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Apart from the repulsively carnal form which it had taken, there is something absolutely sublime in the continuance and intensity of the Jewish expectation of the Messiah.除了由repulsively肉欲形式，它采取了，有一些东西是绝对崇高，在连续性和强度犹太人的期望弥赛亚。 It outlived not only the delay of long centuries, but the persecutions and scattering of the people; it continued under the disappointment of the Maccabees, the rule of a Herod, the administration of a corrupt and contemptible Priesthood, and, finally, the government of Rome as represented by a Pilate; nay, it grew in intensity almost in proportion as it seemed unlikely of realisation.它outlived不仅延误的，只要几百年，但迫害和散射的人，而是继续下失望的马加比，法治一个希律，政府的一个腐败和卑鄙的神职人员，以及最后，在政府的罗马城内，作为代表了一个比拉多;不仅如此，现在增加了强度几乎成正比，因为这似乎是不可能的实现的。
These are facts which show that the doctrine of the Kingdom, as the sum and substance of Old Testament teaching, was the very heart of Jewish religious life; while, at the same time, they evidence a moral elevation which placed abstract religious conviction far beyond the reach of passing events, and clung to it with a tenacity which nothing could loosen.这些都是事实，这表明，该学说的英国，作为总结和实质旧约教学，是非常心的犹太宗教生活，而在同一时间内，他们的证据，在道义上海拔置于摘要宗教信念远远超出该达到的及格活动，并醉心于它与坚韧，这也没有办法放松。
Tidings of what these many months had occurred by the banks of the Jordan must have early reached Jerusalem, and ultimately stirred to the depths its religious society, whatever its preoccupation with ritual questions or political matters.那儿的是什么，很多个月内发生的是由银行的约旦必须早日达成耶路撒冷，并最终激起向深度，其宗教的社会，无论其专注礼仪问题或政治问题。 For it was not an ordinary movement, nor in connection with any of the existing parties, religious or political.因为它不是一般的运动，也涉嫌与现有的任何党派，宗教或政治。 An extraordinary preacher, or extraordinary appearance and habits, not aiming, like others, after renewed zeal in legal observances, or increased Levitical purity, but preaching repentance and moral renovation in preparation for the coming Kingdom, and sealing this novel doctrine with an equally novel rite, had drawn from town and country multitudes of all classes, inquirers, penitents and novices.不平凡的布道者，或者不平凡的外貌和习性，不针对其他国家一样，续约后，在热情的法律纪念活动，或增加levitical纯洁性，但鼓吹悔罪和道义上的翻新，准备为来年英国和密封这种新型的学说与一个同样小说成年礼，有来自城镇和农村众多的各阶级，询问者， penitents和生手。
The great and burning question seemed, what the real character and meaning of it was?大和焚烧问题时，似乎有什么真正的性质和意义，它是什么？ or rather, whence did it issue, and whither did it tend?或者更确切地说，何时没有问题，并着它倾向于？ The religious leaders of the people proposed to answer this by instituting an inquiry through a trust-worthy deputation.宗教领袖们的人民建议要回答这个体制的一项调查，通过信托值得团体。 In the account of this by St. John certain points seem clearly implied; [a i.在户口本，由圣约翰某些点看来显然暗示; [一。 19-28.] on others only suggestions can be ventured. 19-28 。 ]别人只能建议，可以尝试。
That the interview referred to occurred after the Baptism of Jesus, appears from the whole context.[1 This point is fully discussed by Lucke, Evang.该访谈中提到发生后，耶稣的洗礼，似乎从整个背景。 [ 1充分证明了这一点讨论吕凯，埃旺。 Joh., vol. joh ，第一卷。 i.一。 pp.页。 396-398.] Similarly, the statement that the deputation which came to John was 'sent from Jerusalem' by 'the Jews,' implies that it proceeded from authority, even if it did not bear more than a semi-official character. 396-398 。 ]同样，在声明中表示，该团体前来约翰是'派出由耶路撒冷' ， '犹太人'意味着它从权威，即使是它不承担超过一个半官方性质。 For, although the expression 'Jews' in the fourth Gospel generally conveys the idea of contrast to the disciples of Christ (for ex. St. John vii. 15), yet it refers to the people in their corporate capacity, that is, as represented by their constituted religious authorities.为，虽然表达'犹太人'在第四福音普遍传达的想法相反，以门徒的基督（特惠。圣约翰七， 15 ） ，但它是指人民在其企业能力，也就是作为代表，他们构成了宗教权威。 [b Comp.并[ b可比。 St. John v. 15, 16; ix.圣约翰五， 15日， 16日;九。 18,22; xviii. 18,22 ;十八。 12,31.] On the other hand, although the term 'scribes and elders' does not occur in the Gospel of St. John, [2 So Professor Westcott, in his Commentary on the passage (Speaker's Comment., NT, vol. ii. p. 18), where he notes that the expression in St. John viii. 12,31 。 ]在另一方面，尽管这个术语'文士和长老'根本不是发生在福音的圣约翰， [ 2 ，使westcott教授，在他的评论就通过（发言者的评论，新台币，第二卷。二，第18页） ，在那里他指出，该表达的圣约翰八。 3 is unauthentic.] it by no means follows that 'the Priests and Levites' sent from the capital either represented the two great divisions of the Sanhedrin, or, indeed, that the deputation issued from the Great Sanhedrin itself.三是真实。 ] ，它决不是如下『祭司和利'送到由资本要么代表了两个伟大的师公会，或者，说实在，团体发出了从大公会本身。
The former suggestion is entirely ungrounded; the latter at least problematic.前者的建议，完全是毫无根据;后者至少有问题。 It seems a legitimate inference that, considering their own tendencies, and the political dangers connected with such a step, the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem would not have come to the formal resolution of sending a regular deputation on such an inquiry.它似乎是一个合法的推论，即，考虑到他们自己的倾向，以及政治上的风险与这样一个步骤，公会的耶路撒冷将不会到正规的决议发出了一个经常性的代表，在这样一个调查。 Moreover, a measure like this would have been entirely outside their recognised mode of procedure.此外，一项措施，这种做法已经完全超出他们认可的方式行事。 The Sanhedrin did not, and could not, originate charges.公会没有，也不能，源于收费。 It only investigated those brought before it.它不仅查处那些提交给它。 It is quite true that judgment upon false prophets and religious seducers lay with it; [c Sanh.这是很不错判断时，假先知和宗教seducers在于它; [中sanh 。 i.一。 5.] but the Baptist had not as yet said or done anything to lay him open to such an accusation. 5 。 ] ，但浸会了还不能说或做了什么，以奠定他公开此类指控。 He had in no way infringed the Law by word or deed, nor had he even claimed to be a prophet.他绝不是侵犯了法律的言行，也没有发现他甚至声称，是一个先知。 [3 Of this the Sanhedrin must have been perfectly aware. [ 3本公会必须已完全知道。 Comp.可比。 St. Matt.圣马特。 iii.三。 7; St. Luke iii.七，圣路加三。 15 &c.] If, nevertheless, it seems most probable that 'the Priests and Levits' came from the Sanhedrin, we are led to the conclusion that theirs was an informal mission, rather privately arranged than publicly determined upon. 15 ＆长]如果，不过，这似乎最有可能的'祭司和levits '来自公会，我们正率领作出结论，认为他们是一个非正式的使命，而不是私下安排比公开决心。
And with this the character of the deputies agrees.与此性质的代表们表示赞同。 'Priests and Levites', the colleagues of John the Priest, would be selected for such an errand, rather than leading Rabbinic authorities. '祭司和利' ，同事约翰牧师，将选定对于这样一个差事，而不是领导rabbinic当局。 The presence of the latter would, indeed, have given to the movement an importance, if not a sanction, which the Sanhedrin could not have wished.在场后者，而事实上，已经考虑到运动的重要性，如果没有规定制裁，其中公会不能所愿。 The only other authority in Jerusalem from which such a deputation could have issued was the so-called 'Council of the Temple,' 'Judicature of the Priests,' or 'Elders of the Priesthood,' [a For cx.唯一的其他权力机构在耶路撒冷，从这些团体能发出是所谓'理事会庙' ， '司法的祭司， '或'长者的神职人员， ' [为国泰航空。 Yoma 1. yoma 1 。 5.] which consisted of the fourteen chief officers of the But although they may afterwards have taken their full part in the condemnation of Jesus, ordinarily their duty was only connected with the services of the Sanctuary, and not with criminal questions or doctrinal investigations. 5 。 ] ，其中的14名行政人员的，但虽然他们可能事后已考虑他们的充分参与谴责耶稣，通常他们的职责是，不仅与服务的避难所，而不是犯罪问题或理论调查。 [1 Comp. [ 1可比。 'The Temple, its Ministry and Services,' p. '庙，其部和服务， '页 75. 75 。 Dr. Geiger (Urschr. u. Uebersetz. d. Bibel, pp. 113, 114) ascribes to them, however, a much wider jurisdiction.博士盖革（ urschr.美国uebersetz 。四bibel ，第113条， 114条）赋予他们的，但是，更广泛的管辖权。
Some of his inferences (such as at pp. 115, 116) seem to me historically unsupported.] It would be too much to suppose, that they would take the initiative in such a matter on the ground that they would take the initiative in such a matter on the ground that the Baptist was a member of the Priesthood.他的一些推论（如在第115 ， 116 ）我看来，在历史上没有证据证明。 ] ，将太多的假设，他们会采取主动，在这样一个问题，在地面上，他们将采取主动，在这种就这事，理由是浸信会的一员，成为神职人员。 Finally, it seems quite natural that such an informal inquiry, set on foot most probably by the Sanhedrists, should have been entrusted exclusively to the Pharisaic party.最后，它似乎是很自然的这样一个非正式的调查，定于足部最可能由sanhedrists ，应已委托专门为pharisaic党。 It would in no way have interested the Sadducees; and what members of that party had seen of John [b St. Matt.它绝不会有兴趣的撒都该人;哪些成员表示，党已经看到了约翰并[ b圣马特。 iii.三。 7 &c.] must have convinced them that his views and aims lay entirely beyond their horizon.七日及长]必须说服了他们，他的看法和目标打下完全超出了他们的视野。
The origin of the two great parties of Pharisees and Sadducees has already been traced. [2 Comp. 起源的两个伟大政党的法利赛和撒都该人已不知去向。 [ 2可比。 Book I. ch.预订一甲烷。 viii.] They mark, not sects, but mental directions, such as in their principles are natural and universal, and, indeed, appear in connection with all metaphysical [3 I use the term metaphysical here in the sense of all that is above the natural, not merely the speculative, but the supersensuous generally.] questions.八。 ]他们标志，而不是宗派的，但心理的方向，如在自己的原则是自然和普及，而且，事实上，出现在他涉嫌与所有形而上[ 3我用形而上学一词在这里意义上的一切，就是以上自然，而不是单纯的投机性，但supersensuous普遍。 ]的问题。 They are the different modes in which the human mind views supersensuous problems, and which afterwards, when one-sidedly followed out, harden into diverging schools of thought.他们是不同的模式，在人们头脑里的意见supersensuous问题，而事后，当人们片面其次，磨砺成各种不同的思想流派。 If Pharisees and Sadducess were not 'sects' in the sense of separation from the unity of the Jewish ecclesiastical community, neither were theirs 'heresies' in the conventional, but only in the original sense of tendency, direction, or, at most, views, differing from those commonly entertained.如果法利和sadducess人不是'教派' ，在意义上的分离，从团结的犹太宗教社会，也不是他们的'异端邪说' ，在传统的，但只能在原有意义上的发展趋势，方向，或者，在大多数的意见，不同于那些常见受理。
[4 The word has received its present meaning chiefly from the adjective attaching to it in 2 Pet. [ 4字已收到其目前的含义，主要是由形容词加附于它在2宠物。 ii.二。 1. 1 。 In Acts xxiv.在行为二十四。 5, 14, xxviii. 5 ， 14 ，二十八。 22, it is vituperatively applied to Christians; in 1 Cor. 22 ，它是vituperatively适用于基督徒; 1肺心病。 xi.十一。 19, Gal. 19 ，半乳糖。 v. 20, it seems to apply to diverging practices of a sinful kind; in Titus iii.五， 20 ，它似乎适用于各种不同的做法，是一个有罪的实物;弟兄三。 10, the 'heretic' seems one who held or taught diverging opinions or practices. 10 ， '邪教'似乎是一个人持有或教的不同意见或做法。 Besides, it occurs in the NT once to mark the Sadducees, and twice the Pharisees (Acts v. 17; xv. 5, and xxvi. 5).] Our sources of information here are: the New Testament, Josephus, and Rabbinic writings.此外，它发生在新台币一度以标志撒都该人，并两次法利（使徒行诉17人;十五。 5 ，第26和第5 ） 。 ]我们的信息来源，在这里分别是：新约圣经，约瑟夫，并rabbinic著作。 The New Testament only marks, in broad outlines and popularly, the peculiarities of each party; but from the absence of bias it may safely be regarded [1 I mean on historical, not theological grounds.] as the most trustworthy authority on the matter.新约圣经只商标，在广泛的纲要和流行，特有的每一方，但是从没有偏见的，它可以安全地被视为[ 1我的意思是对历史，而不是神学的理由。 ]作为最值得信赖的权威对此事的意见。 The inferences which we derive from the statements of Josephus, [2 I here refer to the following passages: Jewish War ii.该推论，我们来自报表约瑟夫， [ 2 ，我在此是指下列段落：犹太人二次大战。 8. 8 。 14; Ant. 14个;蚂蚁。 xiii.十三。 5. 5 。 9; 10. 9 ; 10 。 5, 6; xvii. 5日， 6日;十七。 2. 2 。 4; xviii. 4 ;十八。 1, 2, 2, 4.] though always to be qualified by our general estimate of his animus, [3 For a full discussion of the character and writings of Josephus, I would refer to the article in Dr. Smith's Dict. 1 ， 2 ， 2 ， 4 。 ]虽然始终成为合格的，我们一般的估计，他的敌意， [ 3 ，为充分讨论的性质和著作的约瑟夫，我是指文章在史密斯博士的字典。 of Chr.的人权委员会。 Biogr. biogr 。 vol.第一卷。 iii.] accord with those from the New Testament.三。 ]与那些来自新约圣经。 In regard to Rabbinic writings, we have to bear in mind the admittedly unhistorical character of most of their notices, the strong party-bias which coloured almost all their statements regarding opponents, and their constant tendency to trace later views and practices to earlier times.对于rabbinic著作，我们要始终牢记诚然文保品格他们大部分的告示，强大的党的偏见，其中有色，几乎所有的发言对于对手，并不断趋向追查后，看法和做法，以较早的时代。
Without entering on the principles and supposed practices of 'the fraternity' or 'association' (Chebher, Chabhurah, Chabhurta) of Pharisees, which was comparatively small, numbering only about 6,000 members, [a Jos. Ant.而没有进入上的原则和假定的做法『博爱』或『协会』 （ chebher ， chabhurah ， chabhurta ）法利赛，这是相对较小，编号只有约6000名成员， [ jos.蚂蚁。 xvii.十七。 2. 2 。 4.] the following particulars may be of interest. 4 。 ]下列细节可能感兴趣的。 The object of the association was twofold: to observe in the strictest manner, and according to traditional law, all the ordinances concerning Levitical purity, and to be extremely punctilious in all connected with religious dues (tithes and all other dues).对象，该协会是双重的：必须遵守最严格的方式，并根据传统国际法，所有条例有关levitical纯度，并可以在极执一切与宗教党费（ tithes和其他一切费用） 。 A person might undertake only the second, without the first of these obligations.一个人可以承担的第二只，但无一是这些义务。 In that case he was simply a Neeman, an 'accredited one' with whom one might enter freely into commerce, as he was supposed to have paid all dues.在这种情况下，他只是一个技术今后， '认可'与其中一人可能是自由进入到商业，因为他本来是要付出全部党费。 But a person could not undertake the vow of Levitical purity without also taking the obligation of all religious dues.但一个人不能承担该发誓的levitical纯度而不同时采取有义务对所有宗教党费。 If he undertook both vows he was a Chabher, or associate.如果他答应都发誓他是一个chabher ，或准。 Here there were four degrees, marking an ascending scale of Levitical purity, or separation from all that was profane.这里有四度，标志着升序规模levitical纯洁性，或离职时都被亵渎。 [b Chag.并[ b chag 。 ii.二。 5, 7; comp. 5日， 7日;可比。 Tohor. tohor 。 vii.七。 5.] In opposition to these was the Am ha-arets, or 'country people' (the people which knew not, or cared not for the Law, and were regarded as 'cursed'). 5 。 ]反对这些是很哈arets ，或'国家人' （哪些人不知道或不关心，为法律，而被视为'诅咒' ） 。
But it must not be thought that every Chabher was either a learned Scribe, or that every Scribe was a Chabher.但它绝不能以为每chabher不是一位博学文士，或每刀是一个chabher 。 On the contrary, as a man might be a Chabher without being either a Scribe or an elder, [c For ex.与此相反，作为一个男人可能是一个chabher未经无论是抄写或长辈， [ C的特惠。 Kidd.基德。 33 b.] so there must have been sages, and even teachers, who did not belong to the association, since special rules are laid down for the reception of such. 33乙]因此，我们必须有圣人，甚至是教师，不属于该协会的，因为特殊规则规定，为接收这样的。 [d Bekh. 【 D bekh 。 30.] Candidates had to be formally admitted into the 'fraternity' in the presence of three members. 30 。 ]考生已被正式获准进入'博爱' ，在在场的3名成员组成。 But every accredited public 'teacher' was, unless anything was known to the contrary, supposed to have taken upon him the obligations referred to.但每一个公众认可的'老师' ，除非什么是已知的是相反的，要采取向他提到的义务。 [1 Abba Saul would also have freed all students from that formality.] The family of a Chabher belonged, as a matter of course, to the community; [a Bekhor. [ 1雅伯金曲娑罗双树也将释放所有学生都从这个流于形式。 ]家庭一个chabher属，是众所周知的事，当然，向社会; [贝胡尔。 30.] but this ordinance was afterwards altered. 30 。 ] ，但这个条例是事后涂改。 [2 Comp. [ 2可比。 the suggestion as to the significant time when this alteration was introduced, in 'Sketches of Jewish Social Life,' pp.建议，以显着的时候，这个改建介绍，在'写生的犹太社会生活中， '页。 228, 229.] The Neeman undertook these four obligations: to tithe what he ate, what he sold, and what he bought, and not to be a guest with an Am ha-arets. 228 ， 229 。 ]今后可答应这四项义务：向耶和华说什么他吃，他所出售的，以及他所购买的，而不是一个客户一个很夏arets 。 [b Dem.并[ b马克。 ii.二。 2.] The full Chabher undertook not to sell to an 'Am ha-arets' any fluid or dry substance (nutriment or fruit), not to buy from him any such fluid, not to be a guest with him, not to entertain him as a guest in his own clothes (on account of their possible impurity), to which one authority adds other particulars, which, however, were not recognised by the Rabbis generally as of primary importance. 2 。 ]充分chabher承诺不向台出售给一个'时，房委会- arets '任何液体或干燥的物质（养分或果实） ，不买他的任何这种流体，而不是成为一个客户跟他，而不是决定受理他作为一个客户在他自己的衣服（根据其可能的杂质） ，其中一个权威添加其他细节，但是，不承认由拉比普遍地作为头等大事。 [c Demai ii.3.] [中demai二， 3 。 ]
These two great obligations of the 'official' Pharisee, or 'Associate' are pointedly referred to by Christ, both that in regard to tithing (the vow of the Neeman); [d In St. Luke xi.42; xviii.这两个伟大的义务的'官员' pharisee ，或'准'是尖锐地提到的基督，都表示，对于邻（发誓的技术今后） ; [ D在圣卢克xi.42 ;十八。 12; St. Matt. 12日，圣马特。 xxiii.二十三。 23.] and that in regard to Levitical purity (the special vow of the Chabher). 23 。 ] ，并且对于levitical纯度（特别发誓的chabher ） 。 [e In St. Luke xi. [ E在圣路加十一。 39, 41; St. Matt. 39 ， 41 ，圣马特。 xxiii.二十三。 25, 26.] In both cases they are associated with a want of corresponding inward reality, and with hypocrisy. 25 ， 26 ] ，在这两种情况下，他们正与一个想相应的外来现实，并与伪善。 These charges cannot have come upon the people by surprise, and they may account for the circumstance that so many of the learned kept aloof from the 'Association' as such.这些费用不能来后，人们感到惊讶，他们也许可以解释的情况下，有这么多的了解，保持超然，从'协会'等。 Indeed, the sayings of some of the Rabbis in regard to Pharisaism and the professional Pharisee are more withering than any in the New Testament.事实上，据闻一些拉比对于pharisaism和专业pharisee更加萎缩，比任何在新的遗书。
It is not necessary here to repeat the well-known description, both in the Jerusalem and the Babylon Talmud, of the seven kinds of 'Pharisees,' of whom six (the 'Shechemite,' the 'stumbling,' the 'bleeding,' the 'mortar,' the 'I want to know what is incumbent on me,' and 'the Pharisee from fear') mark various kinds of unreality, and only one is 'the Pharisee from love.'这是没有必要在此重复了著名的描述，无论是在耶路撒冷和巴比伦犹太法典，对七种'法利赛， '其中6 （ ' shechemite ， ' ， '绊脚石' '出血' '迫击炮' ' ，我想知道什么是现任的，对我』和『 pharisee免于恐惧' ）标志的各种虚幻的，只有一个是' pharisee从爱情。 [f Sot. [法sot 。 22 b; Jer. 22日B组;哲。 Ber.误码率。 ix.九。 7.] 7 。 ]
Such an expression as 'the plague of Pharisaism' is not uncommon; and a silly pietist, a clever sinner, and a female Pharisee, are ranked among 'the troubles of life.'这种表达『瘟疫pharisaism '并不鲜见，以及一个无聊的虔信，一个聪明的罪人，一女pharisee ，是跻身『麻烦的生活。 [g Sot. 【 G sot 。 iii.三。 4.] 'Shall we then explain a verse according to the opinions of the Pharisees?' 4 。 ] '然后，我们解释诗句据该意见的法利赛吗？ asks a Rabbi, in supreme contempt for the arrogance of the fraternity.问及一名犹太拉比，在最高人民法院蔑视的嚣张气焰兄弟。 [h Pes.内[ H狗。 70 b.] 'It is as a tradition among the pharisees [i Abhoth de R. Nathan 5.] to torment themselves in this world, and yet they will gain nothing by it in the next.' 70乙] ' ，它是作为一个传统当中法利[我abhoth德传译弥敦道5 。 ]折磨自己，在这个世界上，但他们会得到什么，由它在未来。
The Sadducees had some reason for the taunt, that 'the Pharisees would by-and-by subject the globe of the sun itself to their purifications,' [k Jer.该撒都该人有某种原因为奚落，说'法利赛会是由和所受到的地球，太阳本身他们purifications ， '后[ k哲。 Chag. chag 。 79 d; Tos. 79天;指引。 Chag. chag 。 iii.] the more so that their assertions of purity were sometimes conjoined with Epicurean maxims, betokening a very different state of mind, such as, 'Make haste to eat and drink, for the world which we quit resembles a wedding feast;' or this: 'My son, if thou possess anything, enjoy thyself, for there is no pleasure in Hades, [1 Erub.三。 ]更使他们断言纯度有时连体与伊壁鸠鲁的格言， betokening一个非常不同的心理状态，例如， '匆匆吃喝，为世界，我们退出类似于一个婚礼盛宴; 』这： '我的儿子，如果你拥有的任何东西，享受你自己，因为没有快乐，在地狱， [ 1 erub 。 54 a. 54甲 I give the latter clause, not as in our edition of the Talmud, but according to a more correct reading (Levy, Neuhebr. Worterb. vol. ii. p. 102).] and death grants no respite.我请他第后者，而不是体现在我们版的犹太法典，但根据一项较正确的阅读（征费， neuhebr 。 worterb 。卷二。页102 ） 。 ]和死亡补助金，没有喘息。 But if thou sayest, What then would I leave to my sons and daughters?不过，如果祢所说的必要兑现，那么我会离开我的儿子和女儿吗？ Who will thank thee for this appointment in Hades?'人会感谢你为这项任命是在地狱吗？ Maxims these to which, alas!格言这其中，呜呼！ too many of their recorded stories and deeds form a painful commentary.太多了，他们记录的故事和事迹，形成一个痛苦的评注。 [2 It could serve no good purpose to give instances. [ 2 ，它可没有好的目的，让事例。 They are readily accessible to those who have taste or curiosity in that direction.]他们可随时向那些有品味，或者好奇心，在这个方向迈进。 ]
But it would be grossly unjust to identify Pharisaism, as a religious direction, with such embodiments of it or even with the official 'fraternity.'但是，如果不公正的，以确定pharisaism ，作为一种宗教的方向，这样的体现，它甚至与官方'博爱' While it may be granted that the tendency and logical sequence of their views and practices were such, their system, as opposed to Sadduceeism, had very serious bearings: dogmatic, ritual, and legal.虽然可以理所当然地认为，这个趋势与逻辑顺序的，他们的看法和做法，例如，他们的系统，作为反对sadduceeism ，已经非常严重的轴承：教条化，礼仪，法律等。 It is, however, erroneous to suppose, either that their system represented traditionalism itself, or that Scribes and Pharisees are convertible terms, [3 So, erroneously, Wellhausen, in his treatise 'Pharisaer u.然而，它是错误的假设，无论他们的政治体系所代表的传统主义本身，还是文士和法利赛是自由兑换的条件， [ 3 ，所以误， wellhausen ，在他的论文' pharisaer美国 Sadduc.'; and partially, as it seems to me, even Schurer (Neutest. Zeitgesch.). sadduc ' ;和局部，因为它在我看来，即使是schurer （ neutest. zeitgesch ） 。 In other respects also these two learned men seem too much under the influence of Geiger and Kuenen.] while the Sadducees represented the civil and political element.在其他方面也这两据悉，男子似乎太多的影响下，盖格和kuenen 。 ] ，而撒都该人所代表的公民权利和政治因素。
The Pharisees represented only the prevailing system of, no traditionalism itself; while the Sadducees also numbered among them many learned men.法利只代表现行制度的，没有传统本身，而撒都该人，也无多，其中不少有识之士男人。 They were able to enter into controversy, often protracted and fierce, with their opponents, and they acted as members of the Sanhedrin, although they had diverging traditions of their own, and even, as it would appear, at one time a complete code of canon-law.它们能够进入争议，但往往漫长而激烈的，也是与他们的对手，和他们沆瀣一气该协会成为会员，公会，他们虽然曾产生分歧的传统，他们自己的，甚至，因为这会出现，在同一时间一个完整的工作守则佳能-法。 [a Megill. [梅吉尔。 Taan. taan 。 Per. ％ 。 iv.四。 ed.教育署。 Warsh.据美国媒体。 p.页 8 a.] [4 Wellhausen has carried his criticisms and doubts of the Hebrew Scholion on the Megill.八答] [ 4 wellhausen进行了他的批评和质疑，对希伯来语scholion就梅吉尔。 Taan. taan 。 (or 'Roll of Fasts') too far.] Moreover, the admitted fact, that when in office the Sadducees conformed to the principles and practices of the Pharisees, proves at least that they must have been acquainted with the ordinances of traditionalism. （或'一卷斋' ）走得太远。 ]此外，承认事实，即当在办公室撒都该人符合的原则和做法法利证明，至少他们必须已认识该条例的传统。 [5 Even such a book as the Meg. [ 5连这样的一本书，为梅格。 Taan. taan 。 does not accuse them of absolute ignorance, but only of being unable to prove their dicta from Scripture (comp. Pereq xp 15 b, which may well mark the extreme of Anti-Sadduceeism).]不指责他们绝对无知，而只是被无法证明其dicta从经文（ comp. pereq XP中的15 b ，将可能标志着极端的反sadduceeism ） 。 ]
Lastly, there were certain traditional ordinances on which both parties were at one.最后，有一些传统的条例，其中双方当事人都在一。 [b Sanh.并[ b sanh 。 33 t Horay 4 a.] Thus it seems Sadduceeism was in a sense than a practical system, starting from simple and well-defined principles, but wide-reaching in its possible consequences. 33吨horay四答] ：所以看来sadduceeism是在一定意义大于实质系统，从简单和清楚界定的原则，但具有广泛影响的，在其可能的后果。 Perhaps it may best be described as a general reaction against the extremes of Pharisaism, springing from moderate and rationalistic tendencies; intended to secure a footing within the recognised bounds of Judaism; and seeking to defend its principles by a strict literalism of interpretation and application.也许它可能最好被描述为一种普遍反应对极端pharisaism ，雨后春笋般从温和及理性主义倾向;意图，以确保无立足之内的认可范围内的犹太教;设法捍卫自己的原则，严格literalism的解释和适用。 If so, these interpretations would be intended rather for defensive than offensive purposes, and the great aim of the party would be after rational freedom, or, it might be, free rationality.如果是的话，这些解释，将意图，而不是出于防御比进攻的目的，伟大的党的宗旨，将经过理性的自由，或者，它可能会，免费性和合理性。 Practically, the party would, of course, tend in broad, and often grossly unorthodox, directions.实际上，党，当然倾向于在广泛的，而且往往极不正规，方向。
The fundamental dogmatic differences between the Pharisees and Sadducees concerned: the rule of faith and practice; the 'after death;' the existence of angels and spirits; and free will and pre-destination. 基本教条式的分歧法利赛和撒都该人关注：法治的信仰与实践; '死后'的存在天使和烈酒;和自由意志和预目的地。
In regard to the first of these points, it has already been stated that the Sadducees did not lay down the principle of absolute rejection of all traditions as such, but that they were opposed to traditionalism as represented and carried out by the Pharisees. When put down by sheer weight of authority, they would probably carry the controversy further, and retort on their opponents by an appeal to Scripture as against their traditions, perhaps ultimately even by an attack on traditionalism; but always as represented by the Pharisees. 对于上述第一点，它已经表示，撒都该人没有放下的原则，绝对拒绝一切传统，因为这样的，但他们都反对传统主义为代表，并进行了由法利赛时提出下跌纯属重量权力，他们就可能会进行了进一步的争论，并反驳对他们的对手是由上诉经文作为对他们的传统，也许最终连进攻传统，但始终为代表的法利赛。 [1 Some traditional explanation of the Law of Moses was absolutely necessary, if it was to be applied to existing circumstances. [ 1一些传统的解释，摩西的律法是绝对必要的，如果它是适用于现有的情况而定。
It would be a great historical inaccuracy to imagine that the Sadducees rejected the whole (St.Matt. xv. 2) from Ezra downwards.] A careful examination of the statements of Josephus on this subject will show that they convey no more than this.这将是一个伟大的历史不准确的想象说，撒都该人拒绝接受全体（ st.matt第十五2 ）由以斯拉向下。 ]仔细研究报表的约瑟夫就这个问题，将显示出他们转达，没有比这更多。 [2 This is the meaning of Ant. [ 2这是意义蚂蚁。 xiii.十三。 10. 10 。 6, and clearly implied in xviii.六，并明确暗示，在十八。 1,3,4, and War ii. 1,3,4 ，和二战后的。 8. 8 。 14.] 14 。 ]
The Pharisaic view of this aspect of the controversy appears, perhaps, most satisfactorily because indirectly, in certain sayings of the Mishnah, which attribute all national calamities to those persons, whom they adjudge to eternal perdition, who interpret Scripture 'not as does the Halakhah,' or established Pharisaic rule.该pharisaic鉴于这方面的争议出现时，也许，最令人满意的，因为间接的，在某些熟语的mishnah ，全部归于国家的灾难，这些人，他们裁定，以永恒的灭亡，他们解释经文'不作为是否哈拉哈'或建立pharisaic统治。 [a Ab.iii. [ ab.iii 。 11; v 8.] In this respect, then, the commonly received idea concerning the Pharisees and Sadducees will require to be seriously modified.第11条; v 8 。 ]在这方面的话，那么，普遍收到了主意关于法利赛和撒都该人将需要加以认真修改。 As regards the practice of the Pharisees, as distinguished from that of the Sadducees, we may safely treat the statements of Josephus as the exaggerated representations of a partisan, who wishes to place his party in the best light.至于实践中的法利赛，有别于时表示，在该撒都该人，我们可以安全地对待报表约瑟夫由于夸大交涉的一个党派，他愿把他的党在最好轻。 It is, indeed, true that the Pharisees, 'interpreting the legal ordinances with rigour,' [b Jos. War i.这的确不错，法利赛， '诠释法律条例与严谨性， '并[ b jos.战争一。 5.2.] [3 M. Derenbourg (Hist. de la Palest., p. 122, note) rightly remarks, that the Rabbinic equivalent for Josephus' is heaviness, and that the Pharisees were the or 'makers heavy.' 5.2 。 ] [ 3米德朗堡（ hist.德香格里拉palest ，第122页，注）是正确的话，这rabbinic当量约瑟夫'是沉重，并表示，法利赛人或'庄家沉重。
What a commentary this on the charge of Jesus about 'the heavy burdens' of the Pharisees!什么评论，这对充电的耶稣'的沉重负担'的法利！ St. Paul uses the same term as Josephus to describe the Pharisaic system, where our AV renders 'the perfect manner' (Acts xxii. 3).圣保禄使用同样的任期约瑟夫来形容pharisaic系统，我们在那里的AV令'完美地' （行为二十二。 3 ） 。 Comp.可比。 also Acts xxvi.还行为二十六。 5: .] imposed on themselves the necessity of much self-denial, especially in regard to food, [c Ant. 5 ： ]对自己的必要性，很多自我否定，尤其是对于食品，碳蚂蚁。 xviii.十八。 1. 1 。 3.] but that their practice was under the guidance of reason, as Josephus asserts, is one of those bold mis-statements with which he has too often to be credited. 3 。 ] ，但认为他们的做法是指导下的理由，正如约瑟夫断言，是那种大胆的错误报表，使他已常常被记入。 His vindication of their special reverence for age and authority [a Ant.他平反，其特殊的崇敬年龄和权威[蚂蚁。 xviii.十八。 1.3.] must refer to the honours paid by the party to 'the Elders,' not to the old. 1.3 。 ]必须是指授勋发放改由党来'长老， '不老。 And that there was sufficient ground for Sadducean opposition to Pharisaic traditionalism, alike in principle and in practice, will appear from the following quotation, to which we add, by way of explanation, that the wearing of phylacteries was deemed by that party of Scriptural obligation, and that the phylactery for the head was to consist (according to tradition) of four compartments.并有足够的理由sadducean反对pharisaic传统，无论是在原则上还是在实践中，将出现从以下引号，这是我们补充说，通过解释，即服装的phylacteries被认为是由党的圣经义务，并认为phylactery为头部被以构成（按传统）的4个隔间。
'Against the words of the Scribes is more punishable than against the words of Scripture. 』字的文士，更可处以比对的话，经文。 He who says, No phylacteries, so as to transgress the words of Scripture, is not guilty (free); five compartments, to add to the words of the Scribes, he is guilty.'他说，没有phylacteries等，以超越字的经文，就是不认罪（免费） ;五个车舱，要补充的话，该文士，他罪名成立。 [b Sanh.并[ b sanh 。 xi.十一。 3.] [1 The subject is discussed at length in Jer. 3 。 ] [ 1主体是详细讨论了在哲。 Ber.误码率。 i.一。 7 (p. 3 b), where the superiority of the Scribe over the Prophet is shown (1) from Mic. 7 （第3页二） ，那里的优越性文士比先知证明（ 1 ）由麦克风。 ii.二。 6 (without the words in italics), the one class being the Prophets ('prophesy not'), the other the Scribes ('prophesy'); (2) from the fact that the Prophets needed the attestation of miracles. 6 （无斜体字） ，一类作为先知（ '预言没有' ） ，另一方面是文士（ '预言' ） ; （ 2 ）由事实，即先知需要认证的奇迹。 (Duet. xiii. 2), but not the Scribes (Deut. xvii. 11).] （ duet.十三2 ） ，但不是文士（申命记十七11 ） 。 ]
The second doctrinal difference between Pharisees and Sadducees concerned the 'after death.' According to the New Testament, [c St. Matt xxii. 第二个理论的区别法利赛和撒都该人关注'死后'根据新约圣经， [中圣马特二十二。 23, and parallel passages; Acts iv. 23 ，和平行通道;行为四。 1, 2; xxiii.一日，二日;二十三。 8.] the Sadducees denied the resurrection of the dead, while Josephus, going further, imputes to them denial of reward or punishment after death, [d War ii. 8 。 ]撒都该人否认死人复活，而约瑟夫，越走越，以责难，他们被剥夺的奖励或处罚亡故后，在[ d二战后。 8. 8 。 14.] and even the doctrine that the soul perishes with the body. 14 。 ] ，甚至学说认为亡灵魂与身体。 [e Ant. [电子蚂蚁。 xviii 1.第十八1 。 4.] The latter statement may be dismissed as among those inferences which theological controversialists are too fond of imputing to their opponents. 4 。 ]后声明，可能被解雇，因为在这些推论，其中神学controversialists是太喜欢归咎于他们的对手。
This is fully borne out by the account of a later work, to the effect, that by successive misunderstandings of the saying of Antigonus of Socho, that men were to serve God without regard to reward, his later pupils had arrived at the inference that there was no other world, which, however, might only refer to the Pharisaic ideal of 'the world to come,' not to the denial of the immortality of the soul, and no resurrection of the dead.这充分证明，由户口的，稍后工作，其大意，即由历届误解的说法antigonus的socho ，即男子以上帝而不理会奖励，后来他的学生已经到了推论有并无其他世界中，不过，可能只是指以pharisaic理想的'未来世界'不要剥夺灵魂，没有死人的复活。 We may therefore credit Josephus with merely reporting the common inference of his party.因此，我们可以信用约瑟夫仅报告的共同推断他的党员。 But it is otherwise in regard to their denial of the resurrection of the dead.但它是在其他方面，他们被剥夺了，死人的复活。 Not only Josephus, but the New Testament and Rabbinic writings attest this.不仅约瑟夫，但新约圣经和rabbinic著作证明了这一点。 The Mishnah expressly states [g Ber ix.该mishnah明文国【 G误码率九。 5.] that the formula 'from age to age,' or rather 'from world to world,' had been introduced as a protest against the opposite theory; while the Talmud, which records disputations between Gamaliel and the Sadducees [2 This is admitted even by Geiger (Urschr. u. Uebers. p. 130, note), though in the passage above referred to he would emendate: 'Scribes of the Samaritans.' 5 。 ] ，该公式'从年龄老化， '或者更确切地说，从世界到世界， '已引进作为抗议相反理论，而犹太法典，其中记录disputations加马之间和撒都该人[ 2这是承认即使是由盖格（ urschr.美国uebers 。第130页，注） ，尽管在通过上述提到的，他会emendate ： '文士的撒玛利亚。
The passage, however, implies that these were Sadducean Scribes, and that they were both willing and able to enter into theological controversy with their opponents.] on the subject of the resurrection, expressly imputes the denial of this doctrine to the 'Scribes of the Sadducees.'通过，但意味着，这些被sadducean文士，他们都愿意并能够进入神学争论与他们的对手。 ]关于这一主题的复活，明确责难否定这种学说以'文士的撒都该人。 In fairness it is perhaps only right to add that, in the discussion, the Sadducees seem only to have actually denied that there was proof for this doctrine in the Pentateuch, and that they ultimately professed themselves convinced by the reasoning of Gamaliel.平心而论，它可能是唯一有权补充说，在该次讨论时，撒都该人似乎只实际上否认有证据证明这一学说在pentateuch ，而他们最终自称自己信服的道理加马。 [1 Rabbi Gamaliel's proof was taken from Deut. [ 1拉比加马的证据就是从deut 。 i.一。 8: 'Which Jehovah sware unto your fathers to give unto them.' 8 ： '耶和华sware所不欲，你的父亲给赐给他们。 It is not said 'unto you,' but unto 'them,' which implies the resurrection of the dead.这不是说'你们' ，但祂'他们， '这意味着，死人复活。
The argument is kindred in character, but far inferior in solemnity and weight, to that employed by our Lord, St. Matt.其论点是骨肉性质，但远不如在严肃性和重量而言，是指受聘于我们的主，圣马特。 xxii.二十二。 32, from which it is evidently taken. 32 ，从它显然是采取。 (See book v. ch. iv., the remarks on that passage.)] Still the concurrent testimony of the New Testament and of Josephus leaves no doubt, that in this instance their views had not been misrepresented. （见书诉你的第四节，言论上通过。 ] ） ，仍然是并行的证词，新约圣经和约瑟夫毫无疑问地认为，在这一点上，他们的意见没有被歪曲。 Whether or not their opposition to the doctrine of the Resurrection arose in the first instance from, or was prompted by, Rationalistic views, which they endeavoured to support by an appeal to the letter of the Pentateuch, as the source of traditionalism, it deserves notice that in His controversy with the Sadducees Christ appealed to the Pentateuch in proof of His teaching.不论他们反对中庸之道复活重新屹立于世界初审，或促成，理性的看法，他们努力支持由一个呼吁信的pentateuch ，作为源头的传统，值得预告在他的争议与撒都该人基督呼吁，希望pentateuch在证明他的教学。 [2 It is a curious circumstance in connection with the question of the Sadducees, that it raised another point in controversy between the Pharisees and the 'Samaritans,' or, as I would read it, the Sadducees, since 'the Samaritans' (Sadducees?) only allowed marriage with the betrothed, not the actually wedded wife of a deceased childless brother (Jer Yebam. i. 6, p. 3 a). [ 2这是一个奇怪的情况下怀疑与质询的撒都该人，它提出了另一个点之间争议的法利赛和'撒玛利亚会' ，或者像我看过，撒都该人，因为'撒玛利亚' （撒都该人？ ）只允许结婚订婚，而不是实际上拘泥于妻子一个死者没有子女的哥哥（张哲yebam一6 ，第3页） 。 The Sadducees in the Gospel argue on the Pharisaic theory, apparently for the twofold object of casting ridicule on the doctrine of the Resurrection, and on the Pharisaic practice of marriage with the espoused wife of a deceased brother.]该撒都该人在福音中辩称，对pharisaic理论，显然是双重客体铸造嘲弄，对教义的复活，并就pharisaic实践中的婚姻与热爱妻子的已故弟弟。 ]
Connected with this was the equally Rationalistic opposition to belief in Angels and Spirits. 与这是同样的理性主义，反对信仰天使和饱满的精神状态。 It is only mentioned in the New Testament, [a Acts xxiii.] but seems almost to follow as a corollary. 它只是提到，在新约圣经， [一个行为二十三。 ] ，但几乎可以遵循作为一个必然结果。 Remembering what the Jewish Angelology was, one can scarcely wonder that in controversy the Sadducees should have been led to the opposite extreme. 记住什么犹太angelology是，其中一个几乎无法难怪在争议撒都该人应已导致相反的极端。
The last dogmatic difference between the two 'sects' concerned that problem which has at all times engaged religious thinkers: man's free will and God's pre-ordination, or rather their compatibility. Josephus, or the reviser whom he employed, indeed, uses the purely heathen expression 'fate' ( ) [3 The expression is used in the heathen (philosophical) sense of fate by Philo, De Incorrupt. 过去教条式的差异，两个'支派'关注的问题，已在任何时候，从事宗教思想家：人的自由意志和上帝的前顾，或者更确切地说，其兼容性。约瑟夫，或审校人，他雇用，事实上，以纯异教徒表达的'命运' （ ） [ 3表达的是用在异教徒（哲学）意义上的命运由斐洛，德廉。 Mundi.世界之。 section 10.第10款。 ed.教育署。 Mangey, vol. mangey ，第一卷。 ii.二。 p.页 496 (ed. Fref. p. 947).] to designate the Jewish idea of the pre-ordination of God. But, properly understood, the real difference between the Pharisees and Sadducees seems to have amounted to this: that the former accentuated God's preordination, the latter man's free will; and that, while the Pharisees admitted only a partial influence of the human element on what happened, or the co-operation of the human with the Divine, the Sadducees denied all absolute pre-ordination, and made man's choice of evil or good, with its consequences of misery or happiness, to depend entirely on the exercise of free will and self-determination. 496 （编辑fref 。页947 ） 。 ]指定犹太人的想法会前协调上帝的，但缺乏正确的理解，真正的差别法利赛和撒都该人似乎已经达到这样的：这位前加速上帝的钦点，后者是人的自由意志，并表示，虽然法利承认，只是局部的影响，人的因素，对所发生的事情，或共同操作的人与神，撒都该人否认一切绝对会前协调，并作出了人的选择邪恶或良好，其后果的苦难或幸福，完全取决于行使自由意志与自决权。
And in this, like many opponents of 'Predestinarianism,' they seem to have started from the principle, that it was impossible for God 'either to commit or to foresee [in the sense of fore-ordaining] anything evil.'在这方面，像许多反对者的' predestinarianism ， '他们似乎已经开始从原则上，那是不可能的，为神'要么犯下或预见[在某种意义上前列- ordaining ]什么罪恶。 The mutual misunderstanding here was that common in all such controversies.相互误解的是，共同在所有这类争议。 Although [a In Jewish War ii.虽然[一个在犹太人二次大战。 8. 8 。 14.] Josephus writes as if, according to the Pharisees, the chief part in every good action depended upon fate [pre-ordination] rather than on man's doing, yet in another place [b Ant. 14 。 ]约瑟夫写道，因为，如果根据法利，行政的一部分，在每一个良好的行动取决于命运[预订] ，而不是对人的做法，但在另一个地方并[ b蚂蚁。 xviii.十八。 1. 1 。 3.] he disclaims for them the notion that the will of man was destitute of spontaneous activity, and speaks somewhat confusedly, for he is by no means a good reasoner, of 'a mixture' of the Divine and human elements, in which the human will, with its sequence of virtue or wickedness, is subject to the will of fate. 3 。 ]他申明，他们概念，即意志为转移的穷困潦倒的自发活动，并说有点混乱，因为他绝不是一个好reasoner ， '混合'的神和人的因素，其中人的意志，其序列的美德或邪恶，是受意志的命运。
A yet further modification of this statement occurs in another place, [c Ant.尚未进一步修改这份声明出现在另一个地方， [中的蚂蚁。 xiii.十三。 5. 5 。 9.] where we are told that, according to the Pharisees, some things depended upon fate, and more on man himself. 9 。 ]如果有人告诉我们，根据法利，有些事情取决于命运，而更多人本身。 Manifestly, there is not a very wide difference between this and the fundamental principle of the Sadducees in what we may suppose its primitive form.显然，还没有一个非常广泛的区别，这个问题和根本原则的撒都该人在什么，我们可以假设它的原始形态。
But something more will have to be said as illustrative of Pharisaic teaching on this subject.但一些更将不得不说是说明性的pharisaic教学这个题目。 No one who has entered into the spirit of the Old Testament can doubt that its outcome was faith, in its twofold aspect of acknowledgment of the absolute Rule, and simple submission to the Will, of God.没有一个人进入了精神上来，把旧约可以怀疑，其结果是信仰，在其双重方面承认的绝对统治，而简单的以提交给意志，上帝的。 What distinguished this so widely from fatalism was what may be termed Jehovahism, that is, the moral element in its thoughts of God, and that He was ever presented as in paternal relationship to men.有什么区别，这使广从宿命论的，是可被称为jehovahism ，即是道德因素，其思想的神，他是有史以来作为在父亲的关系，以男子。 But the Pharisees carried their accentuation of the Divine to the verge of fatalism.但法利进行重读他们的神明，以濒临宿命论的思想。 Even the idea that God had created man with two impulses, the one to good, the other to evil; and that the latter was absolutely necessary for the continuance of this world, would in some measure trace the causation of moral evil to the Divine Being.甚至主张上帝创造了男子两项冲动，一来好外，其他以邪恶，并认为后者是绝对必要的延续这个世界上，将在一定程度上追寻因果关系的道德上的邪恶，以神圣的正。
The absolute and unalterable pre-ordination of every event, to its minutest details, is frequently insisted upon.绝对的和不可改变的预统筹每盛事，其minutest细节，往往坚持的。 Adam had been shown all the generations that were to spring from him.亚当已被证明是所有后代人，以春，从他的。 Every incident in the history of Israel had been foreordained, and the actors in it, for good or for evil, were only instruments for carrying out the Divine Will.每一个事件，在历史上的，以色列一直foreordained ，演员在它，好或恶，只有文书，为贯彻落实神意。 What were ever Moses and Aaron?什么人分别为摩西和亚伦？ God would have delivered Israel out of Egypt, and given them the Law, had there been no such persons.上帝已交付以色列出埃及，并给了他们有关规定，有没有这样的人。 Similarly was it in regard to Solomon.同样是在这方面向所罗门。 to Esther, to Nebuchadnezzar, and others.以埃丝特， nebuchadnezzar和等。 Nay, it was because man was predestined to die that the serpent came to seduce our first parents.不仅如此，那是因为人是命中注定要死于该蛇来勾引我们的第一次家长。
And as regarded the history of each individual: all that concerned his mental and physical capacity, or that would betide him, was prearranged.由于把历史的每一个人：所有关心他的精神和身体能力，或者说会降临到他的，是预先安排。 His name, place, position, circumstances, the very name of her whom he was to wed, were proclaimed in heaven, just as the hour of his death was foreordered.他的名字，地点，位置的情况下，非常的名字，她的人，他是周三，被宣布在天上，正如小时的他的逝世是foreordered 。 There might be seven years of pestilence in the land, and yet no one died before his time.可能有七年的瘟疫，在土地，但没有人死亡，在他的时代之前。 [a Sanh. [ sanh 。 29 a.] Even if a man inflicted a cut on his finger, he might be sure that this also had been preordered. 29答：即使一名男子受了削减对他的指纹，他可能是肯定的是，这也已经preordered 。 [b Chull.并[ b chull 。 7 b.]七乙]
Nay, 'wheresoever a man was destined to die, thither would his feet carry him.'不仅如此， '何处一名男子被注定死了，上去将他的双脚进行他的。 [1 The following curious instance of this is given. [ 1以下好奇的实例，这是考虑到。 On one occasion King Solomon, when attended by his two Scribes, Elihoreph and Ahiah (both supposed to have been Ethiopians), suddenly perceived the Angel of Death.一次所罗门王时，出席由他的两个文士， elihoreph和ahiah （均假定已被埃塞俄比亚人） ，突然觉察到死亡天使。 As he looked so sad, Solomon ascertained as its reason, that the two Scribes had been demanded at his hands.至于他期待伤心，索罗门确定，因为它的原因，这两个文士已被要求在他的手中。 On this Solomon transported them by magic into the land of Luz, where, according to legend, no man ever died.关于这个所罗门运送他们用法术把土地的luz在那里，据传说，任何人，任何时候都死亡。
Next morning Solomon again perceived the Angel of Death, but this time laughing, because, as he said.第二天上午所罗门再次觉察到死亡天使，但这个时候在笑，因为，正如他说的。 Solomon had sent these men to the very place whence he had been ordered to fetch them (Sukk, 53 a).] We can well understand how the Sadducees would oppose notions like these, and all such coarse expressions of fatalism.所罗门派遣了这些男人向地方何时，他已接到命令，以获取它们（ sukk ， 53 ） 。 ] ，我们也充份了解如何撒都该人会反对的观念一样，他们和所有这种颗粒状的意向书，宿命论的思想。 And it is significant of the exaggeration of Josephus, [2 Those who understand the character of Josephus' writings will be at no loss for his reasons in this.这是重要的夸张的约瑟夫， [ 2明白的人的特点约瑟夫'著作，将在没有任何损失，其理由在此。 It would suit his purpose to speak often of the fatalism of the Pharisees, and to represent them as a philosophical sect like the Stoics.这样做是适合他的目的发言往往对宿命论的法利赛，并代表他们作为哲学节一样stoics 。 The latter, indeed, he does in so many words.] that neither the New Testament, nor Rabbinic writings, bring the charge of the denial of God's prevision against the Sadducees.后者，而事实上，他在这么多的话。 ]的是，无论是新约圣经，也rabbinic著作，使主管否认上帝的预知反对撒都该人。
But there is another aspect of this question also. 但是也有另一种方面对这个问题也。 While the Pharisees thus held the doctrine of absolute preordination, side by side with it they were anxious to insist on man's freedom of choice, his personal responsibility, and moral obligation. [3 For details comp. 而法利举行，因此中庸绝对钦点，并肩合作，他们急于要坚持人的自由意志选择，他个人的责任，道义上的责任。 [ 3详情可比。 Hamburger, Real-Encykl.汉堡包，实时encykl 。 ii.二。 pp.页。 103-106, though there is some tendency to 'colouring' in this as in other articles of the work.] Although every event depended upon God, whether a man served God or not was entirely in his own choice. 103-106 ，但也有一些倾向'着色'在这如同在其他物品的工作。 ]虽然每一事件取决于上帝，无论是一个人神送达或不完全是他自己的选择。 As a logical sequence of this, fate had no influence as regarded Israel, since all depended on prayer, repentance, and good works.作为一个逻辑顺序的，命运已经没有任何影响力，作为视以色列，因为所有依赖于祷告，悔改，收到了良好的工程。 Indeed, otherwise that repentance, on which Rabbinism so largely insists, would have had no meaning.的确，否则即悔过书，对其中rabbinism所以基本上坚持，不会有任何意义。
Moreover, it seems as if it had been intended to convey that, while our evil actions were entirely our own choice, if a man sought to amend his ways, he would be helped of God.此外，它似乎好像它已打算转达说，虽然我们的罪恶行动，是完全属于我们自己的选择，如果一名男子试图修改他的方法，他会得到帮助的上帝。 [c Yoma 38 b.] It was, indeed, true that God had created the evil impulse in us; but He had also given the remedy in the Law. [中yoma 38乙]据，而事实上，真正的上帝创造了邪恶的冲动，在美，但他也给予补救，在法律上的。 [a Baba B. 16 a.] This is parabolically represented under the figure of a man seated at the parting of two ways, who warned all passers that if they chose one road it would lead them among the thorns, while on the other brief difficulties would end in a plain path (joy). [巴巴乙16答：这是抛物线下，为代表的数字一名男子坐在在临别前两种方式，世卫组织警告所有途人，如果他们选择了一条路，这会导致他们之间的荆棘，而另一方面简介困难，最终会在一个浅显的路径（喜悦） 。 [b Siphre on Deut.并[ b siphre对deut 。 xi.十一。 26, 53, ed. 26 ， 53 ，海关。 Friedmann, p.弗里德曼页 86 a.] Or, to put it in the language of the great Akiba [c Ab. 86甲] ，或者把它用语言的伟大秋叶[中抗体。 iii.三。 15.]: 'Everything is foreseen; free determination is accorded to man; and the world is judged in goodness.' 15 。 ] ： '万事预见;自由决定权，是考虑到人，以及世界是衡量善。 With this simple juxtaposition of two propositions equally true, but incapable of metaphysical combination, as are most things in which the empirically cognisable and uncognisable are joined together, we are content to leave the matter.这个简单的并列的两个命题也同样如此，但不能形而上的结合，作为最有东西在其中，实证cognisable和uncognisable是联合起来，我们的内容，离开这件事。
The other differences between the Pharisees and Sadducees can be easily and briefly summed up. 其他分歧法利赛和撒都该人可以很容易和简单的总结。 They concern ceremonial, ritual, and juridical questions. 他们关心的礼仪，祭祀，和司法的问题。 In regard to the first, the opposition of the Sadducees to the excessive scruples of the Pharisees on the subject of Levitical defilements led to frequent controversy. 在改革方面，在野的撒都该人以过高的顾忌的法利关于这一主题的levitical污秽导致频繁的争议。 Four points in dispute are mentioned, of which, however, three read more like ironical comments than serious divergences. Thus, the Sadducees taunted their opponents with their many lustrations, including that of the Golden Candlestick in the Temple. 四点争议提到了，其中，但是，有三项阅读更多喜欢讽刺的评论比严重分歧，因此，撒都该人，看守他们的对手与他们的许多lustrations ，包括对金色烛台在寺庙中。 [d Jer. 【 D哲。 Chag iii. chag三。 8; Tos. 8 ;指引。 Chag. chag 。 iii., where the reader will find sufficient proof that the Sadducees were not in the wrong.] Two other similar instances are mentioned.三，读者会发现足够的证据表明撒都该人都是没有错。 ]其他两个类似的例子有提及。 [e In Yad, iv. [ E在亚得，四。 6, 7.] By way of guarding against the possibility of profanation, the Pharisees enacted, that the touch of any thing sacred 'defiled' the hands. 6 ， 7 。 ] 的方式，防范可能的亵渎，法利制定的，即只要有任何神圣的东西'玷污'手中。 The Sadducees, on the other hand, ridiculed the idea that the Holy Scriptures 'defiled' the hands, but not such a book as Homer. 该撒都该人，在另一方面，讥讽的设想，即圣经'玷污'手里，而不是这样的一本书作为荷马。
[1 The Pharisees replied by asking on what ground the bones of a High-Priest 'defiled,' but not those of a donkey. [ 1法利回答询问有什么理由骨头的一个高神父'玷污' ，但不是那些驴。 And when the Sadducees ascribed it to the great value of the former, lest a man should profane the bones of his parents by making spoons of them, the Pharisees pointed out that the same argument applied to defilement by the Holy Scriptures.当撒都该人归因于它的伟大价值是前者，否则，人要亵渎的骨头，他的父母，使汤匙，他们法利指出，同样的论点适用于污辱由圣经。 In general, it seems that the Pharisees were afraid of the satirical comments of the Sadducees on their doings (comp. Parah iii.一般来说，它似乎是法利赛人，不怕讽刺评论的撒都该人对他们的所作所为（ comp. parah三。
3).] In the same spirit, the Sadducees would ask the Pharisees how it came, that water pouring from a clean into an unclean vessel did not lose its purity and purifying power. 3 ） 。 ] ，在同样的精神，撒都该人会问，法利如何来了，水泼在从清洁到一个不洁的船只并没有丧失它的纯洁和净化电源。 [2 Wellhausen rightly denounces the strained interpretation of Geiger, who would find here, as in other points, hidden political allusions.] If these represent no serious controversies, on another ceremonial question there was real difference, though its existence shows how far party-spirit could lead the Pharisees. [ 2 wellhausen正确地揭露了紧张的解释，盖格，他们将在这里找到，在其他各点，隐藏的政治典故。 ] ，如果这些代表没有严重的争议，对另一礼仪问题，有真正的分歧，但它的存在表明，有多远党精神，可以引导法利。 No ceremony was surrounded with greater care to prevent defilement than that of preparing the ashes of the Red Heifer.没有任何仪式，四周更小心，以防止污辱比编写灰烬中的红色小母牛。
[3 Comp. [ 3可比。 'The Temple, its Ministry and Services,' pp. '庙，其部和服务， '页。 309, 312. 309 ， 312 。 The rubrics are in the Mishnic tractate Parab, and in Tos.该红色标题是在mishnic tractate parab ，而在交易条件。 Par.] What seem the original ordinances, [a Parah iii,; Tos.相提并论。 ]什么似乎原来的条例， [ parah第三;指引。 Par.相提并论。 3.] directed that, for seven days previous to the burning of the Red Heifer, the priest was to be kept in separation in the Temple, sprinkled with the ashes of all sin-offerings, and kept from the touch of his brother-priests, with even greater rigour than the High-Priest in his preparation for the Day of Atonement. 3 。 ]指示，为七天前向燃烧中的红色小母牛，牧师被留置在隔离在寺庙中，洒骨灰的所有罪过-产品，并不断从触摸他的弟弟-祭司，以更加严谨，较高级神职人员在他准备为赎罪日。 The Sadducees insisted that, as 'till sundown' was the rule in all purification, the priest must be in cleanliness till then, before burning the Red Heifer.该撒都该人坚持认为，作为'到日落' ，是统治一切的净化，牧师必须在洁净为止，然后，然后焚烧红色小母牛。
But, apparently for the sake of opposition, and in contravention to their own principles, the Pharisees would actually 'defile' the priest on his way to the place of burning, and then immediately make him take a bath of purification which had been prepared, so as to show that the Sadducees were in error.但是，这显然是为了反对，也违反了自己的原则，法利赛会其实是'强奸'神父对他的方式来代替焚烧，然后马上使他采取洗澡的净化，这已准备，等，以表明该撒都该人被错误。 [b Parah iii.并[ b parah三。 7.] [1 The Mishnic passage is difficult, but I believe I have given the sense correctly.] In the same spirit, the Sadducees seem to have prohibited the use of anything made from animals which were either interdicted as food, or by reason of their not having been properly slaughtered; while the Pharisees allowed it, and, in the case of Levitically clean animals which had died or been torn, even made their skin into parchment, which might be used for sacred purposes. 7 。 ] [ 1 mishnic通行困难，但我相信我已经赋予了意义，正确。 ] ，在同样的精神，撒都该人似乎已经禁止使用任何由动物，其中被停职食物，或因他们没有得到适当的屠宰，而法利任由它，并在案件levitically清洁动物，其中已经死亡或遭到破坏，甚至使他们的皮肤变成羊皮纸，它可能被用于神圣目的。 [c Shabb. [中shabb 。 108 a.] 108甲]
These may seem trifling distinctions, but they sufficed to kindle the passions. Even greater importance attached to differences on ritual questions, although the controversy here was purely theoretical. 这些看似琐碎的区别，但它们足以点燃激情，甚至更大的重视差异对礼仪问题，虽然争论这里纯粹是一个理论问题。 For, the Sadducees, when in office, always conformed to the prevailing Pharisaic practices.为，撒都该人，在就职后，始终符合现行pharisaic做法。 Thus the Sadducees would have interpreted Lev.因此，撒都该人便解释列弗。 xxiii.二十三。 11, 15, 16, as meaning that the wave-sheaf (or, rather, the Omer) was to be offered on 'the morrow after the weekly Sabbath', that is, on the Sunday in Easter week, which would have brought the Feast of Pentecost always on a Sunday; [d Vv. 11 ， 15 ， 16 ，因为这意味着波束（或者，确切地说，奥马尔） ，以提供对'明天以后每周安息日' ，那就是对周日在复活节周，这将带了盛宴的五旬总是一个周日; 【 D维维。 15, 16.] while the Pharisees understood the term 'Sabbath' of the festive Paschal day. 15 ， 16 ] ，而法利理解'安息日'的节日逾越节当天。 [e Men. [电子男子。 x.十。 3; 65 a; Chag. 3 ; 65 ; chag 。 ii.二。 4.][2 This difference, which is more intricate than appears at first sight, requires a longer discussion than can be given in this place.] 4 。 ] [ 2这个差距，这是更复杂的，比最初看来，需要一个较长的讨论比可以考虑在这个地方。 ]
Connected with this were disputes about the examinat