claude Levi - Strauss moved beyond Durkheim in an attempt to articulate the way in which the structures of society are exemplified in myths and symbols.克劳德列维-施特劳斯超越了迪尔凯姆在试图阐明以何种方式社会结构正体现在神话和符号。 Starting from the structural ideas of contemporary linguistics, he argued that there is one universal form of human logic and that the difference between the thinking of primitive and modern people cannot be based on different modes of thought or logic but rather on differences in the data on which logic operates.从结构思路的当代语言学，他争辩说，有一个普遍的形式，人类逻辑和表示，差异的思想，原始与现代人民不是可以根据不同的思维方式和逻辑，而是差异，在数据其中的逻辑运作。
Mircea Eliade expressed a similar position.的主要原因eliade表示了类似的立场。 For him, primitive cultures are more open to the world of natural forms.对他来说，原始文化更是向世界开放的自然形式。 This openness allows them to experience the world as a sacred reality.这种开放度，让他们亲身体验世界作为一个神圣的现实。 Anything in the world can reveal some aspect and dimension of sacredness to the person in primitive cultures.什么在世界上可以透露一些方面和层面的神圣性，以人的原始文化。 This mode of revelation is called a hierophany.这种模式的启示是被称为hierophany 。 In Eliade's theory, the revealing of the sacred is a total experience.在eliade的理论，揭示了神圣的，是共有的经验。 It cannot be reduced to the rational, the irrational, or the psychological; the experience of the sacred includes them all.它不能缩小到理性，不理性的，或心理;经验神圣的，包括他们所有。 It is the way in which these experiences are integrated and received that characterizes the sacred.它是如何在这些经验是综合性，并收到特点的神圣。 The integration of many seemingly disparate and often opposed meanings into a unity is what Eliade means by the religious symbol.整合许多看似不相干的，并经常反对的意思成为一个团结，是什么eliade手段，由宗教象征。
A myth is the integration of religious symbols into a narrative form.一个神话，是一个整合的宗教符号变成文字叙述形式。 Myths not only provide a comprehensive view of the world, but they also provide the tools for deciphering the world.神话不仅是提供一个全面的眼光看待世界，但它们也提供工具，为破译世界。 Although myths may have a counterpart in ritual patterns, they are autonomous modes of the expression of the sacredness of the world for primitive peoples.虽然神话可能有一个对应于祭祀方式，他们都是独立自主的方式表达了神圣的世界，为原始人民。
Generally, rituals express the great transitions in human life: birth (coming into being); puberty (the recognition and expression of sexual status); marriage (the acceptance of an adult role in the society); and death (the return to the world of the ancestors).一般来说，仪式表达伟大转变人类生活：出生（即将付诸实施） ;青春期（承认和表达性地位） ，结婚（接受一个成年人在社会中的作用） ，以及死亡（重返世界的祖先） 。 These passage rites vary in form, importance, and intensity from one culture to another for they are tied to several other meanings and rituals in the culture.这些仪式通过不同形式，重要性和强度，从一个文化到另一个，因为他们是绑其他几个含义和礼仪中的文化。 For example, the primitive cultures of south New Guinea and Indonesia place a great emphasis on rituals of death and funerary rites.举例来说，原始文化的南新几内亚和印尼设立了一个非常注重礼仪的死亡和丧葬礼俗。 They have elaborate myths describing the geography of the place of the dead and the journey of the dead to that place.他们有详细描述的神话地理的地点死亡和生命的死者都是这个地方。 Hardly any ritual meaning is given to birth.几乎没有任何仪式，意思就是给出生。 The Polynesians, on the other hand, have elaborate birth rituals and place much less emphasis on funerary rituals.该波利尼西亚人，但另一方面，也说明出生时的礼仪和地方少得多注重丧葬礼仪。
Almost all primitive cultures pay attention to puberty and marriage rituals, although there is a general tendency to pay more attention to the puberty rites of males than of females.几乎所有的原始文化，注意青春期和结婚仪式，虽然是一个总的趋势是更注重青春期仪轨的男性多于女性。 Because puberty and marriage symbolize the fact that children are acquiring adult roles in the kinship system in particular, and in the culture in general, most primitive cultures consider the rituals surrounding these events very important.因为青春期和婚姻的象征，其实是儿童获得成人的角色，在亲属关系的体系，特别是在文化，一般来说，最原始的文化考虑礼仪围绕这些事件非常重要。 Puberty rituals are often accompanied with ceremonial circumcision or some other operation on the male genitals.青春期的仪式往往伴随着礼仪包皮环切术或其他一些运作对男性生殖器。 Female circumcision is less common, although it occurs in several cultures.女性割礼是不太常见的，尽管它发生在多种文化。 Female puberty rites are more often related to the commencement of the menstrual cycle in young girls.女性青春期礼记更多的时候涉及到生效的月经周期在年轻女孩。
In addition to these life cycle rituals, rituals are associated with the beginning of the new year and with planting and harvest times in agricultural societies.除了这些生命周期仪式，仪式是与新年的开始，并与种植和收获倍，在农业社会。 Numerous other rituals are found in hunting - and - gathering societies; these are supposed to increase the game and to give the hunter greater prowess.其他众多礼仪发现，在狩猎--聚会社团，这是为了增加游戏，并让猎人更大的威力。
Another class of rituals is related to occasional events, such as war, droughts, catastrophes, or extraordinary events.另一个阶级的礼仪是与偶然事件，如战争，旱灾，灾害，或非同寻常的事件。 Rituals performed at such times are usually intended to appease supernatural forces or divine beings who might be the cause of the event, or to discover what divine power is causing the event and why.礼仪演出，在这种时候通常是有意安抚超自然的力量或神的人可能是事件的起因，或发现有什么神力，是造成事件的原因。
Rituals are highly structured actions.礼仪是高度结构化的行动。 Each person or class of persons has particular stylized roles to play in them.每个人或一类人了，尤其是程式化的角色，在他们的。 While some rituals call for communal participation, others are restricted by sex, age, and type of activity.而一些礼仪呼吁社区参与，但其他受性别，年龄和类型的活动。 Thus initiation rites for males and females are separate, and only hunters participate in hunting rituals.因此，启蒙仪式，为男性和女性是分开的，只有猎人参加狩猎祭仪。 There are also rituals limited to warriors, blacksmiths, magicians, and diviners.此外，还有礼仪有限公司，以勇士，铁匠，魔术师，并diviners 。 Among the Dogon of the western Sudan, the ritual system integrates life cycle rituals with vocational cults; these in turn are related to a complex cosmological myth.其中dogon的苏丹西部，祭祀系统集成的生命周期礼仪与职业邪教;这反过来又涉及一个复杂的宇宙之谜。
The apparent similarity in form between the supreme sky deities of primitive cultures and the single godheads of Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Zoroastrianism has led some Western students of religion to speak of a "primitive monotheism."明显的相似性，在形式上最高人民法院天上神佛的原始文化和单一godheads的犹太教，基督教，伊斯兰教和zoroastrianism已导致一些西方学生的宗教自由可言的"原始一神论" 。 By this they were suggesting a devolution of religion rather than the more rationalistic evolution of religion from Polytheism, through henotheism (the presence of several gods, but with one dominant), to Monotheism.由这个，他们曾建议下放宗教，而不是更多的理性主义宗教演变的，由多神教，通过henotheism （在场的几位神，但与一个显性） ，以一神论。 The most avid proponent of the primitive monotheism was Wilhelm Schmidt, an Austrian Roman Catholic priest who was also an ethnologist.最热心的倡议者的原始一神教是威廉施密特，一名奥地利罗马天主教神父的人，也是ethnologist 。 In his view the original sacred form was a creator - god of the sky.他认为，原来的神圣形式，是一个创造者-上帝的天空。 This original and first revelation of deity was lost or obscured by the attention evoked by other lesser sacred beings, and throughout the history of human culture this original creator - sky - god has been rediscovered or remembered in the monotheistic religions.这和原来的第一启示神遗失或遮蔽所重视诱发其他较轻神圣的人，在整个人类文化史上，这原来造物主-天空-上帝已重新找回记忆中，或在一神教。 This position has been largely rejected by contemporary scholars.这一立场已大致拒绝当代学者。
Allied to and existing within the same sphere as the sky - god are the manifestations of divine presence in the sun and the moon.结盟的和现有的在同一领域中，作为天空-上帝是表现神的存在，在太阳和月亮。 The symbolism of the sun, while sharing the transcendent power of the sky, is more intimately related to the destiny of the human community and to the revelation of the rational power necessary to order the world.象征着太阳，而分享超越权力的天空，是更密切的关系，以命运的人的社会和启示的理性力量，要责令世界。 Sun - deities are creators by virtue of their growth - producing powers, whereas the sky - god creators often create ex nihilo ("out of nothing"); they do not require human agency in their creative capacities, and in many instances they withdraw and have little to do with humankind.太阳-神是创造者凭借他们的成长-制作权力，而天空-神创作者常常造成前ni h ilo（"出什么" ，） ，他们并不需要人的机构，其创作能力，并在许多情况下，它们撤出与己关系不大，人类的生活。
The manifestation and presence of the deity in the moon is different from that of the sun.表现形式和存在的神，在月球上是不同的是太阳。 Moon - deities are associated with a more rhythmic structure; they wax and wane, seem more vulnerable and more capable of loss and gain.月亮-神佛都与一个更韵律结构;它们蜡和衰落，似乎更容易，更具实力的得与失。 Moon - deities are often female in form and associated with feminine characteristics.月亮-神往往是女性在表格及相关配以柔美的特点。 The moon - goddess is the revelation of the vulnerability and fragility of life, and unlike solar gods, her destiny is not the historical destiny of powerful rulers and empires, but the destiny of the human life cycle of birth, life, and death.月亮-女神是启示的脆弱性和脆弱的生命，不像太阳神，她的命运是不是历史命运的强大的统治者和帝国的，但命运的人的生命周期的出生，生活和死亡。 Other places where deities show themselves are in the natural forms of water, vegetation, agriculture, stones, human sexuality, and so on.其他地方的神灵表现自己，是在自然形式的改水，改造植被，农业，石块，人类性行为，等等。
The pattern of deities, of course, varies markedly among different types of societies.该模式的神佛，当然，不同的显着不同种类的社团。 Hunting - and - gathering cultures, for example, not only have language and rituals related to hunting, but also often have a Lord, Master, or Mistress of Animals - a divine being who not only created the world of humans and animals but who also cares for, protects, and supplies the animals to the hunters.狩猎--聚会的文化，例如，不仅有语言和礼仪有关打猎，而且还经常有主，主，或情妇的动物-神被人不仅创造了世界上的人类和动物的，但谁也关心，保护和补给的动物向猎人。 Religious cultures of this kind still exist among the Mbuti pygmies, the San of the Kalahari desert in Africa, Australian Aborigines, and Eskimo.宗教文化的这种依然存在，其中mbuti俾格米人，新的喀拉哈里沙漠，在非洲，澳洲原住民，爱斯基摩人。
A somewhat more complex religious culture is found in early agricultural societies.建立起了较为复杂的宗教文化，是发现，在早期农业社会。 It is commonly accepted that the earliest form of agriculture was both a feminine rite and a female right.人们普遍认为，最早形成的农业既是一个女性成年礼一女的权利。 This means that the gift and power of agriculture provided a means by which the sacredness of the world could be expressed in the femininity of the human species.这意味着，礼品和权力农业提供了一个方法，使神圣的世界，可以体现在女性柔美的人类物种。 Agricultural rituals became a powerful symbolic language that spoke of gestation, birth, nurture, and death.农业礼仪，成为一个强大的象征性语言，以妊娠，分娩，培育和死亡。 This development does not imply an early Matriarchy nor the dominance of society by females.这种发展并不意味着早期母权，也没有支配社会的女性。 In agricultural societies males dominate in the conventional sense of the term, but the power of women is nevertheless potent and real.在农业社会中，男性占主导地位，在传统意义上来说的，但权力的女性却是烈性真实的。
In some cultures of West Africa three layers of cultural religious meaning may be discerned.在一些文化中的西部非洲三个层面的文化，宗教的意义，可分辨。 One refers to an earlier agriculture, in which the feminine symbolism and power predominated.一指较早前的一项农业，其中女性的象征和电力为主。 In the second the theft of the ritual and rights of agriculture is portrayed in masculine symbolism and language.在第二次盗窃祭祀和权利农业是描绘在男性化的象征和语言。 By contrast, the equal cooperation of masculine and feminine in the power and meaning of cultural life is symbolized in the third level.相比之下，平等合作的男性和女性在权力和意义的文化生活的象征，是在第三个层次。 In present cultures of this area the older layer can be seen in the Queen Mother, who is "owner of the land"; the second layer in the kingship system; and the third layer in the myths associated with egg symbolism, which on the cosmological level are a means of transmuting sexual tensions into practical harmonies.在当前的文化这方面的前辈层可以看出，在女王的母亲，谁是"土地所有者" ;第二层在王权制度和第三层在神话与鸡蛋的象征，而对宇宙水平的一种手段transmuting性紧张转化为现实和谐。
On the other hand, forms of individual sacredness exist that do depend on specific types of personality structures and the calling to a particular religious vocation.另一方面，关于形式的个人神圣的存在，不依赖于特定类型的人格结构，并要求以某一特定宗教的天职。 Persons such as shamans fall into this category.人，如巫医属于这一类。 Shamans are recruited from among young persons who tend to exhibit particular psychological traits that indicate their openness to a more profound and complex world of sacred meanings than is available to the society at large.巫师是从年轻的人往往表现出特定的心理特征，即显示其开放性，以一个更深刻和复杂的世界中的神圣意义比是提供给社会大众。 Once chosen, shamans undergo a special shamanistic initiation and are taught by older shamans the peculiar forms of healing and behavior that identify their sacred work.一旦选定，巫师经历一个特殊的萨满教的发起和课程将由巫师老年人的特殊形式的愈合和行为认同自己的神圣工作。 Given the nature of their sacred work, they must undergo long periods of training before they are capable practitioners of the sacred and healing arts.鉴于其性质，当作自己的神圣工作，他们必须经过长时间的训练才能够执业的神圣和愈合的艺术。 The same is true of medicine men and diviners, although these often inherit their status.同样如此，中医男diviners ，虽然这些往往继承他们的地位。
Each person in a primitive society may also bear an ordinary form of sacred meaning.每个人在原始社会还可以承受一个普通形式的神圣意义。 Such meaning can be discerned in the elements of the person's psychological structure.这种意思可以分辨，在分子的人的心理结构。 For example, among the Ashanti of Ghana, an individual's blood is said to be derived from the goddess of the earth through that individual's mother, an individual's destiny from the high - god, and personality and temperament from the tutelary deity of the individual's father.举例来说，其中的Ashanti的加纳，个人的血据说是来自女神的地球透过个别的母亲，一个人的命运，从高-神，性格与气质，从监护神，就个别的父亲。 On the cosmological level of myths and rituals all of these divine forms have a primordial meaning that acquires individual and existential significance when it is expressed in persons.关于宇宙学的水平，神话和仪式，所有这些神的形式，有一个原始的意思表示，收购个体生存意义的时候，它体现在人。
This characteristic distinction between the sacred and the profane is present at almost every level of primitive society.这个特点区分神圣与亵渎，是目前在几乎每一个层面的原始社会。 The tendency to perceive reality in the terms provided by the sacred marks a fundamental difference between primitive and modern Western societies, where this distinction has been destroyed.趋势感知的现实条件所提供的神圣标志着一个根本的区别，原始与现代西方社会里的这种区别已经被摧毁。 The openness to the world as a sacred reality is probably the most pervasive and common meaning in all forms of primitive religion and is present in definitions of time, space, behaviors, and activities.公开性，以世界作为一个神圣的现实，可能是最普遍的和共同的意义，在所有形式的原始宗教与目前在定义的时间，空间，行为和活动。
The sacred is able to serve as a principle of order because it possesses the power to order.神圣的，是能够作为一个原则，秩序，因为它拥有的权力秩序。 The power of the sacred is both positive and negative.权力神圣的，是正面和负面的。 It is necessary to have the proper regard for the sacred; it must be approached and dealt with in very specific ways.它必须有正确的方面，为神圣的，它必须接触和处理非常具体的方式。
A kind of ritual behavior defines the proper mode of contact with the sacred.一种礼仪行为界定适当的方式与神圣。 Failure to act properly with respect to the sacred opens the door to the negative experience and effects of sacred power.如果不采取行动，妥善尊重神圣打开了大门，以正反两方面的经验和效果的神圣权力。 The specific term for this negative power among the Melanesians is Taboo.具体的来说，这个负电源之间的美拉尼西亚人，是禁忌。 This word has become a general term in Western languages expressing the range of meanings implied by the force and effects of a power that is both negative and positive and that attracts as well as repels.这个词已经成为一个统称，在西方语言表达的各种意义所暗示的力量和影响的权力，就是消极和积极，并吸引以及击退。
Charles H Long查尔斯h长
Bibliography:
参考书目：
General:一般：
E Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of
Religious Life (1915); M Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane (1959), and A
History of Religious Ideas (1978); EE Evans - Pritchard, Theories of Primitive
Religion (1965); JG Frazer, The Golden Bough (1911 - 36); C Levi - Strauss, The
Savage Mind (1962); L Levy - Bruhl, Primitive Mentality (1923); B Malinowski,
Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays (1948); RR Marett, The Threshold of
Religion (1914); J Skorupski, Symbol and Theory: A Philosophical Study of
Theories of Religion in Social Anthropology (1976); EB Tylor, Primitive Culture
(1891); AFC Wallace, Religion: An Anthropological View (1966).
e迪尔凯姆，初级形式的宗教生活（ 1915年） ;米eliade ，神圣与亵渎（ 1959 ） ，和历史上的宗教思想（ 1978年）
;网埃文斯-普里查德，理论的原始宗教（ 1 965） ; j g弗雷泽，黄金bough （ 1911年-3 6条） ， c列维-施特劳斯，野人记（ 1 9
62）;升征费- b ru hl，原始心态（ 19 2 3条）， b观察家，魔术，科学与宗教和其他散文（ 19 4 8）;居民代表m ar ett ，门槛宗教（
1914年） ; j科鲁普斯基，符号和理论：一种哲学的理论研究，宗教在社会人类学（ 1976年） ;执委会tylor ，原始文化（ 1891 ）
;亚足联华莱士，宗教：人类学的观点（ 1966 ） 。
Africa:非洲：
EE Evans - Pritchard, Witchcraft,
Oracles and Magic among the Azande (1937) and Nuer Religion (1956); M Griaule,
Conversations with Ozotemmeli: An Introduction to Dogon Religious Ideas (1948);
G Lienhardt, Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the Dinka (1961); J
Middleton, Lugbara Religion (1987); BBC Ray, African Religions (1976); C
Turnbull, The Forest People (1962); V Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of
Ndembu Ritual (1967).电子工程专辑埃文斯-普里查德，巫术，签和魔幻之间的赞德人（ 1 937年）和努埃尔宗教（ 1 956年）
;米里奥勒，交谈o zotemmeli：简要介绍了d ogon宗教思想（ 1 948年）的1 00l ienhardt，神性与体验：宗教丁卡（ 1961年） ;
j Middleton在lugbara宗教（ 1987年） ; BBC的射线，非洲宗教（ 1976条） ， c特恩布尔称，森林人（ 1962 ） ;
v特纳，森林的符号：方面恩敦布人礼仪（ 1967 ） 。
Oceania:大洋洲：
F Barth, Ritual and Knowledge among the
Baktaman of New Guinea (1975); G Bateson, Naven (1958); R / C Berndt, Djanggawul
(1952); KO Burridge, Mambu: A Melanesian Millennium (1960); M Eliade, Australian
Religions: An Introduction (1973); R Firth, Tikopia Ritual and Belief (1967); B
Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) and Coral Gardens and their
Magic: Soil - Tilling and Agricultural Rites in the Trobriand Islands
(1965). f巴特，礼仪和知识，树立baktaman新几内亚（ 1975 ） 100贝特森，的纳文（ 1958 ）与r /炭berndt ，
djanggawul （ 1952年） ;柯burridge ， mambu ：美拉尼西亚千禧年（ 1960年） ;米eliade ，澳大利亚宗教：简要介绍了（
1973 ）与r河口， tikopia礼仪和信仰（ 1967条） ， b观察家，校友的西太平洋（ 1922 ）及珊瑚花园魔术：土壤-耕作和农业仪轨在t
robriand群岛（ 1 965） 。
The
Americas:美洲：
A Hultkrantz, The Religions of the
American Indians (1967) and Belief and Worship in Native North America (1981); C
Levi - Strauss, Introduction to a Science of Mythology (1969); BG Myerhoff,
Peyote Hunt: The Sacred Journey of the Huichol Indians (1976); GA Reichard,
Navaho Religion: A Study of Symbolism (1963); G Reichel - Dolmatoff, Amazonian
Cosmos: The Sexual and Religious Symbolism of the Tukano Indians (1971).
1 hultkrantz ，宗教的美洲印第安人（ 1967 ）及信仰和崇拜，在本土，北美（ 1981条） ， c列维-施特劳斯，介绍一种科学神话世纪（ 1
969年） ;富康花园m yerhoff， p eyote亨特：神圣之旅的huichol印度人（ 1976年） ;加文雷卡德，纳瓦霍宗教：一项研究的象征（
1963年）的100阿迪-多尔马托夫，亚马孙宇宙：性和宗教象征意义的图卡诺印度人（ 1 971） 。
This subject presentation in the original English language这一主题演讲，在原有的英语
Send an e-mail question or comment to us: E-mail邮件发送问题或意见给我们： 电子邮箱
The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html主要相信网页（和索引科目） ，是在http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html