The Apostolic Fathers were authors of nonbiblical church writings of the 1st and early 2nd centuries.使徒父亲作者nonbiblical教会著作的第1和第2次年初数百年。 These works are important because their authors presumably knew the Apostles or their associates.这些作品都非常重要，因为其作者想必知道使徒或其同伙。 The first list of the Apostolic Fathers was made by 17th-century scholars; it comprised Clement I, Hermas, Ignatius of Antioch, Polycarp, and the author of the Epistle of Barnabas.第一届名单使徒父亲是由17世纪的学者，它包括克莱门特我hermas ，伊格安提，利卡尔普致斐利及作者的坟墓的石碑。 Later, other writers such as Papias of Hierapolis and the authors of the Epistle to Diognetus and of the Didache were also considered Apostolic Fathers.稍后，其他作家如papias的hierapolis及作者的书信，以diognetus和该didache也被认为使徒父亲。 Expressing pastoral concern, their writings are similar in style to the New Testament.对牧区的关注，他们的著作都是在类似的作风，以新约圣经。 Some of their writings, in fact, were venerated as Scripture before the official canon was decided.他们的一些著作，事实上，被尊敬，作为经典在正式佳能决定。
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This interval extended from about 100 to 170 AD, when the Apostolic Fathers had replaced the apostles.这个区间延长至约100至170专案，当使徒父亲已更换了使徒。 This group of individuals included a number of teachers and bishops: eg Clement of Alexandria, Irenaeus, Origen, Polycarp, Tertullian.这组个人，其中包括一些教师和主教：如克莱门特的亚历山德里亚，爱任纽，渊源，利卡尔普致斐利，戴尔都良。
Early in this era, the church evolved into a more formal organization, the monarchial episcopate, in which bishops were recognized as having authority over the leaders of the individual congregations.早在这个时代，教会演变成一个较正式的组织， monarchial主教团，其中一团被确认为具有权威的领导人个人的毕业典礼。 The bishops decided matters of belief and practice within their jurisdiction.主教们决定事项的信仰与实践在其管辖范围内。
During the first three centuries of Christian history, only bishops were called Fathers of the Church.在头三个世纪的基督教历史中，只有主教，被称为教会的神父。 The title was later extended to all learned church writers of antiquity recognized for their orthodoxy of doctrine and holiness of life.标题后来扩大到所有的教训教会作家，仿古承认，他们的正统学说和圣洁的生活。 The last of the fathers are generally considered to be Saint Isidore of Seville (d. 636) in the West and Saint John Damascene (dc750) in the East.最后的父亲通常被视为圣伊西多尔的塞维利亚（四636 ） ，在西方，圣约翰大马士革（ dc750 ）在东部地区。 Some of the preeminent fathers have also been designated as Doctors of the Church, a title of later origin.一些最杰出的父亲也被指定为医生的教会，一个标题后来原产地。
Fathers of the Church, name given by the Christian church to the writers who established Christian doctrine before the 8th century.教会的神父，姓名，由基督教教会作家，他们既定的基督教教义前8世纪。 The writings of the Fathers, or patristic literature, synthesized Christian doctrine as found in the Bible, especially the Gospels, the writings of the Apostolic Fathers, ecclesiastical dictums, and decisions of church councils (see Council).该著作的父亲，或教父的著作，合成了基督教教义，因为发现在圣经中，特别是福音，著作使徒父亲，教会dictums ，并决定教会议会（见理事会） 。 They provided a standardized body of Christian teaching for transmission to the peoples of the Roman Empire.他们提供了一个标准化的机构，以基督教教义为输电，以人民的罗马帝国。 The so-called Doctors of the Church consist of four Western Fathers, including Saints Ambrose, Augustine, Pope Gregory I, and Jerome, and four Eastern Fathers, including Saints Athanasius, Basil, John Chrysostom, and Gregory of Nazianzus. The earlier Eastern Fathers, including Clement of Alexandria, St. Justin Martyr, and Origen, were strongly influenced by Greek philosophy.这个所谓的医生，教会包括四个西方的父亲，其中包括圣人，刘汉铨，奥古斯丁，罗马教皇格雷戈里我和杰罗姆，和4个东欧父亲，其中包括圣人athanasius ，罗勒，约翰金口，格雷戈里的nazianzus 。较早的东部父亲，其中包括克莱门特的亚历山德里亚，圣贾斯汀烈士和渊源，强烈的影响，希腊哲学。 The Western Fathers, however, including Tertullian and Saints Gregory I and Jerome, generally avoided the synthesis of pagan and Christian thought.西方的父亲，不过，包括戴尔都良和圣人格雷戈里，我和杰罗姆，通常避免合成异教和基督教思想。
The church established four qualifications for bestowing the honorary title of church father on an early writer.教会成立了四个资格赐予荣誉称号教会父亲早日作家。 In addition to belonging to the early period of the church, a Father of the Church must have led a holy life.除属于早期的教会，一个父亲的教会必须有领导的一个神圣的生命。 His writings must be generally free from doctrinal error and must contain an outstanding defense or explanation of Christian doctrine.他的著作，必须普遍不受理论的错误，而且必须包含一个优异的防空，或解释基督教的教义。 Finally, his writings must have received the approval of the church.最后，他的著作，必须已获得批准的教会。
Ecclesiastically, the fathers are those who have preceded us in the faith, and are thus able to instruct us in it. ecclesiastically ，父亲是那些已先于我们在信仰，并因而能够指示我们，它的雇员。 In this sense, ministers and particularly bishops are often referred to as fathers.在这个意义上说，部长们，尤其是主教，往往被称为父亲。 More particularly, however, the term has come to be applied to the first Christian writers of acknowledged eminence.更具体地说，然而，该术语已被应用到第一基督教作家承认隆起。 Already in the fourth century it was used in this way of the teachers of the preceding epoch, and later all the outstanding theologians of at least the first six centuries have come to be regarded as fathers.已经在四世纪，它是用于在这样的老师在前面的一个时代，和后来的一切优秀的神学家，至少上半年百年来被视为父亲。 This is the normal usage of the term today, although sometimes the patristic era is extended and Protestants may also speak of the Reformation fathers (eg, Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin).这是正常使用的名词，今天，虽然有时教父时代，是扩大和新教徒，还可以对改革的父亲（例如，路德， zwingli ，和Calvin ） 。
The question arises how a given author may be classified as a father.由此产生的问题是如何给作者可归类为一个好父亲了。 The mere survival of his work is not enough, for many heretical writings have come down to us, together with others of doubtful value.仅仅存活的，他的工作是不够的，很多邪教的著作有所下调，对我们来说，和其他国家一起可疑的价值。 Four main characteristics have been suggested as necessary qualifications: first, substantial orthodoxy; second, holiness of life; third, widespread approval; and fourth, antiquity.四个主要特征已建议作为必要条件：第一，大量的正统;第二，成圣的生活;第三，广泛批准，以及第四，古物。 It is allowed that fathers may be in error on individual points, as neccessitated by the many disagreements, but they can still be counted and read as fathers so long as they satisfy these general requirements (cf. esp. the cases of Origen and Tertullian).这是容许的父亲，可在误差对个别点，为neccessitated由许多分歧，但他们仍然可以算，并宣读了作为父亲，只要他们满足这些一般要求（参见电除尘器。案件渊源和戴尔都良） 。
Various answers may be given to the question of patristic authority.各种答案，可考虑的问题，教父的权力。 From the Roman Catholic standpoint, the fathers are infallible where they display unanimous consent, although even in this regard Aquinas clearly ranks them below Scripture.从罗马天主教的角度来说，父亲是不会犯错误的，他们展示的一致同意，但即使在这方面，阿奎那明确队伍，他们在下面的经文。 Otherwise they may err, but are always to be read with respect.否则，他们可能会出错，但总是可以阅读与尊重。 Protestants naturally insist that the fathers too are subject to the supreme norm of Scripture, so that their statements or interpretations may call for rejection, correction, or amplification.新教徒自然坚持认为父亲太受最高人民法院规范的经文，因此，他们的发言或解释上可能要求提供的排斥反应，更正，或放大。 On the other hand, they deserve serious consideration as those who have preceded us in faith and made a serious attempt to express biblical and apostolic truth.在另一方面，他们应该认真考虑，因为那些先于我们的信仰，并提出了认真的尝试，以表达圣经和使徒的真相。 Their support is thus valuable, their opinions demand careful study, they are to be set aside only for good reason, and their work constitutes no less a challenge to us than ours to them.他们的支持是有价值的，他们的意见要求，认真学习，他们被搁置，只有很好的理由，和他们的工作构成了不少是一个挑战，我们比我们给他们。
To list the fathers is hardly possible in so brief a compass, nor is it easy to classify them except perhaps in terms of the broad distinction between Greek and Latin.列出的父亲是几乎不可能在这么短暂一个指南针，它也不是很容易将其分类或许除在职权广大区分希腊语和拉丁语。 Mention may be made of the immediate postapostolic fathers who have given us our earliest Christian literature outside the NT (eg, Clement of Rome, Ignatius of Antioch, and Polycarp).可以提到了眼前postapostolic父亲给了我们，我们最早的基督教文学之外新台币（例如，克莱门特的罗马，伊格安提，利卡尔普致斐利） 。 The Alexandrian school (Clement and Origen) at the end of the second and early in the third century deserves notice, as do such writers as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Hippolytus, and Cyprian.该亚历山大学校（克莱门特和渊源） ，在去年底的第二和早在三世纪，值得声明的内容，因为这样的作家爱任纽，戴尔都良， hippolytus ，和塞浦路斯。 The fourth century, which was already referring to the fathers, provides us with some of the greatest of all in men like Athanasius, Hilary, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzus, Ambrose, Augustine, Chrysostom, and Jerome.第四个世纪，这已经是指父亲，为我们提供了一些最伟大的一切，在男性喜欢athanasius ，希拉蕊，罗勒，格雷戈里的nyssa ，格雷戈里的nazianzus ，刘汉铨，奥古斯丁，金口，杰罗姆。 Among others who may be mentioned are the Cyrils, Theodoret, the two popes Leo I and Gregory I, and at the very end of the patristic period John of Damascus and Isidore of Seville.其他人可能会提到的是cyrils ， theodoret ，两个教皇利奥，我和格雷戈里I ，并在最后的教父约翰期间大马士革和伊西多尔的塞维利亚。 But these are only a selection from the great company of writers who over a wide and complex front gave to the church its earliest magnificent attempt in theology.但这些都只是一个选择，从大公司的作者们，在很宽的和复杂的前端送给教会最早的宏伟企图在神学。
GW
Bromiley毛重罗米立
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)
（ Elwell宣布了福音字典）
Bibliography
参考书目
LCCI-VIII; ANF
and NPNF; GW Bromiley, Historical Theology, Pt.英国伦敦工商会考试第八; ANF和npnf
;毛重罗米立，历史，神学，铂。 I; GWH Lampe in A
History of Christian Doctrine, ed.一;百万度等企业，在历史上的基督教教义，教署。 H. Cunliffe-Jones; JND Kelley, Early
Christian Doctrines; B. Altaner, Patrology.每小时cunliffe -琼斯;
jnd凯利，早期的基督教教义;乙altaner ， patrology 。
Christian writers of the first and second centuries who are known, or are considered, to have had personal relations with some of the Apostles, or to have been so influenced by them that their writings may be held as echoes of genuine Apostolic teaching.基督教作家的第一和第二个百年的人都是已知的，或者是考虑的，有个人的关系，与部分的使徒，或已如此的影响，他们说，他们的著作可能被追究作为呼应真正的使徒的教诲。 Though restricted by some to those who were actually disciples of the Apostles, the term applies by extension to certain writers who were previously believed to have been such, and virtually embraces all the remains of primitive Christian literature antedating the great apologies of the second century, and forming the link of tradition that binds these latter writings to those of the New Testament.虽然受限于部分人士实际上弟子的使徒，该条款适用延伸到某些作家，他们原先认为有这么多，而且几乎包含了所有的遗骸原始基督教文学所填伟大的歉意在公元二世纪，并形成联系的传统，结合后面这些著作，这些新的佐证。
The name was apparently unknown in Christian literature before the end of the seventeenth century.名称显然是陌生的基督教文学在年底前的17世纪。 The term Apostolic, however, was commonly used to qualify Churches, persons, writings, etc. from the early second century, when St. Ignatius, in the exordium of his Epistle to the Trallians, saluted their Church "after the Apostolic manner."任期使徒，但是，被普遍用于资格教堂，人，著作等，从早期的第二个世纪时，圣依纳爵，在exordium他的书信向trallians ，慰问他们的教会"后使徒地发展" 。 In 1672 Jean Baptiste Cotelier (Cotelerius) published his "SS. Patrum qui temporibus apostolicis floruerunt opera", which title was abbreviated to "Bibliotheca Patrum Apostolicorum" by LJ Ittig in his edition (Leipzig, 1699) of the same writings.在1672年让巴蒂斯特cotelier （ cotelerius ）出版他的"五。 patrum qui temporibus apostolicis floruerunt歌剧" ，这名称是简称"书目patrum apostolicorum " LJ ， ittig在他的版（莱比锡， 1699年）的同一著作。 Since then the term has been universally used.自那时以来，任期已得到普遍使用。
The list of Fathers included under this title has varied, literary criticism having removed some who were formerly considered as second-century writers, while the publication (Constantinople, 1883) of the Didache has added one to the list.名单上的父亲列入这个名称已更改，文学批评后，消除了一些人以前被视为第二个世纪的作家，而出版（君士坦丁堡， 1883年）的didache增加了一至榜上有名。 Chief in importance are the three first-century Bishops: St. Clement of Rome, St. Ignatius of Antioch, and St. Polycarp of Smyrna, of whose intimate personal relations with the Apostles there is no doubt.行政，在重要的是三个第一世纪主教：圣克莱门特的罗马，圣伊格安提，和圣利卡尔普致斐利皆在，他们的亲密私人关系与门徒，这是毫无疑问的。 Clement, Bishop of Rome and third successor of St. Peter in the Papacy, "had seen the blessed Apostles [Peter and Paul] and had been conversant with them" (Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., III, iii, 3).克莱门特，罗马的主教和第三继任者的圣彼得大教堂在教皇" ，看到了祝福使徒[彼得和保罗] ，并已熟识，与他们" （爱任纽， ADV的。 haer ，三，三，三） 。 Ignatius was the second successor of St. Peter in the See of Antioch (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, 36) and during his life in that centre of Christian activity may have met with others of the Apostolic band.伊格是世界上第二个继任者的圣彼得在看到安提（尤西比乌斯，历史。 eccl ，三， 36岁） ，并在他的生命在这中心的基督教活动可能已经受到了别人的使徒阶。 An accepted tradition, substantiated by the similarity of Ignatius's thought with the ideas of the Johannine writings, declares him a disciple of St. John.公认的传统，属实的，由相似的伊格的思想与理念的johannine文章，宣称他的弟子的圣约翰。 Polycarp was "instructed by Apostles" (Irenaeus, op. cit., III, iii, 4) and had been a disciple of St. John (Eusebius, op. cit., III, 36; V, 20) whose contemporary he was for nearly twenty years.利卡尔普致斐利是"指示门徒" （爱任纽，同前，三，三，四） ，并已弟子的圣约翰（尤西比乌斯，前引书，第III ，第36条;五， 20 ） ，其当代他将近二十年。
Besides these, whose rank as Apostolic Fathers in the strictest sense is undisputed, there are two first-century writers whose place with them is generally conceded: the author of the Didache and the author of the "Epistle of Barnabas".除了这些，其队伍的建设作为使徒父亲在严格意义上是不争的，有两首世纪作家的地方，他们一般是不能让步：作者的didache及作者的"坟墓的石碑" 。 The former affirms that his teaching is that of the Apostles, and his work, perhaps the earliest extant piece of uninspired Christian literature, gives colour to his claim; the latter, even if he be not the Apostle and companion of St. Paul, is held by many to have written during the last decade of the first century, and may have come under direct Apostolic influence, though his Epistle does not clearly suggest it.前申明，他的教学是对使徒，他的工作，也许是现存最早的一幅缺乏创意的基督教文学，使色，以他的索赔;后者，即使他不是传道者与伴侣的圣保罗，是举行了被许多人，写了在过去十年中的第一个世纪里，并可能已受到直接教廷的影响力，虽然他的书信中没有明确表明它。
By extension of the term to comprise the extant extra-canonical literature of the sub-Apostolic age, it is made to include the "Shepherd" of Hermas, the New Testament prophet, who was believed to be the one referred to by St. Paul (Rom. xvi, 14), but whom a safer tradition makes a brother of Pope Pius I (c. 140-150); the meagre fragments of the "Expositions of the Discourses of the Lord", by Papias, who may have been a disciple of St. John (Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., V, 331-334), though more probably he received his teaching at second hand from a "presbyter" of that name (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, 39); the "Letter to Diognetus", the unknown author of which affirms his discipleship with the Apostles, but his claim must be taken in the broad sense of conformity in spirit and teaching.由延长任期将包含现存课外典型的文学小组使徒时代的到来，是作出了包括"牧羊人"的hermas ，新约圣经的先知，他被认为是一个所指的是由圣保禄（罗马书十六， 14 ） ，但其中一个更安全的传统，使得兄弟的教宗比约一（丙140-150 ） ;微薄的片段"的论述，论述的主" ，由papias ，可能有77人曾经弟子的圣约翰（爱任纽， ADV的。 haer ，五， 331-334 ） ，虽然更多的可能是他得到他的教导，在第二次手，从" presbyter " ，这名字（尤西比乌斯，历史。 eccl ，三， 39 ） ， "信diognetus " ，作者不详，其中申明他的门徒与门徒，但他声称必须采取措施，在广义上的整合，在精神与教学。 In addition to these there were formerly included apocryphal writings of some of the above Fathers, the "Constitutions" and "Canons of the Apostles" and the works accredited to Dionysius the Areopagite, who, though himself a disciple of the Apostles, was not the author of the works bearing his name.除了这些有原列入猜测的著作上述一些父亲， "宪法"和"大炮的使徒"和工程派驻狄奥尼修斯的areopagite ，卫生组织，虽然自己弟子的使徒，是不是作者的作品影响他的名字。 Though generally rejected, the homily of Pseudo-Clement (Epistola secunda Clementis) is by some considered as being as worthy of a place among the Apostolic Fathers, as is its contemporary, the "Shepherd" of Hermas.虽然一般都遭到拒绝，讲道伪克莱门特（ epistola塞康达clementis ） ，是由一些被认为是值得的一个地方之间的使徒父亲，因为这是它的当代， "牧羊人"的hermas 。
The period of time covered by these writings extends from the last two decades of the first century for the Didache (80-100), Clement (c. 97), and probably Pseudo-Barnabas (96-98), through the first half of the second century, the approximate chronology being Ignatius, 110-117; Polycarp, 110-120; Hermas, in its present form, c.150; Papias, c.150.在一段时间内所涵盖的这些著作延伸，从过去20年来的第一个世纪，为didache （ 80-100 ） ，克莱门特（丙97 ） ，并可能伪巴纳巴斯（ 96-98 ） ，通过上半年在公元二世纪，近似年表被伊格110-117 ;利卡尔普致斐利110-120 ; hermas ，以其目前的形式， c.150 ; papias ， c.150 。 Geographically, Rome is represented by Clement and Hermas; Polycarp wrote from Smyrna, whence also Ignatius sent four of the seven epistles which he wrote on his way from Antioch through Asia Minor; Papias was Bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia; the Didache was written in Egypt or Syria; the letter of Barnabas in Alexandria.在地理上，罗马为代表的克莱门特和hermas ;利卡尔普致斐利写道由Smyrna ，何时也伊格派出4个的七个书信，其中写道，他就一路从安提透过小亚细亚; papias是主教hierapolis在phrygia ; didache写于埃及或叙利亚;信件巴纳巴斯在亚历山大。
The writings of the Apostolic Fathers are generally epistolary in form, after the fashion of the canonical Epistles, and were written, for the greater part, not for the purpose of instructing Christians at large, but for the guidance of individuals or local churches in some passing need.著作使徒父亲一般是书信体的形式，经过时装的典型书信，并写了，因为大部份，目的不是为了指使教徒在大，但用来指导个人或地方教会在一些及格需要的人。 Happily, the writers so amplified their theme that they combine to give a precious picture of the Christian community in the age which follows the death of St. John.令人高兴的是，作家，使他们的扩增为主题，他们的组合将提供一个宝贵图片的基督教社区，在年龄这是继死刑的圣约翰。 Thus Clement, in paternal solicitude for the Churches committed to his care, endeavours to heal a dissension at Corinth and insists on the principles of unity and submission to authority, as best conducive to peace; Ignatius, fervent in his gratitude to the Churches which solaced him on his way to martyrdom, sends back letters of recognition, filled with admonitions against the prevailing heresy and highly spiritual exhortations to keep unity of faith in submission to the bishops; Polycarp, in forwarding Ignatian letters to Philippi, sends, as requested, a simple letter of advice and encouragement.因此克莱门特，在父亲的关怀，为教会致力于他的照顾，尽力医治1纠纷，在科林斯和坚持原则的团结，并提交给权威，最利于本地区的和平;伊格火热，在他的感谢，教会，其中solaced他对他的方式，以殉道，回送信件的认可，充满训诫，对当时的异端和高度精神文明嘱托，以保持统一的信念，在提交给主教;利卡尔普致斐利在转发ignatian封信给Philippi撰写，发送，要求，简单的信中的建议和鼓励。 The letter of Pseudo-Barnabas and that to Diognetus, the one polemical, the other apologetic in tone, while retaining the same form, seem to have in view a wider circle of readers.信中的伪巴纳巴斯并以diognetus ，一个论辩外，其他歉意，在声调，同时保留了相同的形式，似乎都在观看范围更广的读者。 The other three are in the form of treatises: the Didache, a manual of moral and liturgical instruction; the "Shepherd", a book of edification, apocalyptic in form, is an allegorical representation of the Church, the faults of her children and their need of penance; the "Expositions" of Papias, an exegetical commentary on the Gospels.其他三个国家在形式上的论文： didache ，一本手册的道德和礼仪教学; "牧羊人" ，一本书的启迪，在世界末日的形式，是一种寓言代表性的教会，故障的孩子和他们的需要忏悔; "论述"的papias ，训诂评福音。
Written under such circumstances, the works of the Apostolic Fathers are not characterized by systematic expositions of doctrine or brilliancy of style.写在这种情况下，工程的使徒父亲不是其特点是系统论述的理论或光辉的风格。 "Diognetus" alone evidences literary skill and refinement. " diognetus "独铁证如山文学技巧和细化。 Ignatius stands out in relief by his striking personality and depth of view.伊格脱颖而出，在救济，由他的突出个性和深度的观点。 Each writes for his present purpose, with a view primarily to the actual needs of his auditors, but, in the exuberance of primitive charity and enthusiasm, his heart pours out its message of fidelity to the glorious Apostolic heritage, of encouragement in present difficulties, of solicitude for the future with its threatening dangers.每次写到他目前的目的，以期主要是为了实际需要，他的审计，但在繁茂的原始慈善和热情，他的心注入了其信息的保真度，以光荣的使徒传统，激励在当前的种种困难，关怀，为今后与它的威胁性的危险。 The dominant tone is that of fervent devotion to the brethren in the Faith, revealing the depth and breadth of the zeal which was imparted to the writers by the Apostles.占主导地位的语气说的热切奉献给弟兄在信仰，揭示了深度和广度的热情，这是传授给作家由使徒。 The letters of the three bishops, together with the Didache, voice sincerest praise of the Apostles, whose memory the writers hold in deep filial devotion; but their recognition of the unapproachable superiority of their masters is equally well borne out by the absence in their letters of that distinctly inspired tone that marks the Apostles' writings.信件的三名主教，联同didache ，语音最诚挚的赞美的使徒们，他们的记忆中的作家持有深孝敬奉献，但他们承认对不可接近的优势，它们的主人是同样承担指出没有在他们的信件这一鲜明的灵感口气，标志着使徒们的著作。 More abrupt, however, is the transition between the unpretentious style of the Apostolic Fathers and the scientific form of the treatises of the Fathers of the subsequent periods.更突然的，则是转型之间的朴实无华的作风，使徒父亲和科学形式对论文的父亲随后的时期。 The fervent piety, the afterglow of the day of Apostolic spirituality, was not to be found again in such fullness and simplicity.火热的虔诚，晚霞的一天使徒灵性，是不被发现，再次在这样的丰满度和简易性。 Letters breathing such sympathy and solicitude were held in high esteem by the early Christians and by some were given an authority little inferior to that of the Scriptures.信件呼吸这种同情和慰问举行了崇高的敬意，由早期的基督徒和一些被赋予一个权威一点不亚于表示，在该会念经。 The Epistle of Clement was read in the Sunday assemblies at Corinth during the second century and later (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, xvi; IV, xxiii); the letter of Barnabas was similarly honoured at Alexandria; Hermas was popular throughout Christendom, but particularly in the West.该坟墓的克莱门特被改为在周日集会，在科林斯在二世纪及以后（尤西比乌斯，历史。 eccl ，三，十六;四，二十三） ;这封信的石碑同样荣幸，在亚历山德里亚; hermas流行整个基督教，但特别是在西部地区。 Clement of Alexandria quoted the Didache as "Scripture".克莱门特亚历山大引述didache为"经文" 。 Some of the Apostolic Fathers are found in the oldest manuscripts of the New Testament at the end of the canonical writings: Clement was first made known through the "Codex Alexandrinus"; similarly, Hermas and Pseudo-Barnabas are appended to the canonical books in the "Codex Sinaiticus".一些使徒父亲发现最古老的手稿本新约圣经在去年底的典型著作：克莱门特是首次提出通过"法典alexandrinus " ;同样， hermas和伪巴纳巴斯附在典型的书籍，在"食品法典委员会sinaiticus " 。 Standing between the New Testament era and the literary efflorescence of the late second century, these writers represent the original elements of Christian tradition.常委会之间的新约圣经时代与文学开花的晚二世纪，这些作家所代表的原始元素的基督教传统。 They make no pretension to treat of Christian doctrine and practice in a complete and scholarly manner and cannot, therefore, be expected to answer all the problems concerning Christian origins.他们没有企图在对待基督教教义和实践在一个完整的和学术的方式，并不能因此，可以预期的回答所有的问题，关于基督教的起源。 Their silence on any point does not imply their ignorance of it, much less its denial; nor do their assertions tell all that might be known.他们的沉默，对任何一点并不意味着他们不了解它，更遑论其否认，也没有尽自己的断言告诉所有可能被众所周知的。 The dogmatic value of their teaching is, however, of the highest order, considering the high antiquity of the documents and the competence of the authors to transmit the purest Apostolic doctrine.教条式的价值，他们的教学，但对最高命令，考虑到高古的文件和权限作者转交精纯使徒的教义。 This fact did not receive its due appreciation even during the period of medieval theological activity.这个事实，没有得到应有的赞赏，甚至期间中世纪的神学活动。 The increased enthusiasm for positive theology which marked the seventeenth century centred attention on the Apostolic Fathers; since then they have been the eagerly-questioned witnesses to the beliefs and practice of the Church during the first half of the second century.增加的热情积极神学，它标志着17世纪集中注意力于使徒父亲;从那时起，他们已成为众人询问证人，以信念和实践的教堂在今年上半年的第二个世纪。 Their teaching is based on the Scriptures, ie the Old Testament, and on the words of Jesus Christ and His Apostles.他们的教学是基于圣经，即旧约，并就换言之耶稣基督和他的门徒。 The authority of the latter was decisive.权威后者是决定性因素。 Though the New Testament canon was not yet, to judge from these writings, definitively fixed, it is significant that with the exception of the Third Epistle of St. John and possibly that of St. Paul to Philemon, every book of the New Testament is quoted or alluded to more or less clearly by one or another of the Apostolic Fathers, while the citations from the "apocrypha."虽然新约全书佳能尚未向法官从这些著作，明确固定的，这是非常重要的认为，除了第三个坟墓的圣约翰和可能，即圣保禄以philemon ，每本书的新约圣经是引用或提及较多或较少明确由一个或另一个的使徒父亲，而引文" apocrypha " 。 are extremely rare.极为罕见。 Of equal authority with the written word is that of oral tradition (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, xxxix; I Clem., vii), to which must be traced certain citations of the "Sayings" of Our Lord and the Apostles not found in the Scriptures.平等的权力与文字是指口头传统（尤西比乌斯，历史。 eccl ，第三，第39届，我克兰姆，七） ，而必须追溯到某被引用的"语录" ，因为我们的上帝和使徒不发现在念经。
Meagre as they necessarily are in their testimony, the Apostolic Fathers bear witness to the faith of Christians in the chief mysteries of the Divine Unity and Trinity.微薄的，因为他们一定是在其证词中，使徒父亲见证信仰的基督信徒在行政奥秘的神圣团结和三一。 The Trinitarian formula occurs frequently.三位一体公式经常发生。 If the Divinity of the Holy Ghost is but once obscurely alluded to in Hermas, it must be remembered that the Church was as yet undisturbed by anti-Trinitarian heresies.如果神的圣灵是，但一旦隐晦地提到，在hermas ，但我们必须记得，教会是尚未受到干扰反三位一体的异端邪说。 The dominant error of the period was Docetism, and its refutation furnishes these writers with an occasion to deal at greater length with the Person of Jesus Christ.占主导地位的误差时期是docetism ，其驳提供了这些作家同一个场合，以应付更大的长度与人的耶稣基督。 He is the Redeemer of whom men stood in need.他是救赎主，其中男性为有需要的人士。 Ignatius unhesitatingly calls Him God (Trall., vii; Eph., i, and passim).伊格毫不犹豫地称他为神（ trall. ，七;以弗所书，我，并各处） 。 The soteriology of the Epistles to the Hebrews forms the basis of their teaching.该soteriology的书信，以希伯来形式的基础上的教学。 Jesus Christ is our high-priest (I Clem., xxxvi-lxiv) in whose suffering and death is our redemption (Ignat., Eph., i, Magnes., ix; Barnab., v).耶稣基督是我们的高神父（我克兰姆，三十六- lxiv ）在其痛苦和死亡，是我们的救赎（ ignat. ，以弗所书，我， magnes ，第九; barnab ，五） 。 Diog., ix); whose blood is our ransom (I Clem., xii-xxi). diog ，九） ;在人的血液，是我们的赎金（我克兰姆，第十二至二十一） 。 The fruits of Redemption, while not scientifically treated, are in a general way the destruction of death or of sin, the gift to man of immortal life, and the knowledge of God (Barnab., iv-v, vii, xiv; Did., xvl; I Clem., xxiv-xxv; Hermas, Simil., v, 6).果实赎买的方式，而不是科学地对待，是在一般的方式销毁死亡或罪恶的，送给男子的不朽的生命，和知识经济的神（ barnab. ，第四至第五，第七，第十四条;没有。 ， xvl我克兰姆， 24 - 25 ; hermas ， simil ，五，六日） 。 Justification is received by faith and by works as well; and so clearly is the efficacy of good works insisted upon that it is futile to represent the Apostolic Fathers as failing to comprehend the pertinent teaching of St. Paul.理由是接获信仰和由工程以及;所以明明是疗效好的作品坚持的，这是徒劳的，以代表教廷的父亲未能理解有关教学圣保禄。 The points of view of both St. Paul and St. James are cited and considered complementary (I Clem., xxxi, xxxiii, xxxv; Ignat. to Polyc., vi).在这点看法，双方的圣保罗和圣雅各福群会引用，并认为是相辅相成的（我克兰姆，三十一，三十三，三十五; ignat 。 polyc ，六） 。 Good works are insisted on by Hermas (Vis., iii, 1 Simil., v, 3), and Barnabas proclaims (c. xix) their necessity for salvation.好的作品是坚持由hermas （ vis. ，三， 1 simil ，五， 3 ） ，并巴纳巴斯宣布（丙十九） ，他们有必要为救赎。 The Church, the "Catholic" Church, as Ignatius for the first time calls it (Smyrn., viii), takes the place of the chosen people; is the mystical body of Christ, the faithful being the members thereof, united by oneness of faith and hope, and by a charity which prompts to mutual assistance.教会， "天主教"教会，正如伊格为第一次通话，它（ smyrn. ，第八条） ，采取地方所选择的人是奥秘基督的身体，信徒作为成员，由单一性的信仰和希望，而由一个慈善机构提示互助。 This unity is secured by the hierarchical organization of the ministry and the due submission of inferiors to authority.这种团结是有担保的，由科层组织的内政部大楼和因提交低人一等，以权威。 On this point the teaching of the Apostolic Fathers seems to stand for a marked development in advance of the practice of the Apostolic period.关于这一点，教学的使徒父亲似乎站在了显着发展，在前进的实践中的使徒时期。 But it is to be noted that the familiar tone in which episcopal authority is treated precludes the possibility of its being a novelty.但它需要指出的是，熟悉的语调，其中主教的权力，是治疗不排除可能性，它是一种新事物。 The Didache may yet deal with "prophets", "Apostles", and itinerant missionaries (x-xi, xiii-xiv), but this is not a stage in development.该didache可能尚未处理"先知" ， "门徒" ，并巡回传教士（十喜，十三至十四） ，但也不是一个阶段的发展。 It is anomalous, outside the current of development.这是反常的，不受目前的发展。 Clement and Ignatius present the hierarchy, organized and complete, with its orders of bishops, priests, and deacons, ministers of the Eucharistic liturgy and administrators of temporalities.克莱门特和伊格目前的等级，并组织完整的，其命令的主教，司铎和执事们，部长们的圣体圣事的教会礼仪和管理员temporalities 。 Clement's Epistle is the philosophy of "Apostolicity," and its corollary, episcopal succession.克莱门特的书信，是哲学的" apostolicity " ，其必然结果是，主教接任。 Ignatius gives in abundance practical illustrations of what Clement sets forth in principle.伊格给出了大量的实际例证什么克莱门特阐述了原则。 For Ignatius the bishop is the centre of unity (Ephesians 4), the authority whom all must obey as they would God, in whose place the bishop rules (Ignat. to Polyc., vi; Magnes., vi, xiii; Smyrn., viii, xi; Trail., xii); for unity with and submission to the bishop is the only security of faith.为伊格主教，是该中心的统一组织（以弗所书4 ） ，权威的人都必须服从，因为他们将神，在其位主教规则（ ignat.以polyc ，六; magnes ，六，十三; smyrn ，第八，十一;步道，第十二章） ;团结，并提交给主教是唯一安全的信心。 Supreme in the Church is he who holds the seat of St. Peter at Rome.最高人民法院在教会里，是他持有所在地的圣彼得在罗马。 The intervention of Clement in the affairs of Corinth and the language of Ignatius in speaking of the Church of Rome in the exordium of his Epistle to the Romans must be understood in the light of Christ's charge to St. Peter.干预的克莱门特在国际事务中的科林斯和语言的主教在谈到罗马教会在exordium他的书信向罗马人必须明白，在基督之光的，以收取的圣彼得。 One rounds out the other.一轮出等。 The deepest reverence for the memory of St. Peter is visible in the writings of Clement and Ignatius.最深的崇敬，为纪念圣彼得是在有形的著作克莱门特和伊格。 They couple his name with that of St. Paul, and this effectually disproves the antagonism between these two Apostles which the Tübingen theory postulated in tracing the pretended development of a united church from the discordant Petrine and Pauline factions.他们夫妇他的名字，与圣保罗，这有效地disproves形成对立，这两者之间的使徒，其中蒂宾根理论假设追查装作发展的一个统一的教会从不和谐petrine和宝莲派系。 Among the sacraments alluded to is Baptism, to which Ignatius refers (Polyc., ii; Smyrn., viii), and of which Hermas speaks as the necessary way of entrance to the Church and to salvation (Vis., iii, 3, 5; Simil., ix, 16), the way from death to life (Simil., viii, 6), while the Didache deals with it liturgically (vii).其中圣礼所暗示的是洗礼，而伊格指（ polyc. ，二; smyrn ，八） ，和其中hermas说话作为必备的方式入口处教会，并救赎（ vis. ，三，三，五; simil ，九， 16 ） ，远从死亡的生命（ simil. ，八，六日） ，而didache处理它liturgically （七） 。 The Eucharist is mentioned in the Didache (xiv) and by Ignatius, who uses the term to signify the "flesh of Our Saviour Jesus Christ" (Smyrn., vii; Eph., xx; Philad., iv).圣体圣事是刚才在didache （十四）和伊格人使用的术语，以显示"肉体的是我们的救主耶稣基督" （ smyrn. ，七;以弗所书，第XX ; philad ，四） 。 Penance is the theme of Hermas, and is urged as a necessary and a possible recourse for him who sins once after baptism (Vis., iii, 7; Simil., viii, 6, 8, 9, I1).忏悔的主题是hermas ，并呼吁作为一项必要的和可能的追索权，他的罪孽，一旦经过洗礼（ vis. ，三，七; simil ，八，六，八，九，的I1 ） 。 The Didache refers to a confession of sins (iv, xiv) as does Barnabas (xix).该didache指招供的罪孽（四，第十四条） ，作为是否巴纳巴斯（十九） 。 An exposition of the dogmatic teaching of individual Fathers will be found under their respective names.世界博览会的教条式的教学，个别父亲会被发现，根据各自的名称。
The Apostolic Fathers, as a group, are found in no one manuscript.使徒父亲，作为一个群体，也被发现在没有人的手稿。 The literary history of each will be found in connection with the individual studies.文学史的每一个会被发现涉嫌与个别研究。 The first edition was that of Cotelerius, above referred to (Paris, 1672).首版是一个证明cotelerius ，上面提到的（巴黎， 1672 ） 。 It contained Barnabas, Clement, Hermas, Ignatius, and Polycarp.它载有石碑，克莱门特， hermas ，伊格和利卡尔普致斐利。 A reprint (Antwerp, 1698-1700; Amsterdam, 1724), by Jean Leclerc (Clericus), contained much additional matter.重印（安特卫普， 1698年至1700年;阿姆斯特丹， 1724年） ，由Jean Leclerc的（ clericus ） ，载有许多额外的事情。 The latest editions are those of the Anglican Bishop, JB Lightfoot, "The Apostolic Fathers" (5 vols., London, 1889-1890); abbreviated edition, Lightfoot-Harmer, London, I vol., 1893; Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, "Patrum Apostolicorum Opera" (Leipzig, 1901); and FX von Funk, "Patres Apostolici" (2d ed., Tübingen, 1901), in all of which abundant reference will be found to the literature of the two preceding centuries.最新版本的，是那些对英国圣公会主教了JB lightfoot ， "使徒父亲" （ 5卷，伦敦， 1889年至1890年） ;简写版， lightfoot - Harmer先生，伦敦，我第一卷， 1893年; gebhardt ，的Harnack ， zahn ， " patrum apostolicorum歌剧" （莱比锡， 1901年） ;和FX冯畏缩， " patres apostolici " （第2版，蒂宾根， 1901年） ，在所有这些丰富的参考资料会被发现，以文学的前两个世纪。 The last named work first appeared (Tübingen, vol. I, 1878, 1887; vol. II,,1881) as a fifth edition of Hefele's "Opera Patr. Apostolicorum" (Tübingen, 1839; 4th ed., 1855) enriched with notes (critical, exegetical, historical), prolegomena, indexes, and a Latin version.最后命名为各项工作的首位，出现了（蒂宾根，第一卷， 1878年， 1887年;第一卷，第二， 1881年） ，作为第五版黑弗勒的"歌剧patr 。 apostolicorum " （蒂宾根， 1839年;第四版， 1855 ）丰富债券（严重，训诂学，历史） ， prolegomena ，索引，及拉丁语版本。 The second edition meets all just demands of a critical presentation of these ancient and important writings, and in its introduction and notes offers the best Catholic treatise on the subject.第二版，满足所有的正义要求的一个关键陈述这些古老而重要的著作，并在其导言中和债券提供了最好的天主教伤寒论此事。
Publication information Written by John B. Peterson.出版信息书面约翰乙彼得森。 Transcribed by Nicolette Ormsbee.转录由nicolette ormsbee 。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume I. Published 1907.天主教百科全书第一卷出版， 1907年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。 Nihil Obstat, March 1, 1907. nihil obstat ， 1907年3月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教纽约
Bibliography参考书目
PG (Paris, 1857), I, II, V; Eng.编号（巴黎， 1857年） ，一，二，五;工程。 tr.的TR 。 in Ante-Nicene Library (Edinburgh, 1866), I, and American ed.在休息室nicene图书馆（爱丁堡， 1866年） ，我，以及美国海关。 (New York, 1903), I, 1-158; Freppel, Les Peres Apostoliques et leur époque (Paris, 1885); Batiffol, La litt. （纽约， 1903年） ，我， 1-158 ;弗雷佩尔，就业辅导组佩雷斯apostoliques等leur époque （巴黎， 1885年） ; batiffol ，香格里拉利特。 eccl. eccl 。 grecque (Paris, 1901); Holland, The Apostolic Fathers (London, 1897); Wake, The Genuine Epistles of the Apostolic Fathers (London, 1893); Fleming, Early Christian Witnesses (London, 1878); Crutwell, A Literary History of Early Christianity (London, 1893), I, 21-127; Oxford Society of Historical Theology, The New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers (Oxford, 1905); Lightfoot in Dict.希腊（巴黎， 1901年） ;荷兰，使徒父亲（伦敦， 1897年） ;之后，真正的书信的使徒父亲（伦敦， 1893年） ;弗莱明的早期基督教证人（伦敦， 1878年） ; crutwell ，一位文学史早期基督教（伦敦， 1893年） ，我， 21-127 ;牛津社会的历史神学，新约圣经中使徒父亲（牛津， 1905年） ; lightfoot在字典。 of Chr.的人权委员会。 Biog., sv; for the doctrine, see Tixeront, Histoire des dogmes (Paris, 1905), I, 115-163; Bareille in Dict. biog ， sv ，为教义，见tixeront ，历史万dogmes （巴黎， 1905年） ，我， 115-163 ;巴雷耶在字典。 de theol.德theol 。 cath.蛋白酶。 (Paris, 1903), I, 1634-46; Bardenhewer, Geschichte d. （巴黎， 1903年） ，我， 1634年至1646年;巴登黑韦尔，历史馆四 altkirchl. altkirchl 。 Litt., I.利特，一。
The Appeal to the Fathers向终审父亲
Classification of Patristic Writings分类教父著作
Apostolic Fathers and the Second Century使徒父亲和公元二世纪
Third Century三世纪
Fourth Century四世纪
Fifth Century第五世纪
Sixth Century六世纪
Characteristics of Patristic Writings特色的教父著作
Commentaries评论
Preachers布道者
Writers作家
East and West东部和西部
theology">Theology神学" >神学
Discipline, Liturgy, Ascetics纪律，礼仪中，苦行者
Historical Materials史料
Patristic Study教父的研究
The word Father is used in the New Testament to mean a teacher of spiritual things, by whose means the soul of man is born again into the likeness of Christ: "For if you have ten thousand instructors in Christ, yet not many fathers. For in Christ Jesus, by the gospel, I have begotten you. Wherefore I beseech you, be ye followers of me, as I also am of Christ" (1 Corinthians 4:15, 16; cf. Galatians 4:19).字，父亲是用在新约圣经是指教师的精神的东西，谁就是灵魂的人是出生再次进入似耶稣说： "如果你有10000教官在基督里，但不是很多父亲。在基督耶稣里，由福音，我有造物主你。哪，我恳求你，你们的追随者我，我也相信基督" （哥林多前书4:15 ，第16条;比照加拉太4时19分） 。 The first teachers of Christianity seem to be collectively spoken of as "the Fathers" (2 Peter 3:4).首先教师的基督教似乎是集体发言的，因为"爸爸" （ 2彼得3时04分） 。
Thus St. Irenæus defines that a teacher is a father, and a disciple is a son (iv, 41,2), and so says Clement of Alexandria (Strom., I, i, 1).因此圣irenæus界定一个老师是父亲，和一个弟子，是一个儿子（四， 41,2 ） ，所以说，克莱门特的亚历山德里亚（ strom. ，我，我， 1 ） 。 A bishop is emphatically a "father in Christ", both because it was he, in early times, who baptized all his flock, and because he is the chief teacher of his church.主教强调， "父亲在基督里" ，这既是因为这是他在早期的时代，谁所有的洗礼，他的羊群，因为他是行政教导他的教会。 But he is also regarded by the early Fathers, such as Hegesippus, Irenaeus, and Tertullian as the recipient of the tradition of his predecessors in the see, and consequently as the witness and representative of the faith of his Church before Catholicity and the world.但他同时又认为，由年初的父亲，如hegesippus ，爱任纽，戴尔都良作为受赠人的传统，他的前任在有目共睹的，因此，作为证人和有代表性的信念，他的教堂前共通性和世界。 Hence the expression "the Fathers" comes naturally to be applied to the holy bishops of a preceding age, whether of the last generation or further back, since they are the parents at whose knee the Church of today was taught her belief.因此，对"爸爸" ，便自然会被应用到圣主教的，前面的年龄，无论是上一代或者更早的时候，因为他们是父母的膝盖教会今天被教她的信念。 It is also applicable in an eminent way to bishops sitting in council, "the Fathers of Nicaea", "the Fathers of Trent".它也适用于一位杰出的途径主教坐在会议" ，父亲的尼西亚" ， "父亲的遄达" 。 Thus Fathers have learnt from Fathers, and in the last resort from the Apostles, who are sometimes called Fathers in this sense: "They are your Fathers", says St. Leo, of the Princes of the Apostles, speaking to the Romans; St. Hilary of Arles calls them sancti patres; Clement of Alexandria says that his teachers, from Greece, Ionia, Coele-Syria, Egypt, the Orient, Assyria, Palestine, respectively, had handed on to him the tradition of blessed teaching from Peter, and James, and John, and Paul, receiving it "as son from father".因此，父亲已经据悉，从父亲，并在最后的手段，从使徒，他们有时就是所谓的父亲在这个意义上说： "他们是你的父亲" ，称圣利奥，王公的使徒，就以入乡随俗;圣。希拉蕊的阿尔勒呼吁他们sancti patres ;克莱门特亚历山大说，他的老师，从希腊， ionia ， coele -叙利亚，埃及，东南亚， assyria ，巴勒斯坦，分别交出了对他的传统有福了，从教学彼得，和詹姆斯，约翰，保罗，接受它"作为儿子从父亲" 。
It follows that, as our own Fathers are the predecessors who have taught us, so the Fathers of the whole Church are especially the earlier teachers, who instructed her in the teaching of the Apostles, during her infancy and first growth.这意味着，作为我们自己的父亲是前人已经告诉我们，因此，父亲的整个教会更是较早教师，指示她在教学中的使徒，在她襁褓阶段，并首次增长。 It is difficult to define the first age of the Church, or the age of the Fathers.这是很难界定的第一个时代的教会，或年龄的父亲。 It is a common habit to stop the study of the early Church at the Council of Chalcedon in 451.这是一个共同的习惯，停止研究的初期教会在安理会的chalcedon在451 。 "The Fathers" must undoubtedly include, in the West, St. Gregory the Great (d. 604), and in the East, St. John Damascene (d. about 754). "父亲"必须毫无疑问包括，在西方，圣格里高利大（四604 ） ，并在东部地区，圣约翰大马士革（四约754 ） 。 It is frequently said that St. Bernard (d. 1153) was the last of the Fathers, and Migne's "Patrologia Latina" extends to Innocent III, halting only on the verge of the thirteenth century, while his "Patrologia Graeca" goes as far as the Council of Florence (1438-9).这是经常说，圣伯纳德（四第1153 ）是最后的教父，米涅的" patrologia拉丁"延伸到无辜的第三，制止只于1896年13世纪，而他的" patrologia graeca "竟把远作为安理会的佛罗伦斯（ 1438-9 ） 。 These limits are evidently too wide, It will be best to consider that the great merit of St. Bernard as a writer lies in his resemblance in style and matter to the greatest among the Fathers, in spite of the difference of period.这些限制显然过于广泛，它将会尽力认为，有重大立功的圣伯纳德作为一个作家，就在于他的相似性，在风格和此事最大的父亲，尽管有差异的时期。 St. Isidore of Seville (d. 636) and the Venerable Bede (d. 735) are to be classed among the Fathers, but they may be said to have been born out of due time, as St. Theodore the Studite was in the East.圣伊西多尔的塞维利亚（四636 ）和老贝代（四735页） ，是被归类当中的父亲，但他们可以说是已经诞生出适当的时候，正如圣西奥多该studite是在东。
I. THE APPEAL TO THE FATHERS一，向终审父亲
Thus the use of the term Fathers has been continuous, yet it could not at first he employed in precisely the modern sense of Fathers of the Church.因此，用术语父亲一直不断，但它不能起初他受雇于正是现代意义上的教会的神父。 In early days the expression referred to writers who were then quite recent.在早年表达所指的作家，这些人再最近的事实。 It is still applied to those writers who are to us the ancients, but no longer in the same way to writers who are now recent.它仍然适用于这些作家的人，让我们知道古人，但不再以同样的方式向作家们现在最近的事。 Appeals to the Fathers are a subdivision of appeals to tradition.呼吁父亲是一个细分的呼吁传统。 In the first half of the second century begin the appeals to the sub-Apostolic age: Papias appeals to the presbyters, and through them to the Apostles.在上半年，在公元二世纪开始上诉，以小组使徒年龄： papias呼吁长老，并通过他们向使徒。 Half a century later St. Irenæus supplements this method by an appeal to the tradition handed down in every Church by the succession of its bishops (Adv. Haer., III, i-iii), and Tertullian clinches this argument by the observation that as all the Churches agree, their tradition is secure, for they could not all have strayed by chance into the same error (Praescr., xxviii).半个世纪后的圣irenæus补充剂这种方法所呼吁的传统流传下来的，在每一个教会，由继承其主教（ adv. haer ，三，一至三） ，和戴尔都良clinches这个论点所观察表示，由于所有教会同意，他们的传统是安全的，因为他们可能不是所有曾数偶然纳入同一个错误（ praescr. ，二十八） 。 The appeal is thus to Churches and their bishops, none but bishops being the authoritative exponents of the doctrine of their Churches.该上诉，因此，以教会和他们的主教，没有主教，但作为权威指数的学说及其教会。 As late as 341 the bishops of the Dedication Council at Antioch declared: "We are not followers of Arius; for how could we, who are bishops, be disciples of a priest?"迟至341主教们的奉献精神会在安提宣布： "我们不是信徒arius ;对于我们究竟会如何，谁是主教，被弟子的一名神职人员" ？
Yet slowly, as the appeals to the presbyters died out, there was arising by the side of appeals to the Churches a third method: the custom of appealing to Christian teachers who were not necessarily bishops.但慢慢地，由于上诉至长老去世了，有产生副作用的呼吁教会第三种方法：习惯的吸引力基督教教师的人，不一定主教。 While, without the Church, Gnostic schools were substituted for churches, within the Church, Catholic schools were growing up.同时，如果没有教会，诺斯替学校取代教会，在教会，天主教会学校共成长。 Philosophers like Justin and most of the numerous second-century apologists were reasoning about religion, and the great catechetical school of Alexandria was gathering renown.哲学家像贾斯汀和大部分的无数次世纪辩护士被推理约宗教，伟大catechetical学校亚历山大正搜集噪。 Great bishops and saints like Dionysius of Alexandria, Gregory Thaumaturgus of Pontus, Firmilian of Cappadocia, and Alexander of Jerusalem were proud to be disciples of the priest Origen.伟大的主教和圣徒像狄奥尼修斯的亚历山德里亚，格雷戈里thaumaturgus的桥， firmilian的Cappadocia的，和亚历山大耶路撒冷的人自豪地成为弟子的神父渊源。 The bishop Cyprian called daily for the works of the priest Tertullian with the words "Give me the master".主教塞浦路斯所谓每天用于这项工程的神父与戴尔都良的话： "给我师父" 。 The Patriarch Athanasius refers for the ancient use of the word homoousios, not merely to the two Dionysii, but to the priest Theognostus.牧athanasius指为古代一词的使用homoousios ，而不是仅仅向两个dionysii较高，但对牧师theognostus 。 Yet these priest-teachers are not yet called Fathers, and the greatest among them, Tertullian, Clement, Origen, Hippolytus, Novatian, Lucian, happen to be tinged with heresy; two became antipopes; one is the father of Arianism; another was condemned by a general council.然而，这些牧师-教师尚未称为神父，而最大的，其中戴尔都良，克莱门特，渊源， hippolytus ，诺瓦蒂安，乔治，恰巧被带有异端;两人成为antipopes ，一个是父亲的arianism ;另一个被谴责由总理事会。 In each case we might apply the words used by St. Hilary of Tertullian: "Sequenti errore detraxit scriptis probabilibus auctoritatem" (Comm. in Matt., v, 1, cited by Vincent of Lérins, 2.4).在这些情况中，我们可以向政府申请使用的措词是由圣希拉里的戴尔都良说： " sequenti errore detraxit scriptis probabilibus auctoritatem " （ comm.在马特，五， 1 ，引用郑海泉的lérins ， 2.4 ） 。
A fourth form of appeal was better founded and of enduring value.第四形式的上诉被更好地创立和持久的价值。 Eventually it appeared that bishops as well as priests were fallible.最终，看来主教，以及神职人员遭到犯错误。 In the second century the bishops were orthodox.在公元二世纪的主教们分别为东正教。 In the third they were often found wanting.在第三，他们常常发现想要的。 In the fourth they were the leaders of schisms, and heresies, in the Meletian and Donatist troubles and in the long Arian struggle, in which few were found to stand firm against the insidious persecution of Constantius.在第四，他们的领导人的分裂，异端邪说，在meletian和多纳图派的麻烦，并在长期的阿里安斗争中，其中数人发现，要站稳脚跟，对阴险的迫害constantius 。 It came to be seen that the true Fathers of the Church are those Catholic teachers who have persevered in her communion, and whose teaching has been recognized as orthodox.它来到由此可见，真正的教会的神父们，是那些天主教教师人数，仍百折不挠，在她的共融，其教学已被确认为东正教。 So it came to pass that out of the four "Latin Doctors" one is not a bishop.所以来到通指出，这4个"拉丁语医生" ，一个是不是主教。 Two other Fathers who were not bishops have been declared to be Doctors of the Church, Bede and John Damascene, while among the Doctors outside the patristic period we find two more priests, the incomparable St. Bernard and the greatest of all theologians, St. Thomas Aquinas.其他两个父亲，没有主教已被宣布为医生的教会，贝代和约翰大马士革，而医生以外的教父时期，我们发现两名神父，具有不可比拟的圣伯纳德和最大的神学家，圣多瑪斯。 Nay, few writers had such great authority in the Schools of the Middle Ages as the layman Boethius, many of whose definitions are still commonplaces of theology.不仅如此，很少有作家，有这样大的权力，在学校的中世纪作为门外汉论波爱修斯，其中许多国家的定义仍然commonplaces神学。
Similarly (we may notice in passing) the name "Father", which originally belonged to bishops, has been as it were delegated to priests, especially as ministers of the Sacrament of Penance.同样地， （我们可以看到，在及格） ，将名称改为"爸爸" ，这原本是属于主教，一直因为它被授以神父，尤其是作为部长的圣事的忏悔。 it is now a form of address to all priests in Spain, in Ireland, and, of recent years, in England and the United States.它现在是一个形式，地址，所有的神父在西班牙，爱尔兰，而且，近年来，在英国和美国。
Papas or Pappas, Pope, was a term of respect for eminent bishops (eg in letters to St. Cyprian and to St. Augustine -- neither of these writers seems to use it in addressing other bishops, except when St. Augustine writes to Rome).派帕斯或帕帕斯，波普，是一个长远的尊重著名主教（例如，在信圣塞浦路斯和圣奥古斯丁-无论这些作家似乎用它在处理其他主教，除非圣奥古斯丁写信给罗马） 。 Eventually the term was reserved to the bishops of Rome and Alexandria; yet in the East today every priest is a "pope".最终来说，是保留给主教，罗马和亚历山大，但在东部地区，今天每一个牧师是一个"教皇" 。 The Aramaic abbe was used from early times for the superiors of religious houses.该阿拉姆语阿贝被用来从早期时代，为上级的宗教房子。 But through the abuse of granting abbeys in commendam to seculars, it has become a polite title for all secular clerics, even seminarists in Italy, and especially in France, whereas all religious who are priests are addressed as "Father".不过，透过滥用给予修道院在commendam以seculars ，已经成为一个有礼貌，标题为所有世俗的神职人员，甚至seminarists在意大利，特别是在法国的，而所有的宗教人士，牧师作为"父亲" 。
We receive only, says St. Basil, what we have been taught by the holy Fathers; and he adds that in his Church of Caesarea the faith of the holy Fathers of Nicaea has long been implanted (Ep. cxl, 2).我们收到的只是说，圣罗勒，我们一直以来所教圣地父亲和他补充说，在他的教会caesarea信仰的神圣之父的尼西亚长期以来一直植入（ ep.消抗安胎口服液， 2 ） 。 St. Gregory Nazianzen declares that he holds fast the teaching which he heard from the holy Oracles, and was taught by the holy Fathers.圣格雷戈里nazianzen宣称他拥有快速的教学，他听到从圣签，是由教圣地的父亲。 These Cappadocian saints seem to be the first to appeal to a real catena of Fathers.这些cappadocian圣人似乎成为第一家向上诉真正catena的父亲。 The appeal to one or two was already common enough; but not even the learned Eusebius had thought of a long string of authorities.上诉，以一个或两个已经共同不够，而不是连据悉尤西比乌斯就已经想到了一长串的机关。 St. Basil, for example (De Spir. S., ii, 29), cites for the formula "with the Holy Ghost" in the doxology, the example of Irenaeus, Clement and Dionysius of Alexandria, Dionysius of Rome, Eusebius of Caesarea, Origen, Africanus, the preces lucerariae said at the lighting of lamps, Athenagoras, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Firmilian, Meletius.圣罗勒，例如（德spir 。第二， 29 ） ，华盛顿公约组织为公式"圣灵" ，在doxology ，例如对爱任纽，克莱门特和狄奥尼修斯的亚历山德里亚，狄奥尼修斯的罗马，尤西比乌斯的caesarea ，渊源， africanus ， preces lucerariae说，在照明灯具， athenagoras ，格雷戈里thaumaturgus ， firmilian ， meletius 。
In the fifth century this method became a stereotyped custom.在五世纪这种方法成为一个定型的风俗。 St. Jerome is perhaps the first writer to try to establish his interpretation of a text by a string of exegetes (Ep. cxii, ad Aug.).圣杰罗姆也许是第一作者，设法树立自己的诠释文本由一连串的exegetes （ ep. cxii ，专案8月） 。 Paulinus, the deacon and biographer of St. Ambrose, in the libellus he presented against the Pelagians to Pope Zosimus in 417, quotes Cyprian, Ambrose, Gregory Nazianzen, and the decrees of the late Pope Innocent. paulinus ，执事和传记作家圣刘汉铨，在libellus他对pelagians向教宗卓西姆在417 ，行情塞浦路斯，刘汉铨，格雷戈里nazianzen ，以及政令的已故教皇无辜的。 In 420 St. Augustine quotes Cyprian and Ambrose against the same heretics (C. duas Epp. Pel., iv). 420圣奥古斯丁行情塞浦路斯和刘汉铨对同异教徒（丙duas资源增值计划，规划环境地政局，四） 。 Julian of Eclanum quoted Chrysostom and Basil; St. Augustine replies to him in 421 (Contra Julianum, i) with Irenaeus, Cyprian, Reticius, Olympius, Hilary, Ambrose, the decrees of African councils, and above all Popes Innocent and Zosimus.朱利安的eclanum引述金口和罗勒，圣奥古斯丁回复给他的421 （矛盾julianum ，我）与爱任纽，塞浦路斯， reticius ，奥林皮尔斯，希拉蕊，刘汉铨，法令的非洲议会，及以上所有教皇无辜和卓西姆。 In a celebrated passage he argues that these Western writers are more than sufficient, but as Julian had appealed to the East, to the East, he shall go, and the saint adds Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Synod of Diospolis, Chrysostom.在我国著名的一段文字中，他辩称，这些西方作家是绰绰有余，但作为朱利安曾呼吁东，东方，他将继续免费，并增加了圣格雷戈里nazianzen ，罗勒，主教的diospolis ，金口。 To these he adds Jerome (c. xxxiv): "Nor should you think Jerome, because he was a priest, is to be despised", and adds a eulogy.对这些，他说杰罗姆（丙三十四）说： "也不要以为杰罗姆的，因为他是一名牧师，是要受到鄙视" ，并增加了悼词。 This is amusing, when we remember that Jerome in a fit of irritation, fifteen before, had written to Augustine (Ep. cxlii) "Do not excite against me the silly crowd of the ignorant, who venerate you as a bishop, and receive you with the honour due to a prelate when you declaim in the Church, whereas they think little of me, an old man, nearly decrepit, in my monastery in the solitude of the country."这是有趣的，当我们还记得杰罗姆在一个合适的刺激性， 15之前，曾写信给奥古斯丁（ ep. cxlii ） "不要刺激对我的愚蠢人群的无知，他们尊崇你作为一名主教，并接受你与荣幸，因为一场主教时，你declaim在教会里，而他们认为只有很少部分我这个老头子，有近老朽，在我的寺院，在孤独的国家" 。
In the second book "Contra Julianum", St. Augustine again cites Ambrose frequently, and Cyprian, Gregory Nazianzen, Hilary, Chrysostom; in ii, 37, he recapitulates the nine names (omitting councils and popes), adding (iii, 32) Innocent and Jerome.在第二本书"的矛盾julianum " ，圣奥古斯丁再次引用了刘汉铨频繁，塞浦路斯，格雷戈里nazianzen ，希拉蕊，金口，在二， 37岁，他概括了九个名字（省略议会和教皇） ， （三， 32 ）无辜和杰罗姆。 A few years later the Semipelagians of Southern Gaul, who were led by St. Hilary of Arles, St. Vincent of Lérins, and Bl.数年后， semipelagians南部高卢人，为首的圣希拉里的阿尔勒，圣文森的lérins ，和BL 。 Cassian, refuse to accept St. Augustine's severe view of predestination because "contrarium putant patrum opinioni et ecclesiastico sensui". cassian ，拒绝接受圣奥古斯丁的严重鉴于宿命，因为" contrarium putant patrum opinioni等ecclesiastico sensui " 。 Their opponent St. Prosper, who was trying to convert them to Augustinianism, complains: "Obstinationem suam vetustate defendunt" (Ep. inter Atig. ccxxv, 2), and they said that no ecclesiastical writer had ever before interpreted Romans quite as St. Augustine did -- which was probably true enough.其对手圣昌，那些试图转换为奥古斯丁主义，抱怨说： " obstinationem suam vetustate defendunt " （ ep.跨阿季格。 ccxxv ， 2 ） ，他们说这并没有教会作家以往任何时候都解释为入乡随俗相当正如圣奥古斯丁没有-这可能是真实不够的。 The interest of this attitude lies in the fact that it was, if not new at least more definite than any earlier appeal to antiquity.利益的这种态度，是因为这样一种事实，这是，如果没有新的，至少较明确的，比任何早些时候呼吁文物。 Through most of the fourth century, the controversy with the Arians had turned upon Scripture, and appeals to past authority were few.通过大部分的第四个世纪，争议与arians已转经的经文，并呼吁过去的权威很少。 But the appeal to the Fathers was never the most imposing locus theologicus, for they could not easily be assembled so as to form an absolutely conclusive test.但上诉到父亲从来没有印象最深的轨迹theologicus的，因为他们是不会轻易组装，从而形成一种绝对不可推翻的考验。 On the other hand up to the end of the fourth century, there were practically no infallible definitions available, except condemnations of heresies, chiefly by popes.在另一方面，截至到去年底，四世纪时，有，几乎没有犯错的定义，除谴责的歪理邪说，主要是由教皇。 By the time that the Arian reaction under Valens caused the Eastern conservatives to draw towards the orthodox, and prepared the restoration of orthodoxy to power by Theodosius, the Nicene decisions were beginning to be looked upon as sacrosanct, and that council to be preferred to a unique position above all others.经过一段时期认为阿里安反应下蠹造成东部保守派提请对东正教，并准备恢复正统，以权力theodosius ， nicene决定开始便会被视为神圣不可侵犯的，而且会被推荐到一个独特的地位高于所有其他国家。 By 430, the date we have reached, the Creed we now say at Mass was revered in the East, whether rightly or wrongly, as the work of the 150 Fathers of Constantinople in 381, and there were also new papal decisions, especially the tractoria of Pope Zosimus, which in 418 had been sent to all the bishops of the world to be signed.由430人，迄今为止，我们已经达到，信仰，我们现在说，在发现肿块崇敬的，在东方，无论是对或错，随着这项工作的150名父亲的君士坦丁堡在381人，也有一些新教宗的决定，尤其是tractoria教宗卓西姆，其中在418已经发送给所有的主教们，世界将要签署的。
It is to living authority, the idea of which had thus come to the fore, that St. Prosper was appealing in his controversy with the Lerinese school.它是我们生活的权力，重新认识了，因此来前列，圣昌，呼吁在他的争议与lerinese学校。 When he went to Gaul, in 431, as papal envoy, just after St. Augustine's death, he replied to their difficulties, not by reiterating that saint's hardest arguments, but by taking with him a letter from Pope St. Celestine, in which St. Augustine is extolled as having been held by the pope's predecessors to be "inter magistros optimos".当他来到高卢，在431 ，因为教皇特使，刚刚经过圣奥古斯丁的死因时，他回答他们的困难，而不是由他重申说，圣上最艰苦的论据，但采取了一封信，那是由教宗圣天青石，其中圣。奥古斯丁是赞颂视为已举行，由教宗的前辈，以"跨magistros optimos " 。 No one is to be allowed to depreciate him, but it is not said that every word of his is to be followed.一查到底，决不让他贬值，但它没有说的每一句话，他是应遵循的。 The disturbers had appealed to the Holy See, and the reply is "Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem" (Let novelty cease to attack antiquity!).该disturbers呼吁教廷，并答复是" desinat incessere novitas vetustatem " （让新奇停止攻击，古物！ ） 。 An appendix is added, not of the opinions of ancient Fathers, but of recent popes, since the very same monks who thought St. Augustine went too far, professed (says the appendix) "that they followed and approved only what the most holy See of the Blessed Apostle Peter sanctioned and taught by the ministry of its prelates".附录，是补充，而不是意见的古代父亲，但最近的教皇，因为同样是和尚，以为圣奥古斯丁走得太远，自称（说附录） " ，他们随后与只批准了什么最教廷该有福了使徒彼得和制裁，并教导，由财政部，其主教" 。 A list therefore follows of "the judgments of the rulers of the Roman Church", to which are added some sentences of African councils, "which indeed the Apostolic bishops made their own when they approved them".名单如下，所以"判决的统治者罗马教会" ，这是增加了一些句子的非洲议会， "这的确是教廷主教作出了自己的时候，他们批准了他们" 。 To these inviolabiles sanctiones (we might roughly render "infallible utterances") prayers used in the sacraments are appended "ut legem credendi lex statuat supplicandi" -- a frequently misquoted phrase -- and in conclusion, it is declared that these testimonies of the Apostolic See are sufficient, "so that we consider not to be Catholic at all whatever shall appear to be contrary to the decisions we have cited".这些inviolabiles sanctiones （我们不妨粗略渲染"不会犯错误的话语" ）祈祷用的圣礼，是附在"当legem credendi法statuat supplicandi " -一个经常错误地引述了一句-总之，它是宣布这些证词的使徒看到的，是不够的， "所以，我们认为不要被天主教在各无论不得似乎是相反的决定，我们已经举" 。 Thus the decisions of the Apostolic See are put on a very different level from the views of St. Augustine, just as that saint always drew a sharp distinction between the resolutions of African councils or the extracts from the Fathers, on the one hand, and the decrees of Popes Innocent and Zosimus on the other.因此，决定使徒看到的是放在一个非常不同的层面，从意见的圣奥古斯丁，正如说，圣始终划出一条鲜明的区别决议非洲议会或摘录来自父亲，一方面，该法令是教皇无辜和卓西姆于另一方。
Three years later a famous document on tradition and its use emanated from the Lerinese school, the "Commonitorium" of St. Vincent.三年后，一个著名的文件，对传统和它的使用源自lerinese学校， " commonitorium "的圣文森。 He whole-heartedly accepted the letter of Pope Celestine, and he quoted it as an authoritative and irresistible witness to his own doctrine that where quod ubique, or universitas, is uncertain, we must turn to quod semper, or antiquitas.他衷心接受该信的教宗天青石，他引用了它作为一个权威性和不可抗拒的证人，以他自己的学说，如和ubique ，或大学，是不确定的，我们必须把以和semper ，或antiquitas 。 Nothing could be more to his purpose than the pope's: "Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem."没有什么比这个，以他的目的比教宗的说： " desinat incessere novitas vetustatem " 。 The Œcumenical Council of Ephesus had been held in the same year that Celestine wrote.该œcumenical会伸出手已被关押在同一年天青石写道。 Its Acts were before St. Vincent, and it is clear that he looked upon both pope and council as decisive authorities.其行为之前，圣文森，这是明确表示，他期待双方波普和安理会作为决定性当局。 It was necessary to establish this, before turning to his famous canon, quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus otherwise universitas, antiquitas, consensio.因此有必要建立这个之前，在谈到其著名的佳能公司，和ubique ，和semper ，和上诉机构综合否则大学， antiquitas ， consensio 。 It was not a new criterion, else it would have committed suicide by its very expression.这不是一个新的标准，否则将有自杀就其表达。 But never had the doctrine been so admirably phrased, so limpidly explained, so adequately exemplified.但从来没有过像学说如此令人钦佩的措辞，所以limpidly解释，因此充分体现了。 Even the law of the evolution of dogma is defined by Vincent in language which can hardly be surpassed for exactness and vigour.甚至法律的演变教条，是指由郑海泉在语言，其中难以超越，为精确度和活力。 St. Vincent's triple test is wholly misunderstood if it is taken to be the ordinary rule of faith.圣文森的三重考验，是完全误解了，如果是采取的是普通的法治信仰。 Like all Catholics he took the ordinary rule to be the living magisterium of the Church, and he assumes that the formal decision in cases of doubt lies with the Apostolic See, or with a general council.象所有的天主教徒，他参加普通规则，以成为生活magisterium的教会，而且他假定正式决定的情况下，无疑是使徒看到的，或与总理事会。 But cases of doubt arise when no such decision is forthcoming.但案件出现疑问时，并没有这样的决定，是即将召开的。 Then it is that the three tests are to be applied, not simultaneously, but, if necessary, in succession.那是说有3个测试，以适用，但不是同时的，但如果有需要，在继承。
When an error is found in one corner of the Church, then the first test, universitas, quod ubique, is an unanswerable refutation, nor is there any need to examine further (iii, 7, 8).当一个错误被发现在一个角落里的教堂，那么第一次试验，在世界上，和ubique ，是一个无可辩驳的辩驳，也没有任何必要进一步审查（三，七，八） 。 But if an error attacks the whole Church, then antiquitas, quod semper is to be appealed to, that is, a consensus existing before the novelty arose.但是，如果一个错误的攻击整个教会，然后antiquitas ，和semper是要呼吁，即是一个共识之前，现有的新颖出来了。 Still, in the previous period one or two teachers, even men of great fame, may have erred.尽管如此，在前一时期，有一两名教师，甚至是男人的大出风头，可能有偏差。 Then we betake ourselves to quod ab omnibus, consensio, to the many against the few (if possible to a general council; if not, to an examination of writings).那么我们betake自己和上诉机构的综合， consensio ，向许多对数（如可能向总理事会;如果没有的话，考试的著作） 。 Those few are a trial of faith "ut tentet vos Dominus Deus vester" (Deuteronomy 13:1 sqq.).这些数是一个审判的信心， "当tentet Vos公司主deus vester " （申命记十三sqq ） 。 So Tertullian was a magna tentatio; so was Origen -- indeed the greatest temptation of all.所以戴尔都良是一个大试验;这样做主要是渊源-实际上最大的诱惑。 We must know that whenever what is new or unheard before is introduced by one man beyond or against all the saints, it pertains not to religion but to temptation (xx, 49).我们必须知道，每当有什么新的或以前闻所未闻的，是介绍一个人超越或反对所有的圣人，这是属于不以宗教，而是为了诱惑（ XX条， 49条） 。
Who are the "Saints" to whom we appeal?谁是"圣人" ，我们向他提出上诉？ The reply is a definition of "Fathers of the Church" given with all St. Vincent's inimitable accuracy: "Inter se majorem consulat interrogetque sententias, eorum dumtaxat qui, diversis licet temporibus et locis, in unius tamen ecclesiae Catholicae communione et fide permanentes, magistri probabiles exstiterunt; et quicquid non unus aut duo tantum, sed omnes pariter uno eodemque consensu aperte, frequenter, perseveranter tenuisse, scripsisse, docuisse cognoverit, id sibi quoque intelligat absque ulla dubitatione credendum" (iii, 8).回答是一个"的定义，教会的神父们： "鉴于所有圣文森的独特精度： "彼此间majorem consulat interrogetque sententias ， eorum dumtaxat qui ， diversis licet temporibus等locis ，在unius仅ecclesiae catholicae communione等正当常驻， magistri probabiles exstiterunt ;等quicquid非unus奥地利铎唯一文，而这三者的pariter起UNO eodemque consensu aperte ， frequenter ， perseveranter tenuisse ， scripsisse ， docuisse cognoverit ，身份证sibi并且intelligat absque ulla dubitatione credendum " （三， 8 ） 。 This unambiguous sentence defines for us what is the right way of appealing to the Fathers, and the italicized words perfectly explain what is a "Father": "Those alone who, though in diverse times and places, yet persevering in time, communion and faith of the one Catholic Church, have been approved teachers."这种毫不含糊的一句定义了我们什么是正确的方式取悦父亲，并以斜体字完美地解释什么是"父亲"说： "这些人，单，虽然在不同的时间和地点，但坚持时间，共融与信仰的一个天主教教堂，已获准老师" 。
The same result is obtained by modern theologians, in their definitions; eg Fessler thus defines what constitutes a "Father":同样的结果是得到了现代神学家，在他们的定义;例如fessler从而界定什么是"父亲" ：
orthodox doctrine and learning;正统学说和学习;
holiness of life;成圣的生活;
(at the present day) a certain antiquity. （本日）某古物。
The criteria by which we judge whether a writer is a "Father" or not are:该标准，据此，我们判断一个作家是一个"父亲"或不分别是：
citation by a general c