The Inquisition was a medieval church court instituted to seek out and prosecute heretics.宗教裁判所是一个中世纪的教会法院提起去寻找和起诉异端。 The term is applied to the institution itself, which was episcopal or papal, regional or local; to the personnel of the tribunal; and to the judicial procedure followed by the court.术语是适用于该机构本身，它是圣公会或天主教，区域或地方;给人事的法庭，以及审判程序之后，由法庭处理。 Notoriously harsh in its procedures, the Inquisition was defended during the Middle Ages by appeal to biblical practices and to the church father Saint Augustine, who had interpreted Luke 14:23 as endorsing the use of force against heretics.众所周知，在苛刻的，其程序，宗教裁判辩护，在中世纪所呼吁圣经的行为，并教会神父圣奥古斯丁，曾解释卢克14时23分，作为批准使用武力对付异端。
The papal Inquisition was formally instituted by Pope Gregory IX in 1231.教皇宗教裁判所正式由罗马教皇格雷戈里九，在1231年。 Following a law of Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, enacted for Lombardy in 1224 and extended to the entire empire in 1232, Gregory ordered convicted heretics to be seized by the secular authorities and burned.继法的神圣罗马帝国，冯检二，制定伦巴第在1224年，并扩展到整个帝国，在1232年，格雷戈里下令定罪异端，以抓住这个世俗当局和焚烧。 Like Frederick, Gregory also mandated that heretics be sought out and tried before a church court.像冯检，格雷戈里还规定异端寻求出，并试图在教会法庭。 For this purpose, he first appointed special inquisitors (for example, Conrad of Marburg in Germany and Robert le Bougre in Burgundy) and later entrusted the task to members of the newly established Dominican and Franciscan Orders of friars.为达到此目的，他首先任命的特别监狱（例如，康拉德的马尔堡在德国和罗伯特乐bougre在勃艮） ，后来委托的任务，委员对新成立的多米尼加和方济各订单的方济各会士。 The independent authority of the inquisitors was a frequent cause of friction with the local clergy and bishops.独立的权威，该监狱是一个常见的原因摩擦与当地牧师和主教。
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At the beginning of the interrogation, which was recorded summarily in Latin by a clerk, suspects and witnesses had to swear under oath that they would reveal everything.在开始的审讯，这是记录简易程序在拉丁语由一个秘书，嫌疑人和证人宣誓，在宣誓后表示，他们会揭露一切。 Unwillingness to take the oath was interpreted as a sign of adherence to heresy.不愿意采取誓言被解释为标志的坚持异端。 If a person confessed and was willing to submit, the judges prescribed minor penances like flogging, fasts, prayers, pilgrimages, or fines.如果一个人供认，并愿意以提交，法官明轻微penances像鞭笞，斋戒，祈祷，朝拜，或罚款。 In more severe cases the wearing of a yellow "cross of infamy," with its resulting social ostracism, or imprisonment could be imposed.在严重的情况下佩戴一个黄色的"十字臭名" ，其造成的社会排斥，或监禁有可能发生。 Denial of the charges without counterproof, obstinate refusal to confess, and persistence in the heresy resulted in the most severe punishments: life imprisonment or execution accompanied by total confiscation of property.否认控罪无counterproof ，顽固拒绝招供，和毅力，在异端，导致最严重的惩罚：终身监禁或处决的陪同下，共没收财产。
Since the church was not permitted to shed blood, the sentenced heretic was surrendered to the secular authorities for execution, usually by burning at the stake.自教会是不允许的抛头颅，洒热血，判处邪教上缴世俗当局执行时，通常是由燃烧时的股权。
When the Inquisition had completed its investigations, the sentences were pronounced in a solemn ceremony, known as the sermo generalis ("general address") or, in Spain, as the auto-da-fe ("act of faith"), attended by local dignitaries, clergy, and townspeople.当宗教裁判所已完成调查后，判决宣判在庄严的仪式上，被称为该sermo是一般 （ "一般处理" ） ，或在西班牙，由于汽车达-铁 （下称"法的信仰" ） ，出席当地政要，神职人员，以及乡民。 Here the penitents abjured their errors and received their penalties; obstinate heretics were solemnly cursed and handed over to be burned immediately in public.这里penitents abjured自己的过失，并收到他们的处罚;顽固异端被庄严地诅咒，并移交给被烧毁，立即公开亮相。
Several inquisitors' manuals have survived, among them those of Bernard Gui and Nicolas Eymeric.几个监狱'手册幸存，其中包括那些伯纳德桂和Nicolas eymeric 。 Other sources include checklists of standard questions and numerous official minutes of local inquisitions.其他来源包括检查单标准问题，以及众多官方分钟的本地inquisitions 。 Some of these materials have been published, but most exist in manuscript only.部分这些材料已公布，但大多数存在于手稿只。
The first inquisitors worked in central Europe (Germany, northern Italy, eastern France).第一监狱工作，在党中央，欧洲（德国，意大利北部，法国东部） 。 Later centers of the Inquisition were established in the Mediterranean regions, especially southern France, Italy, Portugal, and Spain.后来中心的宗教裁判所设立于地中海地区，尤其是法国南部，意大利，葡萄牙和西班牙。 The tribunal was used in England to suppress the Lollards (followers of the 14th-century reformer John Wycliffe).法庭是用来在英国镇压lollards （追随者的14世纪的改革者约翰wycliffe ） 。 Queen Mary I of England (r. 1553-58) used the tribunal in her effort to reverse the Protestant Reformation.玛丽本人英格兰（传译1553年至1558年）主要用作法庭在她的努力，以扭转新教改革。 The Inquisition's long survival can be attributed to the early inclusion of offenses other than heresy: sorcery, alchemy, blasphemy, sexual aberration, and infanticide. The number of witches and sorcerers burned after the late 15th century appears to have been far greater than that of heretics.宗教裁判所的长期生存，可以归因于早日列入犯罪以外的异端：巫术，炼丹术，亵渎，性畸变，并杀婴案。 多少女巫和巫师烧毁后， 15世纪末似乎已经远远超过了异端。
The truth is that the Spanish Inquisition was particularly severe, strict, and efficient because of its strong ties with the crown.事实的真相是，在西班牙宗教裁判所是特别严重，严格，高效的，因为它拥有强大的关系与皇冠。 Its major targets were the Marranos (converts from Judaism) and Moriscos (converts from Islam), many of whom were suspected of secretly adhering to their original faiths.其主要指标均marranos （皈依从犹太教）和摩利斯科人（皈依伊斯兰教） ，其中许多人被怀疑暗中在坚持其原有的信仰。 During the 16th century, Protestants and Alumbrados (Spanish mystics) seemed to be the major danger.在16世纪，新教徒和alumbrados （西班牙语神秘主义者） ，似乎是主要的危险。 Often serving political ends, the inquisitors also exercised their dreaded functions among the converted Indian populations of the Spanish colonies in America.往往是政治目的，监狱也行使其职能可怕之间转换印度人口的西班牙殖民地，在美国。 The Inquisition was finally suppressed in Spain in 1834 and in Portugal in 1821.宗教裁判所，终于压抑在西班牙和1834年在葡萄牙于1821年。
Karlfried Froehlich karlfried Froehlich ）
Bibliography
参考书目
Coulton, George
G., The Inquisition (1929; repr. 1974); Hauben, Paul J., ed., The Spanish
Inquisition (1969); Kamen, Henry A., The Spanish Inquisition and Society in
Spain in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (1985); Langdon-Davies, John,
The Spanish Inquisition (1938; repr. 1964); Lea, Henry C., A History of the
Inquisition in the Middle Ages, 3 vols. coulton ，乔治g. ，宗教裁判所（ 1929年; repr
。 1974年） ; hauben ，保罗j. ，版中，西班牙宗教裁判所（ 1969年） ;卡门，亨利甲，西班牙宗教裁判所和社会西班牙在第十六和第十七数百年（
1985年） ;兰登-戴维斯，约翰，西班牙宗教裁判所（ 1938年; repr 。 1964 ） ; lea ，亨利长，历史上的宗教裁判所，在中世纪，
3卷。 (1888; repr.
1988); Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel, Montaillou: The Promised Land of Error,
trans. （ 1888年; repr 。 1988年） ;勒罗伊ladurie ，灵光，到蒙泰罗：应许之地的错误，跨。
by Barbara Bray (1978).由芭芭拉布雷（
1978年） 。 Monter, William,
Frontiers of Heresy (1990); O'Brien, John A., The Inquisition (1973); Peters,
Edward, Inquisition (1988; repr. 1989); Roth, Cecil, The Spanish Inquisition
(1938; repr. 1987); Wakefield, Walter L., Heresy, Crusade, and Inquisition in
Southern France, 1100-1250 (1974). monter ，威廉，国界的异端（ 1990年）
;奥布莱恩，约翰甲，宗教裁判所（ 1973年） ;彼得斯，何承天，宗教裁判所（ 1988年; repr 。 1989 ） ;陆士达，塞西尔，西班牙宗教裁判所（
1938年; repr 。 1987年） ;韦克菲尔德，沃尔特的影响，异端，十字军东征，宗教裁判所，在法国南部， 1100年至1250年（ 1974年）
。
(Latin inquirere, to look to). （拉丁语inquirere ，往前看） 。
By this term is usually meant a special ecclesiastical institution for combating or suppressing heresy.由这个名词，通常是指一个特殊的教会机构，为打击或压制异端。 Its characteristic mark seems to be the bestowal on special judges of judicial powers in matters of faith, and this by supreme ecclesiastical authority, not temporal or for individual cases, but as a universal and permanent office.其特征标志似乎被赋予特别法官的司法权力，在信仰方面，而这是由最高人民法院教会的权威，而不是时空的个别情况，但作为一个普遍的和永久办事处。 Moderns experience difficulty in understanding this institution, because they have, to no small extent, lost sight of two facts.现代人的经验，很难理解这个机构，因为他们有了，但没有小程度上忽略了两个事实。
On the one hand they have ceased to grasp religious belief as something objective, as the gift of God, and therefore outside the realm of free private judgment; on the other they no longer see in the Church a society perfect and sovereign, based substantially on a pure and authentic Revelation, whose first most important duty must naturally be to retain unsullied this original deposit of faith.在一方面，他们已不再掌握宗教信仰看成是客观的，因为神的恩赐，因此，外界的境界免费私人判断;另一方面，他们再也看不到在教会的社会，完善和主权的基础上大幅一个纯粹性和真实性的启示，他们的第一个最重要的职责，必须自然保留unsullied这原来存款的信心。 Before the religious revolution of the sixteenth century these views were still common to all Christians; that orthodoxy should be maintained at any cost seemed self-evident.前宗教革命， 16世纪这些意见仍十分普遍，所有基督徒认为正统应予维持不惜任何代价似乎不言自明。
However, while the positive suppression of heresy by ecclesiastical and civil authority in Christian society is as old as the Church, the Inquisition as a distinct ecclesiastical tribunal is of much later origin.不过，虽然积极镇压异端，由教会和民间管理局在基督教社会，是因为旧的教会，宗教裁判所作为一个独特的宗教法庭是晚得多的起源。 Historically it is a phase in the growth of ecclesiastical legislation, whose distinctive traits can be fully understood only by a careful study of the conditions amid which it grew up.在历史上它是一个阶段，在成长的教会立法，其鲜明的特点，可以充分理解，只有通过仔细的研究条件中，它成长起来的。 Our subject may, therefore, be conveniently treated as follows:我们的题目可能，因此，可以方便地处理如下：
I. The Suppression of Heresy during the first twelve Christian centuries;一，镇压异端在首12个基督教百年;
II.二。 The Suppression of Heresy by the Institution known as the Inquisition under its several forms:镇压异端，由该机构被称为宗教裁判所根据其几种形式：
(A) The Inquisition of the Middle Ages; （一）宗教裁判所的中世纪;
(B) The Inquisition in Spain; （二）宗教裁判所，在西班牙;
(C) The Holy Office at Rome. （三）圣办公室于罗马。
I. THE SUPPRESSION OF HERESY DURING THE FIRST TWELVE CENTURIES一，镇压异端，在头12个世纪
(1) Though the Apostles were deeply imbued with the conviction that they must transmit the deposit of the Faith to posterity undefiled, and that any teaching at variance with their own, even if proclaimed by an angel of Heaven, would be a culpable offense, yet St. Paul did not, in the case of the heretics Alexander and Hymeneus, go back to the Old Covenant penalties of death or scourging (Deuteronomy 13:6 sqq.; 17:1 sqq.), but deemed exclusion from the communion of the Church sufficient (1 Timothy 1:20; Titus 3:10). （ 1 ）虽然使徒保罗充满信念，即他们必须传送存款的信仰后人undefiled ，而任何教学的差异与自己的，即使是宣布了一个天使的天堂，会是一个受处罚的行为，然而，圣保罗没有，在有关案件的异端亚历山大和hymeneus ，回到旧盟约的惩罚而导致死亡或scourging （申命记13时06 sqq ; 17时01 sqq ） ，但被视为排斥的共融教会充足（ 1蒂莫西1:20 ;弟兄下午3点10分） 。 In fact to the Christians of the first three centuries it could scarcely have occurred to assume any other attitude towards those who erred in matters of faith.事实上，以基督徒的首三个世纪，它几乎可以发生承担任何其他的态度对待那些犯了错误事项信念。 Tertullian (Ad. Scapulam, c. ii) lays down the rule:戴尔都良（ ad. scapulam ，长二）规定了一个规矩：
Humani iuris et naturalis potestatis, unicuique quod putaverit colere, nec alii obest aut prodest alterius religio. humani iuris等naturalis potestatis ， unicuique和putaverit colere ， NEC公司alii obest奥地利prodest alterius religio 。 Sed nec religionis est religionem colere, quae sponte suscipi debeat, non vi. NEC公司的SED religionis预测religionem colere ， quae sponte suscipi debeat ，非六。
In other words, he tells us that the natural law authorized man to follow only the voice of individual conscience in the practice of religion, since the acceptance of religion was a matter of free will, not of compulsion.或者换句话说，他告诉我们说，自然法授权男子跟随唯一的声音，个人的良知，在实践中的宗教，自接受宗教，是一个值得我们的自由意志，而不是强迫。 Replying to the accusation of Celsus, based on the Old Testament, that the Christians persecuted dissidents with death, burning, and torture, Origen (C. Cels., VII, 26) is satisfied with explaining that one must distinguish between the law which the Jews received from Moses and that given to the Christians by Jesus; the former was binding on the Jews, the latter on the Christians.在回答这项指控的celsus ，根据旧约圣经，基督徒受迫害的异议人士与死亡，焚烧，并酷刑，渊源（丙cels ，七， 26 ）是满意的解释说，一要分清法律，其中犹太人收到摩西，并考虑到由基督徒耶稣;前者是有约束力的犹太人，而后者对基督徒。 Jewish Christians, if sincere, could no longer conform to all of the Mosaic law; hence they were no longer at liberty to kill their enemies or to burn and stone violators of the Christian Law.犹太人，基督信徒，如果有诚意的话，可以不再符合所有的镶嵌法，因此，他们已不再随意杀死他们的敌人或烧伤及石料违反基督教法律。
St. Cyprian of Carthage, surrounded as he was by countless schismatics and undutiful Christians, also put aside the material sanction of the Old Testament, which punished with death rebellion against priesthood and the Judges.圣塞浦路斯的迦太基，包围了，因为他是由无数schismatics和undutiful基督徒，也放下材料制裁的旧约，其中判处死刑反抗神职人员和法官。 "Nunc autem, quia circumcisio spiritalis esse apud fideles servos Dei coepit, spiritali gladio superbi et contumaces necantur, dum de Ecclesia ejiciuntur" (Ep. lxxii, ad Pompon., n. 4) religion being now spiritual, its sanctions take on the same character, and excommunication replaces the death of the body. "很快autem ， quia circumcisio spiritalis本质apud fideles伺服dei coepit ， spiritali gladio苏博比等contumaces necantur ，达姆弹德教会ejiciuntur " （ ep. lxxii ，专案pompon ， 12月31日4 ）宗教，现在正在精神，其制裁采取对同一特色，并禁教，取代了死亡的人体。 Lactantius was yet smarting under the scourge of bloody persecutions, when he wrote this Divine Institutes in AD 308. lactantius尚未smarting下灾祸的血腥迫害，当他写这个神学院在公元308 。 Naturally, therefore, he stood for the most absolute freedom of religion.自然，因此，他主张以最绝对的新闻自由，宗教自由。 He writes:他写道：
Religion being a matter of the will, it cannot be forced on anyone; in this matter it is better to employ words than blows [verbis melius quam verberibus res agenda est].宗教作为此事的意愿，不能强迫任何人在这件事最好是聘请话要大于造成的冲击[ verbis melius怎么verberibus第议程预测] 。 Of what use is cruelty?什么样的用途是残酷？ What has the rack to do with piety?什么机架做虔诚？ Surely there is no connection between truth and violence, between justice and cruelty .毫无疑问，两者之间没有联系真相和暴力，正义与残酷。 . 。 . 。 . 。 It is true that nothing is so important as religion, and one must defend it at any cost [summâ vi] .这是事实无关，是如此重要，因为宗教，一个人必须捍卫它不惜任何代价[ summâ六] 。 . 。 . 。 It is true that it must be protected, but by dying for it, not by killing others; by long-suffering, not by violence; by faith, not by crime.这是事实，它必须受到保护，而是由临终的话，而不是杀死他人，通过长期受苦受难，而不是通过暴力，通过真诚，而不是犯罪。 If you attempt to defend religion with bloodshed and torture, what you do is not defense, but desecration and insult.如果你在试图保卫宗教流血和酷刑，你做什么，是不是防御，而是亵渎和侮辱。 For nothing is so intrinsically a matter of free will as religion.什么也没有，所以是有内在的问题，自由意志的一种信仰。 (Divine Institutes V:20) （神学院五： 20 ）
The Christian teachers of the first three centuries insisted, as was natural for them, on complete religious liberty; furthermore, they not only urged the principle that religion could not be forced on others -- a principle always adhered to by the Church in her dealings with the unbaptised -- but, when comparing the Mosaic Law and the Christian religion, they taught that the latter was content with a spiritual punishment of heretics (ie with excommunication), while Judaism necessarily proceeded against its dissidents with torture and death.基督教教师的首三个世纪坚持，因为是自然对他们来说，对宗教完全自由;此外，他们不仅敦促原则，即宗教不能强迫别人-一个原则，始终坚持由教会，在她打交道与unbaptised -但是，当比较镶嵌法和基督教的宗教，他们教导说，后者的内容与精神惩罚异教徒（即与禁教） ，而犹太教一定接着对持不同政见者与酷刑和死亡。
(2) However, the imperial successors of Constantine soon began to see in themselves Divinely appointed "bishops of the exterior", ie masters of the temporal and material conditions of the Church. （ 2 ）但是，帝国接班人的君士坦丁很快开始看到在自己神圣的任命"主教的外表" ，即主人翁的时间和物质条件的教会。 At the same time they retained the traditional authority of "Pontifex Maximus", and in this way the civil authority inclined, frequently in league with prelates of Arian tendencies, to persecute the orthodox bishops by imprisonment and exile.在同一时间，他们保留了传统权威的"日Bishop鲆" ，并以这种方式公务员管理局倾向，而且往往在联赛与主教的阿里安倾向，迫害东正教会主教监禁和流放。 But the latter, particularly St. Hilary of Poitiers (Liber contra Auxentium, c. iv), protested vigorously against any use of force in the province of religion, whether for the spread of Christianity or for preservation of the Faith.但后者，尤其是圣希拉里的普瓦捷（ liber矛盾auxentium ，丙四） ，大力抗议，反对任何使用武力，在该省的宗教，无论是为传播基督教或保存的信念。 They repeatedly urged that in this respect the severe decrees of the Old Testament were abrogated by the mild and gentle laws of Christ.他们再三催促，在这方面严厉的法令旧约被废止，由温和而温柔的法律基督。 However, the successors of Constantine were ever persuaded that the first concern of imperial authority (Theodosius II, "Novellae", tit. III, AD 438) was the protection of religion and so, with terrible regularity, issued many penal edicts against heretics.然而，接班人的君士坦丁人分别劝说说，第一个关切的帝国管理局（ theodosius二， " novellae " ，铁三，专案438个） ，保护宗教等，与可怕的规律，发出许多刑事法令对异教徒。 In the space of fifty seven years sixty-eight enactments were thus promulgated.在太空生活的57年68成文法，因此颁布。 All manner of heretics were affected by this legislation, and in various ways, by exile, confiscation of property, or death.各种形式的异端而受这条法例，并以各种方式，由流放，没收财产，甚至导致死亡。 A law of 407, aimed at the traitorous Donatists, asserts for the first time that these heretics ought to be put on the same plane as transgressors against the sacred majesty of the emperor, a concept to which was reserved in later times a very momentous role.一项法律的407 ，其目的是在卖国donatists断言为第一次，这些异端应该放在同一平面，因为transgressors对神圣陛下的皇帝，一个概念，而被保留在稍后的时间非常重大的作用。 The death penalty however, was only imposed for certain kinds of heresy; in their persecution of heretics the Christian emperors fell far short of the severity of Diocletian, who in 287 sentenced to the stake the leaders of the Manichæans, and inflicted on their followers partly the death penalty by beheading, and partly forced labor in the government mines.死刑，但仅因某些种类的异端，在他们的迫害异端基督教皇帝远低于严重性diocletian ，他们在287名被判处股份领导人的manichæans ，以及对他们的追随者部分死刑斩首的，而部分强迫性劳动，在政府的地雷。
So far we have been dealing with the legislation of the Christianized State.到目前为止，我们已处理的立法工作christianized状态。 In the attitude of the representatives of the Church towards this legislation some uncertainty is already noticeable.在态度对教会的代表对这项立法的一些不明朗因素已经明显。 At the close of the forth century, and during the fifth, Manichaeism, Donatism, and Priscillianism were the heresies most in view.结束时，第四世纪时，在第五，摩尼教， donatism ， priscillianism分别是异端邪说最着想。 Expelled from Rome and Milan, the Manichaeism sought refuge in Africa.逐出罗马和米兰，摩尼教寻求避难的是在非洲。 Though they were found guilty of abominable teachings and misdeeds (St. Augustine, De haeresibus", no. 46), the Church refused to invoke the civil power against them; indeed, the great Bishop of Hippo explicitly rejected the use force. He sought their return only through public and private acts of submission, and his efforts seem to have met with success. Indeed, we learn from him that the Donatists themselves were the first to appeal to the civil power for protection against the Church. However, they fared like Daniel's accusers: the lions turned upon them. State intervention not answering to their wishes, and the violent excesses of the Circumcellions being condignly punished, the Donatists complained bitterly of administrative cruelty. St. Optatus of Mileve defended the civil authority (De Schismate Donatistarum, III, cc. 6-7) as follows:虽然他们被发现有罪的可恶的教义和劣迹斑斑（圣奥古斯丁，德haeresibus " ，没有。 46 ） ，教会拒绝引用民事权力，对付他们，事实上，伟大的主教河马明确拒绝使用武力，他曾经希望他们的回报，只有通过公共和私人行为的意见书，他的努力似乎已经取得了成功，事实上，我们从他的看法donatists自己的人是首先要上诉到民事权力，为保护教堂，但他们的表现像丹尼尔的控诉：狮子拒绝他们。国家干预不回答他们的意愿和暴力的过分行为circumcellions正在condignly处罚， donatists抱怨不已行政暴戾圣optatus的mileve辩护，民事管理局（德schismate donatistarum ，三，消委会6-7 ） ，内容如下：
. 。 . 。 . 。 as though it were not permitted to come forward as avengers of God, and to pronounce sentence of death!好象这是不得挺身复仇者的上帝，并宣判的死刑！ . 。 . 。 . 。 But, say you, the State cannot punish in the name of God.但是，说你，国家就不能惩治，在上帝的名义。 Yet was it not in the name of God that Moses and Phineas consigned to death the worshippers of the Golden Calf and those who despised the true religion?然而，难道不正是在上帝的名义说，摩西和菲尼亚斯寄售死亡信徒的金犊和那些轻蔑真正的宗教？
This was the first time that a Catholic bishop championed a decisive cooperation of the State in religious questions, and its right to inflict death on heretics.这是第一次有一名天主教主教倡导的一个决定性合作的国家在宗教问题，并就其权利所造成的死亡对异教徒。 For the first time, also, the Old Testament was appealed to, though such appeals had been previously rejected by Christian teachers.对于第一个时间，同时，旧约是呼吁，但这种呼吁已先前拒绝了基督教教师。
St. Augustine, on the contrary, was still opposed to the use of force, and tried to lead back the erring by means of instruction; at most he admitted the imposition of a moderate fine for refractory persons.圣奥古斯丁，与此相反，是仍然反对使用武力，并试图带领回出问题的方式教学;顶多他承认强加的一个温和的罚款难治者。 Finally, however, he changed his views, whether moved thereto by the incredible excesses of the Circumcellions or by the good results achieved by the use of force, or favoring force through the persuasions of other bishops.最后，然而，他改变了他的意见后，提出是否由经难以置信的过分行为circumcellions还是取得了良好的效果，使用武力或武力偏袒通过的人，其他的主教。 Apropos of his apparent inconsistency it is well to note carefully whom he is addressing.中肯的，他明显不一致的，它是要注意他是如何处理。 He appears to speak in one way to government officials, who wanted the existing laws carried out to their fullest extent, and in another to the Donatists, who denied to the State any right of punishing dissenters.他似乎是在讲一个方法，以政府官员，他们希望现有的法律进行检讨，以最充分的程度，以及另外向donatists ，谁不向该国的任何权利惩罚异议人士。 In his correspondence with state officials he dwells on Christian charity and toleration, and represents the heretics as straying lambs, to be sought out and perhaps, if recalcitrant chastised with rods and frightened with threats of severer but not to be driven back to the fold by means of rack and sword .在他的书信与州政府官员，他整篇基督教慈善和容忍，并代表着异端作为悖离羔羊，可找了，或许，如果不守法的指责与棒和恐惧与威胁，更严厉的，而不是被赶回给倍手段机架和剑。 On the other hand, in his writings against the Donatists he upholds the rights of the State: sometimes, he says, a salutary severity would be to the interest of the erring ones themselves and likewise protective of true believers and the community at large (Vacandard, 1. c., pp. 17-26).另一方面，就在他的著作对donatists他坚持权利的国家：有时，他说，一个有益的严重性，将是利益的过错者自己和同样的保护真正的信徒及社会大众（ vacandard 1 。丙，页17-26 ） 。
As to Priscillianism, not a few points remain yet obscure, despite recent valuable researches.至于priscillianism ，而不是几个点，但仍然模糊，尽管最近宝贵的研究工作。 It seems certain, however, that Priscillian, Bishop of Avila in Spain, was accused of heresy and sorcery, and found guilty by several councils.似乎可以肯定，不过，这普里西利安，主教阿维拉在西班牙，被指控的异端巫术，并被判罪名成立，由几个议会。 St. Ambrose at Milan and St. Damascus at Rome seem to have refused him a hearing.圣刘汉铨在米兰圣大马士革在罗马似乎已拒绝他的听证会。 At length he appealed to Emperor Maximus at Trier, but to his detriment, for he was there condemned to death.在全长他呼吁皇帝鲆在特里尔的，但他不利，因为他有谴责死刑。 Priscillian himself, no doubt in full consciousness of his own innocence, had formerly called for repression of the Manichæans by the sword.普里西利安自己，毫无疑问，在充分意识自己的清白，以前曾呼吁镇压的manichæans由剑。 But the foremost Christian teachers did not share these sentiments, and his own execution gave them occasion for a solemn protest against the cruel treatment meted out to him by the imperial government.但首要的基督教教师不同意这些观点，与他自己的执行给了他们机会，一个庄严的抗议反对残酷对待平时给他的帝国政府。 St. Martin of Tours, then at Trier, exerted himself to obtain from the ecclesiastical authority the abandonment of the accusation, and induced the emperor to promise that on no account would he shed the blood of Priscillian, since ecclesiastical deposition by the bishops would be punishment enough, and bloodshed would be opposed to the Divine Law (Sulpicius Severus, "Chron.", II, in PL, XX, 155 sqq.; and ibid., "Dialogi", III, col.217).圣马丁的旅行团，然后在特里尔，极力争取从教会权力机构放弃这项指控，并诱导皇帝许诺说，从来没有帐户，将他大棚的鲜血普里西利安的，因为教会沉积，由主教会处罚不够的，流血的，将反对以神权法（ sulpicius塞维鲁， "慢性" ，第二，在临时立法会， XX条， 155 sqq 。和同上， " dialogi " ，三， col.217 ） 。 After the execution he strongly blamed both the accusers and the emperor, and for a long time refused to hold communion with such bishops as had been in any way responsible for Priscillian's death.处决后，他强烈谴责无论是原告和皇帝，并在相当长的时间，拒绝举行共融与这种主教已被以任何方式负责普里西利安的死因。 The great Bishop of Milan, St. Ambrose, described that execution as a crime.伟大的主教米兰，圣刘汉铨，形容处决是一种罪行。
Priscillianism, however, did not disappear with the death of its originator; on the contrary, it spread with extraordinary rapidly, and, through its open adoption of Manichaeism, became more of a public menace than ever. priscillianism ，却并没有消失与死亡的，其发端;相反，它的蔓延与不平凡的迅速，并通过其公开的通过，摩尼教，成为更多的是公众的威胁比以往任何时候。 In this way the severe judgments of St. Augustine and St. Jerome against Priscillianism become intelligible.在这样严峻的判决圣奥古斯丁和圣杰罗姆对priscillianism成为理解。 In 447 Leo the Great had to reproach the Priscillianists with loosening the holy bonds of marriage, treading all decency under foot, and deriding all law, human and Divine.在447利奥伟大了谴责priscillianists与松动圣地债券的婚姻，对待所有体统脚下，并嘲讽一切法律，人类与神灵。 It seemed to him natural that temporal rulers should punish such sacrilegious madness, and should put to death the founder of the sect and some of his followers.在他看来，自然颞统治者应该惩罚这些亵渎疯了，并应置于死亡的创始人，该教派和他的一些追随者。 He goes on to say that this redounded to the advantage of the Church: "quae etsi sacerdotali contenta iudicio, cruentas refugit ultiones, severis tamen christianorum principum constitutionibus adiuratur, dum ad spiritale recurrunt remedium, qui timent corporale supplicium" - though the Church was content with a spiritual sentence on the part of its bishops and was averse to the shedding of blood, nevertheless it was aided by the imperial severity, inasmuch as the fear of corporal punishment drove the guilty to seek a spiritual remedy (Ep. xv ad Turribium; PL, LIV, 679 sq.).他接着说，这redounded向优势教会说： " quae的ETSI sacerdotali contenta iudicio ， cruentas refugit ultiones ， severis仅christianorum principum constitutionibus adiuratur ，达姆弹专案spiritale recurrunt remedium ， qui timent corporale supplicium " -尽管教堂内容同一种精神一句就其部分主教，并于反感，让人们看到血，不过这是由计算机辅助帝国的严重性，因为害怕体罚驱车有罪者，以寻求一种精神的补救措施（ ep.第十五专案turribium ;特等， 54 ， 679平方米） 。
The ecclesiastical ideas of the first five centuries may be summarized as follows:教会思想的第一个五年百年可归纳如下：
the Church should for no cause shed blood (St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, St. Leo I, and others); other teachers, however, like Optatus of Mileve and Priscillian, believed that the State could pronounce the death penalty on heretics in case the public welfare demanded it; the majority held that the death penalty for heresy, when not civilly criminal, was irreconcilable with the spirit of Christianity.教会应该为任何事业抛头颅，洒热血（圣奥古斯丁，圣刘汉铨，圣利奥，我和其他人） ，其他教师，但它像optatus的mileve和普里西利安认为，该国可以在宣判死刑对异教徒在宗案件中，公众福利要求;大多数人认为执行死刑的异端时，没有民事刑事，是不可调和的与精神的基督教。
St. Augustine (Ep. c, n. 1), almost in the name of the western Church, says: "Corrigi eos volumus, non necari, nec disciplinam circa eos negligi volumus, nec suppliciis quibus digni sunt exerceri" - we wish them corrected, not put to death; we desire the triumph of (ecclesiastical) discipline, not the death penalties that they deserve.圣奥古斯丁（ ep. c ， 12月31日1 ） ，几乎在名称的西方教会，说： " corrigi eos volumus ，非necari ， NEC公司disciplinam circa eos negligi volumus ， NEC公司suppliciis quibus digni必须遵守exerceri " -我们祝福他们纠正，而不是把死刑，我们渴望胜利（教会）的纪律，而不是死刑惩罚，他们应得的。 St. John Chrysostom says substantially the same in the name of the Eastern Church (Hom., XLVI, c. i): "To consign a heretic to death is to commit an offence beyond atonement"; and in the next chapter he says that God forbids their execution, even as He forbids us to uproot cockle, but He does not forbid us to repel them, to deprive them of free speech, or to prohibit their assemblies.圣约翰金口说大致相同，在名称的东部教会（ hom. ，四十六，丙）说： "去，邪教组织，以死来，即属违法，超越了赎罪" ，并在下一章他说，上帝禁止他们处决，甚至因为他不准我们就要把皱皮，但他并没有不让我们击退他们，剥夺了他们的言论自由，或者禁止他们集会。 The help of the "secular arm" was therefore not entirely rejected; on the contrary, as often as the Christian welfare, general or domestic, required it, Christian rulers sought to stem the evil by appropriate measures.的帮助下， "世俗手臂" ，因此没有完全拒绝;反过来说，由于经常被视为基督教福利，一般还是国内，要求它，基督教统治者试图阻止邪恶的，由适当的措施。 As late the seventh century St. Isidore of Seville expresses similar sentiments (Sententiarum, III, iv, nn. 4-6).迟至公元7世纪的圣伊西多尔的塞维尔表示，类似的情绪（ sententiarum ，三，四，神经网络4-6 ） 。
How little we are to trust the vaunted impartiality of Henry Charles Lee, the American historian of the Inquisition, we may here illustrate by an example.如何少，我们要相信夸耀公正的亨利李，美国历史学家的宗教裁判所，我们可以在这里说明了一个实例。 In his "History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages" (New York, 1888, I, 215), He closes this period with these words:在他的"历史上的宗教裁判所，在中世纪" （纽约， 1888年，我， 215 ） ，他结束这段话：
It was only sixty-two years after the slaughter of Priscillian and his followers had excited so much horror, that Leo I, when the heresy seemed to be reviving in 447, not only justified the act, but declared that, if the followers of a heresy so damnable were allowed to live, there would be an end to human and Divine law.它只是62年后，屠宰税普里西利安和他的追随者曾兴奋那么多恐怖片，利奥说，我当异端似乎要振兴，在447 ，不仅正当行为，但声称，如果信徒一异端，使damnable被允许活，就不会有结束了人类与神灵的规定。 The final step had been taken and the church was definitely pledged to the suppression of heresy at any cost.最后一步，已经采取了教会是绝对承诺镇压异端不惜一切代价。 It is impossible not to attribute to ecclesiastical influence the successive edicts by which, from the time of Theodosius the Great, persistence in heresy was punished with death.这是绝对不可能的属性，以教会的影响力历届经文，其中，从时间的theodosius伟大的，坚持用异端被处以死刑。
In these lines Lee has transferred to the pope words employed by the emperor.在这些线路议员已移交给教宗的话受雇于皇帝。 Moreover, it is simply the exact opposite of historical truth to assert that the imperial edicts punishing heresy with death were due to ecclesiastical influence, since we have shown that in this period the more influential ecclesiastical authorities declared that the death penalty was contrary to the spirit of the Gospel, and themselves opposed its execution.此外，这只不过是刚好相反的历史真相断言帝国法令，惩治异端与死亡是由于教会的影响力，因为我们已经表明，在此期间，较具影响力的教会当局宣称，死刑是违背了精神的福音，和自己反对的执行情况。 For centuries this was the ecclesiastical attitude both in theory and in practice.数百年来，这是教会的态度，无论在理论上还是在实践上。 Thus, in keeping with the civil law, some Manichæans were executed at Ravenna in 556.因此，符合民事法律中，有些manichæans被枪决，在拉文纳，在556 。 On the other hand.在另一方面。 Elipandus of Toledo and Felix of Urgel, the chiefs of Adoptionism and Predestinationism, were condemned by councils, but were otherwise left unmolested. elipandus托莱多和Felix的urgel ，酋长的adoptionism和predestinationism ，被谴责，议会，但由于其他原因离开unmolested 。 We may note, however, that the monk Gothescalch, after the condemnation of his false doctrine that Christ had not died for all mankind, was by the Synods of Mainz in 848 and Quiercy in 849 sentenced to flogging and imprisonment, punishments then common in monasteries for various infractions of the rule.我们可以注意到，不过，有人说，和尚gothescalch后，谴责他的虚假学说，基督并没有死，为全人类的利益，是由主教会议的美因茨在848和quiercy 849被判鞭笞和监禁，处罚则常见于寺庙对于各种违规行为的规则。
(3) About the year 1000 Manichæans from Bulgaria, under various names, spread over Western Europe. （ 3 ）关于1000年manichæans来自保加利亚，名称不一，分布在西欧。 They were numerous in Italy, Spain, Gaul and Germany.他们多次在意大利，西班牙，高卢和德国。 Christian popular sentiment soon showed itself adverse to these dangerous sectaries, and resulted in occasional local persecutions, naturally in forms expressive of the spirit of the age.基督教民心很快发现自己不利，这些危险sectaries ，并导致偶尔当地迫害，当然，在形式表现了时代精神。 In 1122 King Robert the Pious (regis iussu et universae plebis consensu), "because he feared for the safety of the kingdom and the salvation of souls" had thirteen distinguished citizens, ecclesiastic and lay, burnt alive at Orléans.在1122年国王罗伯特的虔诚（ 。 Regis iussu等universae plebis consensu ） " ，因为他担心的安全构成威胁，英国及救赎的心灵"了13名杰出公民，教会及裁员，被活活烧死在奥尔良。 Elsewhere similar acts were due to popular outbursts.其他地方的类似行为，是因为流行爆发。 A few years later the Bishop of Châlons observed that the sect was spreading in his diocese, and asked of Wazo, Bishop of Liège, advice as to the use of force: "An terrenae potestatis gladio in eos sit animadvertendum necne" ("Vita Wasonis", cc. xxv, xxvi, in PL, CXLII, 752; "Wazo ad Roger. II, episc. Catalaunens", and "Anselmi Gesta episc. Leod." in "Mon. Germ. SS.", VII, 227 sq.).几年后的主教châlons指出，该教派是散布在他的教区，并询问了wazo主教，列日，意见，以决定使用武力，说： "一个terrenae potestatis gladio EOS中静坐animadvertendum necne " （下称"履历表wasonis " ，消委会。第二十五，二十六，在特等， cxlii ， 752 " ; wazo专案罗杰，第二episc 。 catalaunens " ， " anselmi gesta episc 。 leod "的" Mon 。胚芽。酬金" ，第七章， 227平方） 。 Wazo replied that this was contrary to the spirit of the Church and the words of its Founder, Who ordained that the tares should be allowed to grow with the wheat until the day of the harvest, lest the wheat be uprooted with the tares; those who today were tares might to-morrow be converted, and turn into wheat; let them therefore live, and let mere excommunication suffice. wazo回答说，这是违背精神的教会和的话，其创办人，他们受戒表示tares应获准成长与小麦，直到有一天的收获，以免小麦被连根拔起，同tares者今天被tares可能到明天改装，并转入小麦，让他们因此活，让单纯的禁教就够了。 St. Chrysostom, as we have seen, had taught similar doctrine.圣金口，正如我们所看到的，有教类似的教义。 This principle could not be always followed.这个原则不能始终遵循。 Thus at Goslar, in the Christmas season of 1051, and in 1052, several heretics were hanged because Emperor Henry III wanted to prevent the further spread of "the heretical leprosy."因此，在goslar ，在圣诞季节的第1051 ，而在1052年，一些异端被处以绞刑，因为皇帝亨利三世通缉，以防止进一步蔓延的"异端邪说麻风病" 。 A few years later, in 1076 or 1077, a Catharist was condemned to the stake by the Bishop of Cambrai and his chapter.几年后， 1076或1077 ，一catharist谴责以股份由主教cambrai和他的一章。 Other Catharists, in spite of the archbishop's intervention, were given their choice by the magistrates of Milan between doing homage to the Cross and mounting the pyre.其他catharists ，尽管大主教的介入，给予他们的选择是由裁判米兰之间做顶礼膜拜十字架上挂载pyre 。 By far the greater number chose the latter.迄今为止，较多地选择了后者。 In 1114 the Bishop of Soissons kept sundry heretics in durance in his episcopal city.在1114年的主教soissons存放杂物异端在durance在他的主教城市。 But while he was gone to Beauvais, to ask advice of the bishops assembled there for a synod the "believing folk, fearing the habitual soft-heartedness of ecclesiastics (clericalem verens mollitiem), stormed the prison took the accused outside of town, and burned them.不过，虽然他是去beauvais ，要求咨询的主教组装有一个主教会议" ，以为民俗，怕惯性软心的ecclesiastics （ clericalem verens mollitiem ） ，冲进监狱代为被告以外的城市，并烧毁他们。
The people disliked what to them was the extreme dilatoriness of the clergy in pursuing heretics.人民不喜欢什么，他们是极端dilatoriness的神职人员在追求异端。 In 1144 Adalerbo II of Liège hoped to bring some imprisoned Catharists to better knowledge through the grace of God, but the people, less indulgent, assailed the unhappy creatures and only with the greatest trouble did the bishop succeed in rescuing some of them from death by fire.在第1144 adalerbo第二列，希望把一些被囚禁catharists以更好的知识，透过上帝的恩典，但人少，放纵，抨击不快乐的动物，只有以最大的麻烦却主教成功地挽救他们中的一些人从死亡火。 A like drama was enacted about the same time at Cologne, while the archbishop and the priests earnestly sought to lead the misguided back into the Church, the latter were violently taken by the mob (a populis nimio zelo abreptis) from the custody of the clergy and burned at the stake.类似的戏剧颁布了大约同一时候，在科隆，而主教和司铎，切实设法带领误导回教堂，后者则是用暴力所采取的暴徒（一populis nimio非常abreptis ）由保管的神职人员并烧毁，在股份。 The best-known heresiarchs of that time, Peter of Bruys and Arnold of Brescia, met a similar fate -- the first on the pyre as a victim of popular fury, and the latter under the henchman's axe as a victim of his political enemies.最有名的heresiarchs那些日子里，彼得的布勒伊斯和阿诺德的布雷西亚在人民大会堂会见了类似的命运-首先就p yre作为受害者的民众愤怒，而后者下党羽的斧头作为一个受害者，他的政治敌人。
In short, no blame attaches to the Church for her behavior towards heresy in those rude days.总之，没有任何责怪的重视，教会，为她的行为对异端在那些粗鲁天。 Among all the bishops of the period, so far as can be ascertained, Theodwin of Liège, successor of the aforesaid Wazo and predecessor of Adalbero II, alone appealed to the civil power for the punishment of heretics, and even he did not call for the death penalty, which was rejected by all.各主教的时期，因此，据知， theodwin的列日，继任者的上述wazo和前任的adalbero二，单独上诉到民事权力，为惩治异端，甚至他没有呼吁为死刑，而被否决。 who were more highly respected in the twelfth century than Peter Canter, the most learned man of his time, and St. Bernard of Clairvaux?人多极受尊重，在12世纪，比彼得坎特，最博学他的时候，和圣伯纳德的克莱尔沃？ The former says ("Verbum abbreviatum", c. lxxviii, in PL, CCV, 231):前者说， （ "拉丁文字语言abbreviatum " ，长lxxviii ，特等，犬冠状病毒， 231 ） ：
Whether they be convicted of error, or freely confess their guilt, Catharists are not to be put to death, at least not when they refrain from armed assaults upon the Church.他们是否被定罪的错误，或自由地交代自己有罪， catharists不应该被置于死亡的，至少不是当他们不要武装袭击后，该教堂。 For although the Apostle said, A man that is a heretic after the third admonition, avoid, he certainly did not say, Kill him.虽然传道者说，一名男子说，是一个邪教组织后，第三次警，自励，避免的，他当然没有说，然后将他杀死。 Throw them into prison, if you will, but do not put them to death (cf. Geroch von Reichersberg, "De investigatione Antichristi III", 42).扔他们到监狱，如果你们愿意，但请不要把他们死刑（参见geroch冯reichersberg ， "德investigatione antichristi三" ， 42 ） 。
So far was St. Bernard from agreeing with the methods of the people of Cologne, that he laid down the axiom: Fides suadenda, non imponenda (By persuasion, not by violence, are men to be won to the Faith).到目前为止，圣伯纳德同意与方法的人，科隆，那他放下公理：惹人suadenda ，非imponenda （劝导，而不是通过暴力，是男性被韩元信仰） 。 And if he censures the carelessness of the princes, who were to blame because little foxes devastated the vineyard, yet he adds that the latter must not be captured by force but by arguments (capiantur non armis, sed argumentis); the obstinate were to be excommunicated, and if necessary kept in confinement for the safety of others (aut corrigendi sunt ne pereant, aut, ne perimant, coercendi).如果他的指责，该粗心大意的王子，他们咎由自取，因为小狐狸蹂躏葡萄园，但他补充说，后者必须不被抓获的用武力，而是由论据（ capiantur非armis文，而argumentis ） ;执迷不悟被驱逐，如果有必要留在隔离他人安全（奥地利corrigendi必须遵守的氦氖pereant ，奥地利，氦氖perimant ， coercendi ） 。 (See Vacandard, 1. c., 53 sqq.) The synods of the period employ substantially the same terms, eg the synod at Reims in 1049 under Leo IX, that at Toulouse in 1119, at which Callistus II presided, and finally the Lateran Council of 1139. （见vacandard ， 1 。丙， 53 sqq ） ，主教会议的期间聘请实质上是相同的，例如，主教在兰斯，在1049年根据利奥九，在图卢兹，在1119 ，在这callistus二主持，最后才lateran会， 1139 。
Hence, the occasional executions of heretics during this period must be ascribed partly to the arbitrary action of individual rulers, partly to the fanatic outbreaks of the overzealous populace, and in no wise to ecclesiastical law or the ecclesiastical authorities.因此，偶尔处决的异教徒，在此期间必须归功于部分，以武断的个别统治者，部分狂热爆发的过分热心民众，而且在任何一个明智的教会法或教会当局。 There were already, it is true, canonists who conceded to the Church the right to pronounce sentence of death on heretics; but the question was treated as a purely academic one, and the theory exercised virtually no influence on real life.已经有一些，这是事实， canonists谁让步，以教会有权宣判死刑异端，不过，这个问题被当作一个纯粹的学术，理论和行使，几乎没有任何影响力的现实生活。 Excommunication, proscription, imprisonment, etc., were indeed inflicted, being intended rather as forms of atonement than of real punishment, but never the capital sentence.禁教，禁制，监禁等问题，确实造成的，正在打算，而不是为形式的赎罪比真正的惩罚，但从来没有死缓。 The maxim of Peter Cantor was still adhered to: "Catharists, even though divinely convicted in an ordeal, must not be punished by death."格言彼得康托仍坚持说： " catharists ，即使神定罪，在磨难中，绝不能被处以死刑" 。
In the second half of the twelfth century, however, heresy in the form of Catharism spread in truly alarming fashion, and not only menaced the Church's existence, but undermined the very foundations of Christian society.在下半年的12世纪，然而，在异端的形式catharism蔓延，在真正令人吃惊的时装，不仅大大刺激了教会的存在，但破坏了很基础的基督教社会。 In opposition to this propaganda there grew up a kind of prescriptive law - at least throughout Germany, France, and Spain - which visited heresy with death by the flames.在反对这种宣传有成长起来的一种指令性的法律-至少在整个德国，法国，西班牙等-访异端与死亡所产生的火焰。 England on the whole remained untainted by heresy.英格兰就整体而言仍是廉洁自持，大逆不道。 When, in 1166, about thirty sectaries made their way thither, Henry II ordered that they be burnt on their foreheads with red-hot iron, be beaten with rods in the public square, and then driven off.时，在1166年中，约有30 sectaries作出自己的方式上去，亨利二世下令将他们烧死就其foreheads与红铁水，被殴打与棒，在公共广场上，然后赶下车。 Moreover, he forbade anyone to give them shelter or otherwise assist them, so that they died partly from hunger and partly from the cold of winter.此外，他不容许任何人给他们的住房或以其他方式协助，以使他们死亡，部分则来自饥饿和部分来自寒冷的冬天。 Duke Philip of Flanders, aided by William of the White Hand, Archbishop of Reims, was particularly severe towards heretics.公爵菲利普的佛兰德，辅以威廉的白色手，大主教的兰斯，尤其是对重度异端。 They caused many citizens in their domains, nobles and commoners, clerics, knights, peasants, spinsters, widows, and married women, to be burnt alive, confiscated their property, and divided it between them.他们造成了许多公民在自己的网域，贵族和commoners ，教士，骑士，农民，老处女，寡妇，和已婚妇女，被活活烧死的，没收他们的财产，并划分它们之间。 This happened in 1183.这件事发生在1183年。
Between 1183 and 1206 Bishop Hugo of Auxerre acted similarly towards the neo-Mainchaeans.之间的第1183和1206年雨果主教的欧塞尔担任同样迈向新mainchaeans 。 Some he despoiled; the others he either exiled or sent to the stake.一些他despoiled ;他人，他要么被放逐或发送到股权。 King Philip Augustus of France had eight Catharists burnt at Troyes in 1200, one at Nevers in 1201, several at Braisne-sur-Vesle in 1204, and many at Paris -- "priests, clerics, laymen, and women belonging to the sect".景弘奥古斯都的法国已拥有8个catharists烧死在特鲁瓦，在1200 ，一个在nevers在1201年，几位在braisne - sur - vesle在1204 ，并有许多是设于巴黎-"神父，神职人员，是外行，而且妇女属于该教派" 。 Raymund V of Toulouse (1148-94) promulgated a law which punished with death the followers of the sect and their favourers. raymund第五图卢兹（ 1148年至1194年）颁布了一项法律，判处死刑信徒的教派及其favourers 。 Simon de Montfort's men-at-arms believed in 1211 that they were carrying out this law when they boasted how they had burned alive many, and would continue to do so (unde multos combussimus et adhuc cum invenimus idem facere non cessamus).西蒙德montfort的门上的战友，相信在1211 ，说，他们进行这项法律时，他们自己吹嘘他们如何被活活烧死很多，而且将继续这样做（ unde multos combussimus等adhuc暨invenimus同上facere非cessamus ） 。 In 1197 Peter II, King of Aragon and Count of Barcelona, issued an edict in obedience to which the Waldensians and all other schismatics were expelled from the land; whoever of this sect was still found in his kingdom or his county after Palm Sunday of the next year was to suffer death by fire, also confiscation of goods.在第1197彼得二，国王阿拉贡和计数的巴塞罗那，发布政令，在服从，其中waldensians和所有其他schismatics被开除出土地;谁的，这节仍发现了他的王国或其县后，棕榈周日的未来一年，是遭受死亡的火灾，还没收货物。
Ecclesiastical legislation was far from this severity.教会立法远从这个严重性。 Alexander III at the Lateran Council of 1179 renewed the decisions already made as to schismatics in Southern France, and requested secular sovereigns to silence those disturbers of public order, if necessary by force, to achieve which object they were at liberty to imprison the guilty (servituti subicere, subdere) and to appropriate their possessions.亚历山大三世在lateran会， 1179年再次决定已经作出，以schismatics在法国南部，并要求世俗的统治者，以沉默那些disturbers的社会治安秩序，如果有必要的武力，来达到它的目的，他们随意下狱有罪（ servituti subicere ， subdere ） ，并在适当的，他们的财物。 According to the agreement made by Lucius III and Emperor Frederick Barbarossa at Verona (1148), the heretics of every community were to be sought out, brought before the episcopal court, excommunicated, and given up to the civil power to he suitably punished (debita animadversione puniendus).根据这一协议所作出的lucius三和皇帝冯巴巴罗萨在维罗纳（ 1148 ） ，异教徒的每一个社区被找了，但也带来前主教法庭，驱逐，而放弃向民事权力，他适当惩罚（ debita animadversione puniendus ） 。 The suitable punishment (debita animadversio, ultio) did not, however, as yet mean capital punishment, but the proscriptive ban, though even this, it is true, entailed exile, expropriation, destruction of the culprits dwelling, infamy, debarment from public office, and the like.合适的处罚（ debita animadversio ， ultio ）没有，不过，由于尚未意味着死刑，但proscriptive禁令，但即使这样，这是事实，意味着流放，没收，销毁匪徒固定住所，臭名， debarment从公职等。 The "Continuatio Zwellensis altera, ad ann. 1184" (Mon. Germ. Hist.: SS., IX, 542) accurately describes the condition of heretics at this time when it says that the pope excommunicated them, and the emperor put them under the civil ban, while he confiscated their goods (papa eos excomunicavit imperator vero tam res quam personas ipsorum imperiali banno subiecit). "连续zwellensis Altera和专案神经网络。 1184 " （周一胚芽。历史：五，九， 542页）准确地描述了条件异端，在这个时候，它说，教宗驱逐他们，皇帝把他们下民事禁令，而他没收了他们的货物（爸爸eos excomunicavit imperator的Vero谭第怎么建立persona ipsorum imperiali banno subiecit ） 。
Under Innocent III nothing was done to intensify or add to the extant statutes against heresy, though this pope gave them a wider range by the action of his legates and through the Fourth Lateran Council (1215).根据无辜三什么做的目的是强化或补充现行法规对异端，虽然这教宗给他们一个更广泛的范围内所采取的行动，他legates并通过第四lateran会（ 1215年） 。 But this act was indeed a relative service to the heretics, for the regular canonical procedure thus introduced did much to abrogate the arbitrariness, passion, and injustice of the Civil courts in Spain, France and Germany.但这种行为确实是一个相对的服务向异教徒，为经常典型程序，因此推出做了很多，取消随意性，热情和不公的民事法庭上，在西班牙，法国和德国。 In so far as, and so long as, his prescriptions remained in force, no summary condemnations or executions en masse occurred, neither stake nor rack were set up; and, if, on one occasion during the first year of his pontificate, to justify confiscation, he appealed to the Roman Law and its penalties for crimes against the sovereign power, yet he did not draw the extreme conclusion that heretics deserved to be burnt.至于所谓，只要他的药方依然有效，没有简要谴责或处决大批量地发生后，既没有股份，也不机架分别设立; ，如果是，有一次在第一年教宗后，辩护没收，他呼吁罗马法及其处罚罪对主权国，但他并不以此为极端的结论，即异教徒当之无愧地被烧毁。 His reign affords many examples showing how much of the vigour he took away in practice from the existing penal code.他的统治提供了许多例子显示多大的魄力，他拿走了，在实践中，由现行的刑法典。
II.二。 THE SUPPRESSION OF HERESY BY THE INSTITUTION KNOWN AS THE INQUISITION镇压异端，由该机构被称为宗教裁判所
A. The Inquisition of The Middle Ages答：宗教裁判所的中世纪
(1) Origin （ 1 ）原产地
During the first three decades of the thirteenth century the Inquisition, as the institution, did not exist.在第一个30年的13世纪宗教裁判所，因为该机构，是不存在的。 But eventually Christian Europe was so endangered by heresy, and penal legislation concerning Catharism had gone so far, that the Inquisition seemed to be a political necessity.但最终基督教欧洲是使物种受到异端法和刑法的立法catharism了，所以截至目前为止，宗教裁判所，似乎是一个政治上的需要。 That these sects were a menace to Christian society had been long recognized by the Byzantine rulers.这些教派是一个威胁，以基督教社会曾长期公认拜占庭统治者。 As early as the tenth century Empress Theodora had put to death a multitude of Paulicians, and in 1118 Emperor Alexius Comnenus treated the Bogomili with equal severity, but this did not prevent them from pouring over all Western Europe.早在公元十世纪慈禧theodora了死刑千头万绪paulicians ，并在1118年天皇alexius康姆尼纽斯对待bogomili与平等的严重性，但这并没有阻止他们浇筑超过所有西欧。 Moreover these sects were in the highest degree aggressive, hostile to Christianity itself, to the Mass, the sacraments, the ecclesiastical hierarchy and organization; hostile also to feudal government by their attitude towards oaths, which they declared under no circumstances allowable.况且这些支派人，是最高等级的侵略，敌视基督教本身，向大众，圣礼，教会等级制度和组织;敌对，也封建政府，他们的态度宣誓，他们宣称在任何情况下，可容许的。 Nor were their views less fatal to the continuance of human society, for on the one hand they forbade marriage and the propagation of the human race, and on the other hand they made a duty of suicide through the institution of the Endura (see CATHARI).也没有被他们的意见，那么致命的延续，人类社会，为对美国，一方面，他们不容许婚姻和繁殖的人类，并在另一方面，他们提出了当值的自杀是通过机构的endura （见卡塔利） 。 It has been said that more perished through the Endura (the Catharist suicide code) than through the Inquisition.据说，曾经有更多的灭亡通过endura （ catharist自杀码） ，比通过宗教裁判所。 It was, therefore, natural enough for the custodians of the existing order in Europe, especially of the Christian religion, to adopt repressive measures against such revolutionary teachings.因此，有人自然不够保管人的现有秩序，在欧洲，特别是基督教，采取镇压措施，例如革命教义。 In France Louis VIII decreed in 1226 that persons excommunicated by the diocesan bishop, or his delegate, should receive "meet punishment" (debita animadversio).在法国路易八命令，在1226年的人驱逐，由教区主教，或他的代表，应该得到"满足处罚" （ debita animadversio ） 。 In 1249 Louis IX ordered barons to deal with heretics according to the dictates of duty (de ipsis faciant quod debebant).在1249年路易九下令大亨，以应付异端据颐指气使税（德ipsis faciant和debebant ） 。 A decree of the Council of Toulouse (1229) makes it appear probable that in France death at the stake was already comprehended as in keeping with the aforesaid debita animadversio.理事会法令的图卢兹（ 1229 ） ，使得它看来有可能在法国逝世，在股权已经理解为符合上述debita animadversio 。 To seek to trace in these measures the influence of imperial or papal ordinances is vain, since the burning of heretics had already come to be regarded as prescriptive.设法追查，在这些措施的影响，帝国或罗马教皇条例是徒劳的，因为燃烧的异教徒已来被视为指令性的。 It is said in the "Etablissements de St. Louis et coutumes de Beauvaisis", ch.据称，在" etablissements德圣路易等coutumes德beauvaisis " ，你的。 cxiii (Ordonnances des Roys de France, I, 211): "Quand le juge [ecclésiastique] laurait examiné [le suspect] se il trouvait, quil feust bougres, si le devrait faire envoier à la justice laie, et la justice laie le dolt fere ardoir." cxiii （ ordonnances万roys法国，我， 211 ）说： " quand法官在乐[ ecclésiastique ] laurait审议了[乐嫌疑人]硒白细胞介素trouvait ， quil feust bougres ，思乐devrait自由放任envoier à正义laie等司法laie乐dolt几乎ardoir " 。 The "Coutumes de Beauvaisis" correspond to the German "Sachsenspiegel", or "Mirror of Saxon Laws", compiled about 1235, which also embodies as a law sanctioned by custom the execution of unbelievers at the stake (sal man uf der hurt burnen). " coutumes德beauvaisis "对应，以德国的" sachsenspiegel " ，或"的一面镜子撒克逊法" ，编制了1235年左右，这也体现了作为一名法律制裁定制执行不信，在股权（萨尔文超滤明镜伤害burnen ） 。 In Italy Emperor Frederick II, as early as 22 November, 1220 (Mon. Germ., II, 243), issued a rescript against heretics, conceived, however quite in the spirit of Innocent III, and Honorius III commissioned his legates to see to the enforcement in Italian cities of both the canonical decrees of 1215 and the imperial legislation of 1220.在意大利皇帝冯检二，早在1220年11月22日（周一胚芽。第一，第二，第243条） ，发表了一份rescript反对异教徒，构思，但在相当的精神无辜三，以及honorius三，委托他legates看到，以执法，在意大利城市的两个典型法令， 1215与帝国立法的1220名。
From the foregoing it cannot be doubted that up to 1224 there was no imperial law ordering, or presupposing as legal, the burning of heretics.从前述内容可以是毋庸置疑的是，直至1224年有没有帝国法律订购，或假定为法律，焚烧异教徒。 The rescript for Lombardy of 1224 (Mon. Germ., II, 252; cf. ibid., 288) is accordingly the first law in which death by fire is contemplated (cf. Ficker, op. cit., 196).该rescript为伦巴第的1224 （周一胚芽。第一，二， 252个;比照同上， 288页）据此，是第一部法律，其中死亡的火灾现（参见菲克尔，同前， 196页） 。 That Honorius III was in any way concerned in the drafting of this ordinance cannot be maintained; indeed the emperor was all the less in need of papal inspiration as the burning of heretics in Germany was then no longer rare; his legists, moreover, would certainly have directed the emperors attention to the ancient Roman Law that punished high treason with death, and Manichaeism in particular with the stake.这honorius三，在任何有关这项条例的草拟工作就无法再维持，事实上，皇帝都较差，需要教皇的灵感，因为燃烧的异教徒，在德国当时已不再罕见，其legists ，而且，一定会已指示皇帝注意，古罗马的法律惩罚叛国罪犯被判死刑，摩尼教，尤其是与股权。 The imperial rescripts of 1220 and 1224 were adopted into ecclesiastical criminal law in 1231, and were soon applied at Rome.帝国rescripts 1220和1224年分别通过了到教会刑法在1231 ，并很快适用于罗马。 It was then that the Inquisition of the Middle Ages came into being.这是当时宗教裁判所的中世纪应运而生。
What was the immediate provocation?什么是即时的挑衅？ Contemporary sources afford no positive answer.当代来源不起，没有正面回答。 Bishop Douais, who perhaps commands the original contemporary material better than anyone, has attempted in his latest work (L'Inquisition. Ses Origines. Sa Procedure, Paris, 1906) to explain its appearance by a supposed anxiety of Gregory IX to forestall the encroachments of Frederick II in the strictly ecclesiastical province of doctrine.主教douais ，他们或许指挥原当代材料比任何人，试图在他的最新作品（ l'探讨。经济局局长origines 。 SA服务程序，巴黎， 1906年） ，以解释它的外观由一个假定的焦虑格雷戈里九，以预先阻止侵害冯检二，在严格的教会省的教义。 For this purpose it would seem necessary for the pope to establish a distinct and specifically ecclesiastical court.为此，似乎有必要为教皇确立鲜明而具体地教会法庭。 From this point of view, though the hypothesis cannot be fully proved, much is intelligible that otherwise remains obscure.从这个角度看，虽然假设不能充分证明了，很多是理解，否则仍然模糊。 There was doubtless reason to fear such imperial encroachments in an age yet filled with the angry contentions of the Imperium and the Sacerdotium.因此毫无疑问，有理由担心这种帝国侵占在这样一个时代，但充满愤怒的争论的imperium和sacerdotium 。 We need only recall the trickery of the emperor and his pretended eagerness for the purity of the Faith, his increasingly rigorous legislation against heretics, the numerous executions of his personal rivals on the pretext of heresy, the hereditary passion of the Hohenstaufen for supreme control over Church and State, their claim of God-given authority over both, of responsibility in both domains to God and God only etc. What was more natural than that the Church should strictly reserve to herself her own sphere, while at the same time endeavouring to avoid giving offence to the emperor?我们只需要记得，玩弄权术的皇帝和他假装热心为纯洁的信念，他的日益严格立法禁止异端，众多处决他的个人竞争对手的借口异端，世袭激情的亨施道芬为最高控制权教会与国家，他们声称上帝赋予的权力，两者的责任，在这两个领域，以神和上帝，只有等，什么是更接近自然比教会应严格储备，以她自己的思想领域，而在同一时间，在努力避免给予罪行，以天皇？ A purely spiritual or papal religious tribunal would secure ecclesiastical liberty and authority for this court could be confided to men of expert knowledge and blameless reputation, and above all to independent men in whose hands the Church could safely trust the decision as to the orthodoxy or heterodoxy of a given teaching.一个纯粹的精神或教皇宗教法庭将保证教会的自由和权力，为这个法庭可以完全可由男性的专门知识和清白声誉，而且首先要独立，在男人的手中，教会可以平安信托的决定，以正统或异端某一教学。 On the other hand, to meet the emperor's wishes as far as allowable, the penal code of the empire could be taken over as it stood (cf. Audray, "Regist. de Grégoire IX", n. 535).在另一方面，为了满足皇帝的意愿，就允许的，刑法的帝国可能被接管，因为它主张（参见audray ， " regist 。德grégoire九大" ， 12月31日535 ） 。
(2) The New Tribunal （ 2 ）新法庭
(a) Its essential characteristic （一） ，其本质特征
The pope did not establish the Inquisition as a distinct and separate tribunal; what he did was to appoint special but permanent judges, who executed their doctrinal functions in the name of the pope.教宗没有建立宗教裁判所作为一个独特和独立的法庭;他的所作所为被任命特别，但常任法官，他们被处决，他们的理论功能，在名称的教宗。 Where they sat, there was the Inquisition.凡报考的，有宗教裁判所。 It must he carefully noted that the characteristic feature of the Inquisition was not its peculiar procedure, nor the secret examination of witnesses and consequent official indictment: this procedure was common to all courts from the time of Innocent III.它必须小心，他指出，该特征的宗教裁判所，是不是它的奇特的程序，也没有秘密讯问证人，并作出相应的正式起诉书：这个程序是共同的所有法庭，从时间的无辜三。 Nor was it the pursuit of heretics in all places: this had been the rule since the Imperial Synod of Verona under Lucius III and Frederick Barbarossa.也不是追求异端，在所有工作场所：这一直是统治以来，帝国主教维罗纳下lucius三和冯巴巴罗萨。 Nor again was it the torture, which was not prescribed or even allowed for decades after the beginning of the Inquisition, nor, finally, the various sanctions, imprisonment, confiscation, the stake, etc., all of which punishments were usual long before the Inquisition.也再一次被它折磨，因为这是不明，甚至让几十年后，一开始的宗教裁判所，也没有，最后，各种制裁，监禁，没收，股权等，所有这些都遭到处分照常早宗教裁判所。 The Inquisitor, strictly speaking, was a special but permanent judge, acting in the name of the pope and clothed by him with the right and the duty to deal legally with offences against the Faith; he had, however, to adhere to the established rules of canonical procedure and pronounce the customary penalties.该砂锅，严格来说，是一个具有特别意义，但常任法官，名义行事的教宗温饱，由他的权利和义务依法处理反政府罪名的信念;但是，他坚持以既定规则典型的程序和发音习惯的惩罚。 Many regarded it, as providential that just at this time sprang up two new orders, the Dominicans and the Franciscans, whose members, by their superior theological training and other characteristics, seemed eminently fitted to perform the inquisitorial task with entire success.许多把它作为天赐说，就在这个时候兴起了两个新的命令，多米尼加和方济会，其成员中，其优越的神学训练等方面的特点，似乎遥不可及，装有履行审问工作与整个圆满成功。 It was safe to assume that they were not merely endowed with the requisite knowledge, but that they would also, quite unselfishly and uninfluenced by worldly motives, do solely what seemed their duty for the Good of the Church.它是安全的假设表示，他们并非仅仅是天赋必需的知识，但他们也有不少，无私奉献，并不受影响世俗的动机，纯粹是做什么似乎是他们的职责，为良好的教会。 In addition, there was reason to hope that, because of their great popularity, they would not encounter too much opposition.此外，人们有理由希望，因为他们的大受欢迎，他们也不会遇到太大的反对。 It seems, therefore, not unnatural that the inquisitors should have been chosen by the popes prevailingly from these orders, especially from that of the Dominicans.看来，因此并不违反自然规律认为，监狱应该已经选定由教皇prevailingly从这些订单，特别是从的多米尼加人。 It is to he noted, however, that the inquisitors were not chosen exclusively from the mendicant orders, though the Senator of Rome no doubt meant such when in his oath of office (1231) he spoke of inquisitores datos ab ecclesia.这是但是，他指出，该监狱没有选择完全由乞讨订单，虽然参议员罗马毫无疑问，这样的意思时，在他宣誓就职（ 1231 ） ，他谈到inquisitores您的抗体Ecclesia的。 In his decree of 1232 Frederick II calls them inquisitores ab apostolica sede datos.在他的法令， 1232冯检二，呼吁他们inquisitores抗体apostolica地球物理您的。 The Dominican Alberic, in November of 1232, went through Lombardy as inquisitor haereticae pravitatis.多米尼加阿伯里克，在十一月1232 ，经历了伦巴第大作为打破砂锅haereticae pravitatis 。 The prior and sub-prior of the Dominicans at Friesbach were given a similar commission as early as 27 November, 1231; on 2 December, 1232, the convent of Strasburg, and a little later the convents of Würzburg, Ratisbon, and Bremen, also received the commission.事先和分之前的多米尼加人在friesbach给出了一个类似的委员会，早在1231年11月27日; 1232年12月2日，该修道院的strasburg ，以及稍后修道院的维尔茨堡，拉蒂斯邦和不来梅，也收到委员会的意见。 In 1233 a rescript of Gregory IX, touching these matters, was sent simultaneously to the bishops of Southern France and to the priors of the Dominican Order.在1233年1 rescript的格雷戈里九，内容涉及这些事项，被送往同时向主教的法国南部，并以先验的多米尼加秩序。 We know that Dominicans were sent as inquisitors in 1232 to Germany along the Rhine, to the Diocese of Tarragona in Spain and to Lombardy; in 1233 to France, to the territory of Auxerre, the ecclesiastical provinces of Bourges, Bordeaux, Narbonne, and Auch, and to Burgundy; in 1235 to the ecclesiastical province of Sens. In fine, about 1255 we find the Inquisition in full activity in all the countries of Central and Western Europe - in the county of Toulouse, in Sicily, Aragon, Lombardy, France, Burgundy, Brabant, and Germany (cf. Douais, op. cit., p. 36, and Fredericq, "Corpus documentorum inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae, 1025-1520", 2 vols., Ghent, 1884-96).我们知道，多米尼加人被送往监狱，因为在1232年向德国沿着莱茵河，向教区tarragona在西班牙和伦巴第，在1233年到法国，向境内的欧塞尔队，教会省份bourges ，波尔多， narbonne ， auch和勃艮第在1235年向教会省sens.在精细中，约有1255名，我们找到了宗教裁判所，在充分活动在所有国家的中部和西部欧洲-在县图卢兹，在西西里，阿拉贡，伦巴第，法国，勃艮第， Brabant的，和德国（参见douais ，前引书，第36页，并fredericq ， "胼documentorum inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis neerlandicae ， 1025年至1520年" ，第2卷，根特， 1884年至1896年） 。
That Gregory IX, through his appointment of Dominicans and Franciscans as inquisitors, withdrew the suppression of heresy from the proper courts (ie from the bishops), is a reproach that in so general a form cannot be sustained.格雷戈里认为，第九，通过他的任命多米尼加和方济作为监狱，撤回镇压异端，从适当的法院（即从主教） ，是一个和非议中，所以总体上是一个形式，不能永远持续。 So little did he think of displacing episcopal authority that, on the contrary he provided explicitly that no inquisitional tribunal was to work anywhere without the diocesan bishop's co-operation.所以没想到，他想取代主教的权力，相反，